title: Chappie (film)

text: Several reviewers compared the Chappie character unfavorably to Jar Jar Binks of "Star Wars". Sameen Amer of "The Express Tribune" opined that the film disregards logic as certain "existential quandaries" are randomly thrown in without straightening out any of the themes before moving on to the next.


title: Chappie (film)

text: Blomkamp said he "wrote "Chappie" as a trilogy" and expressed interest in making sequels if they were "economically feasible". Eventually, Blomkamp confirmed that a sequel would not be made after the film did not perform well enough.


title: Kimono

text: The is a traditional Japanese garment and the national dress of Japan. The kimono is a wrapped-front garment with square sleeves and a rectangular body, and is worn left side wrapped over right, unless the wearer is deceased. The kimono is traditionally worn with a broad sash, called an , and is commonly worn with accessories such as zōri sandals and socks.


title: Kimono

text: Kimono have a set method of construction and are typically made from a long, narrow bolt of cloth known as a , though Western-style fabric bolts are also sometimes used. There are different types of kimono for men, women, and children, varying based on the occasion, the season, the wearer's age, and – less commonly in the modern day – the wearer's marital status. Despite the kimono's reputation as a formal and difficult-to-wear garment, there are types of kimono suitable for both formal and informal occasions. The way a person wears their kimono is known as .


title: Kimono

text: Though previously been the most common Japanese garment, the kimono in the present day has fallen out of favour and is rarely worn as everyday dress. Kimono are now most frequently seen at summer festivals, where people frequently wear the , the most informal type of kimono; however, more formal types of kimono are also worn to funerals, weddings, graduations, and other formal events. Other people who commonly wear kimono include geisha and , who are required to wear it as part of their profession, and , or sumo wrestlers, who must wear kimono at all times in public.


title: Kimono

text: Despite the low number of people who wear kimono regularly and the garment's reputation as a complicated article of clothing, the kimono has experienced a number of revivals in previous decades, and is still worn today as fashionable clothing in Japan.


title: Kimono

text: The first instances of kimono-like garments in Japan were traditional Chinese clothing introduced to Japan via Chinese envoys in the Kofun period (300–538 CE; the first part of the Yamato period), with immigration between the two countries and envoys to the Tang dynasty court leading to Chinese styles of dress, appearance and culture becoming extremely popular in Japanese court society. The Imperial Japanese court quickly adopted Chinese styles of dress and clothing, with evidence of the oldest samples of tie-dyed fabric stored at the Shōsōin Temple being Chinese in origin, due to the limitations of Japan's ability to produce the fabrics at the time. As early as the 4th century CE, images of priestess-queens and tribal chiefs in Japan depicted figures wearing clothing similar that of Han dynasty China.


title: Kimono

text: In 718 CE, the Yoro clothing code was instituted, which stipulated that all robes had to be overlapped at the front with a left-to-right closure, following typical Chinese fashions. This convention of wear is still followed today, with a right-to-left closure worn only by the deceased.


title: Kimono

text: Upper-class clothing was significantly simpler to don and wear than later Heian dress. Status was associated with covering more of the body, so sleeves, while narrow, were long enough to cover the fingers.


title: Kimono

text: During the Heian period (794–1193 CE), Japan stopped sending envoys to the Chinese dynastic courts. This prevented Chinese-imported goods—including clothing—from entering the Imperial Palace and disseminating to the upper classes, who were the main arbiters of traditional Japanese culture at the time and the only people allowed to wear such clothing. The ensuing cultural vacuum facilitated the development of a Japanese culture independent from Chinese fashions. Elements previously lifted from the Tang Dynastic courts developed independently into what is known literally as "national culture" or , the term used to refer to Heian-period Japanese culture, particularly that of the upper classes.


title: Kimono

text: Women's clothing in the imperial palace became increasingly stylised in the formal , with some elements—such as the round-necked and tube-sleeved jacket, worn by both genders in the early 7th century—being abandoned by both male and female courtiers. Others, such as the wrapped front robes also worn by men and women, were kept. Some elements, such as the skirt worn by women, continued on in a reduced capacity, worn only to formal occasions; the grew too narrow to wrap all the way around and became a trapezoidal pleated train. (trousers) became longer than the legs and also trailed behind the wearer.


title: Kimono

text: During the later Heian period, various clothing edicts reduced the number of layers a woman could wear, leading to the () garment—previously considered underwear—becoming outerwear by the time of the Muromachi period (1336–1573 CE). Originally worn with , the began to be held closed with a small belt known as an instead. The resembled a modern kimono, though at this time the sleeves were sewn shut at the back and were smaller in width (shoulder seam to cuff) than the body of the garment. During the Sengoku period (1467–1615) and the Azuchi–Momoyama period (1568–1600), decoration of the developed further, with bolder designs and flashy colours becoming popular. By this time, separate lower-body garments such as the and were almost never worn, allowing full-length patterns to be seen.


title: Kimono

text: During the Edo period (1603–1867 CE), both Japan's culture and economy developed significantly. A particular factor in the development of the Edo period was the early Genroku period (1688–1704 CE), wherein "Genroku culture" – luxurious displays of wealth and increased patronage of the arts – led to the further development of many art forms, including those of clothing. Genroku culture was spearheaded by the growing and increasingly-powerful merchant classes (); the clothing of classes, representative of their increasing economic power, rivalled that of the aristocracy and samurai classes, with their brightly-coloured kimono utilising expensive production techniques, such as handpainted dyework. , a damask fabric, also became the preferred material for kimono at this time, replacing the previously-popular plain-weave silk, which had been used to create .


title: Kimono

text: In response to the increasing material wealth of the merchant classes, the Tokugawa shogunate issued a number of sumptuary laws on kimono for the lower classes, prohibiting the use of purple or red fabric, gold embroidery, and the use of intricately dyed patterns. As a result, a school of aesthetic thought known as , which valued and prioritised the display of wealth through almost mundane appearances, developed, a concept of kimono design and wear that continues to this day as a major influence.


title: Kimono

text: From this point onwards, the basic shape of both men's and women's kimono remained largely unchanged. The sleeves of the began to grow in length, especially amongst unmarried women, and the became much longer and wider, with various styles of knots coming into fashion, alongside stiffer weaves of material to support them.


title: Kimono

text: In the Edo period, the kimono market was divided into craftspeople, who made the and accessories, , or wholesalers, and retailers.


title: Kimono

text: In 1869, the social class system was abolished, and with them, class-specific sumptuary laws. Kimono with formerly-restricted elements, like red and purple colours, became popular, particularly with the advent of synthetic dyestuffs such as mauvine.


title: Kimono

text: Following the opening of Japan's borders in the early Meiji period to Western trade, a number of materials and techniques – such as wool and the use of synthetic dyestuffs – became popular, with casual wool kimono being relatively common in pre-1960s Japan; the use of safflower dye () for silk linings fabrics (known as ; literally, "red silk") was also common in pre-1960s Japan, making kimono from this era easily identifiable.


title: Kimono

text: During the Meiji period, the opening of Japan to Western trade after the enclosure of the Edo period led to a drive towards Western dress as a sign of "modernity". After an edict by Emperor Meiji, policemen, railroad workers and teachers moved to wearing Western clothing within their job roles, with the adoption of Western clothing by men in Japan happening at a much greater pace than by women. Initiatives such as the promoted Western dress as everyday clothing.


title: Kimono

text: Western clothing quickly became standard issue as army uniform for men and school uniform for boys, and between 1920 and 1930, the sailor outfit replaced the kimono and undivided as school uniform for girls. However, kimono still remained popular as an item of everyday fashion; following the Great Kantō Earthquake of 1923, cheap, informal and ready-to-wear kimono, woven from raw and waste silk threads unsuitable for other uses, became highly popular, following the loss of many people's possessions. By 1930, ready-to-wear kimono had become highly popular for their bright, seasonally changing designs, many of which took inspiration from the Art Deco movement. kimono were usually dyed using the ikat () technique of dyeing, where either warp or both warp and weft threads (known as ) were dyed using a stencil pattern before weaving.


title: Kimono

text: It was during the Taishō period that the modern formalisation of kimono and kimono types began to emerge. The Meiji period had seen the slow introduction of kimono types that mediated between the informal and the most formal, a trend that continued throughout the Taishō period, as social occasions and opportunities for leisure increased under the abolition of class distinctions. As Western clothing increased in popularity for men as everyday clothing, the kimono industry further established its own traditions of formal and informal dress for women; this saw the invention of the , divisions of (short-sleeved) kimono for women, and . The bridal kimono trousseau (), an uncommon practice of the upper classes in the Edo period, also became common throughout the middle classes; traditions of kimono bridalwear for marriage ceremonies were also codified in this time, which resembled the bridalwear of samurai-class women. Standards of at this time began to slowly graduate to a more formalised, neatened appearance, with a flat, uniform and a smooth, uncreased , which also resembled the "proper" of upper-class women. However, standards were still relatively informal, and would not become formalised until after World War II.


title: Kimono

text: While kimono were no longer common wear for men, they remained everyday wear for Japanese women until World War II (1940–1945). Though the Taishō period had seen a number of invented traditions, standards of (wearing kimono) were still not as formalised in this time, with creases, uneven and crooked still deemed acceptable.


title: Kimono

text: During the war, kimono factories shut down, and the government encouraged people to wear (also romanised as ) – trousers constructed from old kimono – instead. Fibres such as rayon became widespread during WWII, being inexpensive to produce and cheap to buy, and typically featured printed designs. Cloth rationing persisted until 1951, so most kimono were made at home from repurposed fabrics.


