Read the following passage and questions, then choose the right answer from options, the answer should be one of A, B, C, D.

<passage>:
2) Tannen's that American journalism is just like propaganda from totalitarian regimes, plus William Saletan's disclosure that "several of these propagandists now infest Slate " In her previous books-- That's Not What I Meant! (1986), You Just Don't Understand (1990), and Talking From 9 to 5 (1994)--Tannen carved out a niche as the nation's pre-eminent intergender translator and couples counselor. A professor of linguistics at Georgetown University, she transformed the comparative study of male and female conversational patterns from a linguistic subdiscipline into a self-help movement. Until recently, though, Tannen confined her analysis to conversations among dysfunctional individuals. (For an illustration, click .) But in The Argument Culture , she takes her movement one step further, peddling the elixir of mutual understanding as a remedy for the whole damned dysfunctional country. This is necessary, she argues, because "contentious public discourse" not only poisons the political atmosphere, it also risks infecting our most intimate relationships. Tannen, like some grandmotherly creature from an Aesop fable, admonishes us to recognize what is good in the work of others, and it is only fair to extend her the same courtesy. Here's what's worth gleaning from her book: 4) and an example of how Tannen from a one-guest format on TV and radio talk shows. Truth and courage often lie in the middle, not the extremes. Don't fight over small issues. Don't obstruct good ideas just so you can win. All this is sage advice--for couples, for families, for bosses and employees, maybe even for book reviewers. But when she applies her precepts to our great national conversation, Tannen gets confused. She conflates belligerence, divisiveness, polarization, titillation, jealousy, incivility, aloofness, ruthlessness, cruelty, savagery, contempt, glibness, cynicism, anomie, partisanship, obstructionism, and gridlock. She makes culprits out of answering machines, electronic mail, campaign money, malpractice litigation, HMOs, corporate takeovers, and the demise of house calls by the family doctor. "When there is a need to make others wrong," Tannen argues, "the temptation is great to oversimplify" and to "seize upon the weakest examples, ignore facts that support your opponent's views, and focus only on those that support yours." In her need to make the "argument culture" wrong, she succumbs to these temptations. She blames the mainstream press, not just the paparazzi , for torturing Princess Diana and driving Adm. Mike Boorda to suicide. She compares to the propaganda of "totalitarian countries" (because falsehoods are spread) and to the dehumanization involved in "ethnically motivated assaults" (because reporters hound politicians). She blames communications technology for obscene and threatening phone calls made by former university President Richard Berendzen and former Judge Sol Wachtler. Tannen's main mistake is failing to appreciate the difference between two distinct social spheres: the sphere of snuggle and the sphere of struggle. Some people--say, your spouse or your kids--you should snuggle with. Others--say, Saddam Hussein--you shouldn't. Tannen's antagonism toward antagonism makes sense in the former case but not in the latter. Among her illustrations of belligerence are William Safire's "kick 'em when they're up" philosophy of journalism and the media's use of war metaphors to describe Alan Greenspan's policies against inflation. To which one might sensibly reply: Good for Greenspan and Safire--and for us. The Federal Reserve's war on inflation and the press corps' scrutiny of powerful people safeguard the country. Some things are worth fighting for, and some things are worth fighting. Tannen doesn't trust in the power of good argumentation to keep society honest, much less correct itself, because she rather shockingly insists "" that people can distinguish lies from the truth. Nor does she trust our competence to manage unfettered communication: "E-mail makes it too easy to forward messages, too easy to reply before your temper cools, too easy to broadcast messages to large numbers of people without thinking about how every sentence will strike every recipient." Lexis-Nexis is an equally unwelcome troublemaker: "Technology also exacerbates the culture of critique by making it much easier for politicians or journalists to ferret out inconsistencies in a public person's statements over time." Given this oddly paternalistic (or maternalistic) diagnosis, it's not surprising that Tannen should wish to cover our ears, filtering out strife, deception, and debate. She assures us that all reasonable people can agree that disseminating birth control and sex education is the best way to reduce the abortion rate it's just "another troubling aspect of the argument culture." Indeed, Tannen embraces a colleague's claim that "right-wing talk radio" deploys phrases "similar to verbal manipulations employed by propagandists in the Nazi era." Tannen finds it particularly unseemly that reporters and independent counsels treat the nation's ultimate father figure with such irreverence. She complains that Clinton's weekly radio address "is followed immediately by a Republican response," which "weakens the public's ability to see leaders as leaders." A reporter's skeptical question to Clinton "broke the spell" of Ruth Bader Ginsburg's remarks upon being nominated to the Supreme Court, thereby injuring citizens' "sense of connection" to "our judicial system." The investigation of former Agriculture Secretary Mike Espy was excessive, the campaign against former Surgeon General Joycelyn Elders was "cruelly unfair," and the Whitewater investigation--led by "a prominent Republican known for his animosity toward the president"--is, in the words of Arkansas journalist Gene Lyons, "the result of the nastiest and most successful political 'dirty tricks' campaign in recent American history." Is Tannen a Clinton apologist? She rules that criticism out of bounds. "The very fact that defending our nation's elected leader makes one suspect--an 'apologist'--is in itself evidence of the culture of critique," she writes. Tannen even wants to protect us from the possibility of unpleasant confrontations in the courtroom. "The purpose of most cross-examinations" is "not to establish facts but to discredit the witness," she asserts, as though the two objectives were unrelated. Thus, "the adversary system ... is inhumane to the victims of cross-examination." She simply assumes the very thing the trial is supposed to prove and what cross-examination might disprove (if this is, in fact, the point of the trial): that the witness is a victim. Conversely, she assumes that the defendant cannot be a victim. While objecting to cross-examination of alleged rape victims because "it is easy to distort events so that a rape can appear to be consensual sex," she ignores the reverse implication--that it is easy to make consensual sex look like rape. She complains that when Anita Hill accused Clarence Thomas of sexual harassment, "Framing these hearings as a two-sides dispute between Hill and Thomas allowed the senators to focus their investigation on cross-examining Hill rather than seeking other sorts of evidence." Did the dispute not have two sides? Should Hill not have been cross-examined?

<question>:
Which statement resonates most with Tannen's viewpoint?

<options>:
A Hear no evil
B See no evil
C Speak no evil
D Do no evil

<answer>:

C