title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: One political reason for the establishment of the KSK was that in 1994, during the genocide in Rwanda, German citizens had to be evacuated by Belgian para-commandos. This task was carried out by special operations forces of the former colonial power Belgium as agreed upon in advance by the NATO partners. The Federal Government of Germany also refused to intervene on its own, as in its view neither the GSG 9 nor the Bundeswehr "Bravo Companies" were trained to operate in a guerrilla situations and there was also a lack of the required transport capability. Several Belgian soldiers died during this operation. Due to the political pressure, the need to have its own forces ready for special operations within NATO became evident.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: Following the KSK's activation on 1 April 1997, all but one of the "Fernspähkompanie" have been either disbanded or merged into the newly constituted unit.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: Like all German military units, KSK deployments require authorization from the German Bundestag (Federal Assembly). The unit has engaged in numerous anti-terror campaigns both in Europe and abroad; known engagements include operations inside Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and most recently in Afghanistan.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: During the War in Afghanistan, although nominally under OEF command, the KSK worked under ISAF command since 2005, carrying out numerous operations in the vicinity of the German deployment in Kabul, including a successful raid on an al-Qaeda safehouse for suicide bombers in October 2006. KSK operators have commented in the German media about the restrictions placed on them by their national caveats and stated a preference for working directly for the Americans as part of OEF-A as they had done as part of Task Force K-Bar.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: As is to be expected with such units, specific operational details such as success and casualty rates are considered to be top secret and withheld even from the highest-ranking members of the Bundestag. This practice has elicited some serious concerns, resulting in agreement to increase both transparency and accountability, by disclosing mission details to selected members of the Bundestag, in relation to the future deployments of KSK forces.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: On 4 May 2013, the KSK reported its first casualty. First Sergeant Daniel Wirth was fatally shot in Baghlan Province, Afghanistan during operation "Maiwand". US Army forces were part of the attempted rescue mission. Daniel Wirth was honoured by his sister Kathrin Wirth-Torrente in a book titled "Brothers in Bravery". It not only tells her brother's story, but also reflects on 40 additional military members who lost their lives while fighting The Global War on Terror in the Greater Middle East. The book was published by the Travis Manion Foundation in September 2017.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: In 2018, the German Federal Criminal Police Office uncovered a plot involving unknown KSK soldiers to murder prominent German politicians such as Claudia Roth, Heiko Maas and Joachim Gauck among others, and carry out attacks against immigrants living in Germany. Also, earlier that same year in a separate investigation, the State prosecutors in the city of Tübingen investigated whether neo-Nazi symbols were used at a "farewell" event involving members of KSK.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: In June 2020, German defence minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer announced that the unit would be partially disbanded due to growing far-right extremism within the ranks. The KSK had become partially independent from the chain of command, with a toxic leadership culture. One of the force's four companies where extremism is said to be the most rife was to be dissolved and not replaced.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: † Brigadier general Dag Baehr has previously served twice as a field officer in the KSK: First, under the command of Brigadier General Schulz, when it was founded from 1996 until 1999 and then again between 2004 until 2007 under the command of Brigadier General Hartbrod.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: The KSK is a brigade level unit of the regular army divided into two battalion-sized departments "Operational Forces" and "Support Forces" and the HQ and the Development Group.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: In 2020 the 2nd Commando Company was dissolved ""after an accumulation of incidents and a notable build-up of right-wing extremists in the unit"".


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: Combat-ready units are divided into three commando companies of approximately one hundred men. Each of the three commando companies has five specialized platoons, each with a unique specialty and ability that can be adapted to both the terrain and situation, depending on type action(s) required:


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: There are four commando squads in every platoon. Each of these squads consists of four equally skilled members that have been hand-picked from the German Army into the platoon that best suits their abilities. Each squad member is specially trained as a weapons expert, medic, combat engineer, or communications expert, respectively. Additionally, some groups may contain other specialists, such as a heavy weapons or language expert.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: The special commando company was established in 2004. This company is staffed with specially trained KSK personnel in the fields of Joint terminal attack controller, IED disposal or handling of military working dogs which may support operations of the commando companies as required. KSK personnel serving in the special commando company are commonly seasoned hand having previously served in one of the three commando companies.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: The Special Reconnaissance Company is staffed with KSK members and further personnel specialised in reconnaissance. This company may support operations of the three commando companies with reconnaissance and surveillance abilities, for instance with the use of UAVs.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: The "HQ & Support Company" is responsible for supply duties in Germany. For that, the unit is made up of:


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: While the "HQ & Support Company" supports the KSK in Germany the "Support Company" takes supply duties during operations. Herefor, the company is organized in:


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: Members of the KSK wear maroon berets as a symbol of their roots in airborne units. A metal badge is worn which consists of a sword surrounded by oak leaves. The flag of the Federal Republic of Germany is depicted on the bottom of the sword.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: The "Kommandoabzeichen" (commando badge) is a cloth patch worn on the right pouch of the uniform. The commando badge's design is similar to the metal badge worn on the beret. It depicts a silver sword on light green background surrounded by oak leaves. The badge was permitted to be worn in 2000 by Federal President Johannes Rau.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: KSK units wear green as their "Waffenfarbe", similar to infantry units. Before becoming an independent military force, the KSK was a part of infantry units.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: Initially, only officers and non-commissioned officers of the Bundeswehr could apply for service with the KSK and the subsequent evaluation period. As a prerequisite for entry, the Bundeswehr Commando Course ("Einzelkämpferlehrgang") must have been completed by the applicant. Since 2005, however, applications have also been opened to civilians and enlisted personnel who must complete an 18-month Long Range Surveillance training cycle before the intense KSK selection process begins.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: The selection process for the combat positions is divided into two phases: a three-week-long physical and psychological training regimen (normally having a 40% pass rate), and later a three-month-long physical endurance phase (normally with an 8–10% pass rate). During latter phase, the KSK use the Black Forest as their proving grounds for prospective operators. In this time, candidates must undergo a grueling 90-hour cross-country run, followed by a three-week international "Combat Survival Course" at the German-led multinational "Special Operations Training Center" (formerly the "International Long Range Reconnaissance School") in Pfullendorf.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: Upon successful completion of the selection process, candidates may be allowed to start their 2–3-year training cycle with the KSK. This training includes roughly twenty courses at over seventeen schools worldwide: in Norway for Arctic terrain, Austria for mountainous terrain; El Paso, Texas, or Israel for desert and/or bush training; San Diego for amphibious operations; and Belize for jungle experience.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: According to press releases from May 2008, the Bundeswehr aims to advance the attractiveness of service in the KSK to women. This is partially because the KSK was previously unable to reach its targeted number of troops. The KSK was no longer restricted to male troops after the Bundeswehr opened all units to women in 2001. As of 2021, women occupied auxiliary positions in KSK.


title: Kommando Spezialkräfte

text: The KSK is known to regularly participate in joint training exercises and personal exchange programs with SOFs from Allied nations which includes:


title: Chand Burke

text: Chand Burke (2 February 1932 – 28 December 2008), also known as Chand Burque, was an Indian character actress in Hindi and Punjabi language films. She was the paternal grandmother of Bollywood actor Ranveer Singh.


title: Chand Burke

text: Chand Burke made her debut in Maheshwari Productions’ Kahan Gaye (1946). Chand appeared in a number of films made in Lahore, and was widely known as “the Dancing Lily of the Punjab.” The Partition of India led to her migration to Mumbai (then Bombay) thus adversely affecting her career.


title: Chand Burke

text: She was given her first break in Bollywood by the veteran actor Raj Kapoor in the award-winning film titled, "Boot Polish (1954)", where she played the pivotal role of Baby Naaz & Rattan Kumar's tormenting aunt.


title: Chand Burke

text: Burke was born in a Christian family of twelve brothers and sisters in the Punjab Province of British India (in what is now Pakistan). Her brother, Samuel Martin Burke, was Indian Civil Service officer who later became a diplomat to the Scandinavian countries for Pakistan. After divorcing her film writer-director husband Niranjan in 1954, she married businessman Sundar Singh Bhavnani in 1955 with whom she had a daughter named Tonya and a son named Jagjit, who is the father of Bollywood film-star Ranveer Singh.


title: Laura Tingle

text: She is the chief political correspondent of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's "7.30" current affairs television program and was previously the political editor of "Australian Financial Review".


title: Laura Tingle

text: Tingle began her career in Sydney as a cadet journalist with Fairfax Media's "Australian Financial Review" and "Business Review Weekly" in the early 1980s, reporting on financial deregulation and the floating of the dollar. In 1987, she moved to News Limited's "The Australian" newspaper as an economics correspondent. She was appointed chief political correspondent in 1992 and national affairs correspondent from 1994. In 1996, she returned to Fairfax as a political correspondent for "The Age" and "The Sydney Morning Herald". In 1998, she resigned as Canberra bureau chief for "The Age", frustrated by constant interference and lack of attention to her requests, moving to the "Sydney Morning Herald". In 2002, she resigned from the "Sydney Morning Herald" over the combining of "The Age" and "Herald" Canberra bureaus, the cutting of staff and the shift to lighter stories, returning to the "Australian Financial Review" as political correspondent. She was subsequently appointed chief political correspondent and Canberra bureau chief from 2003, then political editor in 2008.


title: Laura Tingle

text: Tingle's book, "Chasing the Future: Recession, Recovery and the New Politics in Australia"—documenting the recession of the early 1990s—was published in 1994. She has written four issues of "Quarterly Essay": "Great Expectations – government, entitlement and an angry nation" in June 2012, "Political Amnesia – how we forgot to govern" in November 2015, "Follow the Leader: Democracy and the Rise of the Strongman" in September 2018 and "The High Road: What Australia Can Learn From New Zealand" in November 2020. Her book "In Search of Good Government" was published by Black Inc in 2017.