title: Kimono

text: In the second half of the 20th century, the Japanese economy boomed, and silk became cheaper, making it possible for the average family to afford silk kimono. The kimono retail industry had developed an elaborate codification of rules for kimono-wearing, with types of kimono, levels of formality, and rules on seasonality, which intensified after the war; there had previously been rules about kimono-wearing, but these were not rigidly codified and varied by region and class. Formalisation sought perfection, with no creases or unevenness in the kimono, and an increasingly tubular figure was promoted as the ideal for women in kimono. The kimono-retail industry also promoted a sharp distinction between Japanese and Western clothes; for instance, wearing Western shoes with Japanese clothing (while common in the Taishō period) was codified as improper; these rules on proper dressing are often described in Japanese using the English phrase "Time, Place, and Occasion" (TPO). As neither Japanese men or women commonly wore kimono, having grown up under wartime auspices, commercial schools were set up to teach women how to don kimono. Men in this period rarely wore kimono, and menswear thus escaped most of the formalisation.).


title: Kimono

text: Kimono were promoted as essential for ceremonial occasions; for instance, the expensive worn by young women for was deemed a necessity. Bridal trousseaus containing tens of kimono of every possible subtype were also promoted as "de rigueur", and parents felt obliged to provide kimono trousseaus that cost up to 10 million yen (~£70,000), which were displayed and inspected publicly as part of the wedding, including being transported in transparent trucks.


title: Kimono

text: By the 1970s, formal kimono formed the vast majority of kimono sales. Kimono retailers, due to the pricing structure of brand new kimono, had developed a relative monopoly on not only prices but also a perception of kimono knowledge, allowing them to dictate prices and heavily promote more formal (and expensive) purchases, as selling a single formal kimono could support the seller comfortably for three months. The kimono industry peaked in 1975, with total sales of 2.8 trillion yen (~£18 billion). The sale of informal brand new kimono was largely neglected.


title: Kimono

text: The economic collapse of the 1990s bankrupted much of the kimono industry and ended a number of expensive practices. The rules for how to wear kimono lost their previous hold over the entire industry, and formerly-expensive traditions such as bridal kimono trousseaus generally disappeared, and when still given, were much less extensive. It was during this time that it became acceptable and even preferred for women to wear Western dress to ceremonial occasions like weddings and funerals. Many women had dozens or even hundreds of kimono, mostly unworn, in their homes; a secondhand kimono, even if unworn, would sell for about 500 yen (less than £3.50; about US$5), a few percent of the bought-new price. In the 1990s and early 2000s, many secondhand kimono shops opened as a result of this.


title: Kimono

text: In the early years of the 21st century, the cheaper and simpler became popular with young people. Around 2010, men began wearing kimono again in situations other than their own wedding, and kimono were again promoted and worn as everyday dress by a small minority.


title: Kimono

text: Today, the majority of people in Japan wear Western clothing in the everyday, and are most likely to wear kimono either to formal occasions such as wedding ceremonies and funerals, or to summer events, where the standard kimono is the easy-to-wear, single-layer cotton .


title: Kimono

text: In 2019, the mayor of Kyoto announced that his staff were working to register "Kimono Culture" on UNESCO's intangible cultural heritage list.


title: Kimono

text: Both kimono and are made from a wide variety of fibre types, including hemp, linen, silk, Japanese crêpe (known as ), and figured damask weaves (). Fabrics are typically – for both and kimono – woven as (bolts of narrow width), save for certain types of (such as the ), woven to double-width. Formal kimono are almost always made from silk, with thicker, heavier, stiff or matte fabrics generally being considered informal.


title: Kimono

text: Modern kimono are widely available in fabrics considered easier to care for, such as polyester. Kimono linings are typically silk or imitation silk, and often match the top fabric in fibre type, though the lining of some casual silk kimono may be cotton, wool or linen.


title: Kimono

text: Kimono fabrics are often decorated, sometimes by hand, before construction. Customarily, woven patterns are considered more informal for kimono, though for , the reverse is true, with dyed patterns being less formal than with woven patterns. Though kimono fabrics with woven patterns can still be lightweight, fabrics with woven patterns are often very heavy, with many formal being made from thickly-woven brocade. Traditionally, woven kimono are matched with decorated with dyed patterns, and vice versa, though for all but the most formal kimono, this is more of a general suggestion instead of a strict rule. Formal kimono are almost always decorated with dyed patterns, commonly along the hem.


title: Kimono

text: Many kimono motifs are seasonal, and denote the season in which the kimono can be worn; however, some motifs have no season and can be worn all-year round. Others, such as the combination of pine, plum and bamboo – a grouping referred to as the Three Friends of Winter – are auspicious, and thus worn to formal occasions for the entire year. Motifs seen on are commonly seasonal motifs worn out of season, either to denote the spring just passed or the desire for cooler autumn or winter temperatures. Colour also contributes to the seasonality of kimono, with some seasons – such as autumn – generally favouring warmer, darker colours over lighter, cooler ones.


title: Kimono

text: A number of different guides on seasonal kimono motifs exist, with some guides – such as those for tea ceremony in particular – being especially stringent on their reflection of the seasons. Motifs typically represent the flora, fauna, landscape or culture of Japan; one such example is cherry blossoms, a famously seasonal motif worn in spring until just before the actual cherry blossoms begin to bloom, it being considered unlucky to try and 'compete' with the cherries. Motifs are typically worn a few weeks before the official 'start' of any given season, as it is considered fashionable to anticipate the coming season.


title: Kimono

text: Though men's kimono historically displayed just as much decoration and variety as women's kimono, in the modern era, the principal distinction of men's kimono in terms of seasonality and occasion is the fabric. The typical men's kimono is a subdued, dark colour; black, dark blues, greens and browns are common. Fabrics are usually matte, in contrast to the occasional satin weaves of some women's kimono. Some men's kimono have a subtle pattern, and texture fabrics are more common in more casual men's kimono. These kimono may also feature slightly brighter colours, such as lighter purples, greens and blues. Sumo wrestlers have occasionally been known to wear quite bright colours, such as fuschia, in their kimono, which they are required to wear when appearing in public.


title: Kimono

text: The fabrics that kimono are made from are classified in two categories within Japan. is the term used to indicate silk kimono fabrics, composed of the characters and .


title: Kimono

text: The term is also used to refer to kimono in general within Japan, particularly within the context of the kimono industry, as traditional kimono shops are referred to as either or – with the additional character of meaning 'shop'.


title: Kimono

text: Cotton and hemp fabrics are referred to generally as , meaning "thick materials", with both cotton and hemp yarns being considerably thicker than silk yarns used for weaving. Cotton kimono are specifically referred to in the context of materials as , "cotton clothes", whereas hemp kimono are known as , "hemp clothes", in Japanese, with the character for hemp – – also being used to refer widely to hemp, linen and ramie kimono fabrics.


title: Kimono

text: Until the end of the Edo period, the tailoring of both and fabrics was separated, with silk kimono handled at shops known as , and kimono of other fibres sold at shops known as . Stores that handled all types of fabric were known as , though after the Meiji period, stores only retailing kimono became less profitable in the face of cheaper everyday Western clothing, and eventually went out of business, leaving only stores to sell kimono – leading to kimono shops becoming known only as today.


title: Kimono

text: Outside of being re-woven into new fabrics, worn-out kimono have historically been recycled in a variety of ways, depending on the type of kimono and its original use. When the cloth is worn out, it may be used as fabric for smaller items or to create (patchwork) kimono (which were also sometimes made for the sake of fashion). The fact that the pattern pieces of a kimono consist of rectangles, and not complex shapes, make reuse in garments or other items easier. are used to hold cloth together and decorate it. The cloth used for patchwork clothing must all be of similar weight, drape, and handle.


title: Kimono

text: Formal kimono, made of expensive and thin silk fabrics, would have been re-sewn into children's kimono when they became unusable for adults, as they were typically unsuitable for practical clothing; kimono were shortened, with the taken off and the collar re-sewn to create , or were simply cut at the waist to create a side-tying jacket. After marriage or a certain age, young women would shorten the sleeves of their kimono; the excess fabric would be used as a (wrapping cloth), could be used to lengthen the kimono at the waist, or could be used to create a patchwork undergarment known as a . Kimono that were in better condition could be re-used as an under-kimono, or to create a false underlayer known as a .


title: Kimono

text: Kimono are traditionally made from a single bolt of fabric known as a , which is roughly long and wide for women, and long and wide for men. The entire bolt is used to make one kimono, and some men's are woven to be long enough to create a matching jacket and as well. Kimono linings are made from bolts of the same width.


title: Kimono

text: Some custom bolts of fabric are produced for especially tall or heavy people, such as sumo wrestlers, who must have kimono custom-made by either joining multiple bolts, weaving custom-width fabric, or using non-standard size fabric. For children, in the early 1900s, shorter lengths were used, and sometimes the body of the kimono was made only a single cloth width wide (). Tucks were also used to take in the garment; an outwards-facing pleat at each shoulder () and a kolpos-like overfold at the hip (), so that the child appeared to be wearing a sleeveless vest of the same fabric over their garment. These sewn tucks were let out as the child grew, and are mostly only seen today on the kimono of apprentice geisha in Kyoto, as apprentices previously began their training at a young age, requiring tucks to be let out as they grew. In the present day, apprentices begin their training in their late teenage years, and the tucks are retained merely as an anachronism.


title: Kimono

text: Though adult women also retained a 'tuck' at the hip, this was a leftover from the trailing length of most women's kimono, which had previously been either held up by hand when walking or tied up loosely with a ; though kimono were not worn as trailing towards the end of the 19th century, the excess length of most women's kimono remained, with the hip fold formalised and neatened into the of the modern day.


title: Kimono

text: Kimono have a set method of construction, which allows the entire garment to be taken apart, cleaned and resewn easily. As the seam allowance on nearly every panel features two selvedges that will not fray, the woven edges of the fabric bolt are retained when the kimono is sewn, leading to large and often uneven seam allowances; unlike Western clothing, the seam allowances are not trimmed down, allowing for a kimono to be resewn to different measurements without the fabric fraying at the seams. This was also used to prolong the life of the garment by reversing the sleeves (hiding the worn cuff hem in the shoulder seam) or the back panels (swapping the high-stress center seam and the low-stress sides), like the European custom of side-to-middling or end-to-middling bedsheets.


