title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: The Palestinian art scene in general has been supported by the contributions of Arab citizens of Israel. In addition to the contribution of artists such as singer Rim Banna (from Nazareth) and Amal Murkus (from Kafr Yasif) to evolving traditional Palestinian and Arabic music styles, a new generation of Arab youth in Israel has also begun asserting a Palestinian identity in new musical forms. For instance of the Palestinian hip hop group DAM, from Lod, has spurred the emergence of other hip hop groups from Akka, to Bethlehem, to Ramallah, to Gaza City. DAM is the first Palestinian hip hop group.


title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: Singer-songwriter such as Nasrin Kadri, Mira Awad, Lina Makhul, Luay Ali, Sharif "the druze boy" have put Arab citizens of Israel on the musical map.


title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: Arab cuisine in Israel is similar to other Levantine cuisines and is rich in grains, meat, potato, cheese, bread, whole grains, fruits, vegetables, fresh fish and tomatoes. Perhaps the most distinctive aspect of Israeli Arab and Levantine cuisine is "meze" including "tabbouleh", "hummus" and "baba ghanoush", "kibbeh nayyeh" is also a popular mezze among Israeli Arabs. Other famous foods among Israeli Arab include falafel, sfiha, shawarma, dolma, kibbeh, kusa mahshi, shishbarak, muhammara, and mujaddara. Druze pita is a Druze-styled pita filled with labneh (thick yoghurt) and topped with olive oil and za’atar, and a very popular bread in Israel.


title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: Arabic restaurants are popular in Israel and relatively inexpensive establishments often offer a selection of "meze" salads followed by grilled meat with a side of "chips" (french fries, from British English) and a simple dessert such as chocolate mousse for dessert. "The Old Man and the Sea" is a popular Arab seafood restaurant in the southern part of Ajami, Jaffa. Abu Hassan is a small hummus restaurant located at the northern tip of Ajami. It was opened in 1959 by Ali Karawan and now has two additional branches in Jaffa. It has been rated as the best hummus restaurant in Israel in many lists. The restaurant is famous for its loyal clientele of Arabs and Jews.


title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: Falafel HaZkenim (Hebrew: "the elders") is an Arab Israeli restaurant and falafel stand, located in Wadi Nisnas, Haifa. Since its foundation, guests are greeted with a free falafel ball dipped in tahini. Foodies consider HaZkenim's falafel among the best in Israel. It was founded in 1950 by George and Najala Afara. The falafel stand initially had no signage. Jewish customers often said that they would go to "hazkenim" (the old folks) for falafel, while Arab customers identified the place with the female co-owner. When the owners did put up a sign, it contained both names.


title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: Arab Citizens of Israel have been prominent in the field of Athletics, as seen specifically by their contributions to Israeli football. Players such as Abbas Suan have had illustrious careers playing not only professional football, but also most notably for the Israel national football team. These players have been argued to represent symbols of political movement and civil justice for the Arab Citizens of Israel, considering alleged discriminatory sentiments against the Arab population. Specifically in a 2005 World Cup Qualifying match, Suan and his Arab teammates played significant roles for the Israeli National Team, where Suan scored an equalising goal against the Republic of Ireland national football team. Following this match, Arab Citizens of Israel received unprecedented media attention from Israeli TV stations. Even without the publicity, the Arab Citizens of Israel have been said to look up to these players in hopes that they speak up for them as their political voice within Israel.


title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: In the following months, Suan and other players were supposedly being criticised by the Hebrew Media for their involvement with political issues. This was due to their answers to questions regarding their partaking in the singing of the Hatikvah, the national anthem of Israel.


title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: Overall, Israel-Palestinian soccer players are looked up to greatly by the Arab citizens of Israel, yet are allegedly criticised and silenced when it comes to their attempts to involve themselves in political issues surrounding equality for Arab Citizens in Israel.


title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: Arab citizens of Israel have made significant contributions in both Hebrew and Arabic cinema and theater. Mohammad Bakri, Hiam Abbass. and Juliano Mer-Khamis have starred in Israeli film and television. Directors such as Mohammad Bakri, Elia Suleiman, Hany Abu-Assad, Michel Khleifi, and Maysaloun Hamoud have put Arab citizens of Israel on the cinematic map.


title: Arab citizens of Israel

text: Avoda Aravit (2007), or in English, "Arab Labor", is a satirical sitcom written by Kashua and aired on Israel's Channel 2. A large part of the dialogue is in Arabic with Hebrew subtitles. The show holds a mirror up to the racism and ignorance on both sides of the ethnic divide and has been compared with "All in the Family". The show received overwhelmingly positive reviews, winning awards for Best Comedy, Best Lead Actor in a Comedy, Best Lead Actress in a Comedy, Best Director, and Best Screenplay at the 2013 Israeli Academy of Film and Television awards.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961 was a scheduled flight serving the route Addis Ababa–Nairobi–Brazzaville–Lagos–Abidjan. On 23 November 1996, the aircraft serving the flight, a Boeing 767-200ER, was hijacked en route from Addis Ababa to Nairobi by three Ethiopians seeking asylum in Australia. The plane crash-landed in the Indian Ocean near Grande Comore, Comoros Islands, due to fuel exhaustion; 125 of the 175 passengers and crew on board, including the three hijackers, died. This is the first recorded instance of a partially successful water landing utilizing a wide-body aircraft, the first successful landing being Pan Am Flight 6 in 1956, in which all passengers on board survived; however, the plane used in that incident was a Boeing 377 Stratocruiser, which is not a wide-body aircraft.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: The aircraft involved in the crash was a Boeing 767-260ER, registration ET-AIZ, c/n 23916, that had its maiden flight on 17 September 1987. Powered by two Pratt & Whitney JT9D-7R4E engines, it was delivered new to Ethiopian Airlines on 22 October 1987. Except for a short period between and when it was leased to Air Tanzania, the airplane spent its life in the Ethiopian Airlines fleet. It was nine years old at the time the incident took place.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Captain Leul Abate (42), an experienced pilot with over 11,500 total flight hours (including 4,067 hours in the Boeing 757/767), was the pilot-in-command. The first officer on the flight was Yonas Mekuria (34). He had flown more than 6,500 hours, 3,042 of them in the Boeing 757/767.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Prior to the crash, Leul had experienced two previous hijackings. The first occurred 12 April 1992 on Flight ETH574, a Boeing 727-260. Two hijackers with hand grenades demanded to be taken to Nairobi and onwards to Canada. After a five-hour standoff at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport the hijackers surrendered. The second occurred on 17 March 1995, flying a Boeing 737-260. Five hijackers demanded to be taken to Libya, and the airplane was diverted to El Obeid, Sudan. There the hijackers changed their mind and wanted to fly to Sweden instead. However, the Sudanese authorities refused to refuel the aircraft, and after several hours of standoff the hijackers surrendered. In both cases, the aircraft were undamaged and nobody was injured or killed.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: The flight had been delayed in order to wait for a connecting flight. The aircraft took off at 08:09 UTC.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: At about 08:29 UTC, when the aircraft, referred to as "Zulu" by Ethiopian Airlines' pilots, after the last letter of its registration, was 20 minutes into the flight, three Ethiopian men charged the cockpit and hijacked the aircraft after taking an axe and a fire extinguisher from the cockpit. Ethiopian state-operated radio later identified the hijackers as two unemployed high-school graduates and a nurse; their names were Alemayehu Bekeli Belayneh, Mathias Solomon Belay, and Sultan Ali Hussein (they did not say who had which description).


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: The men threatened to blow the plane up in flight if the pilots did not obey their demands. The hijackers said that there were eleven of them when in fact there were only three. After assaulting and forcing first officer Yonas Mekuria into the cabin, they made an announcement. Over the intercom, they declared in Amharic, French and English that if anyone tried to interfere, they had a bomb and they would use it to blow up the plane. Authorities later determined that the purported bomb was actually a covered bottle of liquor.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: The hijackers demanded the plane be flown to Australia. Leul tried to explain they had only taken on the fuel needed for the Addis Ababa to Nairobi sector and thus could not even make a quarter of the journey to Australia, but the hijackers did not believe him. One of them pointed out a statement in the airline's in-flight magazine that the maximum flying time of the 767 was 11 hours.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Instead of flying towards Australia, the captain followed the African coastline southward. The hijackers noticed that land was still visible and forced the pilot to steer east. Leul secretly headed for the Comoro Islands, which lie midway between Madagascar and the African mainland. During this time two of the hijackers went into the cabin, with the lead hijacker (as stated in the report) staying in the cockpit.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: The plane was nearly out of fuel as it approached the island group, but the hijackers continued to ignore the captain's warnings. Out of options, Leul began to circle the area, hoping to land the plane at the Comoros' main airport. This forced Leul to land at more than .


