title: Tracer ammunition

text: The M276 is a violet-tipped 7.62×51mm NATO dim tracer that uses composition R 440, which is barium peroxide, strontium peroxide, calcium resinate for example calcium abietate, and magnesium carbonate.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: Tracer compositions can also emit primarily in infrared, for use with night-vision devices. An example composition is boron, potassium perchlorate, sodium salicylate, iron carbonate or magnesium carbonate (as combustion retardant), and binder. Many variants exist.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: Tracers can also serve to direct fire at a given target, because they are visible to other combatants. The disadvantage is that they betray the gunner's position; the tracer path leads back to its source. To make it more difficult for an enemy to do this, most modern tracers have a delay element, which results in the trace becoming visible some distance from the muzzle.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: Depending on the target, tracer bullet lethality may be similar to standard ball ammunition. The forward portion of a tracer bullet contains a substantial slug of lead filler, nearly as much as the non-tracer ball round that it trajectory matches. In the case of the M196/M193 bullet set, the lethality differences are probably negligible for this reason. However, with the M856/M855 bullet set, the M855 ball round contains a steel penetrator tip that is not present in the M856 tracer bullet. As a result, different lethality effects can be expected against various targets. Nevertheless, under some circumstances, a slight degradation in lethality can often be made up for by the psychological and suppressive-fire effects tracer bullets can have on an enemy who is receiving them.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: Besides guiding the shooter's direction of fire, tracer rounds can also be loaded at the end of a magazine to alert the shooter that the magazine is almost empty. This is particularly useful in weapons that do not lock the bolt back when empty (such as the AK-47). During World War II, the Soviet Air Force also used this practice for aircraft machine guns. One disadvantage in this practice is that the enemy is alerted that the pilot or shooter is low on ammunition and possibly vulnerable. For ground forces, this generally offers no tactical advantage to the enemy, since a soldier with a crew-served weapon such as a machine gun who is out of ammunition is supposed to alert his team that he is "dry" and rely on their cover fire while he reloads the machine gun. Thus, an enemy must risk exposing himself in order to attack the reloading soldier.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: Modern jet fighters primarily rely on radar and infrared seeker missiles to track and destroy enemy planes and laser-guided missiles to attack surface targets, rather than the plane's cannon, which may be just an ancillary weapon for air-to-air combat; although in the ground attack role, cannon fire may be emphasized. However, modern fighter aircraft use gyroscopes and inertial sensors coupled with radar and optical computing gunsights that make the use of tracers in cannon ammunition unnecessary. As long as the pilot can put the "pipper" (aiming point) in the head-up display (HUD) onto the target, he can be assured that the burst will be on target, since the computers automatically compute range, closing rate, deflection, lateral accelerations, and even weather conditions to calculate target lead and aimpoint. Thus one of the primary reasons for using tracers on aircraft in the first place, uncertainty over where the bullets will end up in relation to the target, is removed.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: Another use for the tracer is in tank hull machineguns, of mostly out-dated tanks, where the machinegun operator cannot sight directly along the barrel, thus he has to rely on tracer bullets to guide his aim. Modern main battle tanks and armored fighting vehicles, however, employ advanced fire control systems that can accurately aim secondary weapons along with the main armament; although the continued use of tracers provides reassurance to gunners on the direction of machinegun fire.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: In the UK, use of tracer rounds are restricted on National Rifle Association-operated ranges, due to an increased risk of fire. Unauthorized use is punished at the discretion of the acting range officer. Use of tracers is usually only authorized during military training.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: In July 2009, a large fire was started by tracer ammunition near Marseille, France, an area where shrub vegetation is very dry and flammable in the summer, and where normally this kind of ammunition should not be used.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: On February 24, 2013, a fire was started at DFW Gun Club in Dallas, Texas by the use of a tracer round inside the facility.