title: Kimono

text: Historically, kimono were taken apart entirely to be washed – a process known as . Once cleaned, the fabric would be resewn by hand; this process, though necessary in previous centuries, is uncommon in modern-day Japan, as it is relatively expensive.


title: Kimono

text: Despite the expense of hand-sewing, however, some modern kimono, including silk kimono and all formal kimono, are still hand-sewn entirely; even machine-sewn kimono require some degree of hand-sewing, particularly in finishing the collar, the hem, and the lining, if present. Hand-sewn kimono are usually sewn with a single running stitch roughly to long, with stitches growing shorter around the collar area for strength. Kimono seams, instead of being pressed entirely flat, are pressed to have a 'lip' of roughly (known as the ) pressed over each seam. This disguises the stitches, as hand-sewn kimono are not tightly sewn, rendering the stitches visible if pressed entirely flat.


title: Kimono

text: A number of terms are used to refer to the different parts of a kimono. Kimono that are lined are known as kimono, whereas unlined kimono are known as kimono; partially lined kimono – with lining only at the sleeve cuff, the back of the sleeve, the lower chest portion of the and the entirety of the – are known as kimono. Some fully lined kimono do not have a separate lower and upper lining, and are instead lined with solid panels on the , the and the .


title: Kimono

text: Though the basic shape of the kimono has not changed in centuries, proportions have, historically, varied in different eras of Japanese history. Beginning in the later Heian period, the – an unlined robe worn as underwear – became the predominant outerwear garment for both men and women, known as the . Court-appropriate dress continued to resemble the previous eras.


title: Kimono

text: By the beginning of the Kamakura period, the was an ankle-length garment for both men and women, and had small, rounded sleeves that were sewn to the body of the garment. The was a relatively thin belt tied somewhat low on the waist, usually in a plain bow, and was known as a . During this time period, the fashion of wearing a draped around the shoulders, over the head, or as the outermost garment stripped off the shoulders and held in place by the , led to the rise of the – a heavily decorated over-kimono, stemming from the verb , worn unbelted over the top of the – becoming popular as formal dress for the upper classes.


title: Kimono

text: In the following centuries, the mostly retained its small, narrow and round-sleeved nature, with the length of women's sleeves gradually increasing over time and eventually becoming mostly detached from the body of the garment below the shoulders. The collar on both men's and women's retained its relatively long and wide proportions, and the front panel kept its long, shallow angle towards the hem. During the Edo period, the had developed roughly modern kimono proportions, though variety existed until roughly the mid- to later years of the era. Men's sleeves continued to be sewn shut to the body of the kimono down most of their length, with no more than a few inches unattached at the bottom, unlike the women's style of very deep sleeves mostly detached from the body of the kimono. Men's sleeves were also less deep than women's kimono sleeves so that they did not get tied under the narrow around the hips, whereas on a woman's kimono, the long, unattached bottom of the sleeve could hang over the wider without getting in the way. Sleeves for both men and women grew in proportion to be of roughly equal width to the body panels, and the collar for both men's and women's kimono became shorter and narrower.


title: Kimono

text: In the present day, both men's and women's kimono retain some historical features – for instance, women's kimono trailed along the floor throughout certain eras, and when the wearer went outside, the excess length would be tucked and tied underneath the in a hip fold known as the . The is now used for fine length adjustments, and takes up of excess length. A hand-sewn tuck across the back under the is used for coarse adjustments, and made deliberately weak so that the stitches will tear before the cloth does under tension. Men's kimono, on the other hand, are cut to length and tied with a narrow belt at the hips, with no overfold.


title: Kimono

text: Formal women's kimono also retain the wider collar of previous eras (made from a full -width instead of a half width), though it is always folded in half lengthwise before wearing – a style known as .


title: Kimono

text: Women's kimono are still worn trailing in some situations, such as onstage, in historical dramas, and by geisha and . In these instances, the kimono worn is constructed differently to a regular women's kimono: the collar is set back further into the neck, the sleeves are sewn to the body unevenly (further down the front than the back), and the body is elongated. This style of kimono is referred to as a or . Though the length of the kimono, collar style and sleeve construction differs for this type of kimono, in all other types of women's kimono, the construction is generally the same; the collar is set back only slightly into the nape of the neck, the sleeves are attached evenly only at the shoulder (not all the way down the sleeve length) and the kimono's length from shoulder to hem is ideally the entire height of the woman wearing it, to allow for the creation of the .


title: Kimono

text: The sleeve length (dropping down from the arm towards the floor when held outstretched) varies in kimono.


title: Kimono

text: Both men's and women's brand-new kimono can range in expense, from the relatively cheap nature of second-hand garments, to high-end artisan pieces costing as much as US$50,000 (not allowing for the cost of accessories).


title: Kimono

text: The high expense of some hand-crafted brand-new kimono reflects the traditional kimono making industry, where the most skilled artisans practice specific, expensive and time-consuming techniques, known to and mastered only by a few. These techniques, such as hand-plied fabrics and hand-tied dotwork dyeing, may take over a year to finish. Kimono artisans may be made Living National Treasures in recognition of their work, with the pieces they produce being considered culturally important.


title: Kimono

text: Even kimono that have not been hand-crafted will constitute a relatively high expense when bought new, as even for one outfit, a number of accessories of the right formality and appearance must be bought. Not all brand-new kimono originate from artisans, and mass-production of kimono – mainly of casual or semi-formal kimono – does exist, with mass-produced pieces being mostly cheaper than those purchased through a (kimono shop).


title: Kimono

text: Though artisan-made kimono are some of the most accomplished works of textile art on the market, many pieces are not bought solely for appreciation of the craft. Unwritten social obligations to wear kimono to certain events – weddings, funerals – often leads consumers to purchase artisan pieces for reasons other than personal choice, fashion sense or love of kimono:


title: Kimono

text: The high cost of most brand-new kimono reflects in part the pricing techniques within the industry. Most brand-new kimono are purchased through , where kimono are sold as fabric rolls only, the price of which is often left to the shop's discretion. The shop will charge a fee separate to the cost of the fabric for it to be sewn to the customer's measurements, and fees for washing the fabric or weatherproofing it may be added as another separate cost. If the customer is unfamiliar with wearing kimono, they may hire a service to help dress them; the end cost of a new kimono, therefore, remains uncertain until the kimono itself has been finished and worn.


title: Kimono

text: In contrast, kimono bought by hobbyists are likely to be less expensive, purchased from second-hand stores with no such sales practices or obligation to buy. Hobbyists may also buy cheaper synthetic kimono (marketed as 'washable') brand-new. Some enthusiasts also make their own kimono; this may be due to difficulty finding kimono of the right size, or simply for personal choice and fashion.


title: Kimono

text: Second-hand items are seen as highly affordable; costs can be as little as ¥100 (about US$0.90) at thrift stores within Japan, and certain historic kimono production areas around the country – such as the Nishijin district of Kyoto – are well known for their second-hand kimono markets. Kimono themselves do not go out of fashion, making even vintage or antique pieces viable for wear, depending on condition.


title: Kimono

text: However, even second-hand women's are likely to remain somewhat pricey; a used, well-kept and high-quality second-hand can cost upwards of US$300, as they are often intricately woven, or decorated with embroidery, goldwork and may be hand-painted. Men's , in contrast, retail much cheaper, as they are narrower, shorter, and have either very little or no decoration, though high-end men's can still retail at a high cost equal to that of a high-end women's .


title: Kimono

text: Several different types of kimono exist. These varieties are primarily based on formality and gender, with more women's varieties of kimono existing than men's.


title: Kimono

text: The modern kimono canon was roughly formalised after WWII, following fabric shortages, a generation unfamiliar with wearing kimono in everyday life, and the postwar revival of kimono sales by , traditional kimono shops. In previous centuries, types of kimono were not as distinct, with factors such as age and social class playing a much larger role in determining kimono types than they do presently. Beginning in the Meiji period, and following the Meiji Restoration and the abolition of class distinctions, kimono varieties began to change as Japanese society did, with new varieties being invented for new social situations.


title: Kimono

text: Kimono range in variation from extremely formal to very casual. For women, the formality is determined mostly by pattern placement, decoration style, fabric choice and colour. For men, whose kimono are generally monochromatic, formality is determined typically by fabric choice and colour. For both men and women, the accessories and worn with the kimono also determine formality.


title: Kimono

text: The formality levels of different types of kimono are a relatively modern invention, having been developed between late Meiji- to post-war Japan, following the abolition of Edo-period sumptuary clothing laws in 1868. These laws changed constantly, as did the strictness with which they were enforced, and were designed to keep the nouveau riche merchant classes from dressing above their station, and appearing better-dressed than monetarily-poor but status-rich samurai class.


title: Kimono

text: Under feudal sumptuary laws, colours were restricted by class; for instance, indigo-dyed clothing was allowed for all classes, and was commonly seen in hand-dyed cotton, linen or hemp fabrics, but other dyes, such as reds and purples, were forbidden to those below a certain class. Sometimes, for some classes, designs were restricted to below the belt, to the bottoms of the sleeves (for ) or to along the hem (); sometimes they were banned altogether, and were transferred to the collar of the underkimono, or the inside of the hem, where only the faintest glimpse would be intermittently visible. This type of subtle ostentation became an aesthetic known as , and outlasted the sumptuary laws. Modern-day rules of formality, however, still echo clothing distinctions typically employed by the uppermost samurai classes.


title: Kimono

text: Aspects of men's kimono still follow this extreme of . Bright, elaborate decoration is used on the lining of the (jacket), and on men's (underkimono), which is not worn as an outer layer outside the home, and so only shows at the neck and inside the sleeves. Women's were once bright and boldly-patterned (and were often kimono too damaged to use as an outer layer, repurposed), but are now typically muted pastel shades. The outside of men's garments tended towards subtle patterns and colours even after the sumptuary laws lifted, with blues and blacks predominating, but designers later came to use browns, greens, purples, and other colours in increasingly bold patterns.