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: At 11:41 UTC the right engine flamed out. The hijacker briefly exited into the cabin to talk with the other hijackers. Leul took this opportunity to make use of the aircraft's public address system and made the following announcement:


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Hearing this, the lead hijacker returned to the cockpit and knocked Leul's microphone out of his hand. Shortly after this, the left engine flamed out, forcing the 767 to glide. The cockpit voice recorder (CVR) then recorded the following (lowercase words were spoken in Amharic while words typed in uppercase were spoken in English):


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Leul's sentence was cut off as the CVR and flight data recorder (FDR) both stopped recording at this point due to both engines having flamed out.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Leul tried to make an emergency landing at Prince Said Ibrahim International Airport on Grande Comore, but a fight with the hijackers at the last minute caused him to lose his visual point of reference, leaving him unable to locate the airport. While still fighting with the hijackers, he tried to ditch the aircraft in shallow waters off Le Galawa Beach Hotel, near Mitsamiouli at the northern end of Grande Comore island. Leul attempted to land parallel with the waves instead of against the waves in an effort to smooth the landing. Seconds prior to contacting the water, the aircraft was banked left some ten degrees; the left engine and wingtip struck the water first. The engine acted as a scoop and struck a coral reef, slowing that side of the aircraft quickly and causing the Boeing 767 to suddenly tilt left. The rest of the aircraft then entered the water unevenly, causing it to break apart. Except for the rear part of the airframe, the broken portions of the fuselage sank rapidly. Many passengers died because they prematurely inflated their life jackets in the cabin, causing them to be trapped inside by the sinking plane.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Island residents and tourists, including a group of scuba divers and some French and Indian doctors on vacation, came to the aid of crash survivors. A tourist recorded a video of ET-AIZ crashing. She said that she had begun taping because she initially believed that the 767 formed a part of an air show for tourists.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Survivors were initially taken to Mitsamiouli Hospital. The crash site was less than away from this hospital. The passengers were transferred to El-Maarouf Regional Hospital Centre () in Moroni the same day. The two French people who survived and 19 injured were transported to Réunion. In Réunion, one of the injured died, making the death toll 125. Excluding those transported to Réunion, survivors were transported to Kenya and South Africa.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: On 3 December 1996 the "General Directorate of Civil Aviation of the Comoros" () agreed to delegate the investigation of ET961 to the Ethiopian Civil Aviation Authority (ECAA). The Air Accidents Investigation Branch (AAIB) analysed the flight recorders.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: The final accident report includes a listing of surviving and dead passengers and crew. All 12 crew members were Ethiopians. Six survived, including the pilot and copilot.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Of the 175 passengers and crew members, 125 were killed, including the three hijackers. According to the accident report, all six surviving crew members and 38 passengers received serious injuries, two passengers received minor injuries, and four passengers received no injuries. One passenger, an Ethiopian, was identified as a child on the manifest; this passenger was among the dead.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Many of the passengers survived the initial crash, but they had disregarded or did not hear Leul's warning not to inflate their life jackets inside the aircraft, causing them to be pushed against the ceiling of the fuselage by the inflated life jackets when water flooded in. Unable to escape, they drowned. An estimated 60 to 80 passengers, strapped to their seats, presumably drowned.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Leul and Yonas both survived. For his actions, Leul was awarded the Flight Safety Foundation Professionalism in Flight Safety Award.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Among those killed was Mohamed Amin, a wartime photojournalist and publisher of "Selamta", Ethiopian Airlines' in-flight magazine. He was believed to be standing near the entrance to the cockpit arguing or negotiating with the hijacker presumed to be guarding the cockpit during the final moments of the flight.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: Franklin Huddle, the U.S. Consul General of Bombay at the time, and his wife both survived the crash. Huddle said that he chose to fly on Ethiopian Airlines while planning a safari trip to Kenya because of the airline's reputation; it was one of the few airlines in Africa to have Federal Aviation Administration certification. Huddle wanted a flight during the day, reasoning that flying during the day was "safer". He credits his and his wife's survival to a last-minute upgrade to business class.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: The incident has become a well-known hijacking because of the videotape. This was one of very few large airliner water landings, and was the first hijacked water landing. Both the captain and first officer of the flight received aviation awards, and both continued to fly for Ethiopian Airlines, although Leul considers Yonas, the first officer, the real hero. Yonas fought the hijackers while he himself was bruised and bleeding, giving time for Leul to land the airplane. "He was a life-saver", Leul said.


title: Ethiopian Airlines Flight 961

text: The crash was featured in three episodes of "Mayday" ("Air Emergency", "Air Crash Investigation", "Air Disasters (Smithsonian Channel)"). The first appearance was in season 1 to explain what might have happened if Air Transat Flight 236 had ditched instead of landing in a nearby airport. In season 3, an episode ("Ocean Landing") covered the events of Flight 961 in detail. Most recently, it featured in the season 10 episode covering US Airways Flight 1549, to explain the risks of that crew's decision to ditch in the Hudson River. It was also featured in a 2010 episode of the Biography Channel series "I Survived...", in which a survivor told his story of what happened on the plane.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Crimean Tatar () also called Crimean (), is a Kipchak Turkic language spoken in Crimea and the Crimean Tatar diasporas of Uzbekistan, Turkey, Romania, and Bulgaria, as well as small communities in the United States and Canada. It should not be confused with Tatar proper, spoken in Tatarstan and adjacent regions in Russia; the languages are related, but belong to two different subgroups of the Kipchak languages and thus are not mutually intelligible. It has been extensively influenced by nearby Oghuz dialects.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: A long-term ban on the study of the Crimean Tatar language following the deportation of the Crimean Tatars by the Soviet government has led to the fact that at the moment UNESCO ranked the Crimean Tatar language among the languages under serious threat of extinction ("severely endangered").


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Today, more than 260,000 Crimean Tatars live in Crimea. Approximately 150,000 reside in Central Asia (mainly in Uzbekistan), where their ancestors had been deported in 1944 during World War II by the Soviet Union. However, of all these people, mostly the older generations are the only ones still speaking Crimean Tatar. In 2013, the language was estimated to be on the brink of extinction, being taught in only around 15 schools in Crimea. Turkey has provided support to Ukraine, to aid in bringing the schools teaching in Crimean Tatar to a modern state.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: An estimated 5 million people of Crimean origin live in Turkey, descendants of those who emigrated in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Of these an estimated 2,000 still speak the language. Smaller Crimean Tatar communities are also found in Romania (22,000), Bulgaria (6,000), and the United States. Crimean Tatar is one of the seriously endangered languages in Europe.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Almost all Crimean Tatars are bilingual or multilingual, using as their first language the dominant languages of their respective home countries, such as Russian, Turkish, Romanian, Uzbek, Bulgarian or Ukrainian.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: The Crimean Tatar language consists of three dialects. The standard language is written in the middle dialect (bağçasaray, orta yolaq), which is part of the otherwise largely extinct Kipchak-Cuman branch and is the most commonly spoken dialect. There is also the southern dialect, also known as the coastal dialect (yalıboyu, cenübiy), which is in the Oghuz branch spoken in Turkey and Azerbaijan, and the northern dialect, also known as nogai dialect (noğay, çöl, şimaliy), which is in the Kipchak-Nogai branch spoken in Kazakhstan. Speakers of the northern dialect calls his language "Tatarşa" or "Tatar tĭlĭ" ("Tatar tili") which means Tatar language.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Crimean Tatar has a unique position among the Turkic languages, because its three "dialects" belong to three different (sub)groups of Turkic. This makes the classification of Crimean Tatar as a whole difficult.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Because of its common name, Crimean Tatar is sometimes mistaken to be a dialect of Tatar proper, or both being two dialects of the same language. However, Tatar spoken in Tatarstan and the Volga-Ural region of Russia belongs to the different Bulgaric () subgroup of the Kipchak languages, and its closest relative is Bashkir. Both Volga Tatar and Bashkir differ notably from Crimean Tatar, particularly because of the specific Volga-Ural Turkic vocalism and historical shifts.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: The formation period of the Crimean Tatar spoken dialects began with the first Turkic invasions of Crimea by Cumans and Pechenegs and ended during the period of the Crimean Khanate. However, the official written languages of the Crimean Khanate were Chagatai and Ottoman Turkish. After Islamization, Crimean Tatars wrote with an Arabic script.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: In 1876, the different Turkic Crimean dialects were made into a uniform written language by Ismail Gasprinski. A preference was given to the Oghuz dialect of the Yalıboylus, in order to not break the link between the Crimeans and the Turks of the Ottoman Empire. In 1928, the language was reoriented to the middle dialect spoken by the majority of the people.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: In 1928, the alphabet was replaced with the Uniform Turkic Alphabet based on the Latin script. The Uniform Turkic Alphabet was replaced in 1938 by a Cyrillic alphabet. During the 1990s and 2000s, the government of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea under Ukraine encouraged replacing the script with a Latin version again, but the Cyrillic has still been widely used (mainly in published literature, newspapers and education). The current Latin-based Crimean Tatar alphabet is the same as the Turkish alphabet, with two additional characters: Ñ ñ and Q q. Currently, in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, all official communications and education in Crimean Tatar are conducted exclusively in the Cyrillic alphabet.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: The vowel system of Crimean Tatar is similar to some other Turkic languages. Because high vowels in Crimean Tatar are short and reduced, and are realized close to , even though they are phonologically distinct.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: In addition to these phonemes, Crimean also displays marginal phonemes that occur in borrowed words, especially palatalized consonants.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: At the same time the southern and some central dialects preserve glottal which is pronounced in the standard language. The northern dialect on the contrary lacks and , substituting for and for . The northern is usually , often in the place of , compare standard "dağ" and northern "taw" 'mountain' (also in other Oghuz and Kipchak languages, such as and ).