title: Laura Tingle

text: Tingle won Walkley Awards in 2005 and 2011 and has also been highly commended in the Walkley Awards for her investigative journalism. She also won the Paul Lyneham Award for Press Gallery Journalism in 2004 and was shortlisted for the John Button Prize for political writing in 2010. In 2017 she won the Qantas-European Union journalism prize. She makes regular appearances on ABC Radio National's "Late Night Live" and "Insiders" on ABC TV.


title: Laura Tingle

text: In February 2018, Tingle left the "Australian Financial Review" and joined the Australian Broadcasting Corporation as chief political correspondent of current affairs television program, "7.30". Tingle also regularly fills in for Sarah Ferguson on the program.


title: Laura Tingle

text: In March, she signed a $15,000 contract for two days' work with the Turnbull Government's Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet as a host at the Association of South East Asian Nations summit in Sydney. Tingle told "The Australian" newspaper: "I see absolutely no conflict."


title: Laura Tingle

text: She is the current president of the National Press Club. She was elected in December 2020. Tingle took over from Nine Network journalist, Chris Uhlmann.


title: Laura Tingle

text: Tingle is a regular political commentator on the ABC's "7.30" and "Insiders" programs and is a columnist.


title: Laura Tingle

text: When Tony Abbott became Leader of the Opposition in 2009, Tingle wrote for the Australian Financial Review (AFR) on 1 December that "The election of Tony Abbott is a disaster of epic proportions for a party that was already up against it in the race to remain competitive at the next election. They have now taken a major step to the Right, towards their base, and away from mainstream voters." In the aftermath of the 2010 Australian federal election when the incumbent Gillard Government and Tony Abbott-led Opposition were negotiating with the House of Representatives crossbench about who would form government, Tingle responded to a Treasury analysis of Abbott's costings with an article for the AFR in which she wrote that the Opposition was "not fit to govern" and were either "liars", "clunkheads" or both. Tingle has variously described Abbott as an "oaf", an "utter destructive force" and a "waste of space". When Malcolm Turnbull challenged and won the Liberal leadership and prime ministership from Abbott in an internal party ballot in 2015, Tingle described it as "the end of a particularly poisonous period in Australian politics", saying that "Australia has been pushed sharply to the right" and that Abbott's government was "unlamented ... except at News Corporation". She denounced Abbott's focus on "the Daesh death cult, the ABC, the Ice Epidemic, Labor-appointed boards and public servants".


title: Laura Tingle

text: When Turnbull subsequently resigned as Liberal prime minister ahead of a similar internal party leadership ballot in 2018, Tingle described the replacement of Turnbull with Scott Morrison as "utterly pointless". She judged that the move to oust Turnbull was driven by "pure spite and collective madness". On the day he resigned, Turnbull chose Tingle as the first of a small number of reporters permitted to question him at his final press conference. She asked if he regretted making too many concessions to conservatives.


title: Laura Tingle

text: In June 2018, Communications Minister, Mitch Fifield wrote to ABC Director Michelle Guthrie to make a formal complaint about Tingle making a "false claim" in her reporting of the setting of the date for by-elections. Tingle accused the government of "bastardy". The ABC issued an apology for its news coverage of the event.


title: Laura Tingle

text: During 2019–20 Australian bushfire season, Tingle praised ABC reporters on Twitter for their coverage. When a Twitter follower responded "pity about the lack of balance", Tingle replied with a tweet saying "What, like, 'on the other hand, it's ONLY 4.6 million hectares of Australia that are burning'. A rare editorial engagement: go fuck yourself".


title: Laura Tingle

text: In 2020, Tingle blamed the departure of ABC journalist Philippa McDonald from the ABC on "ideological bastardry" on the part of the Morrison Government in a tweet which concluded "hope you are feeling smug @ScottMorrisonMP". ABC managing director and editor-in-chief David Anderson called the tweet, which Tingle had deleted, a "mistake" during a subsequent Senate Estimates hearing. In 2021, Tingle campaigned strongly for the removal of the Morrison Government's Attorney General Christian Porter after he denied an allegation raised by the ABC that he had assaulted a woman when he was a young person. NSW police pronounced the matter closed on the basis of "insufficient admissible evidence to proceed". Tingle argued in an 3 March editorial for the "7:30" program that it did not matter if he been found guilty of a crime beyond reasonable doubt, but that "perception" was sufficient for his removal. She dismissed comparisons made by Porter to Labor leader Bill Shorten.


title: Laura Tingle

text: Tingle was born in Sydney, the youngest daughter of Pam Chivers and journalist John Tingle who, after a long career in journalism with the ABC and commercial radio, founded the Shooters Party in 1992 and was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Council in 1995.


title: Laura Tingle

text: She married fellow journalist Alan Ramsey in 1995. They separated in 2012 and divorced in 2017. Tingle has one daughter. Tingle has reportedly been in a relationship with actor Sir Sam Neill since 2018.


title: Laura Tingle

text: A portrait of Tingle by James Powditch titled "Laura Tingle – the fourth estate" was a finalist for the 2022 Archibald Prize. The portrait's composition and Tingle's image were inspired by the monochrome profile image of Marlene Dietrich in the publicity posters and images for the movie "Judgment at Nuremberg", and Tingle's image incorporated a collage of texts related to her and chosen by both her and the artist. The portrait was subsequently purchased by Tingle's mother.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: McLeod's Daughters is an Australian drama television series created by Posie Graeme-Evans and Caroline Stanton for the Nine Network, which aired from 8 August 2001, to 31 January 2009, lasting eight seasons. It stars Lisa Chappell and Bridie Carter in the leading roles as two sisters reunited after twenty years of separation, thrust into a working relationship when they inherit their family's cattle station in South Australia. The series is produced by Millennium Television, in association with Nine Films and Television and Southern Star. Graeme-Evans, Kris Noble and Susan Bower served as the original executive producers.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The series was originally conceived as a then-intended television film pilot, which broadcast on Nine Network in 1996. Despite its success, and becoming the highest-rated telemovie in Australian television history, a series was not picked up by the network until several years later.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The majority of filming took place on location in Kingsford, a locality in South Australia. An instant success, "McLeod's Daughters" enjoyed critical acclaim, ultimately reaching the number one drama spot during its fourth and fifth season. The series was nominated for a number of awards, including 41 Logie Awards, winning eight in total, notably for Most Popular Actress, Most Popular Actor, Most Popular Australian Program, and Most Popular Australian Drama Series. It has also achieved acclaim around the world, having developed a devoted fan base in the United States, Canada, Ireland, several European countries, and is moderately successful in the United Kingdom.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Posie Graeme-Evans developed the idea for "McLeod's Daughters" in the early 1990s for her company Millenium Pictures in conjunction with the South Australian Film Corporation. She also developed the idea for children's television programs such as "The Miraculous Mellops" and "Hi-5". The idea was for a television drama set on an Australian rural property with two half-sisters running the property inherited from their father with an all-female workforce. She developed the idea from stories from friends who grew up in the country and from the love of South Australian landscapes as shown in the paintings of Hans Heysen.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Graeme-Evans pitched the idea to the board of the Nine Network, who agreed to film a telemovie in March 1996 with Jack Thompson starring as the father Jack McLeod, whose death leads to the two half-sisters (portrayed by Kym Wilson as Tess and Tammy MacIntosh as Claire) inheriting the property. The character of Jack McLeod did not appear in the series, so Claire is now running Drovers Run, with the help of her father's farmhands, following her father's death from a heart attack.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Following the success of the telemovie shown on Mother's Day 1996, the Nine Network board agreed to commission a 22-episode series, but the project was left on the shelf for four years. It was finally revived in late 2000 after the opening ceremony for the 2000 Sydney Olympics featured a "The Man from Snowy River" theme, which highlighted the cultural significance of the bush to Australians.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Lisa Chappell, a successful New Zealand actress, known for her role in the soap opera "Gloss", was cast as Claire McLeod. The role of Claire was initially intended to go to actress Laurie Foell, for which was on hold for four months prior to the beginning of production, when Chappell, who was, at the time, in the process of setting up a theatre company, was invited to audition and received the part. Chappell was known to Australian audiences, appearing in seven episodes of Hercules: The Legendary Journeys. She is popular in New Zealand for her musical work, and has also appeared in the TV series The Stingers and The Cult. During the production of the series, she learned how to ride a horse and shear sheep.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Bridie Carter, a NIDA graduate, was virtually unknown to audiences, having only appeared in few guest roles in drama series which included "Home and Away", "Water Rats" and "All Saints". However, "McLeod's Daughters" marks her first major screen role. Both Carter and Chappell were chosen from a number of high-profile actors in what was described as an "exhaustive casting process".