title: Tracer ammunition

text: On July 3, 2018, the Lake Christine Fire near Basalt, Colorado was started by tracer rounds fired at a gun range. The two individuals who were deemed responsible for the fire were shooting the tracer round ammunition outside of the designated target area at the gun range.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: The 1975 Australian constitutional crisis, also known simply as the Dismissal, culminated on 11 November 1975 with the dismissal from office of the prime minister, Gough Whitlam of the Australian Labor Party (ALP), by Governor-General Sir John Kerr, who then commissioned the leader of the Opposition, Malcolm Fraser of the Liberal Party, as prime minister. It has been described as the greatest political and constitutional crisis in Australian history.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: The Labor Party under Gough Whitlam came to power in the election of 1972, ending 23 years of consecutive Liberal-Country Coalition government. Labor won a majority in the House of Representatives of 67 seats to the Coalition's 58 seats, but faced a hostile Senate. In May 1974, after the Senate voted to reject six of Labor's non-supply bills, Whitlam advised then-Governor General Sir Paul Hasluck to call a double dissolution election. The election saw Labor re-elected with its House of Representatives majority reduced from 9 to 5 seats, although it gained seats in the Senate. With the two houses of Parliament still deadlocked, pursuant to section 57 of the Australian Constitution, Whitlam was able to narrowly secure passage of the six "trigger bills" of the earlier double dissolution election in a joint sitting of Parliament on 6–7 August 1974, the only such sitting held in Australia's history.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Whitlam's tenure in office proved highly turbulent and controversial, and in October 1975, the Opposition under Malcolm Fraser used its control of the Senate to defer passage of appropriation bills needed to finance government expenditure, which had already been passed by the House of Representatives. Fraser and the Opposition stated that they would continue to block supply in the Senate unless Whitlam called a fresh election for the House of Representatives, and urged Governor-General John Kerr, who had been appointed governor-general on Whitlam's advice in July 1974, to dismiss Whitlam unless Whitlam acceded to their demand. Whitlam believed that Kerr would not dismiss him as prime minister, and Kerr did nothing to make Whitlam believe that he might be dismissed.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: On 11 November 1975, the crisis came to a head as Whitlam went to seek Kerr's approval to call a half-Senate election in an attempt to break the parliamentary deadlock. Kerr did not accept Whitlam's request, and instead dismissed him as prime minister and appointed the leader of the Opposition, Malcolm Fraser, as caretaker prime minister on the understanding that Fraser would immediately call a general election. Acting quickly before all ALP parliamentarians became aware of the change of government, Fraser and his parliamentary allies were able to secure passage of the supply bills through the Senate and advised Kerr to dissolve Parliament for a double dissolution election. Fraser and his Liberal-Country Coalition were elected with a massive majority in the federal election held the following month.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: The events of the Dismissal led to only minor constitutional change. The Senate retained its power to block supply, and the governor-general the power to dismiss government ministers; however, these powers have not since been used to force a government from office. Kerr was widely criticised by Labor supporters for his actions, resigned early as governor-general, and lived much of his remaining life abroad.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: As established by the Constitution of Australia, the Parliament of Australia is composed of two houses, the House of Representatives and the Senate, together with the king. The monarch is represented through the governor-general, who has the executive power granted in the Constitution, as well as rarely exercised reserve powers. The reserve powers are those exercised by the governor-general without requiring advice, which is usually signified by the phrase "Governor-General in Council". Under The Australian Constitution the governor-general acts 'with the advice of the Federal Executive Council' in the appointment of government ministers, although ministers serve at his pleasure, and the Executive Council is appointed by the governor-general alone. The governor-general is ordinarily bound by convention to act only upon the advice of the government and the prime minister, but can act independently and against advice in exercising the reserve powers. The governor-general can be removed by the King on the advice of the Australian prime minister. As Liberal Party leader Malcolm Fraser, who played a large part in the crisis, put it, "The Queen has tenure, and she couldn't be sacked. But a Governor-General holds office at pleasure, and if he ceases to please then he can be removed by a Prime Minister".


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: As in most Westminster system parliaments, Australia's government is ordinarily formed by the party enjoying the confidence of the lower House of Parliament, the House of Representatives. However, Australia's Parliament also has a powerful upper house, the Senate, which must pass any legislation initiated by the House of Representatives if it is to become law. The composition of the Senate, in which each state has an equal number of senators regardless of that state's population, was originally designed to attract the Australian colonies into one Federation. The Constitution forbids the Senate from originating or amending a money bill, but places no limitation on the Senate's ability to defeat one. In 1970, Gough Whitlam, as Leader of the Opposition, stated of a budget bill, "Let me make it clear at the outset that our opposition to this Budget is no mere formality. We intend to press our opposition by all available means on all related measures in both Houses. If the motion is defeated, we will vote against the Bills here and in the Senate. Our purpose is to destroy this Budget and destroy the Government which has sponsored it".


