title: Management information system

text: Once decisions have been made, IT directors, including MIS directors, are in charge of the technical implementation of the system. They are also in charge of implementing the policies affecting the MIS (either new specific policies passed down by the CIOs or CTOs or policies that align the new systems with the organization's overall IT policy). It is also their role to ensure the availability of data and network services as well as the security of the data involved by coordinating IT activities.


title: Management information system

text: Upon implementation, the assigned users will have the appropriate access to relevant information. It is important to note that not everyone inputting data into MIS need necessarily be management level. It is common practice to have inputs to MIS be inputted by non-managerial employees though they rarely have access to the reports and decision support platforms offered by these systems.


title: Management information system

text: The following are types of information systems used to create reports, extract data, and assist in the decision making processes of middle and operational level managers.


title: Poverty in India

text: India is a developing nation. Although its economy is growing, poverty is still a major challenge. However, poverty is on the decline in India. According to an International Monetary Fund paper, extreme poverty, defined by the World Bank as living on US$1.9 or less in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms, in India was as low as 0.8% in 2019 and the country managed to keep it at that level in 2020 despite the unprecedented COVID-19 outbreak.


title: Poverty in India

text: According to World Bank, extreme poverty has reduced by 12.3% between 2011 and 2019 from 22.5% in 2011 to 10.2% in 2019. A working paper of the bank said rural poverty declined from 26.3% in 2011 to 11.6% in 2019. The decline in urban areas was from 14.2% to 6.3% in the same period.The poverty level in rural and urban areas went down by 14.7 and 7.9 percentage points, respectively.


title: Poverty in India

text: According to United Nations Development Programme administrator Achim Steiner, India lifted 271 million people out of extreme poverty in a 10-year time period from 2005–2006 to 2015–2016. A 2020 study from the World Economic Forum found "Some 220 million Indians sustained on an expenditure level of less than Rs 32 / day—the poverty line for rural India—by the last headcount of the poor in India in 2013."


title: Poverty in India

text: The World Bank has been revising its definition and benchmarks to measure poverty since 1990–1991, with a $0.2 per day income on purchasing power parity basis as the definition in use from 2005 to 2013. Some semi-economic and non-economic indices have also been proposed to measure poverty in India. For example, in order to determine whether a person is poor, the Multi-dimensional Poverty Index places a 13% weight on the number of years that person spent in school or engaged in education and a 6.25% weight on the financial condition of that person.


title: Poverty in India

text: The different definitions and underlying small sample surveys used to determine poverty in India have resulted in widely varying estimates of poverty from the 1950s to 2010s. In 2019, the Indian government stated that 6.7% of its population is below its official poverty limit. Based on 2019's PPPs International Comparison Program, According to the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDG) programme, 80 million people out of 1.2 billion Indians, roughly equal to 6.7% of India's population, lived below the poverty line of $1.25 and 84% of Indians lived on less than $6.85 per day in 2019.


title: Poverty in India

text: From the late 19th century through the early 20th century, under the British Raj, poverty in India intensified, peaking in the 1920s. Famines and diseases killed millions in multiple vicious cycles throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries. After India gained its independence in 1947, mass deaths from famines were prevented. Since 1991, rapid economic growth has led to a sharp reduction in extreme poverty in India. However, those above the poverty line live a fragile economic life. As per the methodology of the Suresh Tendulkar Committee report, the population below the poverty line in India was 354 million (29.6% of the population) in 2009–2010 and was 69 million (21.9% of the population) in 2011–2012. In 2014, the Rangarajan Committee said that the population below the poverty line was 454 million (38.2% of the population) in 2009–2010 and was 363 million (29.5% of the population) in 2011–2012. Deutsche Bank Research estimated that there are nearly 300 million people who are in the middle class. If these previous trends continue, India's share of world GDP will significantly increase from 7.3% in 2016 to 8.5% by 2020. In 2012, around 170 million people, or 12.4% of India's population, lived in poverty (defined as $1.90 (Rs 123.5)), an improvement from 29.8% of India's population in 2009. In their paper, economists Sandhya Krishnan and Neeraj Hatekar conclude that 600 million people, or more than half of India's population, belong to the middle class.


title: Poverty in India

text: The Asian Development Bank estimates India's population to be at 1.28 billion with an average growth rate of 1.3% from 2010 to 2015. In 2014, 9.9% of the population aged 15 years and above were employed. 6.9% of the population still lives below the national poverty line and 63% in extreme poverty (December 2018) The World Poverty Clock shows real-time poverty trends in India, which are based on the latest data, of the World Bank, among others. As per recent estimates, the country is well on its way of ending extreme poverty by meeting its sustainable development goals by 2030. According to Oxfam, India's top 1% of the population now holds 73% of the wealth, while 670 million citizens, comprising the country's poorest half, saw their wealth rise by just 1%.


title: Poverty in India

text: Poverty is the state of not having enough material possessions or income for a person basic need. Poverty may include social, economic, and political elements. Absolute poverty is the complete lack of the means necessary to meet basic personal needs, such as food, clothing, and shelter.


title: Poverty in India

text: There are several definitions of poverty, and scholars disagree as to which definition is appropriate for India. Inside India, both income-based poverty definition and consumption-based poverty statistics are in use. Outside India, the World Bank and institutions of the United Nations use a broader definition to compare poverty among nations, including India, based on purchasing power parity (PPP), as well as nominal relative basis. Each state in India has its own poverty threshold to determine how many people are below its poverty line and to reflect regional economic conditions. These differences in definitions yield a complex and conflicting picture about poverty in India, both internally and when compared to other developing countries of the world.


title: Poverty in India

text: According to the World Bank, India accounted for the world's largest number of poor people in 2012 using revised methodology to measure poverty, reflecting its massive population. However, in terms of percentage, it scored somewhat lower than other countries holding large poor populations. In July 2018, World Poverty Clock, a Vienna-based think tank, reported that a minimal 5.3% or 70.6 million Indians lived in extreme poverty compared to 44% or 87 million Nigerians. In 2019, Nigeria and Congo surpassed India in terms of total population earning below $1.9 a day. Although India is expected to meet the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals on extreme poverty in due time, a very large share of its population lives on less than $3.2 a day, putting India's economy safely into the category of lower middle income economies.


title: Poverty in India

text: As with many countries, poverty was historically defined and estimated in India using a sustenance food standard. This methodology has been revised. India's current official poverty rates are based on its Planning Commission's data derived from so-called Tendulkar methodology. It defines poverty not in terms of annual income, but in terms of consumption or spending per individual over a certain period for a basket of essential goods. Furthermore, this methodology sets different poverty lines for rural and urban areas. Since 2007, India has set its official threshold at 26 a day ($0.43) in rural areas and about 32 per day ($0.53) in urban areas. While these numbers are lower than the World Bank's $1.25 per day "income"-based definition, the definition is similar to China's US$0.65 per day official poverty line in 2008.


title: Poverty in India

text: The World Bank's international poverty line definition is based on purchasing power parity basis, at $1.25 per day. This definition is motivated by the fact that the price of the same goods and services can differ significantly when converted into local currencies around the world. A realistic definition and comparison of poverty must consider these differences in costs of living, or must be on purchasing power parity (PPP) basis. On this basis, currency fluctuations and nominal numbers become less important, the definition is based on the local costs of a basket of essential goods and services that people can purchase. By World Bank's 2014 PPP definition, India's poverty rate is significantly lower than previously believed.


title: Poverty in India

text: As with economic measures, there are many mixed or non-economic measures of poverty and experts contest which one is most appropriate for India. For example, Dandekar and Rath in 1971 suggested a measure of poverty rate that was based on number of calories consumed. In 2011, Alkire et al. suggested a poverty rate measure so-called Multi-dimensional Poverty Index (MPI), which only puts a 6.25% weight to assets owned by a person and places 33% weight on education and number of years spent in school. These non-economic measures remain controversial and contested as a measure of poverty rate of any nation, including India.


title: Poverty in India

text: India determines its household poverty line by summing up the individual per capita poverty lines of the household members. This practice is similar to many developing countries, but different from developed countries such as the United States who adjusts their poverty line on an incremental basis per additional household member. For example, in the United States, the poverty line for a household with just one member was set at $11,670 per year for 2014, while it was set at $23,850 per year for a 4-member household (or $5963 per person for the larger household). The rationale for the differences arise from the economic realities of each country. In India, households may include surviving grandparents, parents, and children. They typically do not incur any or significant rent expenses every month particularly in rural India, unlike housing in mostly urban developed economies. The cost of food and other essentials are shared within the household by its members in both cases. However, a larger portion of a monthly expenditure goes to food in poor households in developing countries, while housing, conveyance, and other essentials cost significantly more in developed economies.


title: Poverty in India

text: For its current poverty rate measurements, India calculates two benchmarks. The first includes a basket of goods, including food items but excluding the implied value of home, value of any means of conveyance or the economic value of other essentials created, grown or used without a financial transaction, by the members of a household. The second poverty line benchmark adds rent value of residence as well as the cost of conveyance, but nothing else, to the first benchmark. This practice is similar to those used in developed countries for non-cash income equivalents and a poverty line basis.


title: Poverty in India

text: India's proposed but not yet adopted official poverty line, in 2014, was a month in rural areas or a month in cities. The current poverty line is 1,059.42 Indian Rupees (62 PPP USD) per month in rural areas and 1,286 Indian rupees (75 PPP USD) per month in urban areas. India's nationwide average poverty line differs from each state's poverty line. For example, in 2011–2012, Puducherry had its highest poverty line of a month in rural and a month in urban areas, while Odisha had the lowest poverty thresholds of a month for rural and a month for its urban areas.