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: The grammar of Crimean Tatar, like all Turkic languages, is agglutinating, with the exclusive use of suffixing to express grammatical categories. Generally, suffixes are attached to the ends of word stems, although derivational morphology makes uses of compounding as well. Overall, the grammatical structure of the language is similar to that of other West Kipchak varieties. Crimean Tatar is a pro-drop language with a generally SOV word order.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Crimean Tatar, like most Turkic languages, features pervasive vowel harmony, which results in sound changes when suffixes are added to verb or noun stems. Essentially, the vowel in a suffix undergoes assimilation to agree in certain categories with the vowel in the stem. The two main types of assimilation that characterize this agreement in Crimean Tatar morphophonology are backness harmony and rounding harmony.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Using the transliteration system in Kavitskaya (2010), non-high vowels undergoing backness harmony vary between [a] and [e], and are represented as A. High vowels that undergo both backness and rounding harmony alternate between [i], [y], [ɪ] and [u] and are represented as I. High vowels in suffixes that are never rounded and alternate between [i] and [ɪ] are represented as Y, whereas high vowels in suffixes that are always round and alternate between [u] and [y] are represented as U.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Some consonants undergo similar harmonizing changes depending on whether the preceding segment is voiced or voiceless, or whether the segment demonstrates backness harmony. Consonants that alternate between [k], [q], [g] and [ɣ] are represented as K, alternating [k] and [g] as G, alternating [t] and [d] by D, and alternating [tʃ] and [dʒ] as Ç.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Thus, the suffix -"şAr" could be rendered as “şar” or “şer” depending on the vowel in the morpheme preceding it.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Crimean Tatar verbal morphology is fairly complex, inflecting for tense, number, person, aspect, mood and voice. Verbs are conjugated according to the following paradigm:


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: For the most part, each type of suffix would only appear once in any given word, although it is possible in some circumstances for causative suffixes to double up.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Infinitive verbs take the -"mAK" suffix and can be negated by the addition of the suffix -"mA" between the verb stem and the infinitive suffix, creating verb constructions that do not easily mirror English.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Novel verb stems are derived chiefly by applying a verbalizing suffix to a noun or adjective, as demonstrated in the following examples:


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: There are two types of person markers for finite verbs, pronominal and possessive. Depending on tense and mood, verbs will take one or the other set of endings.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Grammatical person is not marked in third person singular, and the marker is optional in third person plural. As shown above, these markers come as the last element in the broader verb complex.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Grammatical tense and aspect are expressed in combination by the addition of various markers to the verb stem. Some of these markers match with pronominal person markers, while others take possessive person markers. Each tense/aspect has an associated negation marker; most of these are -"mA" but there is some variation.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: A separate set of compound tenses are formed by adding the past tense copula "edi"- to the derived forms listed above.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: The imperative is formed using a specific set of person markers, and negated using -"mA". In second person imperatives, only the bare verb stem is used. A first person imperative expresses an “I/we should do X” sentiment, whereas third person expresses “let him/her do X,” as shown below with "unut" (“to forget”):


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Grammatical voice is expressed by the addition of suffixes which come in sequence before negation, tense, aspect, mood and person markers. There are several causative suffixes which vary depending on the ending of the verb stem.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Past, future and present participles are formed by the addition of suffixes and are negated in the same way as other verbs.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: The copula "ol" (“to be, become, exist”) is generally expressed as a predicate suffix in the present tense, closely resembling the pronominal person endings, as displayed below. The third person endings are frequently deleted in colloquial speech. The copula’s past tense form, "edi", is suppletive. Future tense copular forms are constructed by the addition of the categorical future suffix -"cAK".


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Converbs, a characteristic of many Turkic languages, express sequential or dependent action. Present tense converbs are formed by the addition of the suffixes -"A" (used after consonants) and -"y" (used after vowels). In past tense, converbs take the suffix -"Ip". Thus:


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Crimean Tatar noun stems take suffixes which express grammatical number, case and possession. As in all other Turkic languages, there is no grammatical gender in Crimean Tatar. Nouns are declined according to the following paradigm:


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Noun stems are derived in a number of ways. Most commonly, a bare noun stem can take a denominal suffix which alters its basic meaning. Similarly, a bare verb stem can take a deverbal suffix that converts it into a noun. There are many such denominal and deverbal suffixes in Crimean Tatar; some common suffixes are shown below:


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Noun stems can also be reduplicated, which lends a more generalized meaning. The last method of noun derivation is through the compounding of two noun stems. Thus:


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Nouns are pluralized by the addition of the suffix -lAr to the noun stem. The vowel in this plural suffix agrees phonetically with the final vowel in the stem.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Possession is expressed through person-specific suffixing. As with the plural suffix, possession suffixes harmonize with the preceding vowel in regular ways.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Crimean Tatar has six grammatical cases. The nominative case is unmarked, and the remaining cases are expressed through suffixing. These suffixes come last in a fully declined noun.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: The second person plural pronoun can be used to denote formality or respect, even if its referent is a single person.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: There are two roots, "öz"- and "kendi"-, that express reflexivity. Of the two, "kendi"- is more common in the southern dialect, but both are used throughout the entire area in which Crimean Tatar is spoken.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Possessive pronouns are formed by adding the suffix -"ki" to the genitive form of a personal pronoun, as in:


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Adjectives in Crimean Tatar precede the nouns they modify. They do not show agreement, and as such do not take any of the case, person or possession suffixes.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: The comparative and superlative forms of adjectives are expressed, respectively, by the suffix -"ÇA" and the particle "eñ", as in the following examples:


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Crimean Tatar uses postpositions. Each postposition governs a specific case, either dative, genitive or ablative. Some common postpositions are shown below:


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: In Dobruja Crimean Tatars use Ĭ and W, which is actually not found in Crimea. Ĭ is for [ı] sound ("Tĭl" "language") and W for [w] sound ("Aywa" "Quince"). Where in Crimea they use for [ı] and [i] the İ letter ("Til" "language") for [w] and [v] the V letter ("Ayva" "Quince"). In dobruja they talk with dialect which has some differences from the standard dialect. The dialect is Kipchak-Nogai which includes also Kazakh, Nogai and Karakalpak. There are very similarities with Nogai, Kazakh and Karakalpak. Sometimes they have letter changes like y → c (yaz - caz "summer"), f → p (fil → pĭl "elephant"), ç → ş (kiçkene → kĭşkene "small").


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Crimean Tatar is written in either the Cyrillic or Latin alphabets, both modified to the specific needs of Crimean Tatar, and either used respective to where the language is used.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Historically, Arabic script was used from the sixteenth century. In the Soviet Union, it was replaced by a Latin alphabet based on Yañalif in 1928, and by a Cyrillic alphabet in 1938.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Upon Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, Cyrillic became the sole allowed official script because according to the Constitutional Court of Russia decision made in 2004, all languages of Russia must use Cyrillic. However there are some contradictions to the decision: virtually all Finnic languages, including distantly-related Skolt Sámi, spoken in Russia, however, currently use the Latin script as their sister languages Finnish and Estonian do, despite the historical existence of Karelian Cyrillic alphabet.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: In 1992, a Latin alphabet based on Common Turkic Alphabet was adopted by the decision of the Qurultay of the Crimean Tatar People, which was formally supported by the Supreme Council of Crimea in 1997 but never implemented officially on practical level. However, in 2021, the Ministry of Reintegration of Temporarily Occupied Territories of Ukraine has announced it begins the implementation of the decision, with vice premier Oleksii Reznikov supporting the transition by stating that Latin corresponds better to Turkic phonetics. The ministry revealed it plans to finish the transition to Latin by 2025, which was supported by the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People. The alphabet is co-developed by A. Yu. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies, Potebnia Institute of Linguistics, Institute of Philology of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv and Tavrida National V.I. Vernadsky University.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: The Crimean peninsula is internationally recognized as territory of Ukraine, but since the 2014 annexation by the Russian Federation is de facto administered as part of the Russian Federation.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: According to Russian law, by the April 2014 constitution of the Republic of Crimea and the 2017 Crimean language law, the Crimean Tatar language is a state language in Crimea alongside Russian and Ukrainian, while Russian is the state language of the Russian Federation, the language of interethnic communication, and required in public postings in the conduct of elections and referendums.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: In Ukrainian law, according to the constitution of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, as published in Russian by its Verkhovna Rada, Russian and Crimean Tatar languages enjoy a "protected" () status; every citizen is entitled, at his request (), to receive government documents, such as "passport, birth certificate and others" in Crimean Tatar; but Russian is the language of interethnic communication and to be used in public life. According to the constitution of Ukraine, Ukrainian is the state language. Recognition of Russian and Crimean Tatar was a matter of political and legal debate.


title: Crimean Tatar language

text: Before the Sürgünlik, the 18 May 1944 deportation by the Soviet Union of Crimean Tatars to internal exile in Uzbek SSR, Crimean Tatar had an official language status in the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.


title: Liturgy

text: Liturgy is the customary public ritual of worship performed by a religious group. "Liturgy" can also be used to refer specifically to public worship by Christians. As a religious phenomenon, liturgy represents a communal response to and participation in the sacred through activities reflecting praise, thanksgiving, remembrance, supplication, or repentance. It forms a basis for establishing a relationship with God.


title: Liturgy

text: Technically speaking, liturgy forms a subset of ritual. The word "liturgy", sometimes equated in English as "service", refers to a formal ritual enacted by those who understand themselves to be participating in an action with the divine.


title: Liturgy

text: The word "liturgy" (), derived from the technical term in ancient Greek (), "leitourgia", which literally means "work for the people" is a literal translation of the two words "litos ergos" or "public service". In origin, it signified the often expensive offerings wealthy Greeks made in service to the people, and thus to the "polis" and the state. Through the "leitourgia", the rich carried a financial burden and were correspondingly rewarded with honours and prestige. The "leitourgia" were assigned by the polis, the State and the Roman Empire, and became obligatory in the course of the 3rd century A.D. The performance of such supported the patron's standing among the elite and the popular at large. The holder of a Hellenic "leitourgia" was not taxed a specific sum, but was entrusted with a particular ritual, which could be performed with greater or lesser magnificence. The chief sphere remained that of civic religion, embodied in the festivals: M.I. Finley notes "in Demosthenes' day there were at least 97 liturgical appointments in Athens for the festivals, rising to 118 in a (quadrennial) Panathenaic year." However, groups of rich citizens were assigned to pay for expenses such as civic amenities and even payment of warships. Eventually, under the Roman Empire, such obligations, known as "munera", devolved into a competitive and ruinously expensive burden that was avoided when possible. These included a wide range of expenses having to do with civic infrastructure and amenities; and imperial obligations such as highway, bridge and aqueduct repair, supply of various raw materials, bread-baking for troops in transit, just to name a few.