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: The federal Senate had never blocked supply before 1975, even when it had been controlled by the opposition. In 1947, in response to the federal Chifley Government's attempt to nationalise the banks, the coalition-controlled upper house of the Parliament of Victoria blocked the state budget in order to force a premature election. Labor Premier John Cain called a snap election and was defeated.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Prior to the 1975 crisis, the governor-general's power to dismiss a prime minister against the incumbent's will under Section 64 of the Constitution had never been exercised. However, in 1904 Labour Prime Minister Chris Watson advised an early election, but Governor-General Lord Northcote refused, triggering Watson's resignation and the appointment of Opposition Leader George Reid as prime minister. Twice since Federation, conflicts between state premiers and state governors, who perform analogous functions to the prime minister and governor-general respectively at the state level, had resulted in the departure of one or the other. In 1916, New South Wales Premier William Holman was expelled from the Australian Labor Party for supporting conscription. He managed to hold on to power with the aid of opposition parties and consulted the Governor, Sir Gerald Strickland, proposing to pass legislation to extend the term of the lower house of the state legislature by a year. When Strickland objected, stating that such a course was unfair to Labor, Holman had him replaced. In 1932 the New South Wales Labor premier, Jack Lang, refused to pay money owed to the Federal government, which froze the state's bank accounts, causing Lang to order that payments to the state government be only in cash. The governor, Sir Philip Game, wrote to Lang, warning him that ministers were breaking the law, and that if they continued, he would have to obtain ministers who could carry on government within legal bounds. Lang replied that he would not resign, and Game dismissed his government and commissioned the leader of the Opposition, Bertram Stevens, to form a caretaker government pending a new election, in which Labor was defeated.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Among the powers granted to the governor-general is the power to dissolve both houses of Parliament under Section 57 of the Constitution in the event that the House of Representatives twice passes a bill at least three months apart and the Senate refuses to pass it. In both instances where those circumstances arose prior to the Whitlam Government, in 1914 and 1951, the governor-general dissolved Parliament for a "double dissolution" election on the advice of the prime minister.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Gough Whitlam's Labor government was elected in 1972 after 23 years of rule by a coalition formed by the Liberal and Country parties. The ALP Government enjoyed a nine-seat majority in the House of Representatives, but did not control the Senate, which had been elected in 1967 and 1970 (as Senate elections were then out of synchronisation with House of Representatives elections). In accordance with pre-election promises, it instituted a large number of policy changes, and offered much legislation. The Opposition, which still controlled the Senate, allowed some Government bills to pass the Senate, and blocked others.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: In April 1974, faced with attempts by the Opposition under Billy Snedden to block supply (appropriation bills) in the Senate, Whitlam obtained the concurrence of the governor-general, Sir Paul Hasluck, to a double dissolution. Labor was returned at the election on 18 May with a reduced House majority of five seats. The Coalition and Labor each had 29 Senate seats, with the balance of power held by two independents. Snedden later told author Graham Freudenberg when being interviewed for the book "A Certain Grandeur – Gough Whitlam in Politics": "The pressure [to block supply] was on me from Anthony. We thought you had a chance of getting control of the Senate at the half-Senate election or at least enough to get a redistribution through. With a gerrymander, you'd be in forever."


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Hasluck had been governor-general since 1969, and his term was shortly due to expire. Whitlam wanted him to remain a further two years, but Hasluck declined, citing the refusal of his wife, Alexandra, to remain at Yarralumla longer than the originally agreed five years. Whitlam offered the post to businessman Ken Myer, who turned it down. Whitlam then offered the position to his treasurer, Frank Crean, and his own deputy, Lance Barnard, neither of whom was keen to move on from parliament. Finally, Whitlam turned to his fifth choice, Sir John Kerr, the chief justice of New South Wales. Kerr was reluctant to give up the chief justiceship, in which he intended to remain another ten years, for the governor-general's post, which traditionally lasted five years. At Kerr's request, Whitlam informally agreed that if both men were still in office in five years, Kerr would be reappointed. Whitlam also secured legislation to address Kerr's financial concerns about the position, including authorising a pension for the governor-general or his widow. The leader of the Opposition, Billy Snedden, was enthusiastic about the appointment and also agreed to reappoint Kerr in five years, were he prime minister at the time. Kerr then agreed to take the post, was duly appointed by Queen Elizabeth II, and was sworn in on 11 July 1974.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Six of the bills that had been the subject of the double dissolution were introduced in Parliament a third time and, as expected, were again rejected by the Senate. Section 57 of the Constitution provides that, after a double dissolution election, if bills that had been rejected twice by the Senate in the previous parliament were again passed by the House and again rejected by the Senate, they could then be put to a joint sitting of both houses. On 30 July, Whitlam gained Kerr's agreement for a joint sitting, which was set for 6–7 August 1974. The joint sitting, the only one in Australia's history under Section 57, passed all six bills, including the enabling legislation for Medibank.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: In December 1974, Whitlam was anxious to find new sources of money to finance his development plans. After a meeting at the prime minister's residence, The Lodge, Whitlam and three of his ministers (Deputy Prime Minister and Treasurer Jim Cairns, Attorney-General Senator Lionel Murphy, and Minister for Minerals and Energy Rex Connor) signed a letter of authority for Connor to borrow up to US$4 billion. This letter was described by author and journalist Alan Reid as the "death warrant of the Whitlam ALP government".