title: Poverty in India

text: The 19th century and early 20th century saw increasing poverty in India during the colonial era. Over this period, the colonial government de-industrialized India by reducing garments and other finished products manufactured by artisans in India. Instead, they imported these products from Britain's expanding industry due to the many industrial innovations of the 19th century. Additionally, the government simultaneously encouraged the conversion of more land into farms and more agricultural exports from India. Eastern regions of India along the Ganges river plains, such as those now known as eastern Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal, were dedicated to producing poppy and opium. These items were then exported to southeast and east Asia, particularly China. The East India Company initially held an exclusive monopoly over these exports, and the colonial British institutions later did so as well. The economic importance of this shift from industry to agriculture in India was large; by 1850, it created nearly 1,000 square kilometres of poppy farms India's fertile Ganges plains. This consequently led to two opium wars in Asia, with the second opium war fought between 1856 and 1860. After China agreed to be a part of the opium trade, the colonial government dedicated more land exclusively to poppy. The opium agriculture in India rose from 1850 through 1900, when over 500,000 acres of the most fertile Ganges basin farms were devoted to poppy cultivation. Additionally, opium processing factories owned by colonial officials were expanded in Benares and Patna, and shipping expanded from Bengal to the ports of East Asia such as Hong Kong, all under exclusive monopoly of the British. By the early 20th century, 3 out of 4 Indians were employed in agriculture, famines were common, and food consumption per capita declined in every decade. In London, the late 19th century British parliament debated the repeated incidence of famines in India, and the impoverishment of Indians due to this diversion of agriculture land from growing food staples to growing poppy for opium export under orders of the colonial British empire.


title: Poverty in India

text: These colonial policies moved unemployed artisans into farming, and transformed India into a region increasingly abundant in land, unskilled labour, and low productivity. This consequently made India scarce in skilled labour, capital and knowledge. On an inflation adjusted 1973 rupee basis, the average income of an Indian agrarian labourer was Rs. 7.20 per year in 1885, against an inflation adjusted poverty line of Rs. 23.90 per year. Thus, not only was the average income below the poverty line, but the intensity of poverty was also severe. The intensity of poverty increased from 1885 to 1921, before being reversed. However, the absolute poverty rates continued to be very high through the 1930s. The colonial policies on taxation and its recognition of land ownership claims of zamindars and mansabdars, or Mughal era nobility, made a minority of families wealthy. Additionally, these policies weakened the ability of poorer peasants to command land and credit. The resulting rising landlessness and stagnant real wages intensified poverty.


title: Poverty in India

text: The National Planning Committee, notes Suryanarayana, then defined goals in 1936 to alleviate poverty by setting targets in terms of nutrition (2400 to 2800 calories per adult worker), clothing (30 yards per capita per annum) and housing (100 sq. ft per capita). This method of linking poverty as a function of nutrition, clothing and housing continued in India after it became independent from British colonial empire.


title: Poverty in India

text: These poverty alleviation goals were theoretical, with administrative powers resident in the British Empire. Poverty ravaged India. In 1943, for example, despite rising agricultural output in undivided South Asia, the Bengal famine killed millions of Indians from starvation, disease and destitution. Destitution was so intense in Bengal, Bihar, eastern Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand and Orissa, that entire families and villages were "wiped out" of existence. Village artisans, along with sustenance farming families, died from lack of food, malnutrition and a wave of diseases. The 1943 famine was not an isolated tragedy. Devastating famines impoverished India every 5 to 8 years in the late 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. Between 6.1 and 10.3 million people starved to death in British India during the 1876–1879 famine, while another 6.1 to 8.4 million people died during the 1896–1898 famine. The Lancet reported that 19 million people died from starvation and the consequences of extreme poverty in British India between 1896 and 1900. Sir MacDonnell observed the suffering and poverty in 1900, and noted, "people died like flies" in Bombay.


title: Poverty in India

text: Minhas published his estimates of poverty rates in 1950s India as cyclical and a strong function of each year's harvest. Minhas disagreed with the practice of using calories as the basis for poverty estimation and proposed a poverty line based on real expenditure per year (Rs 240 per annum). In 1956–57, a good harvest year, he computed India's poverty rate to be 65% (215 million people). For 1960, Minhas estimated the poverty to be 59%.


title: Poverty in India

text: A Working Group was formed in 1962 to attempt to set a poverty line for India. This Working Group used calories required for survival, and income needed to buy those calories in different parts of rural India, to derive an average poverty line of Rs. 20 per month at 1960–61 prices.


title: Poverty in India

text: Estimates of poverty in India during the 1960s varied widely. Dandekar and Rath, on the behalf of then Indian government, estimated that the poverty rate in 1960s remained generally constant at 41%. Ojha, in contrast, estimated that there were 190 million people (44%) in India below official poverty limit in 1961, and that this below-poverty line number increased to 289 million people (70%) in 1967. Bardhan also concluded that Indian poverty rates increased through the 1960s, reaching a high of 54%. Those above the 1960s poverty level of Rs 240 per year, were in fragile economic groups as well and not doing well either. Minhas estimated that 95% of India's people lived on Rs 458 per year in 1963–64, while the richest 5% lived on an average of Rs 645 per year (all numbers inflation adjusted to 1960–61 Rupee).


title: Poverty in India

text: Dandekar and Rath in 1971 used a daily intake of 2,250 calories per person to define the poverty line for India. Using NSSO data regarding household expenditures for 1960–61, they determined that in order to achieve this food intake and other daily necessities, a rural dweller required an annual income of 170.80 per year ( 14.20 per month, adjusted to 1971 Rupee). An urban dweller required 271.70 per year ( 22.60 per month). They concluded from this study that 40 percent of rural residents and 50 percent of urban residents were below the poverty line in 1960–61.


title: Poverty in India

text: Poverty alleviation has been a driver for India's Planning Commission's Task Force on Projections of Minimum Needs and Effective Consumption Demand of the Perspective Planning Division. This division, in 1979, took into account differences in calorie requirements for different age groups, activity levels, and sex. They determined that the average rural dweller needed around 2400 calories, and those in urban areas required about 2100 calories per person per day. To satisfy the food requirement, the Task Force estimated that a consumer spending in 1973–74 of Rs.49.09 per person per month in rural areas and Rs.56.64 in urban areas was appropriate measure to estimate its poverty line.


title: Poverty in India

text: Poverty remained stubbornly high in India through the 1970s and 1980s. It created slogans such as "Garibi Hatao" (meaning eliminate poverty) for political campaigns, during elections in early 1970s through the 1980s. Rural poverty rate exceeded 50%, using India's official poverty line for 1970s.


title: Poverty in India

text: Additionally, in 1976, the Indian government passed the Bonded Labor System Act in an effort to end debt bondage in India, a practice which contributes to generational poverty. Nevertheless, this system is still in place today due to weak enforcement of this law.


title: Poverty in India

text: Another Expert Group was instituted in 1993, chaired by Lakdawala, to examine poverty line for India. It recommended that regional economic differences are large enough that poverty lines should be calculated for each state. From then on, a standard list of commodities were drawn up and priced in each state of the nation, using 1973–74 as a base year. This basket of goods could then be re-priced each year and comparisons made between regions. The Government of India began using a modified version of this method of calculating the poverty line in India.


title: Poverty in India

text: There are wide variations in India's poverty estimates for 1990s, in part from differences in the methodology and in the small sample surveys they poll for the underlying data. A 2007 report for example, using data for late 1990s, stated that 77% of Indians lived on less than 20 a day (about US$0.50 per day). In contrast, S.G.Datt estimated India's national poverty rate to be 35% in 1994, at India's then official poverty line of Rs 49 per capita, with consumer price index adjusted to June 1974 rural prices.


title: Poverty in India

text: The Saxena Committee report, using data from 1972 to 2000, separated calorific intake apart from nominal income in its economic analysis of poverty in India, and then stated that 50% of Indians lived below the poverty line. The Planning Commission of India, in contrast, determined that the poverty rate was 39%.


title: Poverty in India

text: The National Council of Applied Economic Research estimated that 48% of the Indian households earn more than annually (or more than 3 PPP per person). According to NCAER, in 2009, of the 222 million households in India, the absolutely poor households (annual incomes below ) accounted for only 15.6% of them or about 35 million (about 200 million Indians). Another 80 million households are in the income levels of to per year. These numbers are similar to World Bank estimates of the "below-the-poverty-line" households that may total about 100 million (or about 456 million individuals).


title: Poverty in India

text: The Suresh Tendulkar Committee set up to look into the people living under the poverty line in India submitted its report in November 2009. It provided a new method of calculating the poverty line based on per capita consumption expenditure per month or day. For rural areas, it was Rs 816 per month or Rs 27 per day. For urban areas, it was Rs 1000 per month or Rs 33 per day. Using this methodology, the population below the poverty line in 2009–2010 was 354 million (29.6% of the population) and that in 2011–2012 was 269 million (21.9% of the population).


title: Poverty in India

text: In its annual report of 2012, the Reserve Bank of India named the state of Goa as having the least poverty of 5.09% while the national average stood at 21.92% The table below presents the poverty statistics for rural, urban and combined percentage below poverty line (BPL) for each State or Union Territory. The highest poverty statistics for each category column is coloured light red and the lowest poverty statistics for each category column is coloured light Blue in the table below.


title: Poverty in India

text: The World Bank has reviewed its poverty definition and calculation methodologies several times over the last 25 years. In early 1990s, The World Bank anchored absolute poverty line as $1 per day. This was revised in 1993, and the absolute poverty line was set at $1.08 a day for all countries on a purchasing power parity (PPP) basis, after adjusting for inflation to the 1993 US dollar. In 2005, after extensive studies of the cost of living across the world, The World Bank raised the measure for global poverty line to reflect the observed higher cost of living. Thereafter, the World Bank determined poverty rates from those living on less than US$1.25 per day on 2005 PPP basis, a measure that has been widely used in media and scholarly circles.


title: Poverty in India

text: In May 2014, after revisiting its poverty definition, methodology and economic changes around the world, the World Bank proposed another major revision to PPP calculation methodology, international poverty line and indexing it to 2011 US dollar. The new method proposes setting poverty line at $1.78 per day on 2011 PPP basis. According to this revised World Bank methodology, India had 179.6 million people below the new poverty line, China had 137.6 million, and the world had 872.3 million people below the new poverty line on an equivalent basis as of 2013. India, in other words, while having 17.5% of total world's population, had 20.6% share of world's poor. In October 2015, the World Bank updated the international poverty line to US$1.90 a day.