title: Liturgy

text: Buddhist liturgy is a formalized service of veneration and worship performed within a Buddhist Sangha community in nearly every traditional denomination and sect in the Buddhist world. It is often done one or more times a day and can vary among the Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana sects.


title: Liturgy

text: The liturgy mainly consists of chanting or reciting a "sutra" or passages from a "sutras", a "mantra" (especially in Vajrayana), and several "gathas". Depending on what practice the practitioner wishes to undertake, it can be done at a temple or at home. The liturgy is almost always performed in front of an object or objects of veneration and accompanied by offerings of light, incense, water, and food.


title: Liturgy

text: Frequently in Christianity, a distinction is made between "liturgical" and "non-liturgical" churches based on how elaborate or formal the worship; in this usage, churches whose services are unscripted or improvised are called "non-liturgical". Others object to this distinction, arguing that this terminology obscures the universality of public worship as a religious phenomenon. Thus, even the "open" or "waiting" worship of Quakers is liturgical, since the waiting itself until the Holy Spirit moves individuals to speak is a prescribed form of Quaker worship, sometimes referred to as "the liturgy of silence". Typically in Christianity, however, the term "the liturgy" normally refers to a standardised order of events observed during a religious service, be it a sacramental service or a service of public prayer; usually the former is the referent. In the ancient tradition, sacramental liturgy especially is the participation of the people in the work of God, which is primarily the saving work of Jesus Christ; in this liturgy, Christ continues the work of redemption.


title: Liturgy

text: The term "liturgy" in Greek literally means to "work for the people", but a better translation is "public service" or "public work", as made clear from the origin of the term as described above. The early Christians adopted the word to describe their principal act of worship, the Sunday service (referred to by various terms, including Holy Eucharist, Holy Communion, Mass or Divine Liturgy), which they considered to be a sacrifice. This service, liturgy, or ministry (from the Latin "ministerium") is a duty for Christians as a priestly people by their baptism into Christ and participation in His high priestly ministry. It is also God's ministry or service to the worshippers. It is a reciprocal service. As such, many Christian churches designate one person who participates in the worship service as the liturgist. The liturgist may read announcements, scriptures, and calls to worship, while the minister preaches the sermon, offers prayers, and blesses sacraments. The liturgist may be either an ordained minister or a lay person. The entire congregation participates in and offers the liturgy to God.


title: Liturgy

text: "Salāt" ("prayer", ' or : '; pl. "") is the practice of physical and compulsory prayer in Islam as opposed to dua, which is the Arabic word for supplication. Its importance for Muslims is indicated by its status as one of the Five Pillars of Islam.


title: Liturgy

text: Salat is preceded by ritual ablution and usually performed five times a day. It consists of the repetition of a unit called a "rakʿah" (pl. "rakaʿāt") consisting of prescribed actions and words. The number of obligatory ("fard") "rakaʿāt" varies from two to four according to the time of day or other circumstances (such as Friday congregational worship, which has two rakats). Prayer is obligatory for all Muslims except those who are prepubescent, menstruating, or in puerperium stage after childbirth.


title: Liturgy

text: Jewish liturgy is the prayer recitations that form part of the observance of Rabbinic Judaism. These prayers, often with instructions and commentary, are found in the "siddur", the traditional Jewish prayer book. In general, Jewish men are obligated to pray three times a day within specific time ranges ("zmanim"). while, according most modern Orthodox authorities, women are only "required" to pray once daily, as they are generally exempted from obligations that are time dependent. All public prayer requires a minyan, a quorum of 10 adults, to be present.


title: Trimethoprim

text: Trimethoprim (TMP) is an antibiotic used mainly in the treatment of bladder infections. Other uses include for middle ear infections and travelers' diarrhea. With sulfamethoxazole or dapsone it may be used for "Pneumocystis" pneumonia in people with HIV/AIDS. It is taken by mouth.


title: Trimethoprim

text: Common side effects include nausea, changes in taste, and rash. Rarely it may result in blood problems such as not enough platelets or white blood cells. Trimethoprim may cause sun sensitivity. There is evidence of potential harm during pregnancy in some animals but not humans. It works by blocking folate metabolism via dihydrofolate reductase in some bacteria which results in their death.


title: Trimethoprim

text: Trimethoprim was first used in 1962. It is on the World Health Organization's List of Essential Medicines. It is available as a generic medication.


title: Trimethoprim

text: It is primarily used in the treatment of urinary tract infections, although it may be used against any susceptible aerobic bacterial species. It may also be used to treat and prevent "Pneumocystis jirovecii" pneumonia. It is generally not recommended for the treatment of anaerobic infections such as "Clostridium difficile" colitis (the leading cause of antibiotic-induced diarrhea). Trimethoprim has been used in trials to treat retinitis.


title: Trimethoprim

text: Based on the studies that show that trimethoprim crosses the placenta and can affect folate metabolism, there has been growing evidence of the risk of structural birth defects associated with trimethoprim, especially during the first trimester of pregnancy. It may be involved in a reaction similar to disulfiram when alcohol is consumed after it is used, in particular when used in combination with sulfamethoxazole.


title: Trimethoprim

text: The trophoblasts in the early fetus are sensitive to changes in the folate cycle. A recent study has found a doubling in the risk of miscarriage in women exposed to trimethoprim in the early pregnancy.


title: Trimethoprim

text: Trimethoprim binds to dihydrofolate reductase and inhibits the reduction of dihydrofolic acid (DHF) to tetrahydrofolic acid (THF). THF is an essential precursor in the thymidine synthesis pathway and interference with this pathway inhibits bacterial DNA synthesis. Trimethoprim's affinity for bacterial dihydrofolate reductase is several thousand times greater than its affinity for human dihydrofolate reductase. Sulfamethoxazole inhibits dihydropteroate synthase, an enzyme involved further upstream in the same pathway. Trimethoprim and sulfamethoxazole are commonly used in combination due to possible synergistic effects, and reduced development of resistance. This benefit has been questioned.


title: Trimethoprim

text: Trimethoprim was first used in 1962. In 1972, it was used as a prophylactic treatment for urinary tract infections in Finland.


title: Formal language

text: In logic, mathematics, computer science, and linguistics, a formal language consists of words whose letters are taken from an alphabet and are well-formed according to a specific set of rules.


title: Formal language

text: The alphabet of a formal language consists of symbols, letters, or tokens that concatenate into strings of the language. Each string concatenated from symbols of this alphabet is called a word, and the words that belong to a particular formal language are sometimes called "well-formed words" or "well-formed formulas". A formal language is often defined by means of a formal grammar such as a regular grammar or context-free grammar, which consists of its formation rules.


title: Formal language

text: In computer science, formal languages are used among others as the basis for defining the grammar of programming languages and formalized versions of subsets of natural languages in which the words of the language represent concepts that are associated with particular meanings or semantics. In computational complexity theory, decision problems are typically defined as formal languages, and complexity classes are defined as the sets of the formal languages that can be parsed by machines with limited computational power. In logic and the foundations of mathematics, formal languages are used to represent the syntax of axiomatic systems, and mathematical formalism is the philosophy that all of mathematics can be reduced to the syntactic manipulation of formal languages in this way.


title: Formal language

text: The field of formal language theory studies primarily the purely syntactical aspects of such languages—that is, their internal structural patterns. Formal language theory sprang out of linguistics, as a way of understanding the syntactic regularities of natural languages.


title: Formal language

text: In the 17th Century, Gottfried Leibniz imagined and described the characteristica universalis, a universal and formal language which utilised pictographs. During this period, Carl Friedrich Gauss also investigated the problem of Gauss codes.


title: Formal language

text: Gottlob Frege attempted to realize Leibniz’s ideas, through a notational system first outlined in "Begriffsschrift" (1879) and more fully developed in his 2-volume Grundgesetze der Arithmetik (1893/1903). This described a "formal language of pure language."


title: Formal language

text: In the first half of the 20th Century, several developments were made with relevance to formal languages. Axel Thue published four papers relating to words and language between 1906 and 1914. The last of these introduced what Emil Post later termed ‘Thue Systems’, and gave an early example of an undecidable problem. Post would later use this paper as the basis for a 1947 proof “that the word problem for semigroups was recursively insoluble”, and later devised the canonical system for the creation of formal languages.


title: Formal language

text: Noam Chomsky devised an abstract representation of formal and natural languages, known as the Chomsky hierarchy. In 1959 John Backus developed the Backus-Naur form to describe the syntax of a high level programming language, following his work in the creation of FORTRAN. Peter Naur invented a similar scheme in 1960.


title: Formal language

text: An alphabet, in the context of formal languages, can be any set, although it often makes sense to use an alphabet in the usual sense of the word, or more generally any finite character encoding such as ASCII or Unicode. The elements of an alphabet are called its letters. An alphabet may contain an infinite number of elements; however, most definitions in formal language theory specify alphabets with a finite number of elements, and most results apply only to them.


title: Formal language

text: A word over an alphabet can be any finite sequence (i.e., string) of letters. The set of all words over an alphabet Σ is usually denoted by Σ (using the Kleene star). The length of a word is the number of letters it is composed of. For any alphabet, there is only one word of length 0, the "empty word", which is often denoted by e, ε, λ or even Λ. By concatenation one can combine two words to form a new word, whose length is the sum of the lengths of the original words. The result of concatenating a word with the empty word is the original word.