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Connor and other ministers had made contact with a hitherto obscure Pakistani financier, Tirath Khemlani, as early as November 1974. Khemlani was said to have contacts in the newly enriched Arab oil nations. None of the efforts to secure a loan, whether through Khemlani or by other routes, bore fruit, but, as information about the "Loans Affair" trickled out, the government lost support.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: In February 1975, Whitlam decided to appoint Senator Murphy a justice of the High Court of Australia, even though Murphy's Senate seat would not be up for election if a half-Senate election were held. Under proportional representation, Labor could win three of the five New South Wales seats, but if Murphy's seat was also contested, it was most unlikely to win four out of six. Thus, appointing Murphy would almost certainly cost the ALP a Senate seat at the next half-Senate election. Whitlam appointed Murphy anyway. By convention, senators appointed by the state legislature to fill casual vacancies were from the same political party as the former senator. The New South Wales premier, Tom Lewis, a member of the Liberal Party, felt that this convention only applied to vacancies caused by deaths or ill-health, and arranged for the legislature to elect Cleaver Bunton, former mayor of Albury and an independent.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: By March 1975, many Liberal parliamentarians felt that Snedden was doing an inadequate job as Leader of the Opposition and that Whitlam was dominating him in the House of Representatives. Malcolm Fraser challenged Snedden for the leadership on 21 March, and defeated him by 37 votes to 27. At a press conference after winning the leadership, Fraser stated:


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Whitlam's original deputy prime minister, Lance Barnard, had been challenged and defeated for his post by Cairns in June 1974 shortly after the May 1974 election. Whitlam then offered Barnard a diplomatic post; in early 1975 Barnard agreed to this. If the appointment went through, Barnard's resignation from the House of Representatives would trigger a by-election in his Tasmanian electorate of Bass. ALP officials felt that, given the party's weakened state, Barnard should remain in Parliament and be given no preferment if he resigned; party president and future Prime Minister Bob Hawke described the decision to appoint Barnard as "an act of lunacy". Barnard had been losing support over the last several elections, and the Liberals needed only a swing of 4% to take Bass off Labor. The Liberals had a candidate, Kevin Newman, who had been nursing the electorate; Labor had no candidate selected and a bitter preselection in the offing. Barnard resigned and was appointed the ambassador to Sweden. The election on 28 June proved a disaster for Labor, with Newman winning the seat on a swing of over 17%.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: The next week, Whitlam fired Cairns for misleading Parliament regarding the Loans Affair amid innuendo about his relationship with his Principal Private Secretary, Junie Morosi. He was replaced as deputy by Frank Crean. At the time of Cairns' dismissal, one Senate seat was vacant, following the death on 30 June of Queensland ALP Senator Bertie Milliner. The state Labor party nominated Mal Colston, who was the highest unelected candidate on the party's Queensland list in 1974. This resulted in deadlock in Brisbane; the unicameral Queensland legislature twice voted against Colston, and the party refused to submit any alternative candidates. Queensland Country Party Premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen had evidence that Colston, a schoolteacher by trade, had set a school on fire during a labour dispute, though the police had refused to prosecute. After the legislature voted Colston down a second time, Bjelke-Petersen instructed his majority in the legislature to elect a low-level union official, Albert Field, who had contacted his office and expressed a willingness to serve. In interviews, Field made it clear he would not support Whitlam. Field was expelled from the ALP for standing against Colston, and Labor senators boycotted his swearing-in. Whitlam argued that because of the vacancies being filled as they were, the Senate was "corrupted" and "tainted", with the Opposition enjoying a majority they did not win at the ballot box. When Labor learned that Field had not given the required three weeks' notice to the Queensland Department of Education, it challenged his appointment in the High Court, arguing that he was still technically a public servant–and thus ineligible to serve in the Senate. With Field on leave throughout the remainder of the crisis, the Coalition refused to provide a "pair" to account for his absence, giving it an effective majority of 30–29 in the Senate. Whitlam remarked that if Milliner had not died or had he been replaced by a [pro Whitlam] senator, the crisis would not have happened.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: On 10 October, the High Court ruled that the act passed at the joint sitting that gave the Australian Capital Territory (ACT) and the Northern Territory two senators each was valid. A half-Senate election needed to be held by June 1976; most senators-elect would take their seats on 1 July, but the territorial senators and those filling Field's and Bunton's seats would take their places at once. The ruling meant that it was possible for the ALP to gain a temporary majority in the Senate, at least until 1 July 1976. To do so, the ALP would have to win Field's and Bunton's seats, and one seat in each territory, and have the second ACT seat fall to either a Labor candidate or an independent, former Liberal Prime Minister John Gorton, now estranged from his party. If this happened, Labor would have an effective 33–31 margin, would be able to pass supply if that was still an issue, and also could pass electoral redistribution laws (which had been passed by the House, though twice defeated by the Senate) that would give it an advantage at the next election.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: The journalist and author Alan Reid described the position of the Government and Opposition as the crisis became acute in mid-October:


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: In the wake of the High Court ruling, and with the appropriation bills due to be considered by the Senate on 16 October, Fraser was undecided whether to block supply. His biographer, Philip Ayres, contends that, had there been no further government scandals, he would not have done so. Khemlani, however, had alleged – contrary to government statements – that Connor had never revoked his authority to obtain loans and had been in regular contact with him even into mid-1975. On 13 October, the Melbourne "Herald" printed documents in support of Khemlani's allegations, and on the following day, Connor resigned. Fraser determined to block supply, convened a shadow cabinet meeting and received the unanimous support of the Coalition frontbench. At a press conference, Fraser cited the poor state of the economy and the continuing scandals as reasons for his decision. Without the passage of fresh appropriations, supply would be exhausted on 30 November.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: On 15 October the Governor of Queensland, Sir Colin Hannah, gave a speech denigrating the Whitlam Government, in violation of the convention that state governors remain neutral. Hannah held a dormant commission as Administrator of the Commonwealth to act as Governor-General in the event of Kerr's death, resignation, or absence from Australia. Whitlam immediately contacted Buckingham Palace to arrange for Hannah's dormant commission to be revoked, a process which took ten days to complete. Although Whitlam later alleged that he never contemplated dismissing Kerr during the crisis, on 16 October, while speaking with Kerr and visiting Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, he told Kerr that if the crisis continued, "It could be a question of whether I get to the Queen first for your recall, or whether you get in first with my dismissal". Kerr saw the statement as a threat; Whitlam later stated the comment was "flippant" and designed to turn the conversation to another subject.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: On 16 and 17 October, the Senate, with the unanimous support of the Coalition majority, deferred the appropriation bills. The Coalition took the position that Kerr could dismiss Whitlam if the Government could not secure supply. Whitlam's former solicitor-general Bob Ellicott, now a Liberal member of the House, issued a legal opinion on 16 October stating that the Governor-General had the power to dismiss Whitlam, and should do so forthwith if Whitlam could not state how he would obtain supply. Ellicott indicated that Whitlam was treating Kerr as if he had no discretion but to follow prime ministerial advice, when in fact the Governor-General could and should dismiss a ministry unable to secure supply. Ellicott stated that Kerr


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Kerr's major confidante and secret adviser regarding the dismissal was a member of the High Court and friend of Kerr, Sir Anthony Mason whose role was not revealed until 2012 when Whitlam's biographer Jenny Hocking detailed Kerr's archival record of their extensive consultations. Kerr described Mason as playing 'a most significant part in my thinking' and wrote of confiding in Mason 'to fortify myself for the action I was to take'. Mason's role included drafting a letter of dismissal for Kerr and he also claimed to have advised Kerr that he should 'as a matter of fairness' warn Whitlam of his intention to dismiss him, which Kerr refused to do. Mason writes that his discussions with Kerr began in August 1975 and concluded on the afternoon of 11 November 1975. He declined Kerr's requests to allow his role to be publicly known. Kerr rang Whitlam on Sunday 19 October, asking permission to consult with the Chief Justice of the High Court, Sir Garfield Barwick, concerning the crisis. Whitlam advised Kerr not to do so, noting that no Governor-General had consulted with a Chief Justice under similar circumstances since 1914, when Australia was at a much earlier stage of her constitutional development. Whitlam also noted that in all of the recent unsuccessful High Court challenges to Whitlam government legislation, Barwick had been in the minority in finding against the government. On 21 October, Kerr phoned Whitlam regarding the Ellicott opinion, and asked, "It's all bullshit, isn't it?". Whitlam agreed with Kerr's view. Kerr then requested that the Government provide him with a written legal opinion rebutting Ellicott's views. Kerr would receive no written advice from the Government until 6 November. Journalist and author Paul Kelly, who wrote two books on the crisis, paints this delay as a major mistake by Whitlam, given Kerr's judicial background. Kerr also asked on 21 October for Whitlam's permission to interview Fraser, which the Prime Minister readily granted, and the two men met that night. Fraser told Kerr that the Opposition were determined to block supply. Fraser indicated that the Opposition's decision to defer the appropriation bills, rather than defeating them, was a tactical decision, since then the bills would remain in the control of the Senate and could be passed at any time. He stated that the Coalition agreed with the Ellicott opinion, and proposed to continue deferring supply while it awaited events. The media were not told of the substance of the conversation, and instead reported that Kerr had reprimanded Fraser for blocking supply, causing the Governor-General's office to issue a denial.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Throughout the crisis, Kerr did not tell Whitlam of his increasing concerns, nor did he suggest that he might dismiss Whitlam. He believed nothing he said would influence Whitlam, and feared that, if Whitlam perceived him as a possible opponent, the Prime Minister would procure his dismissal from the Queen. Accordingly, though Kerr dealt with Whitlam in an affable manner, he did not confide his thinking to the Prime Minister. Labor Senator Tony Mulvihill later related that "Whitlam would come back to each caucus meeting and say, 'I saw His Excellency ... No worry. He's got to do it his way.' ... at no time did he hint that the Governor-General was frowning."