title: Kimono

text: Kimono vary widely in fabric type, and are not all made of silk. Certain types of fabric, such as wool, cotton, linen and hemp, are always considered informal, and so are not seen on more formal varieties of kimono. Certain varieties of silk, such as , are considered informal, having once been woven only by silk farmers out of unusable cocoons for their own use; other, more modern varieties, such as , were designed to be used as casual, cheap daywear, and are machine-spun and -woven using brightly-patterned yarns. Some varieties of crêpe are on the lowest end of formal, with their rougher texture considered unsuitable for formal use; other varieties, such as smooth crêpe, are used for all varieties of formal kimono. The most formal kimono are only ever made of smooth, fine silks, such as glossy silk fabrics like habutai.


title: Kimono

text: Some fabrics are also worn only at certain times of year; , for instance, is a plain-weave fabric with leno weave stripes only worn in high summer (July and August), but is used for all types of kimono and for other garments, such as under-kimono and . Some fabrics – such as certain types of crêpe – are never seen in certain varieties of kimono, and some fabrics such as (heavy satin) silk are barely ever seen in modern kimono or altogether, having been more popular in previous eras than in the present-day.


title: Kimono

text: Despite their informal nature, many types of traditional, informal kimono fabrics are highly-prized for their craftsmanship. Varieties of , , and fabrics woven from "Musa basjoo" are valued for their traditional production, and regularly command high prices.


title: Kimono

text: In the summer months (from June until October in the most stringent kimono guides, such as those for tea ceremony), kimono are unlined (); for the rest of the year, they are lined (). This applies to all types of kimono, with a few caveats: the very informal is always unlined, and thus only worn in summer; the most formal kimono, in contrast, are unlikely to be worn unlined in summer, as many people simply do not have more than one formal kimono to wear, and do not wear formal kimono often enough to warrant the purchase of a new, unlined kimono, just for summer wear. also change fabric type in the summer months.


title: Kimono

text: Within the two realms of lined and unlined, further distinctions exist for different months. Lined kimono are either made from transparent or gauze fabrics () or opaque fabrics, with kimono transitioning towards gauze fabrics at the height of summer and away from them as autumn begins. In one kimono guide for tea ceremony, at the start of the unlined season in June, fabrics such as (a type of silk crêpe noted as a more "wrinkle-resistant" form of ) and (a thicker type of with twisted silk threads) are recommended for wear. Following the beginning of the rainy season in some time in July, fabrics switch over to gauzier varieties, and highly-prized hemp fabrics such as are worn. Continuing into August, hemp, and continue to be worn; in September, they are still worn, but fabrics such as , worn in June, become suitable again, and opaque fabrics become preferred over sheer, though sheer may still be worn if the weather is hot.


title: Kimono

text: In the same kimono guide, the first lined kimono are worn in October, and the transition away from plainer opaque fabrics to richer silks such as is immediate. The richness of fabrics increases going into November and December, with figured silks featuring woven patterns appropriate. Coming into January, crêpe fabrics with a rougher texture become appropriate, with fabrics such as worn in February. Figured silks continue to be worn until June, when the unlined season begins again.


title: Kimono

text: Formality is also determined by the number and type of or (crests). Five crests () are the most formal, three crests () are mid-formality, and one crest () is the least formal, used for occasions such as tea ceremony. Kimono (and other garments, like ) with are called ("-carrying"). The type of crest adds formality as well. A "full sun" () crest, where the design is outlined and filled in with white, is the most formal type. A "mid-shadow" () crest is mid-formality, with only the outline of the crest visible in white. A "shadow" () crest is the least formal, with the outline of the crest relatively faint. Shadow crests may be embroidered onto the kimono, and full-embroidery crests, called , are also seen.


title: Kimono

text: Formality can also be determined by the type and colour of accessories. For women, this may be the weave of and the style of . For men, adding a (a traditional jacket) makes an outfit more formal, and adding both and (traditional trousers) is more formal still. The material, colour, and pattern of these overgarments also varies in formality. Longer are also more formal.


title: Kimono

text: Both men's and women's kimono feature sleeves considered relatively short, with men's sleeves shorter than women's. Though lengths can vary by a few centimetres, these lengths are informally standardised.


title: Kimono

text: Men's kimono sleeves are only ever one length, and women's sleeves are limited to a short length suitable for almost all types of kimono, or a longer length used for only one type of formal young women's kimono. In the modern day, the two lengths of women's sleeve worn on kimono are length, which almost reaches the floor, and a shorter length, used for every other variety of women's kimono.


title: Kimono

text: Before WWII, the length of women's kimono sleeves varied, with sleeves gradually shortening as a woman got older. During WWII, due to shortage of fabric, the 'short' length of women's kimono sleeves became standardised, and post-WWII, the realm of long kimono sleeves was narrowly curtailed to the realm of only – formal young women's and girl's kimono, where previously longer sleeves were seen on other varieties of dress, both formal and informal. Pre-WWII women's kimono are recognisable for their longer sleeves, which, though not length, are longer than most women's kimono sleeves today.


title: Kimono

text: Young women are not limited to wearing only , and outside of formal occasions that warrant it, can wear all other types of women's kimono which feature shorter sleeves.


title: Kimono

text: The , also referred to as the , is an under-kimono worn by both men and women. resemble a kimono in construction, with a few key differences: the sleeves are typically open along the entire cuff side, with only a few stitches sewing both sides together placed where a normal kimono sleeve cuff would end; the sleeve has no curve sewn into the outer edge, instead being square; the is typically a little shorter than the length of a kimono when worn, and features no extra length to be bloused into an for women's kimono; the front either does not have any overlapping panels () or features only thin ones, with the collar set at a lower angle than that of a regular kimono. are considered an essential piece of kimono underwear, and are worn with all types of kimono except for .


title: Kimono

text: Men's are often dyed in dark colours, and can be made of the same material as the outer kimono, as some kimono fabric bolts () are woven with enough length to accommodate this. Men's are frequently more decorative than women's, often featuring a dyed pictorial scene in the upper back, such as a scene from "The Tale of Genji".


title: Kimono

text: In the late 19th and early 20th century, women's transitioned from being mostly red with bold white motifs to being white or light pastel colours. The dye technique previously used to achieve this, , fell out of fashion and knowledge and was rediscovered in 2010.


title: Kimono

text: Unlike the , the is not considered an essential piece of kimono underwear, and a t-shirt and shorts are frequently substituted in its place.


title: Kimono

text: In the present day, many are brightly coloured, featuring large motifs from a variety of different seasons. For women, they are worn with either a (half-width ) or a (a soft, sash-like ), and are often accessorised with colourful hair accessories. For men, are worn with either an informal or a . Children generally wear a with .


title: Kimono

text: A is traditionally worn as a single layer or over a (an underkimono worn underneath the , featuring a simplified construction). may also be worn over the top of a t-shirt and shorts. This distinguishes from a more-formal kimono, where a (also simply referred to as a , an underkimono resembling) is worn underneath, showing a second layer of collar at the neckline. However, some modern are worn with collared cotton featuring a collar of linen, cotton or , for occasions such as informal eating-out.


title: Kimono

text: Woven geometric patterns (such as stripes) have no season, but others show images representing the season in general. Woven non-geometric patterns () are also common. Small, dense patterns are often used; this is practical, as fine-scale patterns hides stains.


title: Kimono

text: Now that kimono are not typically worn as informal clothing, are not worn as often as formal kimono, though they have a wider range of suitable use. are the most formal type of ; they may have one to three crests, with a small, fine pattern that appears to be a solid colour from a distance, and so resembles the more formal .


title: Kimono

text: Similarities between and often lead to confusion, with some indistinguishable from ; often, are only distinguishable from by the size of the motifs used, with smaller, less fluid motifs generally considered to be , and larger, more fluid motifs considered to be .


title: Kimono

text: are a category of kimono and kimono accessories suitable for mourning, worn by both men and women. kimono, and accessories are characterised by their plain, solid black appearance. kimono are plain black silk with five , worn with white undergarments and white . Men wear a kimono of the same kind, with a subdued and a black-and-white or black-and-grey striped , worn with black or white zōri.


title: Kimono

text: A completely black mourning ensemble for women – a plain black , black and black – is usually reserved for those closest to the deceased. Those further away will wear kimono in dark and subdued colours, rather than a plain black kimono with a reduced number of crests. In time periods when kimono were worn more often, those closest to the deceased would slowly begin dressing in coloured kimono over a period of weeks after the death, with the being the last thing to be changed over to colour.


title: Kimono

text: Bridal are typically red or white, and often decorated heavily with auspicious motifs. Because they are not designed to be worn with an , the designs cover the entirety of the back.


title: Kimono

text: A will form part of a bridal ensemble with matching or coordinating accessories, such as a bridal (bridal wig), a set of matching (usually mock-tortoiseshell), and a fan tucked into the kimono. Due to the expensive nature of traditional bridal clothing, few are likely to buy brand-new ; it is not unusual to rent kimono for special occasions, and Shinto shrines are known to keep and rent out for traditional weddings. Those who do possess already are likely to have inherited them from close family members.


title: Kimono

text: Aside from their specialised construction, can resemble many other types of women's kimono in their decoration, fabric type, colour and sleeve length. The worn by geisha and their apprentices are formal kimono worn to engagements, and so are always made of fine silk, resembling kimono of formality and above in their pattern placement and background colour.


title: Kimono

text: The worn by kabuki actors varies by role, and so can appear as the humble clothing of an Edo-period merchant's daughter, as well as the fine silk clothing of a samurai woman. These costumes may be made of polyester, as well as silk, informal silk fabrics, cotton, linen or hemp. Pattern placement, colour and design varies by role, with many roles having costume designs preserved from previous centuries.


title: Kimono

text: The worn by people performing traditional Japanese dance typically feature a bold design in block colours, as their clothing must stand out from the stage. Performers performing in a group wear kimono identical to one another, with the bold designs creating visual unity between performers.