title: Formal language

text: In some applications, especially in logic, the alphabet is also known as the "vocabulary" and words are known as "formulas" or "sentences"; this breaks the letter/word metaphor and replaces it by a word/sentence metaphor.


title: Formal language

text: A formal language "L" over an alphabet Σ is a subset of Σ, that is, a set of words over that alphabet. Sometimes the sets of words are grouped into expressions, whereas rules and constraints may be formulated for the creation of 'well-formed expressions'.


title: Formal language

text: In computer science and mathematics, which do not usually deal with natural languages, the adjective "formal" is often omitted as redundant.


title: Formal language

text: While formal language theory usually concerns itself with formal languages that are described by some syntactical rules, the actual definition of the concept "formal language" is only as above: a (possibly infinite) set of finite-length strings composed from a given alphabet, no more and no less. In practice, there are many languages that can be described by rules, such as regular languages or context-free languages. The notion of a formal grammar may be closer to the intuitive concept of a "language," one described by syntactic rules. By an abuse of the definition, a particular formal language is often thought of as being equipped with a formal grammar that describes it.


title: Formal language

text: The following rules describe a formal language  over the alphabet Σ = {0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, +, =}:


title: Formal language

text: Under these rules, the string "23+4=555" is in , but the string "=234=+" is not. This formal language expresses natural numbers, well-formed additions, and well-formed addition equalities, but it expresses only what they look like (their syntax), not what they mean (semantics). For instance, nowhere in these rules is there any indication that "0" means the number zero, "+" means addition, "23+4=555" is false, etc.


title: Formal language

text: For finite languages, one can explicitly enumerate all well-formed words. For example, we can describe a language  as just  = {a, b, ab, cba}. The degenerate case of this construction is the empty language, which contains no words at all ( = ∅).


title: Formal language

text: However, even over a finite (non-empty) alphabet such as Σ = {a, b} there are an infinite number of finite-length words that can potentially be expressed: "a", "abb", "ababba", "aaababbbbaab", ... Therefore, formal languages are typically infinite, and describing an infinite formal language is not as simple as writing "L" = {a, b, ab, cba}. Here are some examples of formal languages:


title: Formal language

text: Formal languages are used as tools in multiple disciplines. However, formal language theory rarely concerns itself with particular languages (except as examples), but is mainly concerned with the study of various types of formalisms to describe languages. For instance, a language can be given as


title: Formal language

text: Surprisingly often, the answer to these decision problems is "it cannot be done at all", or "it is extremely expensive" (with a characterization of how expensive). Therefore, formal language theory is a major application area of computability theory and complexity theory. Formal languages may be classified in the Chomsky hierarchy based on the expressive power of their generative grammar as well as the complexity of their recognizing automaton. Context-free grammars and regular grammars provide a good compromise between expressivity and ease of parsing, and are widely used in practical applications.


title: Formal language

text: Certain operations on languages are common. This includes the standard set operations, such as union, intersection, and complement. Another class of operation is the element-wise application of string operations.


title: Formal language

text: Such string operations are used to investigate closure properties of classes of languages. A class of languages is closed under a particular operation when the operation, applied to languages in the class, always produces a language in the same class again. For instance, the context-free languages are known to be closed under union, concatenation, and intersection with regular languages, but not closed under intersection or complement. The theory of trios and abstract families of languages studies the most common closure properties of language families in their own right.


title: Formal language

text: A compiler usually has two distinct components. A lexical analyzer, sometimes generated by a tool like codice_1, identifies the tokens of the programming language grammar, e.g. identifiers or keywords, numeric and string literals, punctuation and operator symbols, which are themselves specified by a simpler formal language, usually by means of regular expressions. At the most basic conceptual level, a parser, sometimes generated by a parser generator like codice_2, attempts to decide if the source program is syntactically valid, that is if it is well formed with respect to the programming language grammar for which the compiler was built.


title: Formal language

text: Of course, compilers do more than just parse the source code – they usually translate it into some executable format. Because of this, a parser usually outputs more than a yes/no answer, typically an abstract syntax tree. This is used by subsequent stages of the compiler to eventually generate an executable containing machine code that runs directly on the hardware, or some intermediate code that requires a virtual machine to execute.


title: Formal language

text: A "formal system" (also called a "logical calculus", or a "logical system") consists of a formal language together with a deductive apparatus (also called a "deductive system"). The deductive apparatus may consist of a set of transformation rules, which may be interpreted as valid rules of inference, or a set of axioms, or have both. A formal system is used to derive one expression from one or more other expressions. Although a formal language can be identified with its formulas, a formal system cannot be likewise identified by its theorems. Two formal systems formula_24 and formula_25 may have all the same theorems and yet differ in some significant proof-theoretic way (a formula A may be a syntactic consequence of a formula B in one but not another for instance).


title: Formal language

text: A "formal proof" or "derivation" is a finite sequence of well-formed formulas (which may be interpreted as sentences, or propositions) each of which is an axiom or follows from the preceding formulas in the sequence by a rule of inference. The last sentence in the sequence is a theorem of a formal system. Formal proofs are useful because their theorems can be interpreted as true propositions.


title: Formal language

text: Formal languages are entirely syntactic in nature, but may be given semantics that give meaning to the elements of the language. For instance, in mathematical logic, the set of possible formulas of a particular logic is a formal language, and an interpretation assigns a meaning to each of the formulas—usually, a truth value.