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: There was intense public interest and concern at the stalemate, and Fraser and his Liberals acted to shore up support. Liberal frontbenchers worked to build unity for the tactic in state organisations. The former longtime Premier of South Australia Sir Thomas Playford was speaking out against the blocking of supply, causing South Australia Senator Don Jessop to waver in his support for the tactic. Fraser was able to co-ordinate a wave of communications from party members which served to neutralise both men. Fraser sought the backing of the retired longtime Liberal Prime Minister, Sir Robert Menzies, and went to see Menzies in person, taking with him a 1947 statement by Menzies supporting the blocking of supply in the upper house of the Victorian Parliament. He did not have to use the paper; Menzies stated that he found the tactic distasteful, but in this case necessary. The former Prime Minister issued a statement in support of Fraser's tactics.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Kerr invited Whitlam and Minister for Labour Senator Jim McClelland to lunch on 30 October, immediately preceding an Executive Council meeting. At that meal, Kerr proposed a possible compromise. If the Opposition were to allow supply to pass, Whitlam would not advise a half-Senate election until May or June 1976, and the Senate would not convene until 1 July, thus obviating the threat of a possible temporary Labor majority. Whitlam, who was determined to destroy both Fraser's leadership and the Senate's right to block supply, refused any compromise.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Fraser chaired a summit of leaders of the Coalition parties on 2 November. The resulting communiqué urged the Coalition senators to continue deferring supply. It also threatened, should Kerr grant Whitlam a half-Senate election, that the Coalition state premiers would advise their governors not to issue writs, thus blocking the election from taking place in the four states with non-Labor premiers. After the meeting, Fraser proposed a compromise: that the Opposition would concede supply if Whitlam agreed to hold a House of Representatives election at the same time as the half-Senate election. Whitlam rejected the idea.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: On 22 October, Whitlam had asked the Attorney-General, Kep Enderby, to have a paper drafted rebutting the Ellicott opinion for presentation to Kerr. Enderby delegated this task to the Solicitor-General, Maurice Byers, and other officials. On 6 November, Enderby was to see Kerr to give him a legal opinion regarding the Government's alternative plans in case supply ran out. Vouchers were to be issued to Commonwealth employees and contractors instead of cheques, to be redeemed from banks after the crisis ended—transactions which were to be rejected by major banks as "tainted with illegality". Enderby decided to present Kerr with the rebuttal to Ellicott. When Enderby reviewed the document, he found that, while it argued for the Government's position, it recognised both that the Senate had the constitutional right to block supply, and that the reserve powers were still extant—matters with which Enderby did not agree. He presented Kerr with the rebuttal, but crossed out Byers' signature on it and told Kerr of his disagreement. Enderby told Kerr that the Byers rebuttal was "background" for formal written advice, to be presented by Whitlam. Later that day, Kerr met with Fraser again. The Opposition leader told him that if Kerr did not dismiss Whitlam, the Opposition planned to criticise him in Parliament for failing to carry out his duty.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Kerr concluded on 6 November that neither Government nor Opposition would yield and had received advice that day from Treasurer Bill Hayden that supply would run out on 27 November. The Governor-General decided that, as Whitlam could not secure supply, and would not resign or advise an election for the House of Representatives, he would have to sack him. As Kerr feared that Whitlam might advise the Queen to dismiss him, he considered it important that Whitlam be given no hint of the impending action. Kerr later stated that were Whitlam to seek his dismissal, it would involve the Queen in politics. Seeking confirmation of his decision, he contacted Chief Justice Barwick, met with him and asked for his views of a dismissal of Whitlam. Barwick furnished him with written advice containing his view that a governor-general could and should dismiss a prime minister who was unable to obtain supply. Barwick specified that the prime minister should also not have refused either to resign or to advise a general election, with which Kerr agreed.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: On 9 November, Fraser contacted Whitlam and invited him to negotiations with the Coalition aimed at settling the dispute. Whitlam agreed, and a meeting was set for 9 am on Tuesday 11 November, at Parliament House. That Tuesday was also the deadline for an election to be called if it were to be held before Christmas. Both Government and Opposition leaders were in Melbourne on the night of 10 November for the Lord Mayor's banquet. To ensure the Opposition leaders could reach Canberra in time for the meeting, Whitlam brought them back in his VIP aircraft, which arrived in Canberra at midnight.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: At 9 a.m. on 11 November, Whitlam, together with deputy prime minister Frank Crean and Leader of the House Fred Daly, met with Fraser and Country Party leader Doug Anthony. No compromise could be reached. Whitlam informed the Coalition leaders that he would be advising Kerr to hold a half-Senate election on 13 December, and he would not be seeking interim supply for the period before the election. Thinking it unlikely that Kerr would grant the election without supply, Fraser warned Whitlam that the Governor-General might make up his own mind about the matter. Whitlam was dismissive and after the meeting broke, telephoned Kerr to tell him that he needed an appointment to advise him to hold a half-Senate election. Both men were busy in the morning, Kerr with Remembrance Day commemorations, and Whitlam with a caucus meeting and a censure motion in the House which the Opposition had submitted. The two discussed a meeting for 1:00 p.m., though Kerr's office later called Whitlam's and confirmed the time as 12:45. Word of this change did not reach the Prime Minister. Whitlam announced the request for a half-Senate election to his caucus, which approved it.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: After hearing from Whitlam, Kerr called Fraser. According to Fraser, Kerr asked him whether he, if commissioned prime minister, could secure supply, would immediately thereafter advise a double-dissolution election, and would refrain from new policies and investigations of the Whitlam Government pending the election. Fraser stated that he agreed. Kerr denied the exchange took place via telephone, though both men agree those questions were asked later in the day before Kerr commissioned Fraser as prime minister. According to Kerr, Fraser was supposed to come to Yarralumla at 1.00 pm.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Whitlam was delayed in leaving Parliament House, while Fraser left slightly early, with the result that Fraser arrived at Yarralumla first. He was taken into an anteroom, and his car was moved. Whitlam maintained that the purpose in moving Fraser's car was to ensure that the Prime Minister was not tipped off by seeing it, stating, "Had I known Mr. Fraser was already there, I would not have set foot in Yarralumla". Kelly doubted Whitlam would have recognised Fraser's car, which was an ordinary Ford LTD from the car pool. According to Fraser biographer Philip Ayres, "A white car pulled up at the front would signify nothing in particular—it would simply be in the way".