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Jessica Napier was cast in the supporting role of Becky Howard, a promiscuous young woman from a broken family, who is raped and finds refuge on Drover’s Run. Napier was recognised by executive producer Kris Noble while she was working on "Wildside" and considered her for a part on the series, for which Posie Graeme-Evans agreed. She admitted that the reason she accepted the part was because of Graeme-Evans. In an interview with the Sydney Morning Herald, she commented that "Being as passionate and in love with it as she [Graeme-Evans] has made it feel like a worthwhile project. I felt it was a project that was loved and one they would go all out to make work." Napier was a Sydney-based actor at the time and relocated to Adelaide for the part.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: "McLeod's Daughters" is filmed on location at Kingsford, a 135-acre (55 ha) property which is listed on the South Australian Heritage Register and is located in the locality of Kingsford, north of Gawler. which Posie Graeme-Evans refers to as "our very own backlot". Kingsford was originally part of a 30,000-acre (12,245ha) property. The historical house was built from Edinburgh sandstone, transported to Australia as a ship ballast. The house took over 30 years to build and was finished by 1856.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Kingsford had been used in the years prior to filming by the South Australian Government as a wheat research station then by a Montessori school as a primary school campus. The working property was purchased by The Nine Network in 1999. Although Kingsford was a grand property at the time, it is now quite run down - a look that was important for the production design of the series, as the McLeod family has no money for maintenance.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The interior scenes set at Drover’s Run are all filmed inside the house. It not only added authenticity to the production, but the large rooms and high ceilings were ideal for filming.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The show was shot on Super 16 mm film, and is the first Australian drama series to be delivered in HDTV format. Three cameras were used, two on main unit and the third on second unit. Director of photography, Roger Dowling created the illusion that the series is shot on a 50,000 hectare property in the Australian bush, instead of on a heritage estate about the size of a hobby farm.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Notable guest appearances include Chris Haywood, Max Cullen, Alexandra Davies, Murray Bartlett, Deborah Kennedy, Celia Ireland, Tim Campbell, Brooke Harman, Peter Cousens, Stephen Curry, Xavier Samuel, Gabby Millgate, Belinda Bromilow, Jeremy Lindsay Taylor, Tasma Walton, Glenda Linscott, Neil Melville, Josh Quong Tart, Rachael Taylor, Jeremy Sims, Sonja Tallis, Orpheus Pledger, Simone Buchanan, Rebecca Lavelle, Todd Lasance, Kain O'Keeffe, Adam Saunders, Liam Hemsworth, Jay Laga'aia, Luke Arnold, Spencer McLaren, Callan Mulvey, Craig Stott, Leah Purcell, Carole Skinner and Nicholas Bishop.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The first three seasons follow the lives of half-sisters Claire McLeod and Tess Silverman McLeod, farmhands Jodi Fountain and Becky Howard, Jodi's mother and Drovers Run housekeeper Meg Fountain, and their affluent neighbors, the Ryan family.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The cast remained the same until the third season, when it was announced that Jessica Napier would be leaving. Her character, Becky Howard, initially decided to take a job at another farm with her boyfriend Jake, but then changed her mind and went back to school on the Agricultural Scholarship she had won during the young farmers competition. News of a second major cast change hit when it was announced that Lisa Chappell, who played Claire McLeod, would be leaving the series. Claire, Tess, and baby Charlotte were involved in a car accident, with Tess and Charlotte making it to safety before their vehicle slid over a cliff, killing Claire. Simmone Jade Mackinnon's character, Stevie Hall, was introduced to replace Chappell.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Season four began with the promotion of Brett Tucker to series regular. A new farm-hand, Kate Manfredi, was introduced in the fourteenth episode of season four. The introduction of Kate was to accommodate the departure of Meg, who left to pursue a writing job in Melbourne. She remained credited as a main character until the end of season 5.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: When the show began to decrease in ratings in the fifth season, producers decided to introduce several new characters to try and liven up the show. They brought in the no-nonsense, secretive Rob Shelton who was employed as the overseer at Killarney; the geologist cousin of Tess and Jodi, Regan McLeod; and the troubled brother of Dave, Patrick Brewer. Even with these cast changes, the show suffered another major blow when Myles Pollard announced that he was leaving the show to pursue other opportunities in the USA. His character, Nick Ryan was supposedly killed in a plane crash.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Ratings started to rise in the sixth season, when it took on a more soap opera-type style, while staying true to the original premise of the show. This was the last season before the show began its downhill slope. After four seasons, recurring character Moria Doyle (played by Doris Younane) was promoted to series regular to replace Meg Fountain. Pollard returned briefly when it was revealed that Nick had not died in a plane crash, but had actually been unconscious in a hospital in Argentina. Bridie Carter also decided to leave the show, departing with Pollard when their characters returned to Argentina. This saw the return and promotion to the main cast of Regan McLeod. Another blow was dealt when Jonny Pasvolsky decided to quit. His character, Rob Shelton/Matt Bosnich, had to leave Gungellan when he was found by the hitmen who had been pursuing him. The return of Zoe Naylor's character, Regan McLeod was to accommodate the departure of Tess, however this had no impact. The ratings started to slip and two more characters were introduced: the replacement overseer for Killarney, Riley Ward, and the immature Tayler Geddes, whose father died in an explosion at a mine where Regan worked. The final episode saw Brett Tucker's character Dave Brewer depart the series to work as a vet in Africa and the temporary departure of Michala Banas's character, Kate Manfredi.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The seventh season saw the introduction of Marcus Turner, who was employed as an account manager by Bryce Redstaff, Alex's biological father. It was later revealed that Marcus was Alex's half-brother. The seventh season also saw the return of Matt Bosnich, who was free to continue his life outside of witness protection. The news, however, that Rachael Carpani was departing the show and her character Jodi McLeod, along with Matt, would be written out was soon announced and Matt and Jodi were "killed" in a car explosion. It later turned out that they were alive, but used a car explosion to cover up this fact so they could go into witness protection. To compensate for Carpani's departure, Abi Tucker's character Grace Kingston McLeod was introduced as the feisty sister of Regan and cousin of Jodi. Michala Banas's character Kate was written back in as was Sonia Todd's character Meg Fountain, however the latter departed soon after. It was announced that not only would Zoe Naylor be leaving, but so would the last remaining original cast member, Aaron Jeffery, though they would both return. Regan left to run a mine, while Alex left to help Nick and Tess in Argentina. A new vet, Ingrid Marr, was introduced to stir up trouble between Grace and Marcus. Dustin Clare's character Riley Ward was killed in a car accident at the end of season seven.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The departure of Michala Banas rocked the crew of "McLeod's Daughters" and her character was written out to work on a farm for at-risk youth. Aaron Jeffery returned for one episode in season eight, where his character Alex Ryan was killed when a large tree branch fell on him. Regan returned for the christening of baby Xander, who was born the day after Alex died. Stevie's fun-loving cousin Ben Hall was introduced as the new overseer of Killarney, replacing Riley, while the vivacious sister of Regan and Grace, Jaz McLeod returned to Drovers Run after making a guest appearance in season four. The series finale saw Sonia Todd and Rachael Carpani return as Meg Fountain and Jodi McLeod respectively.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The first episode of "McLeod's Daughters" eventually debuted in August 2001 and proved to be a hit, attracting 1.89 million viewers. The first season was a success, attracting an average of 1.5 million viewers per episode in Australia. The show aired in New Zealand on TV2, one of TVNZ's free-to-air channels. The final season on TV2 began airing a month after Australia and eventually became 10 episodes in front of Australia until the finale. Reruns from season one are currently on Vibe in New Zealand, a channel aimed at women's programming.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The second season of "McLeod's Daughters" was equally successful, being the third-most popular drama on Australian television. By 2003, the show was the most popular drama series on Australian television. Its popularity in Australia was highlighted when the show won four Logie Awards, including Lisa Chappell winning most popular female actor and Aaron Jeffery winning most popular actor, with the show itself winning most popular Australian drama series in 2004 and 2005.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The show then began to decline in popularity and perceived quality. Cast turnover was high, and increasingly far-fetched stories were used to explain the sudden departure of formerly important characters, such as Rachael Carpani, who departed in 2007 and Aaron Jeffery, who left in 2008. In 2007, many viewers considered the show to have "jumped the shark", as the show had drifted into a new direction, that of a soap opera; at that point, the show began to experience low ratings. Jeffery commented to "The Daily Telegraph" that his desire to depart from the show was due to the new direction the show was taking, which he did not like.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The 200th episode of "McLeod's Daughters" aired on 3 October 2007, with Hugh McLeod (Grace, Jasmine, and Regan's father) returning for this special event. An entirely different script was originally written when one of the original cast (speculated to be Bridie Carter) agreed to come back, but it was pulled at the last minute. Ratings for this episode were very poor by Australian standards, with only 1,008,000 viewers tuning in; the highest that season was 1,415,000 for episode 16.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: The eighth and final season began on 23 July 2008 with the episode 203, "Aftermath", but after two further episodes, Channel 9 pulled the show from its schedule due to extremely low ratings. The remaining episodes were eventually aired from December to January in a double-episode format, with the final two episodes ("Into the Valley of the Shadow" and "The Long Paddock") airing on 31 January 2009 with original cast members returning for the special event.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: Following its instant success in Australia, "Mcleod's Daughters" was sold to over 100 countries, most notably, the US-based Hallmark Channel, which was available in several international countries, including Australia, Asia, and European countries, with time and broadcast dates varing. The series premiered in the UK on the Hallmark Channel in Autumn 2001, originally in a weekend primetime slot. Due to its growing success, Hallmark secured the rights to the third season in 2002 and the fourth season in 2003, which were then scheduled for 26 and 30 episodes, respectively, before being extended. The third season eventually screened from 28 August 2003 on the network, while season four commenced in 2004. During the later years of the series, it was moved from its primetime slot to an 11 am morning slot. The final season began airing in the UK Hallmark on 12 October 2008 with double episodes every Sunday morning from 11:00 am to 1:00 pm. The final two episode aired in the UK on Sunday 21 December 2008, a month before the episodes aired in Australia.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: In Germany the final two episodes aired on 4 November 2008 in a German-dubbed-version, a month before airing in the UK in the original language. In Ireland, RTÉ Two began airing the final season in mid-2010 in a late-night time slot, with the final episode airing early 2011. This was the first time season 8 had been shown on the channel, as RTÉ had long period gaps between each season. In early 2011, the channel began airing the series from the beginning, but was stopped less than halfway through the first season. In the US, the series debuted on 2 October 2004 on the WE tv (Women's Entertainment) cable channel, and ran for several seasons.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: In Australia, the complete series is available to stream on 9Now, and Stan. In New Zealand, it is available via TVNZ+. Netflix made all 8 seasons available to US subscribers in 2009. The series was available to stream in the UK via Amazon Prime Video's main subscription service before moving to Amazon Freevee, a free ad-based service from Amazon. It can also be streamed on the UK's STV Player. It is available in multiple countries on Pluto TV, where it features a "McLeod's Daughters" channel and the entire series on demand.