title: Formal language

text: The study of interpretations of formal languages is called formal semantics. In mathematical logic, this is often done in terms of model theory. In model theory, the terms that occur in a formula are interpreted as objects within mathematical structures, and fixed compositional interpretation rules determine how the truth value of the formula can be derived from the interpretation of its terms; a "model" for a formula is an interpretation of terms such that the formula becomes true.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Al-Ittihad Saudi Arabian Club (), referred to as Al-Ittihad, is a professional football club based in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, founded in 1927. The club has spent its entire history in the top flight of football in Saudi Arabia, currently known as the Saudi Professional League.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Al-Ittihad matches are played at its main stadium in King Abdullah Sports City, is the second-largest stadium in Saudi Arabia, which has a capacity of 62,000 spectators. Al Ittihad has a long-standing rivalry with Al-Hilal, which is referred as "Saudi El Clasico", which is considered the most prominent and most followed match in Saudi football.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: It is considered as the oldest sports club still surviving in Saudi Arabia, as the club was founded after a meeting of some prominent football fans in Jeddah. The most successful period in the club history was the 1990s and mid 2000s, when the club achieved a large number of titles and achievements.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Al-Ittihad is considered one of the most successful clubs at the domestic and continental level, as it has achieved the AFC Champions League title twice in a row (one of only three Asian teams to achieve this), the Asian Cup Winners' Cup once, the Gulf Cup and the Arab Champions League title for each of them. Domestically, its the second most successful club in Saudi Arabia, having won 8 league titles, 9 King's Cup titles, 8 Crown Prince Cup titles and also three Saudi Federation Cup titles.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: The club was founded after a meeting of some of the notable football enthusiasts of the city of Jeddah, on 26 December 1927. They met in the offices of the radio broadcasting company and discussed the idea of forming a football club to compete with various traveling teams and be a source of entertainment for inhabitants and an outlet for the city youth to practice organised sport. Everyone agreed that they should create the team that unites them and Ittihad Jeddah was born. The attendees were Hamza Fitaihi, Fahad Badkook, Abdulsamad Najeeb Alsaady, Ismail Zahran, Ali Yamani, Abdulaziz Jameel, Abdulateef Jameel, Abdulateef Linjawi, Othman Banajah, Ahmad Abu Talib, Ali Sultan, Ahmed Almir and Saleh Salamah.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: The name of club was quoted from this wisdom, Mazen Mohammed words which created the current club name. Club owners agrees with him to put the club name Al-Ittihad (United or Union, jointly) in Arabic.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Ismail Zahran team player who was working as in Radio Office in Jeddah to the possibility of electing the head of the works Mr. Sultan to be a President of the club, However, Ali Sultan became the first official president of the club. Al-Ittihad did not find at first a strong support, there wasn't an official clubs (communities) such as Al Riyadhi, because the presence of powerful culture in the city of Jeddah only. In their first meeting with Al-Riyadhi, Al-Ittihad make it victory with 3–0 won. The club has achieved a historic first tournament, which was called "The Cup of Nishan Nazer", counted as an official tournament at the time, The cup have formed a popularity of Al-Ittihad, Because of a challenge between them in the final. Depending on the narrator, the winner can burn the Embassy wood's. The Championship attended by several of the clubs, communities, fought Al-Ittihad where several games to achieve access to the final. with Al-Mukhtalat. The weather was dust, did not complete the first half, the match was stopped about 10 minutes. the referee stopped the game to rest for 8 minutes, the weather was changed for the better with the second half, Al-Mukhtalat squad had led to fail, it was a low attacking level. The most prominent player in the game is the club's defender Safwan which was sacrificed for his team. the club won the championship by 3–0 against Al-Mukhtalat. The most important characteristic of this tournament is the first sporting event held in the reign of the founder King Abdul-Aziz Al-Saud The periods of 1940 to 1950 remained difficult, as the Football Association was not established until 1956.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: In late 1950s, it is considered as the first club to achieve both the Crown Prince Cup and the King's Cup for two consecutive times. On 2 May 1960, Al-Ittihad faced their traditional rivals Al-Ahli in the King's Cup, which ended with a big 7–0 victory, which is the largest victory in the derby. The tournament ended and the club became champions for the third time in a row over Al-Wehda, which completed the 1958, 1959, and 1960 series. The club went through its worst period since its founding, after winning the King's Cup in 1967, with the exception of achieving the Saudi Association Cup in 1974, after defeating Al-Hilal on penalties. In the following decade, the Premier League and the First Division were merged due to the many matches of the national team in 1982, which Al-Ittihad won its first league title in its history, which is the first and only club to achieve it. After an absence for 21 years, the club won the King's Cup after defeated Al Ettifaq in 1988.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: In mid 1990s, Which is considered as the beginning of the golden age of the club, where a numerous of titles were achieved. In 1996–97, the club delivered a cup treble, winning the Premier League, Crown Prince Cup, and Federation Cup. After two seasons, the club won the league title for the third time in its history after eliminating rivals Al-Hilal in the final 2–0. The first continental championship was also achieved after winning 3–2 over Jeonnam Dragons with a golden goal, scored by Ahmed Bahja. GCC Champions League was also achieved, as the season ended with winning four trophies. In 1999, The club was a runner-up in the Asian Super Cup, after losing 2–3 on aggregate to Júbilo Iwata.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: With the beginning of the new century during the period of president Ahmed Masoud, which is considered one of the most successful periods, winning 8 titles within 3 years. The 1999–2000 league season was achieved at the beginning of the century, after a 3–1 win over Al-Ahli in the final, also, Hamza Idris scored an unprecedented 33 goals, a record in that period, which made him the league's top scorer, and the most scored in a single season. In the following season - the club winning the League for fifth time, and Crown Prince Cup. In the 2001–02 season, on May 1, 2002, Al-Ittihad lost the league final to Al-Hilal, a cross from a corner kick went to Al Hasan Al-Yami, who hit it and the ball entered the goal clearly before Al Hilal's Mohammed Al-Nazhan took it out with his hand. A goal was not awarded by the referee, even as a penalty kick, which in turn ended with a loss 1–2, where the referee was suspended six months after the final - and later apologized, declaring, “I am innocent of your defeat, and God bears witness to that.” The match created a great controversy at all levels, as it faced a lot of criticism, which was considered by many and critics as a “robbery”.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: When Ahmed Masoud left the club, Mansour Al-Balawi became president, which is considered by many including the fans as the most prominent and successful period in the club's history. In the 2002–03 season, many players have been brought in, such as Tukar, Saud Kariri, Muhammad Al-Khilaiwi, and Tcheco; who is considered as one of the greatest deals in the club's history, while both the League and the Crown Prince Cup were achieved. Despite leading the league and ending it without a loss, Al-Ittihad lost the league final to Al-Shabab in the championship-playoff finals. In the 2004 AFC Champions League, Al-Ittihad finished the group in first place with only one loss. In quarter-finals, it was successfully passed with a 1–1 draw in Dalian, followed by a home 1–0 victory scored by Tukar, against Chinese Dalian Shide, of which led them to reach the semi-finals. Both matches ended in the last minutes, as Hamad Al-Montashari finished the first leg's 2–1, and Osama Al-Muwallad scored the deadly equalizer in the second leg, with a 4–3 aggregate over Jeonbuk Hyundai Motors, as the club qualified for the final for the first time. The final was out of the ordinary; Al-Ittihad were thrashed at home 1–3 by Korean side Seongnam in the first leg—leading to the sacking of Croatian coach Tomislav Ivić, as assistant coach Dragan Talajić was given the opportunity. Who, in turn, started the return match in Seongnam, Redha Tukar opened the scoring, rising to a ball from a corner kick to score the first goal, Idris scored the second late minute goal in the first half, Mohammed Noor scored the two decisive goals in the second half, before Abushgeer scored the fifth and the last goal. Overcoming the 1–3 loss with a miraculous 5–0 victory, to achieve the first title, Dragan Talajić achievement was unforgettable and almost impossible, this second leg match became one of the most surprising and unforgettable comebacks in AFC Champions League history, which was called "the miracle". Recalling the tournament, Talajić said, “I was initially an assistant to the compatriots Tomislav Ivic, and I learned a lot from him, and I considered the opportunity to work with a great team as a wonderful thing, which is why I agreed to work with him, I was with the team eight months after we arrived at the beginning of the season, and I knew all about the players.” and continued, “I was young at the time, and maybe I was crazy by playing with five strikers, I told everyone before the match that we would win, I always knew we would win, but I didn’t know if the difference would be enough.”


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Al-Ittihad achieved its first Arab championship, after defeated Tunisian Club Sportif Sfaxien in the final. On 5 November 2005, Al-Ittihad won the Champions League for the second time in a row, after a 5–3 victory over Al-Ain. Mohammed Kallon, which loaned from AS Monaco, became the top scorer of the tournament with six goals; of which two were in the final—which helped to achieve the second title. Mohammed Noor, was awarded the best player in the tournament. The club remaining as the only to win back-to-back AFC Champions League titles in its current edition. The club qualified for the FIFA Club World Cup for the first time, in the edition that was held in Japan, after achieving the Champions League title—as it became the second Saudi team to qualify for the tournament. On December 11, 2005, Al-Ittihad defeated African champions Al-Ahly after Mohamed Noor’s only goal, to qualify for the semi-finals. Al-Ittihad faced the CONMEBOL champion São Paulo, and it was ended by a 2–3 loss. Al-Ittihad played the match to determine the third place against the Costa Rican club Deportivo Saprissa and lost with a 2–3, were two goals scored by Mohamed Kallon and Joseph-Désiré Job—to end the Club World Cup with fourth place. Former FIFA President Sepp Blatter expressed his admiration, saying, “In 25 years, I have not seen an Asian team this great.”


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: The Jeddah derby between Al-Ittihad and Al-Ahli is known to be one of the most competitive games in the Saudi League. From the start of national competitions both clubs were seen as representatives of two rivals from the same city: Jeddah.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: "Saudi El Classico", or the Saudi Derby, is a long-running competitive match in Saudi football, between Al-Ittihad and Al-Hilal. The competition represents the largest and most important two clubs in the city of Jeddah and the capital, Riyadh, the largest and most culturally prominent cities in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The two clubs are considered the most successful at the domestic and continental level. Al-ittihad is the oldest sports club still surviving in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and is seen as the "People's Club". While Al-Hilal represents the culture of the Capital Club, it is called by the masses "the Leader". The two teams meet twice a year in the league, and they may also meet in the King's Cup, Saudi Super Cup and the AFC Champions League. It is considered as the most prominent and most followed match in Saudi football.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: The first meeting between the two teams was held on July 27, 1962, a friendly match, in the capital, Riyadh, and ended with a 2-0 victory for Al-Ittihad. The first official meeting between the two teams was on January 10, 1964, the King's Cup Final, which in turn also ended with a 3-0 victory for Al-Ittihad.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Al-Hilal has the largest number of wins in the official meetings that brought the two teams together. The two teams faced each other in 148 official meetings, Al-Hilal won 63, while Al-Ittihad won 50, and the tie occurred in 35 meetings. Together with Al-Nassr, they are the only teams that have not been relegated to the Second Division since its founding.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Ittihad's success is not limited only to football, but also in basketball, water polo, table tennis, volleyball, and swimming, amongst others. In total, Ittihad has won 8,649 trophies. However, football remains the primary sport.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Ittihad is now based in Sahafa street, Mushrefa district, in east Jeddah, where they have a large sports complex. Senior teams play official games at the municipal sports centre, in the south of the city, while youth teams play at the club.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: In December 2006, the club offered what was thought to be the most lucrative deal in Arabian football to Portuguese midfielder Luís Figo. It was said that Luís Figo will join the club on July 1, 2007, after his current contract with Internazionale expires. However, not long after, Figo's current club, Internazionale released report that Figo had yet to sign a contract with Al-Ittihad and will not be joining. Figo has since extended his contract at Inter until the end of the 2007–08 season citing that the terms of the agreement were not kept and thus voided the contract.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: In January 2010, the club convened an extraordinary club meeting after losing their 4th game of the 2009–10 season 1–2 to Al-Nasr. A decision was made to sack the head coach Gabriel Calderón and replace him with local coach Hassan Khalifa assisted by former striker Hamzah Idris. On 27 January 2010, the club hired Argentinean coach Enzo Trossero to take over the reins of the team. On 15 December 2015 Ittihad FC appointed Victor Piturca as their manager for the second time after a string of bad results by the other coach. He lost his first game in AFC this season against Al-Nasr FC 2–1 on 13 March 2016.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Al-Ittihad has built a strong fan-base across Saudi Arabia, amongst the Arab League and in Asia. The club supporters are renowned for being spirited and for their chants. Since its opening on 1 May 2014, Al-Ittihad shares the newly built King Abdullah Sports City Stadium with local rival Al-Ahli, with their previous home the Prince Abdullah Al Faisal Stadium facing construction delays.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: In a press conference on 9 January 2006, president of the club Mansour Albalawi announced that Sela Sport Co (which is the sponsor of Saudi National Team) will pay 350 million riyals to sponsor Al-Ittihad for 5 seasons. Al-Ittihad was later on sponsored by the Saudi Telecom Company, however the team has not renewed STC's contract.


title: Al-Ittihad Club (Jeddah)

text: Al-Ittihad is one of the most of successful clubs in Saudi Arabia, it has 33 official honours, 28 of which are domestic. In addition to their continental successes, the club is one of the only three Asian clubs to have won the AFC Champions League twice in a row.


title: Timeline of national flags

text: This article contains a list of the flags and/or modifications made on the flags of current sovereign nations.