title: Poverty in India

text: The Rangarajan Committee set up to look into the poverty line estimation in India submitted its report in June 2014. It amended the calculation of the poverty line based on per capita consumption expenditure per month or day given by the Tendulkar Committee. The new poverty threshold for rural areas was fixed at Rs 972 per month or Rs 32 per day. For urban areas, it was fixed at Rs 1407 per month or Rs 47 per day. Under this methodology, the population below the poverty line in 2009–2010 was 454 million (38.2% of the population) and that in 2011–2012 was 363 million (29.5% of the population).


title: Poverty in India

text: From November 2017, the World Bank started reporting poverty rates for all countries using two new international poverty lines: a "lower middle-income" line set at $3.20 per day and an "upper middle-income" line set at $5.50 per day. These are in addition to the earlier poverty line of $1.90 per day. The new lines are supposed to serve two purposes. One, they account for the fact that achieving the same set of capabilities may need a different set of goods and services in different countries and, specifically, a costlier set in richer countries. Second, they allow for cross-country comparisons and benchmarking both within and across developing regions. India falls in the lower middle-income category. Using the $3.20 per day poverty line, the percentage of the population living in poverty in India (2011) was 60%. This means that 763 million people in India were living below this poverty line in 2011.


title: Poverty in India

text: Other measures such as the semi-economic Multi-dimensional Poverty Index (MPI), which places 33% weight on education and number of schooling years in its definition of poverty, and places 6.25% weight on income and assets owned, suggests there were 650 million people (53.7% of population) living in MPI-poverty in India. 421 million of MPI-defined poor are concentrated in eight North Indian and East Indian states of Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. The table below presents this semi-economic poverty among the states of India based on the Multi-dimensional Poverty Index, using a small sample survey data for Indian states in 2005.


title: Poverty in India

text: According to a 2011 poverty Development Goals Report, as many as 320 million people in India and China are expected to come out of extreme poverty in the next four years, with India's poverty rate projected to drop from 51% in 1990 to about 22% in 2015. The report also indicates that in Southern Asia, only India is on track to cut poverty by half by the 2015 target date.


title: Poverty in India

text: In 2015, according to United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MGD) programme, India has already achieved the target of reducing poverty by half, with 24.7% of its 1.2 billion people in 2011 living below the poverty line or having income of less than $1.25 a day, the U.N. report said. The same figure was 49.4% in 1994. India had set a target of 23.9% to be achieved by 2015.


title: Poverty in India

text: According to Global Wealth Report 2016 compiled by Credit Suisse Research Institute, India is the second most unequal country in the world with the top one per cent of the population owning 58% of the total wealth.


title: Poverty in India

text: Global Hunger Index (GHI) is an index that places a third of weight on proportion of the population that is estimated to be undernourished, a third on the estimated prevalence of low body weight to height ratio in children younger than five, and remaining third weight on the proportion of children dying before the age of five for any reason. According to 2011 GHI report, India has improved its performance by 22% in 20 years, from 30.4 to 23.7 over 1990 to 2011 period. However, its performance from 2001 to 2011 has shown little progress, with just 3% improvement. A sharp reduction in the percentage of underweight children has helped India improve its hunger record on the Global Hunger Index (GHI) 2014. India now ranks 55 among 76 emerging economies. Between 2005 and 2014, the prevalence of underweight children under the age of five fell from 43.5% to 30.7%.


title: Poverty in India

text: From the above 2 tables, we could derive the following to see if the distribution of poverty follows as that of the total population:


title: Poverty in India

text: The subject of the economic impact of British imperialism on India was raised by British Whig politician Edmund Burke who in 1778 began a seven-year impeachment trial against Warren Hastings and the East India Company on charges including mismanagement of the Indian economy. Contemporary historian Rajat Kanta Ray argues the economy established by the British in the 18th century was a form of plunder and a catastrophe for the traditional economy of India, depleting food and money stocks and imposing high taxes that helped cause the famine of 1770, which killed a third of the people of Bengal.


title: Poverty in India

text: Since the 1950s, the Indian government and non-governmental organisations have initiated several programs to alleviate poverty, including subsidising food and other necessities, increased access to loans, improving agricultural techniques and price supports, promoting education, and family planning. These measures have helped eliminate famines, cut absolute poverty levels by more than half, and reduced illiteracy and malnutrition.


title: Poverty in India

text: Although the Indian economy has grown steadily over the last two decades, its growth has been uneven when comparing social groups, economic groups, geographic regions, and rural and urban areas. For the year 2015–16, the GSDP growth rates of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh was higher than Maharashtra, Odisha or Punjab. Though GDP growth rate matters a lot economically, the debate is moving towards another consensus in India, where unhealthy infatuation with GDP growth matters less and holistic development or all-inclusive growth matters more. While India may well be on the path to eradicating extreme poverty, it still lags well behind in other important development indicators, even in comparison to some of its neighbouring countries, especially in regard to health and education.


title: Poverty in India

text: Despite significant economic progress, one quarter of the nation's population earns less than the government-specified poverty threshold of 32 per day (approximately 0.6).


title: Poverty in India

text: According to the 2001 census, 35.5% of Indian households used banking services, 35.1% owned a radio or transistor, 31.6% a television, 9.1% a phone, 43.7% a bicycle, 11.7% a scooter, motorcycle or a moped, and 2.5% a car, jeep or van; 34.5% of the households had none of these assets. As part of creating the capacity to give access to individuals who are still outside the scope of financial services, Confederation of Indian Industry's president Sanjiv Bajaj called for additional new banks and non-banking financial companies.


title: Poverty in India

text: According to Department of Telecommunications of India, the phone density reached 73.34% by December 2012 and as an annual growth decreased by −4.58%. This tallies with the fact that a family of four with an annual income of could afford some of these luxury items.


title: Poverty in India

text: The World Bank's Global Monitoring Report for 2014–15 on the Millennium Development Goals says India has been the biggest contributor to poverty reduction between 2008 and 2011, with around 140 million or so lifted out of absolute poverty.


title: Poverty in India

text: Since the early 1950s, the Indian government has initiated various schemes to help the poor attain self-sufficiency in food production. A few examples of these initiatives include ration cards and price controls over the supply of basic commodities, particularly food at controlled prices, available throughout the country. These efforts prevented famines, but did little to eliminate or reduce poverty in rural or urban areas between 1950 and 1980.


title: Poverty in India

text: India's rapid economic growth rate since 1991 is one of the main reasons for a record decline in poverty. Another reason proposed is India's launch of social welfare programs such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and the Midday Meal Scheme in government schools. In a 2012 study, Klonner and Oldiges, concluded that MGNREGA helps reduce rural poverty gap (intensity of rural poverty) and seasonal poverty, but not overall poverty. However, there is a disturbing side, as deprivation has tended to increase, and that too among the most deprived sections. According to the latest statistics published by the Census of India, among scheduled tribes, 44.7% of people were farmers working on their own land in 2001; however, this number came down to 34.5% in 2011. Among scheduled castes, this number declined from 20% to 14.8% during the same period. This data is corroborated by other data from the census, which also says that the number of people who were working on others' land (landless laborers), increased from 36.9% in 2001 to 44.4% among scheduled castes SC and from 45.6% to 45.9% among scheduled tribes.


title: Poverty in India

text: India has achieved annual growth exceeding 7 percent over the last 15 years and continues to pull millions of people out of poverty, according to the World Bank. The country has halved its poverty rate over the past three decades and has seen strong improvements in most human development outcomes, a report by the international financial institution has found. Growth is expected to continue and the elimination of extreme poverty in the next decade is within reach, said the bank, which warned that the country's development trajectory faces considerable challenges.


title: PPSh-41

text: The PPSh-41 () is a Soviet submachine gun designed by Georgy Shpagin as a cheaper and simplified alternative to the PPD-40. A common Russian nickname for the weapon is ""papasha"" (), meaning "daddy", and it was sometimes called the "burp gun" because of its high fire-rate.


title: PPSh-41

text: The PPSh is a magazine-fed selective-fire submachine gun using an open bolt, blowback action. Made largely of stamped steel, it can be loaded with either a box or drum magazine and fires the 7.62×25mm Tokarev pistol round.


title: PPSh-41

text: The PPSh saw extensive combat use during World War II and the Korean War; in Eastern Bloc countries, monuments celebrating the actions of the Red Army commonly feature a PPSh-41. It became one of the major infantry weapons of the Soviet Armed Forces during World War II, with about six million PPSh-41s manufactured in this period, making it the most-produced submachine gun of the war. In the form of the Chinese Type 50 (licensed copy), it continued in use with the Viet Cong as late as 1970, and remains in use with irregular militaries.


title: PPSh-41

text: The impetus for the development of the PPSh came partly from the Winter War against Finland, where the Finnish Army employed the Suomi KP/-31 submachine gun as a highly effective tool for close-quarter fighting in forests and built-up urban areas. Its 71-round drum magazine was later copied and adopted by the Soviets for their PPD-40 and PPSh-41 submachine guns. The PPD-40 was subsequently rushed into mass production in 1940, but it was expensive to manufacture, both in terms of materials and labor, because it used numerous milled metal parts, particularly its receiver. Georgy Shpagin's main idea for cost reduction was to use metal stamping for the production of most parts. Shpagin created a prototype PPSh in September 1940, which also featured a simple gas compensator designed to prevent the muzzle from rising during bursts; this improved shot grouping by about 70% relative to the PPD.


title: PPSh-41

text: The new weapon was produced in a network of factories in Moscow, with high-level local Party members made directly responsible for meeting production targets. A few hundred weapons were produced in November 1941 and another 155,000 were made during the next five months. By spring 1942, the PPSh factories were producing roughly 3,069 units a day. Soviet production figures for 1942 indicate that almost 1.5 million units were produced. Its parts (excluding the barrel) could be produced by a relatively unskilled workforce with simple equipment available in an auto repair garage or tin shop, freeing more skilled workers for other tasks. The PPSh-41 uses 87 components compared to 95 for the PPD-40 and the PPSh could be manufactured with an estimated 5.6 machining hours (later revised to 7.3 hours) compared with 13.7 hours for the PPD. Barrel production was often simplified by using barrels for the 7.62mm Mosin–Nagant: the rifle barrel was cut in half and two PPSh barrels were made from it after machining the chamber for the 7.62×25mm Tokarev cartridge.