title: McLeod's Daughters

text: On 6 July 2017, the Nine Network confirmed that they were in talks with Posie Graeme-Evans about a potential reboot of the series. On 6 September 2017, Posie Graeme-Evans announced, "We have a story now, and I think it's a cracker. Just finishing the work we need to do before I talk about the next steps with the network." On 23 October 2017, Posie Graeme-Evans announced she had ended negotiations with Nine as creative differences for a new series remained, but has not ruled out potentially crowd-funding her project.


title: Deon Cole

text: Deon Anthony Cole (born January 9, 1972) is an American comedian, actor, and screenwriter. He is best known for his role in the sitcom "Black-ish" (2014–2022), which earned him nominations for two NAACP Image Awards and two SAG Awards. On June 25, 2020, he became the second panelist to win the Dorris Award on the ABC version of "To Tell the Truth".


title: Deon Cole

text: Cole was nominated for two Primetime Emmy Awards for co-writing the late-night talk shows "The Tonight Show with Conan O'Brien" and "Conan;" for the latter, he was also nominated for three .


title: Deon Cole

text: Cole was born in Chicago, Illinois on January 9, 1972. He was educated in Thornridge High School and received an acting degree from Philander Smith College.


title: Deon Cole

text: Born in the Roseland neighborhood of Chicago, Cole started in comedy when a friend bet him $50 that he would not get up on stage one night in Chicago.


title: Deon Cole

text: Cole was on the writing staff for "The Tonight Show with Conan O'Brien" from 2009 to 2010, and he worked as a writer for "Conan" from 2010 to 2012. He has appeared frequently in comedic bits for both broadcasts, and he has, along with the rest of the staff, received two Primetime Emmy nominations. Cole also performed on Conan O'Brien's "Legally Prohibited from Being Funny on Television Tour" in 2010.


title: Deon Cole

text: In February 2010, Cole performed on "Comic Aid Haiti", a comedy performance that benefited victims of the 2010 Haiti earthquake.


title: Deon Cole

text: Cole was on the cast of "Angie Tribeca" from 2016 to 2018. Cole is part of a television ad campaign for Old Spice body wash, alongside actress/comedian Gabrielle Dennis.


title: Deon Cole

text: Cole has a recurring role on the ABC sitcom "Black-ish" as Charlie Telphy. Cole was promoted to a main role beginning with season 4. He then made some appearances in the Black-ish's spin-off "Grown-ish".


title: Deon Cole

text: Cole has performed stand up on other programs such as "John Oliver's New York Stand-Up Show", "Mash Up" and "Lopez Tonight". Cole created his own production company, Coled Blooded, to produce the sketch comedy show "Deon Cole's Black Box". It premiered on June 10, 2013, on TBS, but it was canceled on October 25, 2013. Cole hosted the game show "Face Value" on BET in 2017.


title: Deon Cole

text: On June 25, 2020, Cole appeared on "To Tell the Truth" and won the Doris Award, becoming the second panelist to do so.


title: Deon Cole

text: Deon was raised by his mother Charleen. He was an only child. His mother passed away in 2021. He dedicated his 2022 Netflix comedy special to her, Deon Cole: Charleen’s Boy, which was filmed on the one year anniversary of her death.


title: Robert John Burke

text: Robert John Burke (born September 12, 1960) is an American actor known for his roles in "RoboCop 3" (1993), "Tombstone" (1993), and "Thinner" (1996). During the 2000s Burke became well known for his portrayal of Mickey Gavin on "Rescue Me" (2004–11), Bart Bass in "Gossip Girl" (2007–12), Ed Tucker in "" (2002–20), and a number of other film and television roles including Netflix "Intrusion" (2021).


title: Robert John Burke

text: Burke was born in Washington Heights, Manhattan, the son of immigrants from Galway, Ireland. He graduated from Northport High School and attended the Acting Conservatory at State University of New York at Purchase.


title: Robert John Burke

text: Burke's television roles include Mickey Gavin on "Rescue Me", Bart Bass on "Gossip Girl", "Kidnapped", "Six Degrees", "Law & Order" and IAB Captain Ed Tucker on "", Officer Patrick Simmons on "Person of Interest", "Sex and the City", and "The Sopranos".


title: Robert John Burke

text: Burke's film work began as a regular performer in fellow Purchase alumnus Hal Hartley's indie films, such as 1989's "The Unbelievable Truth". Burke appeared opposite Laura Dern's Academy Award nominated performance in the 1991 feature "Rambling Rose". He returned to work with Hartley again in 1992 in the Cannes Film Festival, Palme d'Or nominated "Simple Men". He also appeared in Hartley's 1995 film "Flirt". Burke took over the lead from Peter Weller in "RoboCop 3". He starred in Richard Stanley's 1993 film "Dust Devil", and in 2001's "No Such Thing". In 1996, he played the lead role in the film adaptation of Stephen King's "Thinner". In 2004, Burke played the role of Mr. Neck in the independent film "Speak". In 2005, Burke had a role in "Hide and Seek", a psychological thriller. He had roles in the Academy Award-nominated films "Munich" directed by Steven Spielberg and "Good Night, and Good Luck", directed by George Clooney. In 2008, he portrayed James Mattis, Commanding General of 1st Marine Division in the HBO miniseries "Generation Kill". Burke also portrayed General Ned Almond, commanding general of the 92nd Division, Buffalo Soldiers, in the 2008 Spike Lee film "Miracle at St. Anna". He appeared in the 2012 film "Safe". He played the Colorado Springs chief of police in Spike Lee's "BlacKkKlansman" (2018).


title: Robert John Burke

text: In 2015 and 2017, he appeared in three episodes of "Last Week Tonight with John Oliver", once parodying his role on "Law & Order".


title: Robert John Burke

text: Currently, Robert John Burke has entered the Marvel Universe portraying CIA agent Smitty in Black Panther 2 : Wankanda Forever.