title: Rape culture

text: Rape culture is a setting, studied by several sociological theories, in which rape is pervasive and normalized due to societal attitudes about gender and sexuality. Behaviors commonly associated with rape culture include victim blaming, slut-shaming, sexual objectification, trivializing rape, denial of widespread rape, refusing to acknowledge the harm caused by sexual violence, or some combination of these. It has been used to describe and explain behavior within social groups, including prison rape and in conflict areas where war rape is used as psychological warfare. Entire societies have been alleged to be rape cultures. It is associated with rape fantasy and rape pornography.


title: Rape culture

text: The notion of rape culture was developed by second-wave feminists, primarily in the United States, beginning in the 1960s. Critics of the concept dispute its existence or extent, arguing that the concept is too narrow or that, although there are cultures where rape is pervasive, the idea of rape culture can imply that the rapist is not at fault but rather the society that enables rape. Critics of that line of criticism have disputed the notion that only one party needs to be at fault, noting that the perpetrator can be the primary wrongdoer, those who help cover it up or harass the victim acting as accomplices, and the wider society and culture can still be blamed for its collective influence on these individuals.


title: Rape culture

text: Two movements have addressed rape culture, i.e. SlutWalk and Me Too. These movements have helped spread people's stories through hashtags and provide an online space where victims of different types of sexual violence can confide in each other.


title: Rape culture

text: The term "rape culture" was first coined in the 1970s in the United States by second-wave feminists and applied to contemporary American culture as a whole. During the 1970s, second-wave feminists had begun to engage in consciousness-raising efforts designed to educate the public about the prevalence of rape. Previously, according to Canadian psychology professor Alexandra Rutherford, most Americans assumed that rape, incest, and wife-beating were rare. The concept of rape culture posited that rape was common and normal in American culture and that it was an extreme manifestation of pervasive societal misogyny and sexism. Rape was redefined as a violent crime rather than a sex crime and its motive redefined from desire for sexual pleasure to male domination, intimidation and a sense of control over gender norms. Rape also started to be reexamined through the eyes of the victims rather than the perpetrators.


title: Rape culture

text: The first published use of the term appears to have been in 1974 in "", edited by Noreen Connell and Cassandra Wilson for the New York Radical Feminists. In the book, the group wrote, "our ultimate goal is to eliminate rape and that goal cannot be achieved without a revolutionary transformation of our society". This book and Susan Brownmiller's 1975 "Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape" were among the earliest to include first-person accounts of rape. Their authors intended to demonstrate that rape was much more common than previously believed. In the book, Brownmiller comments that women never talk about rape because they do not want to be open about a "crime against their physical integrity", which explains public ignorance of rape's prevalence. Brownmiller, a member of the New York Radical Feminists, argued that both academia and the public ignore incidents of rape. She helped psychologists begin observing and studying what sparked this "rape supportive culture". "Against Our Will" is considered a landmark work on feminism and sexual violence and one of the pillars of modern rape studies.


title: Rape culture

text: Sociology professor Joyce E. Williams traces the origin and first usage of the term "rape culture" to the 1975 documentary film "Rape Culture," produced and directed by Margaret Lazarus and Renner Wunderlich for Cambridge Documentary Films. She said the film "takes credit for first defining the concept". The film discusses rape of both men and women in the context of a larger cultural normalization of rape. The film featured the work of the DC Rape Crisis Center in co-operation with Prisoners Against Rape, Inc. It includes interviews with rapists and victims, as well as with prominent anti-rape activists such as feminist philosopher and theologian Mary Daly and author and artist Emily Culpepper. The film explored how mass media and popular culture have perpetuated attitudes towards rape.


title: Rape culture

text: In their 1992 "Journal of Social Issues" paper "A Feminist Redefinition of Rape and Sexual Assault: Historical Foundations and Change", Patricia Donat and John D'Emilio suggest that the term originated as "rape-supportive culture" in "Against Our Will." By the mid-1970s, the phrase began to be used more widely in multiple forms of media.


title: Rape culture

text: Feminists and gender activists conceptualize rape culture as a cultural environment that encourages gender violence, as well as perpetuating "rape myths", ranging from treating rape as merely "rough sex" to blaming the victim for inviting rape.


title: Rape culture

text: Michael Parenti believes that rape culture manifests through the acceptance of rapes as an everyday occurrence and even a male prerogative. It can be exacerbated by police apathy in handling rape cases, as well as victim blaming, reluctance by authorities to go against patriarchial cultural norms, as well as fears of stigmatization suffered by rape victims and their families. Other sociologists posit that rape culture links non-consensual sex to the cultural fabric of a society, where patriarchial worldviews, laced with misogyny and gender inequality, are passed from generation to generation, leading to widespread social and institutional acceptance of rape.


title: Rape culture

text: One explanation for the commonality of these myths is that only certain "bad" or "misbehaved" women are raped. This creates a category of women separated from the general population which encourages an "otherness" and reduces the idea that anyone is vulnerable to being raped. One common rape myth is that no event is random. This promotes the idea that the women who are raped were not raped for no reason, but that they deserved it. If women believe that they were the cause of the rape, they may not go to authorities. Society also uses the stereotype of men being aggressive as an excuse for their actions. This justifies and normalizes rape. Society creates these myths, scaring women before they are even raped. Another reason for the acceptance of rape culture is the "just-world" hypothesis, which claims that what happens to an individual in life is inherently tied to their actions and thus seen as justly deserved. People who believe in this theory would also be more likely to believe women who are raped deserve it in some way. Finally, rape can be attributed to ways women were treated historically, as a factor used to oppress and create control over women.


title: Rape culture

text: Brownmiller, in "Against Our Will", discusses three ideas that helped bring awareness to some clearly defined rape myths of the early to mid 20th century. First, any woman can be a rape victim regardless of age, size, shape, ethnicity, or status. Second, any man can be a rapist, not just "evil" or "mentally ill" men as thought in previous decades. Finally, rape can occur in many different forms besides the stereotype of a violent, forceful rape done by a stranger.


title: Rape culture

text: The idea any women could be raped was a new proposition that called attention to the notion of victim blaming. Now that rape could affect anyone, there would not be a proper way for men and women to avoid it. Some rape myths that were widely accepted on the basis of what kind of women would be raped were ideas that the victim was always "young, careless [and] beautiful" or they are "loose" women who "invite rape" by provoking men." Although Brownmiller's idea about victim blaming was supposed to expose rape myths thus eradicating victim-blaming, blaming the victim in rape circumstances is still a common practice.


title: Rape culture

text: Rape culture can manifest when third parties separate the sexual violence of select individuals and cast them off as deviant perverts rather than acknowledging that anyone can be capable of rape. In the 1960s, rapists were often seen as mentally ill or deviants in society, and this view persisted among some people into the 1990s.


title: Rape culture

text: Rape cases in which both parties previously knew one another has been coined as "acquaintance rape", a term first used in print in 1982 by feminist writer and activist Diana Russell. A book by Robin Warshaw, "I Never Called It Rape" was published in 1988 which provided the first in depth discussion on the subject. The term has subsequently been used by prominent academics such as Mary P. Koss.


title: Rape culture

text: Chris O'Sullivan asserts that acts of sexism are commonly employed to validate and rationalize normative misogynistic practices. For instance, sexist jokes may be told to foster disrespect for women and an accompanying disregard for their well-being, or a rape victim might be blamed for being raped because of how she dressed or acted. O'Sullivan examines rape culture and fraternities, identifying the socialization and social roles that contribute to sexual aggression, and looks at "frat life" and brotherhood ideals of competition and camaraderie. In these groups, sex is viewed by young men as a tool of gaining acceptance and bonding with fellow "brothers", as they engage in contests over sex with women. In O'Sullivan's article, sexualized violence towards women is regarded as part of a continuum in a society that regards women's bodies as sexually available by default.


title: Rape culture

text: To some, the root cause of rape culture is the "domination and objectification of women". However, academic theory holds that rape culture does not necessarily have a single cause, and causes may be localized based on other social aspects of culture. Rape culture is a fluid and always-changing entity that is socially produced and socially legitimated, so throughout time and place its definitions will change. Reasoning about rape and rape culture is also influenced by gender and heterosexuality norms. For example, in South Africa the overriding "war culture", which emphasized masculinity and violence, led to a culture in which rape was normalized. A University of California Davis public document alleged that major causes of rape were the enforcement of women having to follow social rules and the conditioning of gender roles. Others say in a rape culture women are conditioned to assume responsibility for male sexuality, and gender roles are socially constructed and enforced on women through fear.


title: Rape culture

text: Since the late 20th century, researchers and activists have repeatedly returned to the issue of rape culture on university campuses, especially in the United States, Canada, and the U.K. Often, victims are dissuaded from reporting sexual assaults because of universities' and colleges' ambivalent reactions to rape reports and desire to suppress bad news. Victims may not want to risk stigmatization and scrutiny in their lives, especially in campus society. Victim-hood is a social creation, and is associated with stigma. Definitions of what counts as "rape" and who is treated as a "genuine victim" are constructed in discourse and practices that reflect the social, political, and cultural conditions of society. For instance, rape victims may not be considered as such if it appears they did not struggle or put up a fight. Their emotional responses are observed and reported during investigations to aid in deciding if the victim is lying or not. In addition, college administration officials have sometimes questioned accounts of victims, further complicating documentation and policing of student assaults, despite such preventive legislation as the Clery Act, which requires colleges to report on crimes.


title: Rape culture

text: Rape culture is closely related to slut-shaming and victim blaming, in which rape victims are considered at fault for being raped. Scholars argue that this connection is made due to a culture that shames all female sexuality that is not for the purpose of reproduction in a hetero-normative married household. That some victims do not report rapes to the police due to fear of not being believed is often cited as a symptom of a rape culture. 6% of women who did not report rape said it was because of fear of not being believed by police.