title: Kimono

text: Though the kimono is the national dress of Japan, it has never been the sole item of clothing worn throughout Japan; even before the introduction of Western dress to Japan, many different styles of dress were worn, such as the of the Ainu people and the of the Ryukyuan people. Though similar to the kimono, these garments are distinguishable by their separate cultural heritage, and are not considered to be simply 'variations' of kimono such as the clothing worn by the working class is considered to be.


title: Kimono

text: Some related garments still worn today were the contemporary clothing of previous time periods, and have survived on in an official and/or ceremonial capacity, worn only on certain occasions by certain people.


title: Kimono

text: There are a number of accessories that can be worn with the kimono, and these vary by occasion and use. Some are ceremonial, or worn only for special occasions, whereas others are part of dressing in kimono and are used in a more practical sense.


title: Kimono

text: Both geisha and wear variations on common accessories that are not found in everyday dress. As an extension of this, many practitioners of Japanese traditional dance wear similar kimono and accessories to geisha and .


title: Kimono

text: For certain traditional holidays and occasions some specific types of kimono accessories are worn. For instance, , also known as , are worn by girls for , alongside brightly coloured . are also worn by young women on (Coming of Age Day).


title: Kimono

text: Pre-WW2, kimono were commonly worn layered, with three being the standard number of layers worn over the top of undergarments. The layered kimono underneath were known as , and were often a patchwork of older or unwearable kimono taken apart for their fabric. Specifically-designed matching sets of formal layered kimono were known as , and generally featured the same design presented on different background colours, such as white (innermost), red (middle layer) and black (outermost). The innermost layers, known as , typically featured the plainest decorative techniques, such as dyework only, and the successive outer layers would feature techniques such as embroidery and couched gold thread, with the outermost layer – known as the – displaying the most extensive decoration. These matching sets would be designed and created together, commonly as part of a bride's outfit for a wedding. Extant intact sets of kimono are difficult to find, particularly in good condition, with the innermost kimono typically damaged and in poor condition.


title: Kimono

text: In modern Japan, at least one layer is typically worn next to the skin when wearing kimono. Traditionally, this would be the or , a tube-sleeved, wrapped-front garment considered to be underwear, though in the modern day, regular underwear is sometimes worn instead, and a traditional is not considered strictly necessary. A is typically made of something more washable than silk, such as cotton, hemp, linen or some synthetic fibres.


title: Kimono

text: For all forms of kimono except the (excluding high-quality dressed up as ), a , often known and referred to as a , is worn over the top of any underwear. The resembles a kimono made of a lighter, thinner fabric, not uncommonly constructed without an panel at the front, and often has a collar cover known as a sewn over its collar. The , which is visible at the neckline when worn underneath a kimono, is designed to be replaced and washed when needed.


title: Kimono

text: In modern-day Japan, layered kimono are generally only seen on the stage, whether for classical dances or in kabuki. A false second layer called a may be attached instead of an entirely separate kimono to achieve this look; the resembles the lower half of a kimono's lining which, and is sewn to the kimono horizontally along the back. A may have a false collar attached to it, or a matching false collar sewn to the kimono separately, creating the illusion of a layered kimono at the neckline; separate false sleeve cuffs may also be sewn into the kimono to create this effect.


title: Kimono

text: Kimono featuring can be seen in some kabuki performances such as , where the kimono is worn with the flipped back slightly underneath the to expose the design on the . The can also be seen on some bridal kimono.


title: Kimono

text: In the past, a kimono would often be entirely taken apart for washing, and then re-sewn for wearing. This traditional washing method is called . Because the stitches must be taken out for washing, traditional kimono need to be hand sewn. is very expensive and difficult and is one of the causes of the declining popularity of kimono. Modern fabrics and cleaning methods have been developed that eliminate this need, although the traditional washing of kimono is still practiced, especially for high-end garments.


title: Kimono

text: New, custom-made kimono are generally delivered to a customer with long, loose basting stitches placed around the outside edges. These stitches are called (not to be confused with , the small white prickstitching seen along the collar of ). They are sometimes replaced for storage. They help to prevent bunching, folding and wrinkling, and keep the kimono's layers in alignment.


title: Kimono

text: Like many other traditional Japanese garments, there are specific ways to fold kimono. These methods help to preserve the garment and to keep it from creasing when stored. Kimono are often stored wrapped in acid-free paper envelopes known as .


title: Kimono

text: Kimono need to be aired out at least seasonally and before and after each time they are worn. Many people prefer to have their kimono dry cleaned. Although this can be extremely expensive, it is generally less expensive than . This may, however, be impossible for certain fabrics or dyes.


title: Kimono

text: Kimono are worn outside of Japan in a variety of circumstances. Kimono may be worn to Shinto ceremonies by Brazilian girls of Japanese descent in Curitiba, in the Brazilian state of Paraná.


title: Kimono

text: Kimono are also worn by Japanese Americans, and by other members of the Japanese diaspora overseas. Kimono are collected in the same way as Japanese hobbyists by some non-Japanese, and may be worn to events such as Kimono de Jack gatherings.


title: Frank Stallone

text: Francesco Stallone Jr. (born July 30, 1950) is an American actor and musician. He is the younger brother of actor Sylvester Stallone and has written music for Sylvester's movies. His song "Far from Over" appeared in the 1983 film "Staying Alive" and was included on the film's soundtrack album. The song reached number ten on the US "Billboard" Hot 100 chart and received a Golden Globe nomination for Stallone, while the album itself, consisting of Stallone and various other artists, received a Grammy nomination.


title: Frank Stallone

text: Stallone was born in Maryland and raised in Philadelphia. He is the younger son of Jacqueline Stallone (née Labofish; 1921–2020), an astrologer, former dancer, and promoter of women's professional wrestling, and Frank Stallone Sr., a hairdresser. His father was an Italian immigrant, and his mother's family was French from Brittany and also of Eastern European descent. Stallone's brother is actor Sylvester Stallone. In his teen years, he went to Lincoln High School in Northeast Philadelphia.


title: Frank Stallone

text: Stallone has worked as a singer. He wrote and performed "Far from Over" for the 1983 film "Staying Alive", which was written and directed by his older brother. The song peaked at No. 10 on the "Billboard" Hot 100, becoming his only major pop hit, and it was nominated for a Golden Globe award for Best Original Song from a Motion Picture. The album was nominated for a Grammy Award for Best Album of Original Score Written for a Motion Picture or Television Special.


title: Frank Stallone

text: Stallone also played himself in a recurring role on the short-lived sitcom "Movie Stars", alongside fellow celebrity siblings Don Swayze and Joey Travolta.


title: Frank Stallone

text: Stallone was the subject of repeated non-sequitur punchlines delivered by comedian Norm Macdonald during the "Weekend Update" segment of the television show "Saturday Night Live".


title: Frank Stallone

text: Stallone appeared as a boxing consultant on the NBC reality television series "The Contender" in 2005. He appeared on the Howard Stern Radio and television show on several occasions. During one appearance on the Howard Stern Show, Stallone had a boxing match with television reporter Geraldo Rivera; Stallone won the bout. He was a contestant on Hulk Hogan's Celebrity Championship Wrestling, a reality competition series on CMT that followed 10 celebrity contestants as they trained to be professional wrestlers. He also appeared on an episode of "Tim and Eric Awesome Show, Great Job!".


title: Frank Stallone

text: On August 17, 2010, the Australian comedy duo Hamish & Andy flew Stallone, then aged 60, to Australia for a one-night-only gig called "Hamish & Andy present: Frank Stallone “Let me be Frank with you” The Fully Franked Tour'". Following a parade in Melbourne, Stallone performed "Far from Over" to an audience of over 2,000 people. Hamish & Andy were big fans of the song, claiming it always pumped them up, and they dubbed the phenomenon "The Frank Effect". Stallone said of the night, "This is seriously one of the best, "best" times I've ever had."


title: Frank Stallone

text: A documentary directed and produced by Derek Wayne Johnson entitled "STALLONE: Frank, That Is" about the life, career and survival of Frank Stallone was released in 2021. The documentary features interviews with Sylvester Stallone, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Billy Zane, Geraldo Rivera, Joe Mantegna and many others.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Harold I (died 17 March 1040), also known as Harold Harefoot, was King of the English from 1035 to 1040. Harold's nickname "Harefoot" is first recorded as "Harefoh" or "Harefah" in the twelfth century in the history of Ely Abbey, and according to some late medieval chroniclers it meant that he was "fleet of foot".