title: PPSh-41

text: After the German Army captured large numbers of the PPSh-41 during World War II, a program was instituted to convert the weapon to the standard German submachine gun cartridge – 9×19mm Parabellum. The "Wehrmacht" officially adopted the converted PPSh-41 as the "MP41(r)"; unconverted PPSh-41s were designated "MP717(r)" and supplied with 7.63×25mm Mauser ammunition (which is dimensionally identical to 7.62×25mm Tokarev, but slightly less powerful). German-language manuals for the use of captured PPShs were printed and distributed in the "Wehrmacht". In addition to barrel replacement, converted PPSh-41s also had a magazine adapter installed, allowing them to use MP 40 magazines. The less powerful 9mm round generally reduces the cyclic rate of fire from 800 to 750 RPM. Modern aftermarket conversion kits based on the original Wehrmacht one also exist using a variety of magazines, including Sten magazines. Some enthusiasts have been able to make them work with the original Soviet drum and stick magazines, eliminating the adapter, as well as use of the more powerful 9×23mm Winchester ammo.


title: PPSh-41

text: As standard, each PPSh-41 came with two factory-fitted drum magazines that were matched to the weapon with marked serial numbers. If drum magazines were mixed and used with different serial numbered PPSh-41, a loose fitting could result in poor retention and failure to feed. Drum magazines were superseded by a simpler PPS-42 box-type magazine holding 35 rounds, although an improved drum magazine made from 1 mm thick steel was also introduced in 1944.


title: PPSh-41

text: The PPS-43 was later introduced in Soviet service in 1943, which was even more basic in its design than the PPSh, and had a more moderate rate of fire, but it did not replace the PPSh-41 during the war.


title: PPSh-41

text: The Soviet Union also experimented with the PPSh-41 in a close air support antipersonnel role, mounting dozens of the submachine guns in forward fuselage racks on the Tu-2sh variant of the Tupolev Tu-2 bomber.


title: PPSh-41

text: More than five million PPSh submachine guns were produced by the end of the war. The Soviets would often equip platoons and sometimes entire companies with the weapon, giving them excellent short-range firepower. Thousands more were dropped behind enemy lines in order to equip Soviet partisans to disrupt German supply lines and communications.


title: PPSh-41

text: After the Second World War, the PPSh was supplied in large quantities to Soviet-aligned states and Communist guerrilla forces. During the Korean War, the Korean People's Army (KPA) and the Chinese People's Volunteer Army (PVA) fighting in Korea received massive numbers of the PPSh-41, in addition to the North Korean Type 49 and the Chinese Type 50, which were both licensed copies of the PPSh-41 with small mechanical revisions.


title: PPSh-41

text: Though relatively inaccurate, the Chinese PPSh has a high rate of fire and was well-suited to the close-range firefights that typically occurred, especially at night. United Nations forces in defensive outposts or on patrol often had trouble returning a sufficient volume of fire when attacked by companies of infantry armed with the PPSh. Some U.S. infantry officers ranked the PPSh as the best combat weapon of the war: while lacking the accuracy of the U.S. M1 Garand and M1 carbine, it provided more firepower at short distances. Infantry captain (later general) Hal Moore, stated: "on full automatic it sprayed a lot of bullets and most of the killing in Korea was done at very close ranges and it was done quickly – a matter of who responded faster. In situations like that it outclassed and outgunned what we had. A close-in patrol fight was over very quickly and usually we lost because of it." U.S. servicemen, however, felt that their M2 carbines were superior to the PPSh-41 at the typical engagement range of 100–150 meters.


title: PPSh-41

text: The PPSh-41 fires the standard Soviet pistol and submachine gun cartridge, the 7.62×25mm Tokarev. Weighing approximately 12 pounds (5.45 kg) with a loaded 71-round drum and 9.5 pounds (4.32 kg) with a loaded 35-round box magazine. The PPSh is capable of a rate of about 1250 rounds per minute, a very high rate of fire in comparison to most other military submachine guns of World War II. It is a durable, low-maintenance weapon made of low-cost, easily obtained components, primarily stamped sheet metal and wood. The final production PPShs have top ejection and an "L" type rear sight that can be adjusted for ranges of 100 and 200 meters. A crude compensator is built into the barrel jacket, intended to reduce muzzle climb during automatic fire. The compensator was moderately successful in this respect, but it greatly increased the muzzle flash and report of the weapon. The PPSh also has a hinged receiver to facilitate field-stripping and cleaning the weapon.


title: PPSh-41

text: A chrome-lined bore enables the PPSh to withstand both corrosive ammunition and long intervals between cleaning. No forward grip or forearm was provided, and the operator generally has to grasp the weapon behind the drum magazine with the supporting hand, or else hold the lower edge of the drum magazine. Though 35-round curved box magazines were available from 1942, the average Soviet infantryman in World War II carried the PPSh with the original 71-round drum magazine.


title: PPSh-41

text: Although the PPSh drum magazine holds 71 rounds, misfeeding is likely to occur with more than about 65. In addition to feed issues, the drum magazine is slower and more complicated to load with ammunition than the later 35-round box magazine that increasingly supplemented the drum after 1942. While holding fewer rounds, the box magazine does have the advantage of providing a superior hold for the supporting hand. Although the PPSh is equipped with a sliding bolt safety, the weapon's open-bolt design still presents a risk of accidental discharge if the gun is dropped on a hard surface.


title: Mary Mouser

text: Mary Mouser (born May 9, 1996) is an American actress. She is best known for her role as Samantha LaRusso in the Netflix series "Cobra Kai", and


title: Mary Mouser

text: Lacey Fleming on the ABC series "Body of Proof". She also took over the role of Karen Grant, Fitz & Mellie's daughter on "Scandal" in Season 4.


title: Mary Mouser

text: Mouser was born on May 9, 1996 in Pine Bluff, Arkansas. She has two siblings, Aaron Parker and Laura Ashley, who are also in the acting business.. In 2009, she was diagnosed with type 1 diabetes.


title: Mary Mouser

text: Mouser started her career at the age of six when she was chosen as a photo-double for Abigail Breslin's character in "Signs".


title: Mary Mouser

text: She was featured on the Starz Kids & Family series "" as the voice of Eloise and appeared as the child-lead in the Hallmark Channel original movie "A Stranger's Heart". She has done voice work for animated features such as "Dragon Hunters", "Tarzan II", and "Pom Poko", and was a voice actress in the audio drama series, "Adventures in Odyssey" as Samantha McKay, younger sister of Grady McKay.


title: Mary Mouser

text: She has also appeared in guest starring roles on "", "Without a Trace", "The King of Queens", "Monk", "Inconceivable", "Scrubs", "One Life to Live" and had a recurring role on "NCIS" as Leroy Jethro Gibbs' daughter Kelly. She also had a series regular role in the CW series "Life Is Wild" as Mia Weller, for 13 episodes. At the 2006 Best of Fest Awards at the KIDS FIRST! Film and Video Festival, Mouser received the Outstanding Performance Award for her voiceover work in "". Mouser also guest starred on "Lie To Me" and in "Ghost Whisperer" as the character Madison.


title: Mary Mouser

text: Mouser starred in the ABC medical drama "Body of Proof" as Dana Delany's daughter, Lacey Fleming. Mouser played the roles of both Savannah O’Neal and Emma Reynolds in the Disney Channel Original movie "Frenemies", which was released in 2012.