title: Rape culture

text: Victim blaming is part of a phenomenon known as 'Rape Myth Acceptance', a term coined by researcher Martha Burt in the 1980s. It is defined as prejudicial, stereotyped or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists which can range from trivializing rape, denial of widespread rape, labeling an accuser as a liar, stating that most rape accusations are false, refusing to acknowledge the harm caused by some forms of sexual violence, or accepting that the victim "deserved it" because she was defined as a slut. Another cause of victim blaming has been the vague understanding of what constitutes rape in the scenario of a victim wanting to have sex with the perpetrator. If a victim wants to have sex but refuses to consent to sex and the perpetrator continues, the situation would be considered rape; however, it becomes easier for others to blame the victim for the situation because he or she did "want to have sex".


title: Rape culture

text: Feminists frequently link rape culture to the widespread distribution of pornography, which is seen as an expression of a culture that objectifies women, reducing the female body to a commodity. Accounts of rapists often feature fusion of several pornographic motifs.


title: Rape culture

text: Prison rape is a topic about which jokes are abundant. Linda McFarlane, director of Just Detention International, states "Humor is part of the cultural attitude that (prison) is the one place where rape is okay."


title: Rape culture

text: Sexualization and sexual objectification are practices that contribute to the normalization of hyper-sexualized perceptions of women, which is a theme in rape culture. Hyper-sexualized or pornographic media is often attributed with perpetuating aggressive behaviors and attitudes supporting violence against women. Media depictions of violent sexual activity are also noted to increase behavioral aggression. Sexualizing imagery surfaces and reinforces misogynistic beliefs in some instances. This media can come in forms of movies, music, advertising, video games and more.


title: Rape culture

text: Victim blaming is the phenomenon in which a victim of a crime is partially or entirely attributed as responsible for the transgressions committed against them. For instance, a victim of a crime (in this case rape or sexual assault) is asked questions by the police, in an emergency room, or in a court room that suggest that the victim was doing something, acting a certain way, or wearing clothes that may have provoked the perpetrator, therefore making the transgressions against the victim their own fault.


title: Rape culture

text: Victim blaming may also occur among a victim's peers, and college students have reported being ostracized if they report a rape against them, particularly if the alleged perpetrator is a popular figure or noted athlete. Also, while there is generally not much general discussion of rape facilitated in the home, schools, or government agencies, such conversations may perpetuate rape culture by focusing on techniques of "how not to be raped" (as if it were provoked), vs "how not to rape." This is problematic due to the stigma created and transgressed against the already victimized individuals rather than stigmatizing the aggressive actions of rape and the rapists. It is also commonly viewed that prisoners in prison deserve to be raped and is a reasonable form of punishment for the crimes they committed. Another factor of victim blaming involves racism and racial stereotypes. Victim blaming has serious consequences as it helps further perpetuate a pervasive rape culture. Victims who receive negative responses when disclosing sexual violence tend to experience greater distress and are therefore less likely to report future incidents if they occur.


title: Rape culture

text: In the UK, victim blaming is a systemic problem in many regional police forces. This is especially apparent in regard to failing to properly protect victims of 'grooming gangs'. These gangs typically repeatedly abuse and rape the same person over a prolonged period of time, and often over years. According to former detective, and child and women's safety campaigner Maggie Oliver, 'It's extremely typical to criminalise the victim. To investigate a very organised gang of perhaps 20 men is very labour-intensive. It's far easier to dismiss the victims as being drunk or as being guilty of public order offences.'


title: Rape culture

text: Slut shaming may be considered as similar to victim blaming in that there is condemnation of someone who has been involved in a sexual event or events. The key difference is that victim blaming involves the person being condemned for being a victim who has provoked their attacker (e.g. because they wore more revealing clothing they are condemned for being coerced or physically forced into being involved in a sexual event), and slut shaming is based upon the person being condemned for their willing participation in a sexual event. Slut shaming describes the way people are made to feel guilty or inferior for certain sexual behaviors or desires that deviate from traditional or orthodox gender expectations. A study of college women from sociologists at the University of Michigan and the University of California found that slut-shaming had more to do with a woman's social class than it did with their activity. Slut shaming can create a double standard between men and women and discrimination. The SlutWalk movement aims to challenge victim blaming, slut shaming and rape culture.


title: Rape culture

text: Rape culture has been described as detrimental to both women and men. Some writers and speakers, such as Jackson Katz, Michael Kimmel, and Don McPherson, have said that it is intrinsically linked to gender roles that limit male self-expression and cause psychological harm to men. According to political scientist Iris Marion Young, victims in rape cultures live in fear of random acts of oppressive sexual violence that are intended to damage or humiliate the victim. Others link rape culture to modernisation and industrialisation, arguing that pre-industrial societies tend to be "rape free" cultures, since the lower status of women in these societies give them some immunity from sexual violence. In industrial rape cultures, women emerge from their homebound roles and become visible in the workplace and other areas traditionally dominated by men, increasing male insecurities that result in their using rape to suppress women.


title: Rape culture

text: Others also link rape culture to environmental insecurities, where men objectify women as part of their struggle to control their immediate environment. It is also linked to gender segregation, and the belief that rape proves masculinity. Other manifestations of rape culture include denial of widespread rape, institutional apathy toward the problem of rape, minimization of rape cases by government officials, and excusing rapists as social anomalies. Hyper-masculinity is also thought to be a manifestation of rape culture.


title: Rape culture

text: One concern is that the rape culture in the United States can influence juror decision-making in sexual assault trials. The result is that men who have committed sexual assault crimes may receive little to no punishment, which serves to strengthen the rape culture in the American judicial system and American society as a whole. In addition to the law as written not being put into effect in practice, legal definitions of rape have been criticized for placing a high burden of proof on victims to demonstrate non-consent. Individuals likely use legal definitions and jury convictions in their conceptualization of "real rape". Laws, which are passed by (mostly male) lawmakers, tend to represent dominant groups' interests. Larcombe et al. posit "a legal definition of rape as non-consensual penetration achieved through unlawful force, coercion, fraud or exploitation – that is, containing a fault element that describes the tactic the perpetrator used to effect the assault – may conform more closely to social and social science definitions of rape." In contrast, in some jurisdictions (e.g. Kentucky, Connecticut, Arkansas, Alaska, Alabama) words alone are still not sufficient to legally prove non-consent.


title: Rape culture

text: According to a study by Acta Obstetrecia et Gynecologica Scandinavica, of a set of "nearly 300 women who visited [a particular rape clinic]," it was found that "70 percent experienced at least 'significant' tonic immobility and 48 percent met the criteria for 'extreme' tonic immobility during the rape."


title: Rape culture

text: The legal process can be so traumatizing for victims that even professionals in the area would warn someone they care about against participating.


title: Rape culture

text: According to Ann Burnett, the concept of rape culture explains how society perceives and behaves towards rape victims and rape perpetrators. For example, a number of rape myths that are held are "no means yes", women can resist rape if they really wanted to, women who are raped are promiscuous therefore "asking to be raped" and many women falsely report rape to protect their own reputations or because they are angry at the "perpetrator" and want to create a type of backlash. A theory for why rape myths are so common in society is because they are perpetuated by norms already present in society. Researchers claim that communication and language is created by the dominant patriarchy. In positions of power, men control how women are portrayed in the media, women's censorship of body and voice, etc. which forces women to submit to the gender stereotypes formed by the dominant culture. The dominance of the male language in society creates the concept of a "slutty woman" and forces women to begin to monitor their behavior in fear of how they will be perceived within the rape culture.


title: Rape culture

text: One effect rape culture has on women is their lack of understanding or a feeling of ambiguity surrounding the idea of consent and rape. Burnett's study followed college women's experiences of rape revealing that many students could not define what the term rape really meant, did not believe consent had to be verbal and felt sexual consent was always vague and hard to pinpoint. Along with this were people believing women who had "allegedly been raped" were "asking for it" because of how they were dressed or their flirtatious behavior. Women in the study also assumed that men expected sex in exchange for drinks or dinner bought earlier for the woman. Because of their lack of awareness of what rape was and because of how they were acting/what they were wearing, women believed they had in some way provoked the rape to happen. Some women also did not report the rape if it did not fit the stereotypical version of rape, physical injury and force committed by a stranger. When raped by someone the individual knew, women felt less inclined to label the assault as rape. They could not, therefore, report the incident or rape because they were either confused about what had happened or believed it to be their own fault.


title: Rape culture

text: After a rape has already occurred or after the victim acknowledged that she has been raped, women still did not report the incident because they felt it would ultimately hurt or punish them. Some reasons that women did not report their rape is because they did not want to bring attention to themselves, psychologically, they did not want to have to remember what had happened to them, and they did not want people to find out and gain a negative reputation. Because of the existing rape myths mentioned above, women knew that reporting rape could potentially make them out to be a "slut" or "easy" and garnish a reputation that would affect how others perceived them. Many women noted that they felt that they could not even admit the rape to friends and family they trusted most because they were so afraid of the repercussions. Women felt that they would not be supported, would have their validity questioned or be blamed for the incidents that happened. As a result, rape can lessen women's trust in others and make them feel isolated.


title: Rape culture

text: Another effect rape culture has on young women is a victim's self-reflection. After a rape, women reported feeling dirty, thought of themselves as slutty, and believed that they had "used or damaged goods". Women felt ashamed of themselves for what had happened and felt that they no longer fit the ideal "pure and virginal" stereotype that men want. Women's belief that they were somehow rotten and their feelings that no one would want to be with them after the rape created feelings of depression and anxiety amongst victims.