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Whitlam arrived just before 1:00 p.m. and was taken to Kerr's office by an aide. He brought with him the formal letter advising a half-Senate election, and after the two men were seated, attempted to give it to Kerr. According to Kerr, he interrupted Whitlam and asked if, as a result of the failure to find a compromise between party leaders, he intended to govern without parliamentary supply, to which the Prime Minister answered, "Yes". In their accounts of their meeting, both men agree that Kerr then told Whitlam about the decision to withdraw his commission as prime minister under Section 64 of the Constitution. Kerr later wrote that at this point Whitlam got to his feet, looked at the office's phones, and stated, "I must get in touch with the Palace at once". According to Kerr, this indicated that Whitlam would not try to negotiate with him about a general election but contact the Queen for his recall, which gave him the final reason to carry out the dismissal; he answered that it was too late to get in touch with the Palace because Whitlam was not prime minister any more. Whitlam, however, later disputed that such words were spoken, and stated that he asked Kerr whether he had consulted the Palace, to which Kerr replied that he did not need to, and that he had the advice of Barwick. Both accounts agree that Kerr then handed Whitlam a letter of dismissal and statement of reasons, stating that they would both have to live with this, to which Whitlam replied, ""You" certainly will". The dismissal concluded with Kerr wishing Whitlam luck in the election, and offering his hand, which the former prime minister took.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: After Whitlam left, Kerr called Fraser in, informed him of the dismissal, and asked if he would form a caretaker government, to which Fraser agreed. Fraser later stated that his overwhelming sensation at the news was relief. Fraser left to return to Parliament House, where he conferred with Coalition leaders, while Kerr joined the luncheon party that had been waiting for him, apologising to his guests and offering the excuse that he had been busy dismissing the Government.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Whitlam returned to The Lodge, where he had lunch. When his aides arrived, he informed them of his sacking. Whitlam drafted a resolution for the House, expressing confidence in his Government. No ALP Senate leaders were at The Lodge, nor did Whitlam and his party contact any when they drove back to Parliament House, confining their strategy to the House of Representatives.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Prior to Whitlam's dismissal, the Labor leadership decided to introduce a motion that the Senate pass the appropriation bills. With ALP senators unaware of Whitlam's sacking, that plan went ahead. Senator Doug McClelland, manager of the ALP Government's business in the Senate, informed Coalition Senate leader Reg Withers of Labor's intent at about 1.30 pm. Withers then attended a leadership meeting where he learned of Fraser's appointment and assured the new prime minister he could secure supply. When the Senate convened, the ALP Senate leader, Ken Wriedt, made the motion to pass the appropriation bills. As Wriedt did so, he was told that the government had been sacked, which he initially refused to believe. Authoritative word did not reach Wriedt until 2.15 pm, by which time it was too late to withdraw the motion and instead obstruct his party's appropriation bill to hinder Fraser. At 2.24 pm, Labor's appropriation bills passed the Senate, fulfilling Fraser's first promise of providing supply.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: In the House, desultory debate on Fraser's censure motion ended with it being amended by the ALP majority into a condemnation of Fraser and passed on a party line vote. By 2.34 pm, when Fraser rose and announced that he had been commissioned as prime minister, word of the dismissal had spread through the House. Fraser announced his intent to advise a double dissolution, and moved that the House adjourn. His motion was defeated. Fraser's new government suffered repeated defeats in the House, which passed a motion of no confidence in him, and asked the Speaker, Gordon Scholes, to urge the Governor-General to recommission Whitlam. Scholes, attempting to communicate this to the Governor-General, was initially told that an appointment might not be possible that day, but after stating that he would reconvene the House and tell them of the refusal, was given an appointment with Kerr for 4.45 pm.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: After the appropriation bills were approved by both Houses, they were sent over to Yarralumla where Kerr gave them Royal Assent. With supply assured, Kerr then received Fraser, who advised him that 21 bills (including the electoral redistribution bills) which had been introduced since the last election fulfilled the double dissolution provisions of Section 57. Fraser asked that both Houses be dissolved for an election on 13 December. Kerr signed the proclamation dissolving Parliament, and sent his Official Secretary, David Smith, to proclaim the dissolution from the front steps of Parliament House.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: At 4.45, Kerr received Scholes, and informed him of the dissolution. Kerr wrote that "nothing else of relevance" took place between the two men, but Scholes's account is that he accused Kerr of bad faith for making an appointment to receive the Speaker, and then not waiting to hear from him before dissolving Parliament. Whitlam later stated that it would have been wiser for Scholes to take the appropriation bills with him, rather than having them sent ahead. Kerr's action was based on the advice he had received from two High Court judges (Mason and Chief Justice Barwick) and the Crown Law Officers (Byers and Clarence Harders, the Secretary of the Attorney-General's Department).