title: Robert John Burke

text: Burke holds a second degree black belt in Matsubayashi, Shorin-ryu Okinawa karate. He is a certified and active New York State firefighter, currently captain of an engine. Burke is also active with foundation work including VETHACK, Leary Firefighter Foundation (LFF), FDNY Foundation, FDNY Fire Family Transport Foundation, Lt. Joseph DiBernardo Foundation for Fire Fighter Survival.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Getúlio Dornelles Vargas (; 19 April 1882 – 24 August 1954) was a Brazilian lawyer and politician who served as the 14th and 17th president of Brazil, from 1930 to 1945 and from 1951 to 1954. Due to his long and controversial tenure as Brazil's provisional, constitutional, and dictatorial leader, he is considered by historians as the most influential Brazilian politician of the 20th century.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Born in São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, to a powerful local family, Vargas had a short stint in the Army before entering law school. He began his political career as district attorney, soon becoming a state deputy prior to a brief departure from politics. After returning to the state Legislative Assembly, Vargas led troops during Rio Grande do Sul's 1923 civil war. He entered national politics as a member of the Chamber of Deputies. Afterward, Vargas served as Minister of Finance under President Washington Luís before resigning to head Rio Grande do Sul as state president, during which he had an active tenure and introduced many policies.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: In 1930, after losing the presidential election, Vargas rose to power under a provisional presidency following an armed revolution, remaining until 1934 when he was elected president under a new constitution. Three years later he seized powers under the pretext of a potential communist insurrection, beginning the eight-year long Estado Novo dictatorship. In 1942, he led Brazil into World War II on the side of the Allies after being sandwiched between Nazi Germany and the United States. Though there was notable opposition to his government, the major revolts – the 1932 Constitutionalist Revolution in his provisional government, the Communist uprising of 1935 in his constitutional presidency, and the Brazilian Integralist Action's putsch in his dictatorship – were all successfully suppressed; the methods Vargas used in quelling his opposition ranged from light peace terms to jailing political opponents.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Ousted in 1945 after fifteen years in power, Vargas returned to the presidency democratically after winning the 1950 Brazilian general election. However, a growing political crisis led to his suicide in 1954, prematurely ending his second presidency.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Getúlio Dornelles Vargas was born in São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, on 19 April 1882, the third of five sons born to Manuel do Nascimento Vargas and Cândida Dornelles Vargas. Located near Brazil's border with Argentina, the town of São Borja was a center of smuggling, political adventurism, and armed conflict, and Rio Grande do Sul was also known for an unusually violent history. The Vargas family reflected some of these characteristics. In 1919, 76 residents of São Borja complained to the state government about the Vargases' "coercive" actions, and in 1933, during Vargas's first presidency, two of his nephews were killed in a border clash.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas's mother Cândida was described as being "short and fat and pleasant" by her nephew Spártaco. Her side of the family came from the Azores and included some founders of Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul. Vargas's father Manuel was one of fourteen children, an honored military general for his service in the Paraguayan War, and a local Riograndense Republican Party leader. Manuel's family had a background in Azores and São Paulo. During the Federalist Revolution, Cândida's side of the family became "maragatos", or federalists, while Manoel's side fought on the "chimango", or republican, side. Their marriage brought together the two warring factions in the region.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas had a happy childhood thanks to the respect his mother received from the town due to her position between the two political factions. Vargas studied at a private primary school in São Borja run by Francisco Braga. He did not finish, however, for Vargas was sent to the Ouro Preto Preparatory School in Minas Gerais. The invitation was at the request of his brothers, and Vargas traveled by boat from Buenos Aires in Argentina, rushing as quickly as possible overland due to a yellow fever outbreak in Rio de Janeiro. At the school, Vargas was the subject of hostility by his fellow cadets, taunted with the nickname "xuxu", or chayote, for his Vargas's height () and "round shape". Vargas and his older brothers were forced out of the school after Vargas's brother Viriato, with the aid of his brother Protasio, shot fellow cadet Carlos Prado to death.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Alike to his father, Vargas embarked on a military career. He joined the Army in 1898 despite his father's protests, enlisting as a private in the 6th Infantry Battalion for one year. In 1899, he was promoted to sergeant. He also joined the military college at Rio Pardo and studied there until 1901. However, Vargas and twenty other cadets were forced to leave when they joined in a protest over lack of water. Only some time later did an amnesty allow him and the others to return. Still having time to serve, Vargas was then transferred to Porto Alegre and joined the 25th Infantry Battalion. He tried leaving to enroll in law school, but his discharge was delayed due to a medical examination that was required. Coincidentally, Vargas was sent to Corumbá in what was then Mato Grosso before his examination was conducted when a border crisis broke out between Bolivia and Brazil in February 1903. The disillusioned Vargas did not have to fight as the dispute was settled before he arrived, later saying that living under difficult conditions allowed him to learn to judge others, though he was disappointed from being kept idle and non-combatant. He asked for a discharge once again, and was able to obtain paperwork falsely stating he had had epilepsy.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas was admitted to the law school at Porto Alegre and adapted easily to the elitist climate among students. He became active in the students' republican faction and served as an editor and profile writer for the school's newspaper, "O Debate" (The Debate). Vargas and his friends were also influenced by the late gaúcho politician Júlio de Castilhos, creating the "Bloco Acadêmico Castilhista" (Castilho's Academic Block) to keep his ideas alive after his death. During his time at the school, Vargas was appointed the valedictorian of his class and stayed in a series of fraternity-like boarding houses, in one of which he made connections with future president and collaborator Eurico Gaspar Dutra. Vargas also spoke to visiting President Afonso Pena as a student representative in August 1906, saying, "We are today simply spectators of the present, but we will be judges of the future… Democracy is the common aspiration of civili[z]ed peoples as to their political system, but only with education can we have a people truly capable of democratic government." Vargas graduated in 1907.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Entering politics in the Republican Party of Rio Grande do Sul, Vargas had two options after graduating from law school: He could either accept an instructorship position in the school he had just graduated from, or he could become the state attorney. Vargas chose the latter, a position that was secured by his father, and he was named the Rio Grande do Sul state attorney general by his party. While it was very apparent that Vargas received the position due to his political connections, he remained as state attorney until 1908.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas would gain valuable experience as state attorney, and, after building himself a reputation for loyalty and brightness, was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul in 1909. Though he was only in his twenties, he still managed to make himself known for the ability to temporize and became well-liked. However, the Legislative Assembly only convened for two months in a year and pay was allotted, meaning that Vargas needed to find other income sources. This was partially because of the downgraded importance of state legislators in Rio Grande do Sul in sharp contrast to other states. Believing São Borja could not support more than one advocate's office, Vargas began his legal career as a "promotor", or a public prosecutor, in Porto Alegre. Vargas's first case dealt with rape, one which he settled privately by convincing both parties to marry.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas's vocation as a promoter did not last long, for he married fifteen-year-old Darci Lima Sarmanho, a woman thirteen years younger than himself, in March 1911. They would remain together for forty-seven years until Vargas died in 1954. She was the daughter of Antonio Sarmanho, a merchant, farmer, and one of Manuel's closest friends, and was orphaned at age fourteen. According to historian Robert M. Levine, Darci stayed in the background for most of Vargas's life and overlooked the family's households. She also devoted herself to public charity causes later in their lives when Vargas would become president. They had five children together: Lutero, Jandira, Alzira, Manuel (also known as Maneco), and Getúlio (also known as Getulinho). Alzira would go on to become a law school graduate and became Vargas's favorite. However, Vargas was an unloyal husband, often participating in sexual dalliances. He would take a mistress in 1937 and become devoted to her, later confirmed by his diaries published fifty years after his death in 2004. It is believed the mistress was Aimée de Soto-Maior, later Aimée de Heeren, recognized by the international fashion press as one of the world's most glamorous and beautiful women. Heeren neither confirmed nor denied the rumor.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Manuel gave Vargas some land near his own and money to set up a home and legal practice in São Borja. The combination of a political and legal profession was common in Latin America. Vargas was now a conciliator and advisor, taking on many cases dealing with a social factor, an experience that can be considered a component of his later social reform. Between 1913 and 1917, Vargas's political career ceased, however. While the second term of President Borges de Medeiros was underway, Vargas fell out with the state president at the end of 1912. Commenting on his resignation speech to the Assembly, historian Richard Bourne states, "Get[ú]lio's departure was marked with finesse: he made just enough noise to indicate to the gaucho boss that he was not to be treated lightly, and not such a dramatic ruction as to make a later composition impossible."


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Medeiros still needed the powerful Vargases' support, however. Near the end of 1916, Vargas refused an offer from Medeiros to become the state's police chief, opting instead to successfully run for reelection as a state deputy and would remain for two terms. Throughout his renewed tenure, he was, satirically, described as the "mathematician of the party" and named party (or majority) leader. While tasked with the crucial responsibility of ensuring the reelection of Medeiros, Vargas was also chairman of an Assembly commission dedicated to verifying election results for the state presidency, or, as his opposition put it, partaking in electoral fraud. In the latter part of his term, Vargas was in charge of leading and reporting the budget.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: During the 1923 civil war in Rio Grande do Sul, Vargas was called upon to lead a military unit with Republicans. He would organize the Seventh Provisional Division, and, when Republicans Oswaldo Aranha and José Antonio Flores da Cunha were under siege by Liberationists, lead two-hundred-fifty "provisórios" as lieutenant colonel, marching one hundred miles at night to Uruguaiana to "defend the ideas of his party". Halfway there at Itaqui, he found the railway cut and an absence of mounts for his horsemen. According to Aranha's brother Adalberto, Vargas was persistent, decisive, and speedy throughout the crisis. He ordered his forces out of the town and the embarkation of his troops on requisitioned river barges. Vargas also ignored low water warnings to save the detrimental situation the Republicans had gotten themselves into. He said, "I will send them all to arrive there in time. Only the impossible will deter me from coming to the help of my comrades." Before he could command any real action, President Medeiros messaged Vargas to hand over the military as he had been named federal deputy, a vacant seat he ran for in 1922, and deputies could only command troops with the permission of the National Congress. Vargas turned his command over to his cousin Deoclecio Dorneles Motta, immediately departed for Rio de Janeiro, and now held a far more important task — restoring the power of Rio Grande do Sul in federal politics.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: In May 1923, Vargas became a national deputy, becoming Medeiros's "man of confidence" during a troubling period. His objective was to diminish federal intervention in the state civil war and gave a speech stating the state government had it under control. In reality, there was doubt this statement was true and Medeiros had had to raise private loans in Uruguay to pay for war expenses. Vargas also had to lead his bloc of gaúcho deputies, demoralized after an editorial appeared in Porto Alegre calling for the acceptance of the incoming Arthur Bernardes administration. In 1924, Vargas became the official leader of the Rio Grande do Sul congressional delegation, the same year he was forced to take his daughter Alzira out of school in November after a warship opened fire on Rio de Janeiro as part of the "tenente" rebellions. According to Levine, Vargas's "most noteworthy achievement as a congressman came in 1925, when as a member of a commission studying constitutional reform he advocated greater government authority."


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: With the knowledge that a "paulista" would succeed Bernardes (see Background and the Old Republic), Vargas cultivated the paulista delegation during Bernardes's presidency. When Washington Luís was elected president in 1926, he chose Vargas to become his Minister of Finance. This was despite the fact Vargas had virtually no fiscal experience, even going as far as to deny joining a finance committee when he was in Congress. The appointment was based on gratitude toward Medeiros for helping him become president and a political deal apart of the many cabinet positions divided amongst important states.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Though the economy was prosperous from 1926 to 1928, it was entirely based upon coffee. Within a month, Vargas had submitted a money reform bill to the National Congress, similar to the French Poincaré, with the objective of stabilizing the value of the Brazilian currency. It saw initial success before collapsing in the wake of the Wall Street Crash of 1929. Vargas introduced a tax on consumption with the purpose of undermining the country's dependency on customs revenue. He would also hold audiences where up to a hundred people could submit their petitions, requests, and complaints, ranging from ordinary citizens to congressional deputies. Although Vargas only served two years as Finance Secretary before returning to Rio Grande do Sul to become the president (governor) in 1928, he gained valuable recognition and experience on a national level.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: In 1928, Medeiros was to complete his lengthy tenure and depart from the presidency of Rio Grande do Sul. Vargas, meanwhile, looked on with caution, so far as to prevent a journalist from writing about Vargas's audiences in "Diario de Noticias" back in Porto Alegre, believing it would pass off as an attempt for the presidency. Acknowledging Medeiros's autocratic philosophy was the reason for this; a successor was in Medeiros's control and he could have vetoed any nomination. Despite this, Vargas had many beneficial factors on his side: Medeiros's debt, his national achievements, his distancing from intrastate quarrels, his popularity amongst party youth such as Aranha, and his ability to mediate difficult situations. Medeiros selected Vargas as his successor, followed by Vargas's resignation from Luís's cabinet in late 1927. With the lack of an opposition and the Republican political machine, Vargas's election was assured and he became the president of the state with his term set to expire in 1932.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas was active throughout his two-year tenure. In one instance, he vetoed dishonest election results which favored his political party. In another, he negotiated a ceasefire between his state's two warring factions and successfully ended decades of hostility. With that, he also made peace with other groups in the state, such as making concessions to Liberationists. Levine states, "As governor, Vargas achieved bipartisan support for his government, for the first time in generations." Along with Aranha, who carried out his economic program, he provided credit to cattle ranchers and created interventionist cooperatives to bring in resources and lower export prices for agriculture. Vargas established the "Banco do Rio Grande do Sul" (Bank of Rio Grande do Sul) to lend money to farmers and touched upon education, mining, agriculture, and roads. The people rallied around him as Vargas promoted the planting of wheat and created a department of agriculture. Vargas doubled the amount of primary schools in the state, oversaw the construction of bridges and roads, and revisited the railroad contract between Rio Grande do Sul and the federal government in order to favor the state. Despite that, he remained loyal to Luís's administration and maintained ties to the federal government. Vargas also championed the VARIG airline and improved law courts.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Throughout much of the First (or Old) Republic (1889–1930), Brazilian politics were consolidated in an oligarchic alliance known as coffee with milk politics (also referred to as coffee and cream). This alliance joined politicians from the dominant states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Starting in the 1910s, there was much discontent with the Republic, including a general strike in 1917, and several failed "tenente" revolts of discontent junior military officers throughout the 1920s. World coffee prices crashed in October 1929 and, with them, the Brazilian economy. In the midst of unrest and the collapse of the economy, President Luís broke the coffee and milk agreement, declaring Júlio Prestes (a politician from São Paulo) his successor instead of a person from Minas Gerais, violating the four-decade old oligarchy. Vargas publicly announced his views on the Old Republic in a proclamation on 4 October 1930:


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: The ensuing political crisis of Luís choosing a "paulista" to succeed him led to the formation of the Liberal Alliance ("") (consisting of Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul and Paraíba), forming an opposition to Prestes and nominating Vargas, who led a broad coalition of middle-class industrialists, planters from outside São Paulo, and the "tenentes" for the presidency. Support for Vargas was especially strong in the states of the alliance. During the campaign, Vargas had also been careful not to offend planter landowners, though he did advocate moderate social reform and economic nationalism. The Liberal Alliance, amongst other social issues, pushed for agricultural schools, industrial training centres, sanitation to the countryside, establishing workers' vacations and a minimum wage, political reforms, individuals' freedom, and consumer co-operatives, the majority of which Vargas would go on to install in the Brazilian economy.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Much to the distaste of the opposition, Julio Prestes was declared winner of the 1930 election. This, however, did not go without many claims of electoral fraud, though fraud was committed on both sides. Electoral machines produced votes in all Brazilian states, including Rio Grande do Sul, where Vargas won 298,627 votes to 982. Although many in the opposition considered orchestrating a coup following the results, Vargas claimed that they did not have enough power to successfully dispute the election. Eventually, it seemed the planned coup would not be executed. However, in the wake of the assassination of João Pessoa, Vargas's running mate, for romantic reasons, the opposition decided it was ultimately time to take up arms, and Vargas agreed.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Although the president was elected in March, he wasn't to be sworn in until November, leaving time for Luís to transition power to the president-elect, Prestes. Alongside his co-conspirators, Vargas planned to overthrow the federal government in an armed revolution. This revolution, known as the Revolution of 1930, began on 3 October. Railway workers went on strike; the capital of Pernambuco, Recife, was overtaken by its own citizens who invaded government buildings, an arsenal, and wrecked a telephone station; revolutionaries quickly took control of the Northeast, and it was all culminating to a large military confrontation in São Paulo. This, however, never happened, as Luís resigned on 24 October 1930, at the urging of both the military and Cardinal Dom Sebastião Leme, paving the way for a short-lived military junta, composed of Brazil's military leaders, to take charge of the government.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Revolutionary leaders, surprised at the ousting of the President, were concerned as it had been done without previous notice to the revolutionaries. Vargas would go by train to São Paulo and continue toward Rio de Janeiro (the nation's capital at the time) and telegraphed to the junta on 24 October 1930:


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas arrived in Rio de Janeiro in a uniform and wide-brimmed pampa hat, with 3,000 soldiers in the city in preparation of his arrival. The junta withdrew from power and installed Vargas as "interim president" on 3 November 1930.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas's provisional presidency began on 3 November 1930, when he assumed "unlimited power" from the provisional government in the aftermath of the Revolution of 1930, and gave a speech detailing a 17-point program. He imprisoned his prominent political opponents, and instead of taking the "constitutional solution", where Vargas would act within the boundaries of the 1891 constitution and he would be declared victor of the 1930 election, Vargas chose the "revolutionary solution" and assumed emergency powers with a provisional government as he had told Aranha from Ponta Grossa. Even amongst the poorest of Brazilians, Vargas had brought hope to them, something which drove him to oblige to his goals. For now, the Brazilian people lived under a regime lacking political parties and one which governed by decree, which they accepted. Vargas also held sympathies for a corporatist state.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Through his provisional government, it was apparent that Vargas was attempting to centralize his power. After dissolving state and municipal legislatures as well as the National Congress, Vargas assumed all policymaking power of the legislative and executive branches and the ability to name and dismiss public officials at will, though the judiciary branch was allowed to remain with modification on all levels of government. Ensuring his support, Vargas also named federal "interventors" to administer the Brazilian states and replace presidents (governors), with the only exception being Minas Gerais, where the president was allowed to remain as interventor. Nearly all these actions were perscribed in a single decree on 11 November 1930.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Since the beginning of the Great Depression, there was no longer any demand for Brazil's agricultural production. Planters found financial ruin, unemployment in cities grew, foreign revenue declined, and convertible money was no longer in circulation. For instance, the price of coffee was 22.5 cents per pound in 1929, but this plummeted to a mere eight cents in 1931. Though Vargas promoted the diversification of agriculture, especially with cotton, he also recognized that he could not abandon the coffee sector, which Brazil was highly dependent upon. Therefore, the Vargas government took measures to address the sector's financial ruin. On 10 February 1933, Vargas created the National Coffee Department (DNC) ("), and in March 1931, Vargas issued a decree which barred imports of machinery for industries suffering from overproduction.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Still, Vargas's government was faced with a major problem: Large stocks of coffee had no demand on the international market. In July 1931, the government, using the money it received via export taxes and exchange taxes, would purchase excess coffee and destroy some of it. Doing such, the price of coffee would be sustained and the supply would be reduced. The plan lasted many years, only ending in 1944. By that point, Vargas's government had destroyed 78,200,000 sacks of coffee, equivalent to the world's consumption for three years.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: According to historians Boris and Sergio Fausto, "One of the more coherent aspects of the Vargas administration was its labor policy. Between 1930 and 1945, it passed through several stages, but from the beginning it appeared as innovative as far as what preceded it was concerned. Its main objectives were to repress efforts of the urban working class to organize outside the aegis of the state and to incorpoate the working class into the government's array of supporters." To achieve these goals, Vargas, notably, created the Ministry of Labor, Industry, and Commerce (') in November 1930, nominating Lindolfo Collor as the first Minister of Labor. Laws were passed to protect workers, a March 1931 decree brought unions into line, and Vargas's government established the Bureaus of Reconciliation and Arbitration (') to mediate worker-boss affairs. To protect the rights of Brazilian workers, the government limited immigration and required that at least two-thirds of all workers at any given factory be Brazilian. The President gained considerable support from organized labor with his government beginning construction on long-promised workers' housing in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, despite it being under par compared to the needs of the growing population. He also began taking repressive measures toward leftist organizations in respect to the economy, particularly the Brazilian Communist Party.The economic regulations Vargas imposed, however, were still being circumvented as late as 1941. While it was impossible for the minimum wage laws to be evaded by large businesses or in large towns, the minimum rural salary of 1943 was, in many cases, simply not abided by employers. In fact, many social policies never extended to rural areas. While each state varied, social legislation was enforced less by the government and more by the good will of employers and officials in the remote regions of Brazil.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas's legislation did more for the industrial workers than for the more numerous agricultural workers, despite the fact that only relatively few industrial workers joined the unions that the government encouraged. The state-run social security system was inefficient and the Institute for Retirement and Social Welfare produced few results. The popular backlash due to these shortcomings was evidenced by the rising popularity of the National Liberation Alliance, a leftist front, in 1935. Moreover, the Faustos state that, "The nation's financial situation became untenable halfway through 1931." Payments on Brazil's foreign debt ceased in September of the same year, and the Bank of Brazil had once more been granted sole permission to exchange currency, a measure that had originally been put in place by President Luís's government yet repealed by Vargas's provisional government.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Brazil had had a close cooperation between the church and state by the time Vargas assumed power. The collaboration began mostly in the 1920s under the administration of Arthur Bernardes. Vargas now made the relationship much closer, evident in the unveiling of the statue of Christ the Redeemer on 12 October 1931. Vargas and his ministers were present at the unveiling, and Cardinal Leme, who was influential in the ousting of President Luís, declared Brazil as "the most holy heart of Jesus, whom it recognized as its King and Lord."