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The son of Cnut the Great and Ælfgifu of Northampton, Harold was elected regent of England following the death of his father in 1035. He initially ruled England in place of his brother Harthacnut, who was stuck in Denmark due to a rebellion in Norway which had ousted their brother Svein. Although Harold had wished to be crowned king since 1035, Æthelnoth, Archbishop of Canterbury, refused to do so. It was not until 1037 that Harold, supported by earl Leofric and many others, was officially proclaimed king. The same year, Harold's two step-brothers Edward and Alfred returned to England with a considerable military force. Alfred was captured by Earl Godwin, who had him seized and delivered to an escort of men loyal to Harefoot. While en route to Ely, he was blinded and soon after died of his wounds.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Harold died in 1040, having ruled just five years; his half-brother Harthacnut soon returned and took hold of the kingdom peacefully. Harold was originally buried in Westminster, but Harthacnut had his body dragged up and thrown into a fen adjacent to the river Thames, from where it was reportedly recovered by a fisherman and eventually reburied in a Danish cemetery in London.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" reports that Harold said that he was a son of Cnut the Great and Ælfgifu of Northampton, ""although it was not true"". Florence of Worcester (12th century) elaborates on the subject. Claiming that Ælfgifu wanted to have a son by the king but was unable to, she secretly adopted the newborn children of strangers and pretended to have given birth to them. Harold was reportedly the son of a cobbler, while his brother Svein Knutsson was the illegitimate son of a priest. She deceived Cnut into recognizing both children as his own.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: 21st-century author Harriet O'Brien doubts Cnut, the shrewd politician who "masterminded the bloodless takeover of Norway", could have been deceived in such a way. She suspects the tale started out as a popular myth, or intentional defamation presumably tailored by Emma of Normandy, the other wife of Cnut and rival to Ælfgifu.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Upon the death of Cnut on 12 November 1035, Harold's younger half-brother Harthacnut, the son of Cnut and his queen Emma of Normandy, was the legitimate heir to the thrones of both the Danes and the English. Harthacnut, however, was unable to travel to his coronation in England because his Danish kingdom was under threat of invasion by King Magnus I of Norway and King Anund Jacob of Sweden. England's magnates favored the idea of installing Harold Harefoot temporarily as regent or joint monarch, due to the difficulty of Harthacnut's absence, and despite the opposition of Godwin, the Earl of Wessex, and the Queen, he eventually wore the crown. There is some dispute in primary sources (the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle") about Harold's initial role. Versions E and F mention him as regent, the others as co-ruler.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Ian Howard points out that Cnut had been survived by three sons: Svein, Harold, and Harthacnut. The "Encomium Emmae Reginae" also describes Edward the Confessor and Alfred Aetheling as the sons of Canute, though the modern term would be step-sons. Harold could claim the regency or kingship because he was the only one of the five present in England in 1035. Harthacnut was reigning in Denmark, and Svein had joined him there following his deposition from the Norwegian throne, while Edward and Alfred were in Normandy. Harold could reign in the name of his absent brothers, with Emma rivaling him as a candidate for the regency.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" ignores the existence of Svein, or his claim to the throne, which Howard considers as evidence of the relative entries being unreliable, of failing to give a complete picture. The Heimskringla of Snorri Sturluson claims that Svein and Harthacnut had agreed to share the kingdom between them. This agreement would include Denmark and (probably) England. Snorri quotes older sources on the subject and could be preserving valuable details.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Harold reportedly sought coronation as early as 1035. According to the "Encomium Emmae Reginae", however, Æthelnoth, Archbishop of Canterbury, refused to crown Harold Harefoot. Coronation by the Archbishop would be a legal requirement to become a king. Æthelnoth reportedly placed the sceptre and crown on the altar of a temple, possibly that of the Canterbury Cathedral. Offering to consecrate Harold without using any of the royal regalia would have been an empty honour. He refused to remove the items from the altar and forbade any other bishop from doing so. The tale goes on that Harold failed to sway Æthelnoth, as both bribes and threats proved ineffectual. The despairing Harold reportedly rejected Christianity in protest. He refused to attend church services while uncrowned, preoccupying himself with hunting and trivial matters.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The "Encomium" stays silent on an event reported by the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" and other sources. Harold was accepted as monarch in a Witenagemot held at Oxford. His chief supporter in the council was Leofric, Earl of Mercia, while the opposition was led by Godwin, Earl of Wessex. There is evidence that Ælfgifu of Northampton was attempting to secure her son's position through bribes to the nobles. In 1036, Gunhilda of Denmark, sister to Harthacnut and half-sister to Harold, married Henry III, King of Germany. On this occasion Immo, a priest serving at the court of the Holy Roman Empire, wrote a letter to Azecho, Bishop of Worms. It included information on the situation in England, with messengers from there reporting that Ælfgifu was gaining the support of the leading aristocrats through pleas and bribery, binding them to herself and Harold by oaths of loyalty.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Initially the Kingdom of England was divided between the two half-brothers. Harold ruled the areas north of the River Thames, supported by the local nobility. The southern nobility under Godwin and Emma continued to be ruled in the name of the absent Harthacnut. The "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" reports that Godwin and the leading men of Wessex opposed the rule of Harold for ""...as long as they could, but they could not do anything against it."" With the north at least on Harold's side, in adherence to the terms of a deal, which Godwin was part of, Emma was settled in Winchester, with Harthacnut's huscarls. Harold soon "sent and had taken from her all the best treasures" of Cnut the Great.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The situation could not last for long, and Godwin eventually switched sides. William of Malmesbury asserts that Godwin had been overwhelmed ""in power and in numbers"" by Harold. In 1037, Emma of Normandy fled to Bruges, Flanders, and Harold "was everywhere chosen as king". The details behind the event are obscure. The account of the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle", version E, jumps from Harold being a mere regent to Harold being the sole king. Versions C and D do not even make a distinction between the two phases. Ian Howard theorises that the death of Svein Knutsson could have strengthened Harold's position. He went from being the second surviving son of Cnut to being the eldest living, with Harthacnut still absent and unable to press his claim to the throne.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Harold himself is somewhat obscure; the historian Frank Stenton considered it probable that his mother Ælfgifu was "the real ruler of England" for part or all of his reign. Kelly DeVries points out that during the High Middle Ages, royal succession in Northern Europe was determined by military power. The eldest son of a king could have a superior right of inheritance but still lose the throne to a younger brother, or other junior claimant, possessing greater military support. Harold managed to win the throne against the superior claim of Harthacnut in this way. The 11th century provides other similar examples. Magnus I of Norway (reigned 1035–1047), who wasn't a warlord, had reigned for more than a decade when his uncle Harald Hardrada (reigned 1047–1066) challenged his rule. With Harald being a famous military leader, his claim would end Magnus' reign early. Baldwin VI, Count of Flanders (reigned 1067–1070) was effectively succeeded by his brother Robert I (reigned 1071–1093), rather than his own sons. Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy (reigned 1087–1106) lost the throne of England to his younger brothers William II (reigned 1087–1100) and Henry I (reigned 1100–1135).


title: Harold Harefoot

text: With the Kingdom of England practically owned by Harold, Harthacnut could not even approach without securing sufficient military strength. His decision to remain in Denmark probably points to him lacking sufficient support, though he would certainly wait for an opportunity to forcefully assert his claim and depose his half-brother. Harold reigned as sole king from 1037 to 1040. There are few surviving documents about events of his reign. The "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" mostly covers church matters, such as the deaths and appointments of bishops and archbishops. There is, however, record of a skirmish between the Anglo-Saxons and the Welsh in 1039. The named casualties were Eadwine (Edwin), brother to Leofric, Earl of Mercia, Thurkil, and Ælfgeat, but there are no other details concerning this event. Also in 1039, there is mention of a great gale, again with no details.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: In 1036, Ælfred Ætheling, son of Emma by the long-dead Æthelred, returned to the kingdom from exile in the Duchy of Normandy with his brother Edward the Confessor, with some show of arms. Their motivation is uncertain. William of Poitiers claimed that they had come to claim the English throne for themselves. Frank Barlow suspected that Emma had invited them, possibly to use them against Harold. If so, it could mean that Emma had abandoned the cause of Harthacnut, probably to strengthen her own position, but that could have inspired Godwin to also abandon the lost cause.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The "Encomium Emmae Reginae" claims that Harold himself had lured them to England, having sent them a forged letter, supposedly written by Emma. The letter reportedly both decried Harold's behaviour against her, and urged her estranged sons to come and protect her. Barlow and other modern historians suspect that this letter was genuine. Ian Howard argued that Emma not being involved in a major political manoeuvre would be ""out of character for her"", and the Encomium was probably trying to mask her responsibility for a blunder. William of Jumièges reports that earlier in 1036, Edward had conducted a successful raid of Southampton, managing to win a victory against the troops defending the city and then sailing back to Normandy ""richly laden with booty"", but the swift retreat confirms William's assessment that Edward would need a larger army to seriously claim the throne.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: With his bodyguard, according to the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle", Ælfred intended to visit his mother, Emma, in Winchester, but he may have made this journey for reasons other than a family reunion. As the "murmur was very much in favour of Harold", on the direction of Godwin (now apparently on the side of Harold Harefoot), Ælfred was captured. Godwin had him seized and delivered to an escort of men loyal to Harefoot. He was transported by ship to Ely, and blinded while on board. He died in Ely soon after due to the severity of the wounds, his bodyguard similarly treated. The event would later affect the relationship between Edward and Godwin, the Confessor holding Godwin responsible for the death of his brother.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The failed invasion shows that Harold Harefoot, as a son and successor to Cnut, had gained the support of Anglo-Danish nobility, which violently rejected the claims of Ælfred, Edward, and (by extension) the Aethelings. The House of Wessex had lost support among the nobility of the Kingdom. It might also have served as a turning point in the struggle between Harold and Emma that resulted in Emma's exile.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Harold died at Oxford on 17 March 1040, just as Harthacnut was preparing an invasion force of Danes, and was buried at Westminster Abbey. His body was subsequently exhumed, beheaded, and thrown into a fen bordering the Thames when Harthacnut assumed the throne in June 1040. The body was subsequently recovered by fishermen, and resident Danes reportedly had it reburied at their local cemetery in London. The body was eventually buried in a church in the City of Westminster, which was fittingly named St. Clement Danes. A contradictory account in the "Knýtlinga saga" (13th century) reports Harold buried in the city of Morstr, alongside his half-brother Harthacnut and their father Cnut. While mentioned as a great city in the text, nothing else is known of Morstr. The "Heimskringla" by Snorri Sturluson reports Harold Harefoot to have been buried at Winchester, again alongside Cnut and Harthacnut.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The cause of Harold's death is uncertain. Katherine Holman attributes the death to "a mysterious illness". An Anglo-Saxon charter attributes the illness to divine judgment. Harold had reportedly claimed Sandwich for himself, thereby depriving the monks of Christchurch. Harold is described as lying ill and in despair at Oxford. When monks came to him to settle the dispute over Sandwich, he "lay and grew black as they spoke". The context of the event was a dispute between Christchurch and St Augustine's Abbey, which took over the local toll in the name of the king. There is little attention paid to the illness of the king. Harriet O'Brien feels this is enough to indicate that Harold died of natural causes, but not to determine the nature of the disease. The Anglo-Saxons themselves would consider him elf-shot (attacked by elves), their term for any number of deadly diseases. Michael Evans points out that Harold was only one of several youthful kings of pre-Conquest England to die following short reigns. Others included Edmund I (reigned 939–946, murdered at age 25), Eadred (reigned 946–955, died at age 32), Eadwig (reigned 955–959, died at age 19), Edmund Ironside (reigned 1016, murdered at age 26), and Harthacnut (reigned 1040–1042, who would die at age 24). Evans wonders whether the role of king was dangerous in this era, more so than in the period after the Conquest, or whether hereditary diseases were in effect, since most of these kings were members of the same lineage, the House of Wessex.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: It is unclear why a king would have been buried at Westminster Abbey. The only previous royals reportedly buried there were Sæberht of Essex and his wife Æthelgoda. Emma Mason speculates that Cnut had built a royal residence in the vicinity of the Abbey, or that Westminster held some significance to the Danish Kings of England, which would also explain why Harthacnut would not allow a usurper to be buried there. The lack of detail in the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" implies that, for its compilers, the main point of interest was not the burial site, but the exhumation of the body. Harriet O'Brien theorises that the choice of location might simply reflect the political affiliation of the area of Westminster and nearby London, being a power base for Harold.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: A detailed account of the exhumation appears in the writings of John of Worcester (12th century). The group tasked with the mission was reportedly led by Ælfric Puttoc, Archbishop of York, and Godwin, Earl of Wessex. The involvement of such notable men would have had a significance of its own, giving the event an official nature and avoiding secrecy. Emma Mason suspects that this could also serve as a punishment for Godwin, who had served as a chief supporter of Harold, and was now charged with the gruesome task.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Harold may have had a wife, Ælfgifu, and a son, Ælfwine, who became a monk on the continent when he was older – his monastic name was Alboin. Ælfwine/Alboin is recorded in 1060 and 1062 in charters from the Abbey Church of Saint Foy in Conques, which mention him as son of ""Heroldus rex fuit Anglorum"" (Latin: Harold, who was king of the English People). Harold Harefoot is the most likely father as the only other king Harold was Harold Godwinson, who would not rise to the throne until 1066. Either way, an underage boy would be unable to claim the throne in 1040. His possible hereditary claims would not be enough to gain the support of the leading nobles against the adult Harthacnut.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: Ælfgifu of Northampton disappears with no trace after 1040. According to the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle", Harold Harefoot ruled for four years and sixteen weeks, by which calculation he would have begun ruling two weeks after the death of Cnut.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The "Prose Brut chronicle" was an Anglo-Norman work, covering British and English monarchs from Brut (Brutus of Troy) to the death of Henry III in 1272. It was probably written during the reign of Edward I (reigned 1272–1307), though the oldest surviving manuscript dates to 1338. The text often includes notable errors. The original author remains unknown, but there were a number of continuations by different hands, extending the story to the Battle of Halidon Hill (1333). The material on Harold Harefoot is rather unflattering. The author considered both Harold and Harthacnut to have been sons of Cnut and Emma of Normandy. He proceeds to portray Harold as follows: ""...He went astray from the qualities and conduct of his father King Cnut, for he cared not at all for knighthood, for courtesy, or for honour, but only for his own will..."". He accuses Harold of driving his own mother Emma out of England, by the advice of Godwin, Earl of Wessex. He paints Harthacnut in a more favorable light.