title: Mary Mouser

text: Since 2018, she plays high school and karate student Samantha (Sam) LaRusso, in the "Cobra Kai" series, initially launched by YouTube Premium and later on Netflix, where she is part of the main cast.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: Viz Media has licensed the series for North and Latin American territories, while Medialink has licensed it for Southeast Asian and South Asian territories.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: Ten years after the events of "Inuyasha", Sesshomaru and Rin's daughter Towa is separated from her twin sister Setsuna, and gets stranded in the modern era, where she is adopted into the family of her father's sister-in-law, Kagome Higurashi, raised by Kagome's younger brother Sōta and his warmhearted wife Moe. Towa becomes close to her younger adopted sister, six-year-old Mei, who is Towa's “substitute” for Setsuna.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: Ten years later, Towa is reunited with Setsuna, when she leaves the modern era through the vast time-traveling power of the mystical Sacred Tree of Ages. During their separation, Setsuna became one of the demon-slayers working with Kohaku and does not remember her past, as the mythical Dream Butterfly stole her dreams and memories. In order to restore them, the half-demon twins embark on an adventure, alongside their quarter-demon bounty hunter cousin Moroha, the fourteen-year-old daughter of Kagome and Inuyasha, who lacks knowledge of her parents; except that her human mother is an uppermost-level priestess and that her equally impulsive father is a dog-demon/human hybrid.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: At times, the vital essence of the Sacred Tree of Ages awakens from centuries of dormancy to warn them that a long-standing rival of their paternal dog-demon grandfather is plotting to warp time itself, since Sesshomaru refuses to fight him directly in place of his late father. At the same time, the unparalleled time-based unsurpassable entity is harboring adult Rin in suspended animation for her husband Sesshomaru because of her fatal connection to Zero, the elder sister of Kirinmaru and creator of the seven mystical Rainbow Pearls, whose respective mighty demonic abilities rival those of the Sacred Jewel of Four Souls itself. During a battle with Kirinmaru at the ruins of Lady Izayoi's mansion, Setsuna is seemingly killed by Kirinmaru, but Towa uses the broken Tenseiga to revive Setsuna.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: Setsuna has her Kanemitsu no Tomoe upgraded by Tōtōsai into the mighty Yukari no Tachikiri, which can cut the invisible red threads of fate. Towa receives the legendary cosmic sword Zanseiken from Kirinmaru's deceased daughter Rion, whose soul is contained within an artificial body created by her father. The Half-Demon Princesses must become strong enough to save Rin, before she perishes from the fatal curse placed on her by the deeply bitter Zero. Ultimately, Zero lifts the curse herself and passes on to Heaven. As Towa and Setsuna are ready to reunite with Rin, Kirinmaru gives an ultimatum for Moroha to save her parents or steal Akuru's pinwheel.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: Sesshomaru rechallenges Kirinmaru with Sesshomaru taking the hit for his twin daughters and half-niece, which fatally wounds and weakens him. He manages to use his remaining strength to send them into the Black Pearl, where the girls meet Inuyasha and Kagome Higurashi. After escaping from the Black Pearl using the combined powers of Tessaiga and Tenseiga, the group discovers that Kirinmaru's true objective is to travel to the Reiwa Era to destroy the Grim Comet that threatens to destroy human civilization, and become a supreme ruler over all humans and demons alike. After saving Sesshomaru, Towa discovers that Kirinmaru allowed her to keep Zanseiken so that her soul is eventually extinguished by using its power so that he can use her body as a living vessel for Rion against the wishes of his undead daughter while Moroha is given a spiritually-empowered longbow made by Inuyasha and Kagome, which greatly boosts the effectiveness and spiritual energies of her sacred arrows.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: Using Akuru's pinwheel, the Half-Demon Princesses travel back to the modern era to destroy the comet themselves, with Kirinmaru chasing after them. They encounter Osamu Kirin, formerly Kirinmaru's right arm, and Towa's homeroom teacher, who informs them about his desire to save humanity. However, he double-crosses the girls and brings the Grim Comet to the feudal era to grant Kirinmaru's wish in obliterating it from the plane of existence, and showing Rion various countries and states from around the modern world. With the last of his strength, Akuru opens the gateway to the ancient past on the Sacred Tree of Ages, so the girls can return to help their parents and closest friends in preventing the Degenerate Age from progressing further.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: The series was first announced in May 2020. It aired from October 3, 2020 to March 20, 2021 on Yomiuri TV and Nippon TV. The series was produced and animated by Sunrise (later renamed as Bandai Namco Filmworks), directed by Teruo Sato with main character designs by "Inuyasha" original creator Rumiko Takahashi. Staff from "Inuyasha" returned, with Katsuyuki Sumisawa in charge of the scripts while Rumiko Takahashi acted as storyboard supervisor, Yoshihito Hishinuma in charge of the anime character designs and Kaoru Wada composing the music. The opening theme "New Era" was performed by the male idol group SixTones, while the ending theme "Break" was performed by Uru. The second opening theme “Burn” was performed by NEWS, while the second ending theme "Kesshō" was performed by Ryokuōshoku Shakai.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: Viz Media announced the rights to digital streaming, EST, and home video release of the series for North and Latin American territories. Viz Media streamed the series on Crunchyroll, Funimation and Hulu. On October 26, 2020, Funimation announced a partnership with Viz Media to release an English dub of the series, with the English cast of "Inuyasha" reprising their roles. Funimation began streaming the English dub on November 6, 2020 along with Hulu and Crunchyroll. The English dub of the series began broadcasting on Adult Swim's Toonami programming block beginning on June 27, 2021. Medialink licensed the series in Southeast Asian territories. The series premiered on Animax Asia on June 21, 2021.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: On March 20, 2021, a second season of the series was announced following the release of Episode 24. The second season, titled "Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon – The Second Act", aired from October 2, 2021, to March 26, 2022. The opening theme is “ReBorn” performed by NEWS, while the ending theme is "Toumei na Sekai" performed by Little Glee Monster. The second opening theme is "Kyōmei" performed by SixTones, while the second ending theme is "Anaaki no Sora" by Adieu (Moka Kamishiraishi).


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: A manga adaptation by Takashi Shiina, with script cooperation by Katsuyuki Sumisawa, started in Shogakukan's "Shōnen Sunday S" on September 25, 2021. Shogakukan released the first collected "tankōbon" volume on January 18, 2022. Volume two was published on May 18, 2022.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: Viz Media has licensed the manga for English release in North America. The first volume was released on June 21, 2022.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: The series ranked 9th on Animage's 43rd Anime Grand Prix in 2020. Rumiko Takahashi and Yoshihito Hishinuma were nominated for the Best Character Design category in the Crunchyroll's 2021 Anime Awards.


title: Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon

text: In her review of the first two episodes, Kara Dennison of "Otaku USA" made positive comments about the series, praising its cast and its way to "echo the story of "Inuyasha" without simply retreading it." James Beckett and Monique Thomas of Anime News Network listed "Yashahime: Princess Half-Demon" as one of the worst anime of the winter 2021 season. Rebecca Silverman of the same website also listed it as one of the worst anime of 2021. The series received criticism from some reviewers for its portrayal of Sesshomaru and Rin as a couple, considering the fact that in the original "Inuyasha" series, Sesshomaru traveled along with Rin when she was a young girl, calling their relationship "grooming."


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Haemophilia figured prominently in the history of European royalty in the 19th and 20th centuries. Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom, through two of her five daughters – Princess Alice and Princess Beatrice – passed the mutation to various royal houses across the continent, including the royal families of Spain, Germany, and Russia. Victoria's youngest son, Prince Leopold, Duke of Albany, also had the disease, though none of her three elder sons did. Tests on the remains of the Romanov imperial family show that the specific form of haemophilia passed down by Queen Victoria was probably the relatively rare haemophilia B. The presence of haemophilia B within the European royal families was well-known, with the condition once popularly known as "the royal disease".


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: The sex-linked X chromosome bleeding disorder manifests almost exclusively in males, even though the genetic mutation causing the disorder is located on the X chromosome and can be inherited from the mother by male children or from either mother or father by female children. This is because the trait is recessive, meaning that only one correctly functioning copy of the blood clotting factor gene is necessary for normal clotting. Females have two X chromosomes, and hence redundant copies of the blood clotting factor gene located on them. A female who inherits a mutated copy on one X chromosome has also inherited a second X chromosome from the other parent that is likely to carry a non-mutated copy of the gene, capable of directing appropriate clotting. Such a female, with normal clotting but possessing a single mutated copy of the gene, is called a carrier. Males possess only a single X chromosome, inherited from their mother, having received a Y chromosome from their father instead of a second X. If their sole X chromosome contains the haemophilia mutation they possess no second copy to provide for normal function, as in carrier females. Each child of a carrier will have a 50% chance of inheriting their mother's mutation, of being a haemophiliac (sons) or carrier (daughters). The daughter of a male haemophiliac will always inherit his mutation, while a son cannot ever inherit it. A female will be affected with haemophilia only in the rare circumstance that she inherits mutated X chromosomes from both a haemophiliac father and a carrier or a haemophiliac mother. No case of such double inheritance is known among Queen Victoria's descendants.


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Although an individual's haemophilia can usually be traced in the ancestry, in about 30% of cases there is no family history of the disorder, and the condition is speculated to be the result of spontaneous mutation in an ancestor. Victoria's appears to have been a spontaneous or "de novo" mutation, most likely inherited from one of her parents, and she is usually considered the source of the disease in modern cases of haemophilia among her descendants. Queen Victoria's father, Prince Edward, Duke of Kent, was not a haemophiliac, but the mutation may have arisen as a germline mutation within him. The rate of spontaneous mutation is known to increase with paternal age (and is higher in fathers than in mothers at all ages); Victoria's father was 51 at her birth. The probability of her mother having had a lover with haemophilia is minuscule given the low life expectancy of early 19th-century haemophiliacs. Her mother, Victoria, Duchess of Kent, was not known to have a family history of the disease, although it is possible that she was a carrier, but among her children only Victoria received the mutated copy.


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Queen Victoria's eldest daughter, Victoria, Princess Royal, apparently escaped the haemophilia gene, as it did not appear in any of her matrilineal descendants. Victoria's fifth child, Princess Helena, may or may not have been a carrier; two healthy sons survived to adulthood, but two other sons died in infancy, and her two daughters did not have issue. Victoria's sixth child, Princess Louise, died without issue. Queen Victoria's sons Edward VII, Alfred, Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, and Prince Arthur, Duke of Connaught and Strathearn were not haemophiliacs; however, her daughters Alice and Beatrice were confirmed carriers of the gene, and Victoria's son Leopold had haemophilia, making his daughter Princess Alice, Countess of Athlone a carrier as well.


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Alice (1843–1878), Victoria's third child, and wife of the future Grand Duke Louis IV of Hesse and by Rhine (1837–1892), passed it on to at least three of her children: Irene, Friedrich, and Alix.


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Leopold (1853–1884), Victoria's eighth child, was the first member of the family to manifest haemophilia; he died at age 30 from bleeding after a minor fall, only two years after marrying Princess Helena of Waldeck and Pyrmont (1861–1922).


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: He passed the gene on to his only daughter, as all of the daughters of a haemophiliac father would inherit the gene:


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Alice's younger son Prince Maurice of Teck died in infancy, so it is not known if he was a carrier of the gene. Her daughter Lady May Abel Smith (1906–1994), Leopold's granddaughter, has living descendants none of whom has been known to have or to transmit haemophilia.


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Leopold's posthumous son, Charles Edward (1884–1954), was unaffected, as a father cannot pass the gene to a son.


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Beatrice (1857–1944), Victoria's ninth and last child, and wife of Prince Henry of Battenberg (1858–1896) passed it on to at least two, if not three, of her four children:


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: No living member of the present or past reigning dynasties of Europe is known to have symptoms of haemophilia or is believed to carry the gene for it. The last descendant of Victoria known to have the disease was Infante Gonzalo, born in 1914, although hundreds of descendants of Queen Victoria's (including males descended only through females) have been born since 1914. However, because the haemophilia gene usually remains hidden in females who only inherit the gene from one parent, and female descendants of Victoria have left many descendants in royal and noble families, there remains a small chance that the disease could appear again, especially among the female-line Spanish descendants of Princess Beatrice.