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas's government took special measures in favor of the church, and the church received support for the new government from the majority of Brazil's Catholics. In April 1931, a decree allowed religion to be taught in public schools. This was all despite the fact that Vargas was firmly agnostic (though Darci practiced Roman Catholicism), going as far as to name his first son Lutero, an un-Catholic name. His purpose for the union between the church and state was to build popular support for his government through the channeling of religious feelings toward the state, though.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Hoping to tackle the issue of education as well, Vargas's government immediately introduced new measures to improve what was perceived as a problem in Brazil. Like religion, reform was tried in the 1920s at first, beginning at the state level. However, Vargas's new government sought to centralize education, creating the Ministry of Education and Health (") in November 1930. The initiatives were based on "authoritarianism" and a hybrid between hierarchical values and Catholic conservatism, though it was never considered "fascist indoctrination". Major reforms also took hold in higher education, with Vargas's government creating conditions favorable to universities.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas's reforms were limited, however. Though his laws were in existence, the enforcement of those laws was lackluster. In 1948, Anísio Teixeira, considered to be Brazil's greatest education reformer, reviewed the education reform done in the state of Bahia after twenty years (1928–1948). On 16 April 1948, Teixeira gave a speech in the capital, Salvador:


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: The adjustment from the Old Republic to a new regime was painful despite Vargas's reforms. After a rebellion broke out in Recife in May 1931, Aranha and General Leite de Castro presented Vargas with a decree which would declare martial law for mutinies. Vargas told them to redraft it, and Aranha told Vargas's secretary, "This Getúlio has a passive resistance that is enervating." While Vargas increased his support with senior army officers, bloody riots broke out in Recife in October 1931. In February 1932, the Democratic Party of São Paulo joined forces with Republicans in a united front against Vargas. There was even a front in Vargas's home state of Rio Grande do Sul, pushing for a seven-point program, the instant restoration of individuals' rights, the guarantee of freedom of the press, and the election of a constituent assembly. At this point, some foreign diplomats had much doubt Vargas had any control of events, observing the division between revolutionary leaders and unrest in the country.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: The painful transition between regimes was most evident in the 1932 Constitutionalist Revolution, a three-month long civil war in Brazil (9 July–2 October 1932) which pitted São Paulo, now suffering as their interests and pride were lost, against the federal government in the name of a free constitution. Furthermore, the state of São Paulo was distressed with Vargas's implementation of interventors to replace state presidents. São Paulo's interventor, João Alberto Lins de Barros, was extremely unpopular in the state, becoming the subject of hostility by politicians and the press despite his best efforts to appease them. He was forced to resign in July 1931 after a minor rebellion in April of that year, and three separate interventors succeeded him until mid-1932, including a civilian interventor Vargas appointed in March.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: The state believed Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul would join them and a potential coup would transpire, which was not the case. However, Vargas felt depressed during the crisis, with both Alzira and Monteiro noting he was passing through an abrupt mental stage at the beginning of the revolt. Although federal forces defeated the revolutionaries, a new constitution would be enacted two years later in the aftermath. Vargas, meanwhile, enforced soft peace terms, ordered the federal government to pay half of the rebels' debt, and refused to bomb or invade the city of São Paulo during the conflict, rather limiting fighting to the outskirts of the city. Vargas, especially during his early years, was always in danger of being ousted by one or more of the groups in his coalition, including the anti-São Paulo planters, the bourgeoisie, and the military. Rumors circulated in his provisional presidency about coups both left- and right-wing, though they had no basis.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Under Vargas's regime, the federal government maintained a responsibility for protecting the secret vote in elections, and many voting reforms were introduced, including the establishment of the Electoral Justice, women's suffrage, and a lowering of the voting age from twenty-one to eighteen. Fraud was reduced, and the Electoral Justice was tasked with the organization and oversight of elections and the judgement of appeals.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Prior to the São Paulo revolt, Vargas made a promise to hold elections in a speech in May 1932. The same speech highlighted the achievements produced by the provisional government, including education reform and a balanced budget. He contrasted the contemporary history of England and France to Brazil's situation, justifying the need for emergency powers during an economic crisis. Vargas fulfilled his promise when, in May 1933, elections for a National Constituent Assembly were held. There was an increase in popular participation as well as party organization. The Communist Party was banned, however, and the many parties that appeared were in states. There were no national parties with the exception of the right-wing Brazilian Integralist Action.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: The Constituent Assembly, elected under Vargas's provisional presidency, convened from 1933 until 1934. After months of debate, they initiated a new Constitution of Brazil, the third one in its history, which guaranteed an impartial judiciary, government responsibility for the economy, and general welfare. Similar to the Constitution of 1891, it established a federal republic in Brazil, and it was modeled after Germany's Weimar Constitution. The new constitution reflected Vargas's earlier reforms: it dealt with minimum wage, labor rights, compulsory attendance and free primary schools, classes in religion (although it was open to all religions and elective in public schools), and national security. The constitution went into force on 14 July 1934, and the Constituent Assembly (which would be succeeded by the Chamber of Deputies) elected Vargas on 15 July to a four-year term to continue his presidency, now constitutionally. Vargas's constitutional presidency was set to expire on 3 May 1938. Historian Thomas Skidmore reflected on Vargas's transition to a new regime; "It looked as if Brazil was finally going to be allowed an experiment in modern democracy."


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas had originally offered Luís Carlos Prestes the position as head of the military in 1930, but Prestes refused, opting instead to lead the Brazilian Communist Party. The Communist Party faced a problem, however. Their doctrine revolved around urban workers, whereas Brazil was still an agricultural society. Urban workers were mostly from rural backgrounds and did not want to participate, and workers who did were difficult to organize. Still, fear circulated amongst politicians and generals, and repressive measures were taken against communists. On 19 January 1931, Vargas ordered any communists be arrested and their property seized.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Communists staged marches, counter-marches, and street fights comparative to the climate in central Europe. The Communist Party and Communist International hoped a military coup would overthrow the Brazilian government, weaken the United States and United Kingdom, and strengthen the Soviet Union. In November 1935, a series of uprisings at military bases in Natal, Recife, and Rio de Janeiro culminated in the communist uprising of 1935. Comintern believed they had sufficientally infiltrated the army enough to allow Prestes to carry out the coup, but Vargas's forces "crushed" all revolts. In reality, the uprising played into Vargas's hands. Comintern and the Communist Party were unaware they were under surveillance by Brazilian police, and their attack gave evidence for a "Bolshevik threat".