title: Harold Harefoot

text: The "Knýtlinga saga" (13th century) considers Harold Harefoot to be the oldest son of Cnut and Emma of Normandy, though its author frequently misrepresents family relationships. Harthacnut and Gunhilda of Denmark are regarded in the text as his younger siblings. The narrative has Harold and Harthacnut dividing the realms of their father in an agreement. It also features Harold offering hospitality to his half-brother Edward the Confessor, but they were actually step-brothers, and Edward only settled in England following the death of Harold.


The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM; latest edition: DSM-5-TR, published in March 2022) is a publication by the American Psychiatric Association (APA) for the classification of mental disorders using a common language and standard criteria and is the main book for the diagnosis and treatment of mental disorders in the United States and is considered one of the "Bibles" of psychiatry along with the ICD, CCMD and the Psychodynamic Diagnostic Manual.


title: Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders

text: It is usedmainly in the United Statesby researchers, psychiatric drug regulation agencies, health insurance companies, pharmaceutical companies, the legal system, and policymakers. Mental health professionals use the manual to determine and help communicate a patient's diagnosis after an evaluation. Hospitals, clinics, and insurance companies in the United States may require a DSM diagnosis for all patients with mental disorders. Health-care researchers use the DSM to categorize patients for research purposes.


text: The DSM evolved from systems for collecting census and psychiatric hospital statistics, as well as from a United States Army manual. Revisions since its first publication in 1952 have incrementally added to the total number of mental disorders, while removing those no longer considered to be mental disorders.


text: Recent editions of the DSM have received praise for standardizing psychiatric diagnosis grounded in empirical evidence, as opposed to the theory-bound nosology (the branch of medical science that deals with the classification of diseases) used in DSM-III. However, it has also generated controversy and criticism, including ongoing questions concerning the reliability and validity of many diagnoses; the use of arbitrary dividing lines between mental illness and "normality"; possible cultural bias; and the medicalization of human distress.


text: An alternate, widely used classification publication is the "International Classification of Diseases" (ICD) is produced by the World Health Organization (WHO). The ICD has a broader scope than the DSM, covering overall health as well as mental health; chapter 5 of the ICD specifically covers mental and behavioral disorders. Moreover, while the DSM is the most popular diagnostic system for mental disorders in the US, the ICD is used more widely in Europe and other parts of the world, giving it a far larger reach than the DSM. An international survey of psychiatrists in sixty-six countries compared the use of the ICD-10 and DSM-IV. It found the former was more often used for clinical diagnosis while the latter was more valued for research. This may be because the DSM tends to put more emphasis on clear diagnostic criteria, while the ICD tends to put more emphasis on clinician judgement and avoiding diagnostic criteria unless they are independently validated. That is, the ICD descriptions of psychiatric disorders tend to be more qualitative information, such as general descriptions of what various disorders tend to look like. The DSM focuses more on quantitative and operationalized criteria; e.g. to be diagnosed with X disorder, one must fulfill 5 of 9 criteria for at least 6 months.


text: The DSM-IV-TR (4th. ed.) contains specific codes allowing comparisons between the DSM and the ICD manuals, which may not systematically match because revisions are not simultaneously coordinated. Though recent editions of the DSM and ICD have become more similar due to collaborative agreements, each one contains information absent from the other. For instance, the two manuals contain overlapping but substantially different lists of recognized culture-bound syndromes. The ICD also tends to focus more on primary-care and low and middle-income countries, as opposed to the DSM's focus on secondary psychiatric care in high-income countries.


text: The initial impetus for developing a classification of mental disorders in the United States was the need to collect statistical information. The first official attempt was the 1840 census, which used a single category: "idiocy/insanity". Three years later, the American Statistical Association made an official protest to the U.S. House of Representatives, stating that "the most glaring and remarkable errors are found in the statements respecting nosology, prevalence of insanity, blindness, deafness, and dumbness, among the people of this nation", pointing out that in many towns African Americans were all marked as insane, and calling the statistics essentially useless.


text: The Association of Medical Superintendents of American Institutions for the Insane ("The Superintendents' Association") was formed in 1844.


text: Edward Jarvis and later Francis Amasa Walker helped expand the census, from two volumes in 1870 to twenty-five volumes in 1880.


text: In 1872, the American Medical Association (AMA) published its "Nomenclature of Diseases", which included various "Disorders of the Intellect". It's use was short-lived however.


text: In 1888, the Census Office published Frederick H. Wines' 582-page volume called "Report on the Defective, Dependent, and Delinquent Classes of the Population of the United States, As Returned at the Tenth Census (June 1, 1880)". Wines used seven categories of mental illness, which were also adopted by the Superintendents: dementia, dipsomania (uncontrollable craving for alcohol), epilepsy, mania, melancholia, monomania, and paresis.


text: In 1892, the Superintendents' Association expanded it's membership to include other mental health workers, and renamed to the American Medico-Psychological Association (AMPA).


text: In 1903, New York's Bellevue Hospital published "The Bellevue Hospital nomenclature of diseases and conditions," which included a section on "Diseases of the Mind". Revisions were released in 1909 and 1911. It was produced with the assistance of the AMA and Bureau of the Census.


text: In 1917, together with the National Commission on Mental Hygiene (now Mental Health America), the American Medico-Psychological Association developed a new guide for mental hospitals called the "Statistical Manual for the Use of Institutions for the Insane". This guide included twenty-two diagnoses. It would be revised several times by the Association and its successor, the American Psychiatric Association (APA), and by the tenth edition in 1942, was titled "Statistical Manual for the Use of Hospitals of Mental Diseases".


text: In 1933, the AMA's general medical guide the "Standard Classified Nomenclature of Disease", (referred to as the "Standard)," was released. Along with the New York Academy of Medicine, the APA provided the psychiatric nomenclature subsection. A number of revisions were produced, with the last in 1961.


text: World War II saw the large-scale involvement of U.S. psychiatrists in the selection, processing, assessment, and treatment of soldiers. This moved the focus away from mental institutions and traditional clinical perspectives. Under the direction of James Forrestal, a committee headed by psychiatrist Brigadier General William C. Menninger, with the assistance of the Mental Hospital Service, developed a new classification scheme in 1944 and 1945.


text: Issued in War Department Technical Bulletin, Medical, 203 (TB MED 203); "Nomenclature and Method of Recording Diagnoses" was released shortly after the war in October 1945 under the auspices of the Office of the Surgeon General. It was reprinted in the Journal of Clinical Psychology for civilian use in July 1946 with the new title "Nomenclature of Psychiatric Disorders and Reactions". This system came to be known as "Medical 203".


text: The foreword to the DSM-I states the United States Navy had itself made some minor revisions but "the Army established a much more sweeping revision, abandoning the basic outline of the Standard and attempting to express present-day concepts of mental disturbance. This nomenclature eventually was adopted by all the armed forces, and "assorted modifications of the Armed Forces nomenclature [were] introduced into many clinics and hospitals by psychiatrists returning from military duty." The Veterans Administration also adopted a slightly modified version of the standard in 1947.