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Queen Victoria died in 1901 and outlived her youngest son and a grandson, both of whom had the disease. The gene can be passed down the female line without a haemophiliac son being born, but as the family line continues and no haemophiliac sons are born, it becomes less likely that a certain ancestor had the gene and passed it on through the female line.


title: Haemophilia in European royalty

text: Because the last known descendant of Queen Victoria with haemophilia died in the 1940s, the exact type of haemophilia found in this family remained unknown until 2009. Using genetic analysis of the remains of the assassinated Romanov dynasty, and specifically Tsarevich Alexei, Rogaev et al. were able to determine that the "Royal Disease" is actually haemophilia B. Specifically, they found a single-nucleotide change in the gene for clotting Factor IX that causes incorrect RNA splicing and produces a truncated, nonfunctional protein.


title: Anthony Carrigan (actor)

text: Anthony Carrigan (born January 2, 1983) is an American actor. Since 2018, he has portrayed Chechen mobster NoHo Hank in the HBO series "Barry", for which he was nominated twice for the Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Supporting Actor in a Comedy Series in 2019 and 2022. He is also known for playing Tyler Davies in the television series "The Forgotten" (2009–2010), Victor Zsasz in the FOX series "Gotham" (2014–2019), and robot Dennis Caleb McCoy in "Bill & Ted Face the Music" (2020).


title: Anthony Carrigan (actor)

text: Since childhood, Carrigan has had alopecia areata, an autoimmune disease that causes hair loss. He had mild symptoms growing up with only small, manageable bald spots, but he started losing more hair in his 20s and has spoken of wearing makeup and artificial eyebrows while filming "The Forgotten". He is now known for his complete lack of hair, eyebrows, and eyelashes, and has incorporated this into his career, often being typecast as a television villain.


title: Anthony Carrigan (actor)

text: Carrigan is married to professional chess-player Gia Olimp, whom he met at the Broadway-Lafayette Street train station in New York City.


title: Doctor G

text: Doctor G is a 2022 Indian Hindi-language medical campus comedy-drama film directed by Anubhuti Kashyap and produced by Junglee Pictures. It stars Ayushmann Khurrana, Rakul Preet Singh and Shefali Shah. The film follows the struggles of a male doctor who is interested in orthopaedics but instead becomes a gynaecologist, thus leading to chaos.


title: Doctor G

text: Dr. Uday Gupta is a medical student who has just passed his final M.B.B.S exam. He lives in Bhopal with his widowed mother Shobha, an aspiring chef who hopes to make it big on social media through her cookery channels, and his best friend, Chaddi, who is preparing for the civil services examination. Uday wants to pursue his post-graduation in orthopaedics, inspired by his distant cousin Dr. Ashok Gupta. His rank in the competitive entrance test, however, is insufficient for an orthopaedics course in Bhopal. Unwilling to leave his mother behind and move to another city for his studies, Uday reluctantly opts for the best available option in Bhopal—gynaecology. Ashok also advises Uday to take this opportunity; Uday can simultaneously continue to study for next year's entrance test. Uday is introduced to Kavya Sharma, a high school student who also aspires to become a doctor and whom Ashok is infatuated with.


title: Doctor G

text: Uday's initiation into Gynaecology starts on a bad note—he is instantly ticked off by the head of the department, the strict Dr. Nandini Srivastav, for joining the course 10 days late, and he gets bullied by his colleagues, all of whom are female. Uday blames his ex-girlfriend Ruchi for his present state and, egged on by Ashok, drunkenly calls her and vents his frustrations. His lack of interest at work and his mistakes irritate Nandini, who asks Uday why he doesn't want to become a gynaecologist. Uday replies that male gynaecologists tend not to do well because patients prefer a female doctor examining them. Nandini rubbishes this and asks him to lose his "male touch". Following this, Uday gradually befriends his colleagues, especially his senior, Dr. Fatima Siddiqui. Eventually, he falls for her and the two share a passionate kiss, although Fatima dismisses the act as nothing serious, reminding a disappointed Uday that while he is a good friend, she is set to marry the man she loves, Aarif. She also invites him to their engagement.


title: Doctor G

text: On a day the hospital is understaffed, Uday tries to examine a female patient without a female attendant, an act considered unethical. A fight breaks out and the patient and her husband later formally complain against him. While facing a disciplinary enquiry, Uday performs his first delivery in the hospital, a case of precipitate labour. The grateful family, who had lost two pregnancies before, name the baby after him. Uday finally understands his duty as a doctor towards his patients. At the enquiry, testimonies of Uday's colleagues clear his name. Nandini, though, remains unimpressed.


title: Doctor G

text: Uday tries to confess his love to Fatima at a dinner date, but Shobha's entry complicates things and Fatima storms off. Meanwhile, Ashok has got Kavya pregnant and needs to get an abortion. A prominent doctor and married with two children, Ashok cannot go with Kavya to a hospital himself, so he asks Uday to take her. Check-ups reveal that Kavya has placenta praevia, making abortion difficult. Nandini refuses when Uday requests her to perform the operation herself, stating that it might threaten Kavya's life and thus her family should be informed first. Ashok asks Uday to keep Kavya at his home for the time being, and the two bond well. Kavya tells him that she had first doubted Ashok's character the day he had encouraged Uday to call and rant against Ruchi; Uday feels ashamed of his past behaviour.


title: Doctor G

text: On the day of the engagement, Ashok calls Uday and tells him to take Kavya to his clinic, because he has "come up with a solution". Arriving home, Uday is shocked to find Shobha partying with an elderly stranger, who turns out to be her Tinder date. Infuriated, Uday orders both the old man and Chaddi—who had helped Shobha get on Tinder in the first place—out of the house. When Uday claims that he has made sacrifices for her sake, Shobha snaps back, relating the difficulties she had raising him as a single mother. Now that her son has grown up, she now desires companionship. Mother and son then make peace.


title: Doctor G

text: Soon, Uday receives a call from Kavya—she is in intense pain after receiving an injection at a private clinic. He and Shobha rescue her and rush her to the hospital, where Nandini performs an emergency operation and saves her life. Ashok arrives at the hospital and confronts Uday, but he hits back. Since Kavya is a minor and below the age of consent, the matter is turned over to the police, who arrest Ashok for statutory rape. Uday again has to face an enquiry, and possible rustication, for lying to Nandini about Kavya's age earlier. Nandini, however, sees that Uday is now a changed man, and decides against punishing him. An overjoyed Uday rushes to Fatima's engagement, and proposes to remain her true friend forever.


title: Doctor G

text: The film was announced in December 2020 with Ayushmann Khurrana in the lead role, being the first directorial film of Anubhuti Kashyap. In February 2021, Rakul Preet Singh was signed to star opposite Khurrana.


title: Doctor G

text: Principal photography commenced in July 2021. It was primarily shot in Bhopal. The film was wrapped up in September 2021. Some of scenes were filmed in University of Allahabad.


title: Doctor G

text: The music of the film is composed by Amit Trivedi, Amjad Nadeem Aamir and Sultan Sulemani. The background score is composed by Ketan Sodha.


title: Doctor G

text: "Doctor G" was initially scheduled to be released on 17 June 2022. It was finally released on 14 October 2022. The film began to stream on Netflix from 11 December 2022.


title: Doctor G

text: "Doctor G" received generally positive reviews from critics with praise for the performances and the right mix of humour and emotions with an underlying social message. "The Times of India" rated the film 4 out of 5 stars and wrote "Anubhuti Kashyap shows her potential to direct a story in a manner that can thoroughly engross the audience, while also taking it in a direction that makes it a conversation-starter for the right reasons. Every character in "Doctor G", performs their part finely to pump life into the story". Devesh Sharma of "Filmfare" rated the film 4 out of 5 stars and wrote ""Doctor G" is a conversation starter of sorts for several issues plaguing our society. Watch this well-made film for its positive message and for the inspired acting displayed by the entire cast". Eshita Bhargava of "The Financial Express" rated the film 4 out of 5 stars and wrote ""Doctor G" is a subtle slap to the patriarchy for teaching us things that are not meant to be". Sanchita Jhunjhunwala of "Times Now" rated the film 4 out of 5 stars and wrote "The second half of Doctor G is a plus for the movie, but it does get a slow start. If this genre as a whole is something that you enjoy watching, you would definitely have fun watching this one as well".


title: Doctor G

text: Saibal Chatterjee of "NDTV" rated the film 3.5 out of 5 stars and wrote ""Doctor G" is an entertaining comedy that handles the serious business of getting a clutch of important points across without losing its balance. Portions that possess depth and veracity propel the film forward". Titas Chowdhury of "News 18" rated the film 3.5 out of 5 stars and wrote ""Doctor G" manages to offer a kind of novelty and brings us back the Ayushmann Khurrana we have been yearning for". Sukanya Verma of "Rediff" rated the film 3.5 out of 5 stars and stated that the film blends "mirth and meaning". Tina Das of "The Print" rated the film 3.5 out of 5 stars and wrote ""Doctor G" is heavier than the usual Ayushmann Khurrana films. The laughs are fewer and the reality checks are heavier. But it is also about a movie that does not crack jokes at the expense of women and teaches without making the man a hero or the film a preach fest". Kartik Bhardwaj of "The New Indian Express" rated the film 3.5 out of 5 stars and wrote "The winner, though, is Ayushmann again. He is tremendously enjoyable as the vexed doctor unable to understand what he is doing wrong".


title: Doctor G

text: Amandeep Narang of "ABP News" rated the film 3 out of 5 stats and wrote ""Doctor G" deserves a mention especially with the way it deals with adult friendships between men and women. This is done quite maturely between Rakul Preet Singh and Ayushmann's character". Mayank Shekar of "Mid Day" rated the film 3 out of 5 stars and wrote ""Doctor G" is director Anubhuti Kashyap*s debut feature. Which evidently comes with its own occupational hazard of saying as much as you can, at one go". Anna M.M. Vetticad of "Firstpost" rated the film 2.5 out of 5 stars and wrote "The film has remarkable clarity in some areas, but is fuzzy and inconsistent elsewhere, ridiculously so in the end". Pratikshya Mishra of "The Quint" rated the film 2.5 out of 5 stars and wrote "Doctor G's entire messaging though, is pretty surface level and the makers trying to tie multiple threads into the screenplay without assigning enough time leaves the audience unravelling yarn". "Bollywood Hungama" rated the film 2.5 out of 5 stars and wrote ""Doctor G" works due to the message, performances, and impactful second half".