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Skidmore said that Vargas's government "had a propaganda field day after it crushed the revolt, circulating wildly exaggerated stories (later discredited by military records) about loyalist officers shot unarmed in their beds." Immediately after the revolt, Vargas convinced the National Congress to declare a state of emergency, during which he suspended civil rights, jailed trade unionists and his opposition, increased presidential powers, and bolstered police powers. For the next two years after the 1935 revolt, Vargas would keep persuading the Congress to renew the ninety-day state of siege, a period where the government held extraordinary police powers and there were growing concerns Vargas was preparing a self-coup. Prestes was also jailed in 1936 and sentenced to over sixteen years in prison. He would later be released in 1945 and campaigned for Vargas's policy the same year.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: The fears of Vargas carrying out a self-coup were amplified by the authoritarian and pro-German military perceptions of his two top generals, Pedro Aurélio de Góis Monteiro and Minister of War Eurico Gaspar Dutra. He was becoming increasingly dependent on the military for support, and political attention now turned to the 1938 presidential elections. Now, Vargas's opposition turned to supporting Armando Salles de Oliveira, a member of the "paulista" elite who, Skidmore says, "were now trying to gain through the vote what they had failed to gain by arms in 1932." While Vargas government supported writer and minor politician from the Northeast Jose Americo de Almeida, the "paulistas" were now confident as they sought and received support from those against Vargas.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: All the while, Vargas's power was loosening. Political debates allowed for repressive measures to be unfastened; 300 people were let out of prison by order of the Minister of Justice. Vargas and his government did not trust any of the three candidates, and one government observer even believed Brazil was as risk of becoming another Spain, that is, torn apart by civil war. Leading up to the coup which would place Vargas as dictator, he was a somewhat depressed man, and he never seemed to admit to himself he enjoyed his power. However, after a meeting with Monteiro and J. S. Maciel Filho, the President became reenergized, as evident by his following journal entries, though he was still saddened by the upcoming elections. One week before the coup, Vargas celebrated the seventh anniversary of his rise to power, devoting the evening to a "long" conversation with Monteiro.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: The pretext for the coup was enunciated in the form of the Cohen Plan, a document discovered in September 1937 at the Ministry of War detailing plans for a violent communist uprising. In actuality, the document was a blatant falsification. After the Cohen Plan's revelation, on 10 November 1937, the coup was executed. All but one cabinet member signed the constitution per Vargas's request; military troops surrounded the National Congress and refused entry to congressmen; and the 1937 Constitution, corporatist and totalitarian, was now in force. The 1938 presidential elections were canceled, and Brazil became a dictatorship called the "Estado Nôvo", or New State, led by Vargas. The National Congress acquiesced after some congressmen were imprisoned, and eighty legislators went to see Vargas in a show of support on 13 November. Meanwhile, life went on as usual in Brazil as the population took the transition calmly.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas's most prominent opponents were either arrested or exiled. As censorship concealed the media and the police were given increased powers, the public fell silent. Like when he took office, Vargas effectively ruled by decree. The Integralists were initially supportive of the coup and the transition toward right-wing politics, anticipating their fellow Integralista Plínio Salgado to be offered a cabinet position, specifically the Minister of Education. The opposite ensued; Vargas's government enforced new restrictions on the movement's activities. In retaliation, a band of Integralists tried to overthrow the federal government themselves. From 10 through 11 May 1938, armed Integralists and disloyal palace guards attacked the presidential palace in an effort to depose him. They began firing at the building, where Vargas was sleeping, entering into a multihour-long siege with Vargas and Alzira. Federal reinforcements arrived at Vargas's aid; four attackers were killed with the rest being imprisoned. Salgado sought exile in Portugal, meanwhile. The result of the incident was a temporary chill on German-Brazilian relations.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Most of the constitution was produced by a single man, anti-liberal and anti-communist Francisco Campos, future Minister of Justice for Vargas. The new constitution was highly detailed and comprehensive, even more so since Campos was working in a rush. Article II stated that there shall be only one flag, hymn, and motto throughout the country, for instance. Campos would later hold a press conference and publicize the establishment of the National Press Council, created for the intention of "perfect coordination with the government in the control of the news and of political and doctrinal material." In general, the new era incorporated components from European fascism, though the President relied on the army for support rather than political parties. Antiliberalism was also very apparent.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas outlawed all political parties on 2 December 1937. A plebiscite to approve the new regime was abandoned, the proposed congress never convened, and Vargas's term of office was prolonged by six years. Personally, Vargas told foreign reporters the "Estado Nôvo" was democratic at heart but promoted authoritarianism at home. When Alzira asked him about the plebiscite, Vargas replied, "The whole purpose of the coup of November 10 was to avoid any electoral action which could prejudice us at this time; and yet you ask me questions about the plebiscite?" Industrial expansion was performed and support for coffee was diminshed. Campos had suggested a totalitarian party and the Minister of Education requested a fascist youth program, both of which Vargas demonstrated little enthusiasm for and buried. "Brasilidade" led to a reform of Portuguese spelling and the closure of foreign language schools and newspapers with the main targets being German and Italian communities. In regard to fundamental issues, Vargas's personal power was the deciding factor; trust between the President and his ministers increased, and between March 1938 and June 1941 there was not a change in ministers.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: According to historian Teresa Meade, "Because the major social reforms of the "Estado Nôvo" were enactment of a minimum-wage law and the codification of all labor reforms since 1930 into a single labor act, Vargas was able to win to his party the devotion of the urban workers." Such labor laws were also centered around corporatism. Vargas's image as the "workers' guardian" took hold in ceremonies, such as the May Day celebration, where masses would gather. He used the radio to communicate and bring workers and the government together, and the labor minister gave weekly radio speeches.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: From 1930 until 1938, the wage index rose from 230 to 315 points; this contrasted with the cost of living, however, from 290 to 490 points, with the cost of living doubling in Rio de Janeiro and nearly tripling in São Paulo. However, in respect to the Great Depression, Brazil reemerged from the economic crisis sooner than the United Kingdom or the United States, a comeback sustained by World War II production, American technology, and Brazilians turning to Brazilian producers when shipping was interrupted. Beginning in 1935, industrialists became interested in establishing oil refineries in the country, such as Standard Oil (1936) and Texaco (1938) amongst others who established "huge" refineries in Brazil, though they would be nationalized in Brazilian hands in April 1938 via decree-law. The President also decided to stop paying the national debt right after the coup, too, proclaiming that Brazil could either modernize its armed forces and transportation or pay the debt.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Popular culture was also an important aspect of Vargas's dictatorship. In 1941, his government created the National Sport Council, and, as Skidmore concludes, "Vargas was one of the first politicians to appreciate the political payoff from supporting it." Another example was the Rio Carnival: Vargas's government was the first (on the federal level) to support samba schools and Rio parades, both of which had become a universal symbol of Brazilian culture. Two achievements resulted: an economic benefit (tourism) and a greater national identity. Moreover, Vargas's government launched an elaborate campaign of restoring historic and religious archiecture, sculpture, and painting. In Petrópolis, the Imperial Museum of Brazil was restored, and the Ministry of Education and Culture building in Rio de Janeiro was designed by French architect Le Corbusier (construction began in 1936 and finished in 1943). A darker side to the Vargas-sponsored work with a national identity was to protect the country from those who were deemed "un-Brazilian", such as Japanese Brazilians or Jewish Brazilians. Official and unofficial discrimination was performed, limited mainly to closing "foreign" newspapers, schools, and organizations, but it never reached the magnitude of Nazi Germany.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: In Europe, Nazi Germany viewed Brazil as a key trading partner. From 1933 to 1938 (a time period encompassing parts of all three periods of Vargas's first presidency), German-Brazilian trade magnified. Principally, Germany bought Brazilian cotton in return for German industrial goods, all the while the United Kingdom being the main loser. Germany hoped to lure Brazil into the German politico-military sphere. They sold weapons to Brazil and offered technical training, and the 1937 coup was praised in Germany and Italy. The U.K. did have a major role in aiding Vargas's police and intelligence forces, though. British agents provided information on foreign threats and assisted the country during the 1935 communist uprising.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Meanwhile, in the aftermath of the 1937 coup, the United States immediately asked for an explanation from Brazil's ambassador Aranha. The U.S. recognized Brazil's strategic position on the Atlantic coast and the potential of it playing a vital role in dominating air and sea traffic. The American military worried the coup would bring Brazil closer to Nazi Germany, aware of Vargas' advisers', specifically Dutra's and Monteiro's, beliefs. They had been struggling to influence Brazil, and the existence of a large German-speaking population in Brazil's South strengthened American fears of the Vargas dictatorship. Under U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the United States began the Good Neighbor policy toward Latin America in what Bourne describes as a modern Monroe Doctrine. Similar to pre-World War I, the U.S. State Department also denounced the German trade policy. The military tried to counter German offers of arms and training, but they failed. Vargas had, in fact, tried to negotiate to obtain U.S. military equipment first, but the isolationist United States Congress refused, even outlawed, foreign arms sales.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: In 1937, Vargas offered U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt the use of Brazilian coastal bases, but the offer was refused. This was most likely because Roosevelt was either to follow the U.S. Congress or abandon them, for if he did accept the offer it would have looked like he was preparing for war. In 1938, Vargas sent Aimée de Heeren (see Personal life and interim) to Paris as a secret agent to investigate the situation in Europe. Through Helmuth James von Moltke she obtained secret information about Hitler's plans for the Jewish population, prompting her to use "all her influence" on the President to distance Brazil from the Axis powers. In 1939, at the beginning of the Second World War, Vargas and Roosevelt both remained neutral, though Vargas continued to foster relations with the Axis powers. By 1941, however, Vargas still left his options open, approving a plan to modernize North and Northeast airports by Pan American Airways under a contract by the U.S. army.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: When Japan attacked Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941 and the leader of Germany, Adolf Hitler, declared war on the United States, it became apparent that Brazil's military odds were in favor of the Allies of World War II. This was reinforced with the disastrous 1941 Invasion of Russia by Germany and their losses in the Atlantic. In addition, the U.S. was already forging alliances with Brazil; an important commercial deal in 1939 and the sale of ninety six-inch surplus guns to Brazil in March 1940, followed by a visit from Monteiro to the United States in October, centered foreign policy with the U.S. With this, Brazil declared war on Italy and Germany, following torpedo attacks on Brazilian ships and the sinking of a Brazilian submarine that year, on 21 August 1942, providing the allies with raw materials and Brazil's strategic coastline. The siding with the allies led to Monteiro and Dutra both turning in their resignations, which the President rejected. Moreover, Vargas struck an "attractive" deal; in exchange for raw materials, the U.S. military provided equipment, technical assistance, and financing for a Brazilian steel mill, at Volta Redonda, finalized in July 1940.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas hoped to identify Brazil with the Allied cause. He offered three Brazilian army divisions to fight the Germans in the Mediterranean with the purpose of dramatizing Brazil's role in the war and to uplift Brazilian pride at home. Additionally, a contingent of the army fought crucial battles in the Italian campaign in 1944 and further reinforced war pride and antifascism. Vargas insisted every state be represented, whatever the quality of local recruits. His government now held even more power as the need to ration essentials increased, and centralization persisted yet again in Brazil.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Though abroad the government defended democracy, there was increasing discontent at home when World War II finished due to the authoritarian policies by Vargas and his government. Growing political movements and democratic demonstrations forced Vargas to abolish censorship in 1945, release numerous political prisoners, and allow for the reformation of political parties, including the Brazilian Communist Party, which supported Vargas after direct direction from Moscow. University students began to mobilize in 1943 against Vargas, strikes, which were banned, began to re-emerge thanks to war inflation, and even Aranha was in favor of a democratic shift. Vargas himself built support after establishing the Brazilian Labour Party (and his aforementioned support from urban workers) and also found help from the left when it applied. With that, Vargas added the Additional Act to the constitution, which, among other things, provided for a 90-day period during which a time and date for elections would be designated. Precisely ninety days afterward, the new electoral code was issued, established 2 December 1945 for the election of the president and a (new) constituent assembly, and state elections on 6 May 1946. Furthermore, Vargas promulgated his intention not to run for president. The military feared that Vargas was about to seize absolute power (after a detrimental move on 25 October 1945, removing João Alberto from chief of police of the Federal District and replacing him with Vargas's brother Benjamin), so they forced his resignation and deposed him on 29 October, ending his first presidency.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: In the 1945 elections, Vargas demonstrated his continued popular support by winning election as senator for São Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul, and member of the chamber of deputies from nine different states. He accepted the senate seat for Rio Grande, but effectively went into semiretirement. In 1950, he reemerged as a prominent political force when he ran for president as the candidate of the Brazilian Labor Party. He won the election and took office on 31 January 1951.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: When he left the "Estado Novo" presidency, the economic surplus of Brazil was high and the industry was growing. After four years, however, pro-U.S. President Dutra wasted huge quantities of money protecting foreign investments, mostly North American, and distanced himself from the ideas of nationalism and the country's modernisation championed by Vargas. Vargas returned to politics in 1951, and, through a free and secret ballot, was re-elected president of the Republic. Hampered by the economic crisis largely engendered by Dutra's policies, Vargas pursued a nationalist policy, turning to the country's own natural resources and away from foreign dependency. As part of this policy, he founded Petrobras (Brazilian Petroleum), a multinational petroleum consortium, with the Government of Brazil as its majority stakeholder.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: Vargas' political adversaries initiated a crisis which culminated in the murder of an Air Force officer, Major , killed during an assassination attempt in the street outside 180 Rua Tonelero, the home of Vargas' main adversary, publishing executive and politician, Carlos Lacerda. Lieutenant Gregório Fortunato, chief of Vargas' personal guard, also called "Black Angel", was implicated in the crime. This aroused anger in the military against Vargas, following which the generals demanded his resignation. In a last-ditch effort Vargas called a special cabinet meeting on the eve of 24 August, but rumours spread that the armed forces officers were implacable.


title: Getúlio Vargas

text: At 8:45 AM (11:45 GMT) on Tuesday, 24 August 1954, at the Catete Palace, Vargas, unable to manage the situation, shot himself in the chest with a pistol.