text: The further developed "Joint Armed Forces Nomenclature and Method of Recording Psychiatric Conditions" was released in 1949.


text: In 1949, the World Health Organization published the sixth revision of the International Statistical Classification of Diseases (ICD), which included a section on mental disorders for the first time. The foreword to DSM-1 states this "categorized mental disorders in rubrics similar to those of the Armed Forces nomenclature".


text: The APA Committee on Nomenclature and Statistics was empowered to develop a version of Medical 203 specifically for use in the United States, to standardize the diverse and confused usage of different documents. In 1950, the APA committee undertook a review and consultation. It circulated an adaptation of Medical 203, the "Standard"s nomenclature, and the VA system's modifications of the "Standard" to approximately 10% of APA members. 46% of members replied, with 93% approving the changes. After some further revisions (resulting in its being called DSM-I), the "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders" was approved in 1951 and published in 1952. The structure and conceptual framework were the same as in Medical 203, and many passages of text were identical. The manual was 130 pages long and listed 106 mental disorders. These included several categories of "personality disturbance", generally distinguished from "neurosis" (nervousness, egodystonic).


text: In 1952, the APA listed homosexuality in the DSM as a sociopathic personality disturbance. "", a large-scale 1962 study of homosexuality by Irving Bieber and other authors, was used to justify inclusion of the disorder as a supposed pathological hidden fear of the opposite sex caused by traumatic parent–child relationships. This view was influential in the medical profession. In 1956, however, the psychologist Evelyn Hooker performed a study comparing the happiness and well-adjusted nature of self-identified homosexual men with heterosexual men and found no difference. Her study stunned the medical community and made her a heroine to many gay men and lesbians, but homosexuality remained in the DSM until May 1974.


text: In the 1960s, there were many challenges to the concept of mental illness itself. These challenges came from psychiatrists like Thomas Szasz, who argued mental illness was a myth used to disguise moral conflicts; from sociologists such as Erving Goffman, who said mental illness was another example of how society labels and controls non-conformists; from behavioural psychologists who challenged psychiatry's fundamental reliance on unobservable phenomena; and from gay rights activists who criticised the APA's listing of homosexuality as a mental disorder. A study published in "Science", the Rosenhan experiment, received much publicity and was viewed as an attack on the efficacy of psychiatric diagnosis.


text: The APA was closely involved in the next significant revision of the mental disorder section of the ICD (version 8 in 1968). It decided to go ahead with a revision of the DSM, which was published in 1968. DSM-II was similar to DSM-I, listed 182 disorders, and was 134 pages long. The term "reaction" was dropped, but the term "neurosis" was retained. Both the DSM-I and the DSM-II reflected the predominant psychodynamic psychiatry, although both manuals also included biological perspectives and concepts from Kraepelin's system of classification. Symptoms were not specified in detail for specific disorders. Many were seen as reflections of broad underlying conflicts or maladaptive reactions to life problems that were rooted in a distinction between neurosis and psychosis (roughly, anxiety/depression broadly in touch with reality, as opposed to hallucinations or delusions disconnected from reality). Sociological and biological knowledge was incorporated, under a model that did not emphasize a clear boundary between normality and abnormality. The idea that personality disorders did not involve emotional distress was discarded.


text: An influential 1974 paper by Robert Spitzer and Joseph L. Fleiss demonstrated that the second edition of the DSM (DSM-II) was an unreliable diagnostic tool. Spitzer and Fleiss found that different practitioners using the DSM-II rarely agreed when diagnosing patients with similar problems. In reviewing previous studies of eighteen major diagnostic categories, Spitzer and Fleiss concluded that "there are no diagnostic categories for which reliability is uniformly high. Reliability appears to be only satisfactory for three categories: mental deficiency, organic brain syndrome (but not its subtypes), and alcoholism. The level of reliability is no better than fair for psychosis and schizophrenia and is poor for the remaining categories".


text: As described by Ronald Bayer, a psychiatrist and gay rights activist, specific protests by gay rights activists against the APA began in 1970, when the organization held its convention in San Francisco. The activists disrupted the conference by interrupting speakers and shouting down and ridiculing psychiatrists who viewed homosexuality as a mental disorder. In 1971, gay rights activist Frank Kameny worked with the Gay Liberation Front collective to demonstrate at the APA's convention. At the 1971 conference, Kameny grabbed the microphone and yelled: "Psychiatry is the enemy incarnate. Psychiatry has waged a relentless war of extermination against us. You may take this as a declaration of war against you."


text: This gay activism occurred in the context of a broader anti-psychiatry movement that had come to the fore in the 1960s and was challenging the legitimacy of psychiatric diagnosis. Anti-psychiatry activists protested at the same APA conventions, with some shared slogans and intellectual foundations as gay activists.


text: Taking into account data from researchers such as Alfred Kinsey and Evelyn Hooker, the seventh printing of the DSM-II, in 1974, no longer listed homosexuality as a category of disorder. After a vote by the APA trustees in 1973, and confirmed by the wider APA membership in 1974, the diagnosis was replaced with the category of "sexual orientation disturbance".


text: In 1974, the decision to create a new revision of the DSM was made, and Robert Spitzer was selected as chairman of the task force. The initial impetus was to make the DSM nomenclature consistent with that of the International Classification of Diseases (ICD). The revision took on a far wider mandate under the influence and control of Spitzer and his chosen committee members. One added goal was to improve the uniformity and validity of psychiatric diagnosis in the wake of a number of critiques, including the famous Rosenhan experiment. There was also felt a need to standardize diagnostic practices within the United States and with other countries, after research showed that psychiatric diagnoses differed between Europe and the United States. The establishment of consistent criteria was an attempt to facilitate the pharmaceutical regulatory process.


text: The criteria adopted for many of the mental disorders were taken from the Research Diagnostic Criteria (RDC) and Feighner Criteria, which had just been developed by a group of research-orientated psychiatrists based primarily at Washington University in St. Louis and the New York State Psychiatric Institute. Other criteria, and potential new categories of disorder, were established by consensus during meetings of the committee chaired by Spitzer. A key aim was to base categorization on colloquial English (which would be easier to use by federal administrative offices), rather than by assumption of cause, although its categorical approach still assumed each particular pattern of symptoms in a category reflected a particular underlying pathology (an approach described as "neo-Kraepelinian"). The psychodynamic or physiologic view was abandoned, in favor of a regulatory or legislative model. A new "multiaxial" system attempted to yield a picture more amenable to a statistical population census, rather than a simple diagnosis. Spitzer argued "mental disorders are a subset of medical disorders", but the task force decided on this statement for the DSM: "Each of the mental disorders is conceptualized as a clinically significant behavioral or psychological syndrome." Personality disorders were placed on axis II along with "mental retardation".


text: The first draft of DSM-III was ready within a year. It introduced many new categories of disorder, while deleting or changing others. A number of unpublished documents discussing and justifying the changes have recently come to light. Field trials sponsored by the U.S. National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) were conducted between 1977 and 1979 to test the reliability of the new diagnoses. A controversy emerged regarding deletion of the concept of neurosis, a mainstream of psychoanalytic theory and therapy but seen as vague and unscientific by the DSM task force. Faced with enormous political opposition, DSM-III was in serious danger of not being approved by the APA Board of Trustees unless "neurosis" was included in some form; a political compromise reinserted the term in parentheses after the word "disorder" in some cases. Additionally, the diagnosis of ego-dystonic homosexuality replaced the DSM-II category of "sexual orientation disturbance". The gender identity disorder in children (GIDC) diagnosis was introduced in the DSM-III; prior to the DSM-III's publication in 1980, there was no diagnostic criteria for gender dysphoria.


text: Finally published in 1980, DSM-III listed 265 diagnostic categories and was 494 pages long. It rapidly came into widespread international use and has been termed a revolution, or transformation, in psychiatry.


text: When DSM-III was published, the developers made extensive claims about the reliability of the radically new diagnostic system they had devised, which relied on data from special field trials. However, according to a 1994 article by Stuart A. Kirk:


text: In 1987, DSM-III-R was published as a revision of the DSM-III, under the direction of Spitzer. Categories were renamed and reorganized, with significant changes in criteria. Six categories were deleted while others were added. Controversial diagnoses, such as pre-menstrual dysphoric disorder and masochistic personality disorder, were considered and discarded. "Ego-dystonic homosexuality" was also removed and was largely subsumed under "sexual disorder not otherwise specified", which could include "persistent and marked distress about one's sexual orientation." Altogether, the DSM-III-R contained 292 diagnoses and was 567 pages long. Further efforts were made for the diagnoses to be purely descriptive, although the introductory text stated for at least some disorders, "particularly the Personality Disorders, the criteria require much more inference on the part of the observer" [p. xxiii].


text: In 1994, DSM-IV was published, listing 410 disorders in 886 pages. The task force was chaired by Allen Frances and was overseen by a steering committee of twenty-seven people, including four psychologists. The steering committee created thirteen work groups of five to sixteen members, each work group having about twenty advisers in addition. The work groups conducted a three-step process: first, each group conducted an extensive literature review of their diagnoses; then, they requested data from researchers, conducting analyses to determine which criteria required change, with instructions to be conservative; finally, they conducted multi-center field trials relating diagnoses to clinical practice. A major change from previous versions was the inclusion of a clinical-significance criterion to almost half of all the categories, which required symptoms causing "clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning". Some personality-disorder diagnoses were deleted or moved to the appendix.


text: The DSM-IV characterizes a mental disorder as "a clinically significant behavioral or psychological syndrome or pattern that occurs in an individual and that is associated with present distress or disability or with a significant increased risk of suffering death, pain, disability, or an important loss of freedom". It also notes that "although this manual provides a classification of mental disorders it must be admitted that no definition adequately specifies precise boundaries for the concept of 'mental disorder."