title: Doctor G

text: Shubhra Gupta of "The Indian Express" rates the film 2.5.out of 5 stars and wrote "Ayushmann Khurrana film is so busy earning its feminist cred that it forgets the show-more-than-tell dictum, and never becomes the cracker it could have been". Rohit Bhatnagar of "The Free Press Journal" rated


title: Doctor G

text: the film 2.5 out of 5 stars and wrote ""Doctor G" might be your rescue from a boring weekend, but it’s all show, no glory". Grace Cyril of "India Today" rated the film 2 out of 5 stars and wrote "Ayushmann needs to step up his game and look for better roles. You can watch Doctor G just for its comedy". Writing for "The Hindu", Anuj Kumar stated that "Tailor-made for Ayushmann Khurrana, the Anubhuti Kashyap dramedy addresses the issue of gender stereotyping with a light touch". Abhimanyu Mathur of "The Hindustan Times" stated that "The Ayushmann Khurrana, Rakul Preet Singh-starrer is formulaic and cringey but also heartwarming and sensitive, making it a confusing but watchable mess". Nandini Ramnath of "Scroll.in" stated ""Doctor G" is the kind of film in which the question answers itself".


title: Internet service provider

text: An Internet service provider (ISP) is an organization that provides services for accessing, using, or participating in the Internet. ISPs can be organized in various forms, such as commercial, community-owned, non-profit, or otherwise privately owned.


title: Internet service provider

text: Internet services typically provided by ISPs can include Internet access, Internet transit, domain name registration, web hosting, Usenet service, and colocation.


title: Internet service provider

text: An ISP typically serves as the access point or the gateway that provides a user access to everything available on the Internet. Such a network can also be called as an eyeball network.


title: Internet service provider

text: The Internet (originally ARPAnet) was developed as a network between government research laboratories and participating departments of universities. Other companies and organizations joined by direct connection to the backbone, or by arrangements through other connected companies, sometimes using dialup tools such as UUCP. By the late 1980s, a process was set in place towards public, commercial use of the Internet. Some restrictions were removed by 1991, shortly after the introduction of the World Wide Web.


title: Internet service provider

text: During the 1980s, online service providers such as CompuServe and America On Line (AOL) began to offer limited capabilities to access the Internet, such as e-mail interchange, but full access to the Internet was not readily available to the general public.


title: Internet service provider

text: In 1989, the first Internet service providers, companies offering the public direct access to the Internet for a monthly fee, were established in Australia and the United States. In Brookline, Massachusetts, The World became the first commercial ISP in the US. Its first customer was served in November 1989. These companies generally offered dial-up connections, using the public telephone network to provide last-mile connections to their customers. The barriers to entry for dial-up ISPs were low and many providers emerged.


title: Internet service provider

text: However, cable television companies and the telephone carriers already had wired connections to their customers and could offer Internet connections at much higher speeds than dial-up using broadband technology such as cable modems and digital subscriber line (DSL). As a result, these companies often became the dominant ISPs in their service areas, and what was once a highly competitive ISP market became effectively a monopoly or duopoly in countries with a commercial telecommunications market, such as the United States.


title: Internet service provider

text: In 1995, NSFNET was decommissioned removing the last restrictions on the use of the Internet to carry commercial traffic and network access points were created to allow peering arrangements between commercial ISPs.


title: Internet service provider

text: On 23 April 2014, the U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) was reported to be considering a new rule permitting ISPs to offer content providers a faster track to send content, thus reversing their earlier net neutrality position. A possible solution to net neutrality concerns may be municipal broadband, according to Professor Susan Crawford, a legal and technology expert at Harvard Law School. On 15 May 2014, the FCC decided to consider two options regarding Internet services: first, permit fast and slow broadband lanes, thereby compromising net neutrality; and second, reclassify broadband as a telecommunication service, thereby preserving net neutrality. On 10 November 2014, President Barack Obama recommended that the FCC reclassify broadband Internet service as a telecommunications service in order to preserve net neutrality. On 16 January 2015, Republicans presented legislation, in the form of a U.S. Congress H.R. discussion draft bill, that makes concessions to net neutrality but prohibits the FCC from accomplishing the goal or enacting any further regulation affecting Internet service providers. On 31 January 2015, AP News reported that the FCC will present the notion of applying ("with some caveats") Title II (common carrier) of the Communications Act of 1934 to the Internet in a vote expected on 26 February 2015. Adoption of this notion would reclassify Internet service from one of information to one of the telecommunications and, according to Tom Wheeler, chairman of the FCC, ensure net neutrality. The FCC was expected to enforce net neutrality in its vote, according to "The New York Times".


title: Internet service provider

text: On 26 February 2015, the FCC ruled in favor of net neutrality by adopting Title II (common carrier) of the Communications Act of 1934 and Section 706 in the Telecommunications Act of 1996 to the Internet. The FCC Chairman, Tom Wheeler, commented, "This is no more a plan to regulate the Internet than the First Amendment is a plan to regulate free speech. They both stand for the same concept." On 12 March 2015, the FCC released the specific details of the net neutrality rules. On 13 April 2015, the FCC published the final rule on its new "Net Neutrality" regulations. These rules went into effect on 12 June 2015.


title: Internet service provider

text: Upon becoming FCC chairman in April 2017, Ajit Pai proposed an end to net neutrality, awaiting votes from the commission. On 21 November 2017, Pai announced that a vote will be held by FCC members on 14 December 2017 on whether to repeal the policy. On 11 June 2018, the repeal of the FCC's network neutrality rules took effect.


title: Internet service provider

text: Most ISPs offer discounts to low-income families, with internet service available for as little as $10 a month. Eligibility for these programs usually requires documentation of enrollment in a government assistance program such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP).


title: Internet service provider

text: Access provider ISPs provide Internet access, employing a range of technologies to connect users to their network. Available technologies have ranged from computer modems with acoustic couplers to telephone lines, to television cable (CATV), Wi-Fi, and fiber optics.


title: Internet service provider

text: For users and small businesses, traditional options include copper wires to provide dial-up, DSL, typically asymmetric digital subscriber line (ADSL), cable modem or Integrated Services Digital Network (ISDN) (typically basic rate interface). Using fiber-optics to end users is called Fiber To The Home or similar names.


title: Internet service provider

text: Customers with more demanding requirements (such as medium-to-large businesses, or other ISPs) can use higher-speed DSL (such as single-pair high-speed digital subscriber line), Ethernet, metropolitan Ethernet, gigabit Ethernet, Frame Relay, ISDN Primary Rate Interface, ATM (Asynchronous Transfer Mode) and synchronous optical networking (SONET).


title: Internet service provider

text: A mailbox provider is an organization that provides services for hosting electronic mail domains with access to storage for mail boxes. It provides email servers to send, receive, accept, and store email for end users or other organizations.


title: Internet service provider

text: Many mailbox providers are also access providers, while others are not (e.g., Gmail, Yahoo! Mail, Outlook.com, AOL Mail, Po box). The definition given in RFC 6650 covers email hosting services, as well as the relevant department of companies, universities, organizations, groups, and individuals that manage their mail servers themselves. The task is typically accomplished by implementing Simple Mail Transfer Protocol (SMTP) and possibly providing access to messages through Internet Message Access Protocol (IMAP), the Post Office Protocol, Webmail, or a proprietary protocol.


title: Internet service provider

text: Internet hosting services provide email, web-hosting, or online storage services. Other services include virtual server, cloud services, or physical server operation.


title: Internet service provider

text: Just as their customers pay them for Internet access, ISPs themselves pay upstream ISPs for Internet access. An upstream ISP usually has a larger network than the contracting ISP or is able to provide the contracting ISP with access to parts of the Internet the contracting ISP by itself has no access to.


title: Internet service provider

text: In the simplest case, a single connection is established to an upstream ISP and is used to transmit data to or from areas of the Internet beyond the home network; this mode of interconnection is often cascaded multiple times until reaching a tier 1 carrier. In reality, the situation is often more complex. ISPs with more than one point of presence (PoP) may have separate connections to an upstream ISP at multiple PoPs, or they may be customers of multiple upstream ISPs and may have connections to each one of them at one or more point of presence. Transit ISPs provide large amounts of bandwidth for connecting hosting ISPs and access ISPs.


title: Internet service provider

text: A virtual ISP (VISP) is an operation that purchases services from another ISP, sometimes called a "wholesale ISP" in this context, which allow the VISP's customers to access the Internet using services and infrastructure owned and operated by the wholesale ISP. VISPs resemble mobile virtual network operators and competitive local exchange carriers for voice communications.


title: Internet service provider

text: Free ISPs are Internet service providers that provide service free of charge. Many free ISPs display advertisements while the user is connected; like commercial television, in a sense they are selling the user's attention to the advertiser. Other free ISPs, sometimes called freenets, are run on a nonprofit basis, usually with volunteer staff.


title: Internet service provider

text: A wireless Internet service provider (WISP) is an Internet service provider with a network based on wireless networking. Technology may include commonplace Wi-Fi wireless mesh networking, or proprietary equipment designed to operate over open 900 MHz, 2.4 GHz, 4.9, 5.2, 5.4, 5.7, and 5.8 GHz bands or licensed frequencies such as 2.5 GHz (EBS/BRS), 3.65 GHz (NN) and in the UHF band (including the MMDS frequency band) and LMDS.


title: Internet service provider

text: It is hypothesized that the vast divide between broadband connection in rural and urban areas is partially caused by a lack of competition between ISPs in rural areas, where there exists a market typically controlled by just one provider. A lack of competition problematically causes subscription rates to rise disproportionately with the quality of service in rural areas, causing broadband connection to be unaffordable for some, even when the infrastructure supports service in a given area.


title: Internet service provider

text: In contrast, consumers in urban areas typically benefit from lower rates and higher quality of broadband services, not only due to more advanced infrastructure but also the healthy economic competition caused by having several ISPs in a given area. How the difference in competition levels has potentially negatively affected the innovation and development of infrastructure in specific rural areas remains a question. The exploration and answers developed to the question could provide guidance for possible interventions and solutions meant to remedy the digital divide between rural and urban connectivity.


title: Internet service provider

text: ISPs may engage in peering, where multiple ISPs interconnect at peering points or Internet exchange points (IXPs), allowing routing of data between each network, without charging one another for the data transmitted—data that would otherwise have passed through a third upstream ISP, incurring charges from the upstream ISP.


title: Internet service provider

text: ISPs requiring no upstream and having only customers (end customers or peer ISPs) are called Tier 1 ISPs.


