Read the following passage and questions, then choose the right answer from options, the answer should be one of A, B, C, D.

<passage>:
"This is not another book about civility," Deborah Tannen promises in the first sentence of The Argument Culture . "Civility," she explains, suggests a "veneer of politeness spread thin over human relations like a layer of marmalade over toast." Instead, Tannen has written something less: a book about other books about civility. Quoting from Washington Post media critic Howard Kurtz, political scientist Larry Sabato, and others who have studied the rise of belligerence in politics, journalism, and law, Tannen spreads their insights thin over all human relations, painting a general theory of discord. The whole is less perceptive than its parts and more pernicious. Tannen, like some grandmotherly creature from an Aesop fable, admonishes us to recognize what is good in the work of others, and it is only fair to extend her the same courtesy. Here's what's worth gleaning from her book: Don't just quarrel listen and learn. Don't nit-pick other people's ideas build your own. Don't argue for the sake of arguing. Truth and courage often lie in the middle, not the extremes. Many issues are multisided. Don't obstruct good ideas just so you can win. If you portray everything as a scandal, no one will care when something really is scandalous. All this is sage advice--for couples, for families, for bosses and employees, maybe even for book reviewers. But when she applies her precepts to our great national conversation, Tannen gets confused. She conflates belligerence, divisiveness, polarization, titillation, jealousy, incivility, aloofness, ruthlessness, cruelty, savagery, contempt, glibness, cynicism, anomie, partisanship, obstructionism, and gridlock. She makes culprits out of answering machines, electronic mail, campaign money, malpractice litigation, HMOs, corporate takeovers, and the demise of house calls by the family doctor. "When there is a need to make others wrong," Tannen argues, "the temptation is great to oversimplify" and to "seize upon the weakest examples, ignore facts that support your opponent's views, and focus only on those that support yours." In her need to make the "argument culture" wrong, she succumbs to these temptations. She blames the mainstream press, not just the paparazzi , for torturing Princess Diana and driving Adm. Mike Boorda to suicide. She compares to the propaganda of "totalitarian countries" (because falsehoods are spread) and to the dehumanization involved in "ethnically motivated assaults" (because reporters hound politicians). She blames communications technology for obscene and threatening phone calls made by former university President Richard Berendzen and former Judge Sol Wachtler. Tannen's main mistake is failing to appreciate the difference between two distinct social spheres: the sphere of snuggle and the sphere of struggle. Some people--say, your spouse or your kids--you should snuggle with. Others--say, Saddam Hussein--you shouldn't. Tannen's antagonism toward antagonism makes sense in the former case but not in the latter. Among her illustrations of belligerence are William Safire's "kick 'em when they're up" philosophy of journalism and the media's use of war metaphors to describe Alan Greenspan's policies against inflation. To which one might sensibly reply: Good for Greenspan and Safire--and for us. The Federal Reserve's war on inflation and the press corps' scrutiny of powerful people safeguard the country. Some things are worth fighting for, and some things are worth fighting. Given this oddly paternalistic (or maternalistic) diagnosis, it's not surprising that Tannen should wish to cover our ears, filtering out strife, deception, and debate. She assures us that all reasonable people can agree that disseminating birth control and sex education is the best way to reduce the abortion rate that stiff sentences for small drug offenses don't reduce drug abuse that global warming is producing "disastrous consequences." Partial-birth abortion is "surely not" a "very important" issue, and Congress should not have let the Republican "politics of obstruction" defeat President Clinton's health care proposal in 1994, given the "broad bipartisan and public consensus that it was desperately needed." The "view of government as the enemy" isn't worth debating Tannen finds it particularly unseemly that reporters and independent counsels treat the nation's ultimate father figure with such irreverence. She complains that Clinton's weekly radio address "is followed immediately by a Republican response," which "weakens the public's ability to see leaders as leaders." A reporter's skeptical question to Clinton "broke the spell" of Ruth Bader Ginsburg's remarks upon being nominated to the Supreme Court, thereby injuring citizens' "sense of connection" to "our judicial system." The investigation of former Agriculture Secretary Mike Espy was excessive, the campaign against former Surgeon General Joycelyn Elders was "cruelly unfair," and the Whitewater investigation--led by "a prominent Republican known for his animosity toward the president"--is, in the words of Arkansas journalist Gene Lyons, "the result of the nastiest and most successful political 'dirty tricks' campaign in recent American history." Is Tannen a Clinton apologist? She rules that criticism out of bounds. "The very fact that defending our nation's elected leader makes one suspect--an 'apologist'--is in itself evidence of the culture of critique," she writes. The First Amendment, in Tannen's view, has often become "a pretext to justify the airing of just those views that make for the most entertaining fights." As an alternative, she offers Asian authoritarianism: "Disputation was rejected in ancient China as 'incompatible with the decorum and harmony cultivated by the true sage.' " Similarly, "the minimal human unit in Japan is not the individual but the group." Instead of the American practice of having two guests debate policy questions on TV news programs, she suggests a Japanese format, which "typically features a single guest." (Click to learn how she puts this into practice.) Tannen even wants to protect us from the possibility of unpleasant confrontations in the courtroom. "The purpose of most cross-examinations" is "not to establish facts but to discredit the witness," she asserts, as though the two objectives were unrelated. Thus, "the adversary system ... is inhumane to the victims of cross-examination." She simply assumes the very thing the trial is supposed to prove and what cross-examination might disprove (if this is, in fact, the point of the trial): that the witness is a victim. Conversely, she assumes that the defendant cannot be a victim. While objecting to cross-examination of alleged rape victims because "it is easy to distort events so that a rape can appear to be consensual sex," she ignores the reverse implication--that it is easy to make consensual sex look like rape. She complains that when Anita Hill accused Clarence Thomas of sexual harassment, "Framing these hearings as a two-sides dispute between Hill and Thomas allowed the senators to focus their investigation on cross-examining Hill rather than seeking other sorts of evidence." Did the dispute not have two sides? Should Hill not have been cross-examined? Instead of the American system, Tannen proposes consideration of the French and German systems. Under French law, after Princess Diana's death:

<question>:
How does Tannen feel about the Bill of Rights?

<options>:
A She supports it fully
B She thinks the rights are used responsibly by the majority of people
C She expresses a preference for dictatorship
D She thinks only those who agree with her should have rights

<answer>:

C