title: Internet service provider

text: Network hardware, software and specifications, as well as the expertise of network management personnel are important in ensuring that data follows the most efficient route, and upstream connections work reliably. A tradeoff between cost and efficiency is possible.


title: Internet service provider

text: Internet service providers in many countries are legally required (e.g., via Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act (CALEA) in the U.S.) to allow law enforcement agencies to monitor some or all of the information transmitted by the ISP, or even store the browsing history of users to allow government access if needed (e.g. via the Investigatory Powers Act 2016 in the United Kingdom). Furthermore, in some countries ISPs are subject to monitoring by intelligence agencies. In the U.S., a controversial National Security Agency program known as PRISM provides for broad monitoring of Internet users traffic and has raised concerns about potential violation of the privacy protections in the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Modern ISPs integrate a wide array of surveillance and packet sniffing equipment into their networks, which then feeds the data to law-enforcement/intelligence networks (such as DCSNet in the United States, or SORM in Russia) allowing monitoring of Internet traffic in real time.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: The Northrop/McDonnell Douglas YF-23 is an American single-seat, twin-engine stealth fighter aircraft technology demonstrator designed for the United States Air Force (USAF). The design was a finalist in the USAF's Advanced Tactical Fighter (ATF) competition, battling the Lockheed YF-22 for a production contract. Two YF-23 prototypes were built, nicknamed "Black Widow II" and "Gray Ghost".


title: Northrop YF-23

text: In the 1980s, the USAF began looking for a replacement for its fighter aircraft, especially to counter the USSR's advanced Sukhoi Su-27 and Mikoyan MiG-29. Several companies submitted design proposals; the USAF selected proposals from Northrop and Lockheed. Northrop teamed with McDonnell Douglas to develop the YF-23, while Lockheed, Boeing, and General Dynamics developed the YF-22.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: The YF-23 was stealthier and faster, but less agile than its competitor. After a four-year development and evaluation process, the YF-22 was announced the winner in 1991 and entered production as the Lockheed Martin F-22 Raptor. The U.S. Navy considered using the production version of the ATF as the basis for a replacement to the F-14, but these plans were later canceled. The two YF-23 prototypes are currently museum exhibits.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: American reconnaissance satellites first spotted the advanced Soviet Su-27 and MiG-29 fighter prototypes in 1978, which caused concern in the U.S. Both Soviet models were expected to reduce the maneuverability advantage of contemporary US fighter aircraft. In 1981, the USAF requested information from several aerospace companies on possible features for an Advanced Tactical Fighter (ATF) to replace the F-15 Eagle. After discussions with aerospace companies, the USAF made air-to-air combat the primary role for the ATF. The ATF was to take advantage of emerging technologies, including composite materials, lightweight alloys, advanced flight-control systems, more powerful propulsion systems, and stealth technology. In October 1985, the USAF issued a request for proposal (RFP) to several aircraft manufacturers. The RFP was modified in May 1986 to include the evaluation of prototype air vehicles from the two finalists. At the same time, the U.S. Navy, under the Navalized Advanced Tactical Fighter (NATF) program, announced that it would use a derivative of the ATF winner to replace its F-14 Tomcat. The NATF program called for the procurement of 546 aircraft along with the USAF's planned procurement of 750 aircraft.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: In July 1986, proposals for Demonstration and Validation (Dem/Val) were submitted by Lockheed, Boeing, General Dynamics, McDonnell Douglas, Northrop, Grumman and Rockwell; the latter two dropped out of competition shortly thereafter. Northrop’s design proposal (DP) was internally designated DP110. Following proposal submissions, Lockheed, Boeing, and General Dynamics formed a team to develop whichever of their proposed designs was selected, if any. Northrop and McDonnell Douglas formed a team with a similar agreement. The Lockheed and Northrop proposals were selected as finalists on 31 October 1986 for Dem/Val. Both teams were given 50 months to build and flight-test their prototypes, and they were successful, producing the Lockheed YF-22 and the Northrop YF-23.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: The YF-23 was designed to meet USAF requirements for survivability, supercruise, stealth, and ease of maintenance. Supercruise requirements called for prolonged supersonic flight without the use of afterburners. Northrop drew on its experience with the B-2 Spirit and F/A-18 Hornet to reduce the model's susceptibility to radar and infrared detection. The USAF initially required the aircraft to land and stop within , which meant the use of thrust reversers on their engines. In 1987, the USAF changed the runway length requirement to , so thrust reversers were no longer needed. This allowed the aircraft to have smaller engine nacelle housings. The nacelles were not downsized on the prototypes.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: The first YF-23 (serial number "87-0800"), Prototype Air Vehicle 1 (PAV-1), was rolled out on 22 June 1990; PAV-1 took its 50-minute maiden flight on 27 August with Alfred "Paul" Metz at the controls. The second YF-23 (serial number "87-0801", PAV-2) made its first flight on 26 October, piloted by Jim Sandberg. The first YF-23 was painted charcoal gray and was nicknamed "Black Widow II", after the Northrop P-61 Black Widow of World War II. It briefly had a red hourglass marking resembling the marking on the underside of the black widow spider before Northrop management had it removed. The second prototype was painted in two shades of gray and nicknamed "Spider" and "Gray Ghost".


title: Northrop YF-23

text: A proposed naval variant of the YF-23 known as the NATF-23 was considered as an F-14 Tomcat replacement. The original YF-23 design was first considered but would have had issues with flight deck space handling, storage, landing, and catapult launching reasons requiring a different design. A NATF-23 wind tunnel test model DP527, tested for 14,000 hours, was donated by Boeing in 2001 to the Bellefontaine Neighbors Klein Park Veterans Memorial.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: The YF-23 (internally designated DP117K) was an unconventional-looking aircraft, with diamond-shaped wings, a profile with substantial area-ruling to reduce aerodynamic drag at transonic and supersonic speeds, and an all-moving V-tail. The cockpit was placed high, near the nose of the aircraft for good visibility for the pilot. The aircraft featured a tricycle landing gear configuration with a nose landing gear leg and two main landing gear legs. The weapons bay was placed on the underside of the fuselage between the nose and main landing gear. The cockpit has a center stick and side throttle.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: It was powered by two turbofan engines with each in a separate engine nacelle with S-ducts, to shield engine axial compressors from radar waves, on either side of the aircraft's spine. The inlets were trapezoidal in frontal profile, with special porous panels in front to absorb the turbulent boundary layer and vent it over the wings. Of the two aircraft built, the first YF-23 (PAV-1) was fitted with Pratt & Whitney YF119 engines, while the second (PAV-2) was powered by General Electric YF120 engines. The aircraft featured single-expansion ramp nozzles (SERN) and unlike the YF-22, does not employ thrust vectoring. As on the B-2, the exhaust from the YF-23's engines flowed through troughs lined with tiles that are “transpiration cooled” to dissipate heat and shield the engines from infrared homing (IR) missile detection from below.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: The flight control surfaces were controlled by a central management computer system. Raising the wing flaps and ailerons on one side and lowering them on the other provided roll. The V-tail fins were angled 50 degrees from the vertical. Pitch was mainly provided by rotating these V-tail fins in opposite directions so their front edges moved together or apart. Yaw was primarily supplied by rotating the tail fins in the same direction. Test pilot Paul Metz stated that the YF-23 had superior high angle of attack (AoA) performance compared to legacy aircraft, with trimmed AoA of up to 60°. Deflecting the wing flaps down and ailerons up on both sides simultaneously provided for aerodynamic braking. To keep prototyping costs low despite the novel design, a number of "commercial off-the-shelf" components were used, including an F-15 nose wheel, F/A-18 main landing gear parts, and the forward cockpit components of the F-15E Strike Eagle.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: The proposed production F-23 configuration (DP231 for the F119 engine and DP232 for the F120 engine) for full-scale development, or Engineering and Manufacturing Development (EMD), would have differed from the YF-23 prototypes in several ways. Instead of a single weapons bay, the EMD design would instead have two tandem bays in the lengthened forward fuselage, with the fore bay designed for short range AIM-9 missiles; an M61 rotary cannon would be installed on the left side of the forward fuselage. The aircraft's overall length was slightly increased, volume was expanded, the nose was enlarged to accept mission systems, including the radar, and the forebody chines were less pronounced and raised to the same height as the leading edge of the wing. The deletion of thrust reversers enabled the engine nacelles to have a smaller, more rounded cross-section and the space between them filled in to preserve area-ruling. The inlet design changed from the porous panels to a semicircular compression bump. The fuselage and empennage trailing edge pattern would also have fewer serrations and the engine thrust lines were toed in at 1.5° off center.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: The NATF-23, the schematics of which surfaced in the 2010s, was different in many ways, the diamond wing was located as far back as possible, it has conventional twin tails instead of the ruddervator with serrations for low RCS and increased maneuverability at low speeds for aircraft carrier operations, folding wing capability for flight deck storage, reinforced landing gear, tailhook and canards for landing on aircraft carriers and thrust vectoring nozzles. The intakes were also different as they were a quarter circle with serrations and were to have an increased 48 ft wingspan and a 62 ft length.


title: Northrop YF-23

text: The first YF-23, with Pratt & Whitney engines, supercruised at Mach 1.43 on 18 September 1990, while the second, with General Electric engines, reached Mach 1.6 on 29 November 1990. By comparison, the YF-22 achieved Mach 1.58 in supercruise. The YF-23 was tested to a top speed of Mach 1.8 with afterburners and achieved a maximum angle-of-attack of 25°. The maximum speed is classified, though sources state a maximum speed greater than Mach 2 at altitude and a supercruise speed greater than Mach 1.6. The aircraft's weapons bay was configured for weapons launch, and used for testing weapons bay acoustics, but no missiles were fired; Lockheed fired AIM-9 Sidewinder and AIM-120 AMRAAM missiles successfully from its YF-22 demonstration aircraft. PAV-1 performed a fast-paced combat demonstration with six flights over a 10-hour period on 30 November 1990. Flight testing continued into December. The two YF-23s flew 50 times for a total of 65.2 hours. The tests demonstrated Northrop's predicted performance values for the YF-23. The YF-23 was stealthier and faster, but the YF-22 was more agile.