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: As Scholes and Kerr spoke, Smith reached Parliament House. The dismissal was by then publicly known, and an angry crowd of ALP supporters had gathered, filling the steps and spilling over both into the roadway and into Parliament House itself. Many of the demonstrators were ALP staffers; others were from the Australian National University. Smith was forced to enter Parliament House through a side door and make his way to the steps from the inside. He read the proclamation, though the boos of the crowd drowned him out, and concluded with the traditional "God save the Queen". Former Prime Minister Whitlam, who had been standing behind Smith, then addressed the crowd:


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: The news that Whitlam had been dismissed spread across Australia during the afternoon, triggering immediate protest demonstrations. On 12 November, Scholes wrote to the Queen, asking her to restore Whitlam as prime minister. The reply from her private secretary, Sir Martin Charteris, dated 17 November 1975, stated:


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: On 12 November 1975, the First Fraser Ministry was sworn in by Kerr. By some accounts, Kerr sought reassurance at that meeting that the Coalition senators would not have given in before supply ran out, "The Senate would never have caved in, would it?" According to those accounts, Senator Margaret Guilfoyle laughed and said to a colleague, "That's all he knows". Guilfoyle later stated that, if she did make such a remark, it was not meant to imply that the Coalition senators would have broken. However, Kelly lists four Coalition senators who stated, in subsequent years, that they would have crossed the floor and voted for the appropriation bills.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Labor believed it had a chance of winning the election, and that the dismissal would be an electoral asset for them. However, some Labor strategists believed the party was heading for a disaster, with few economic accomplishments to point to and an electorate whose emotions would have cooled before polling day. Nonetheless, Whitlam, who began campaigning almost immediately after the dismissal, was met with huge crowds wherever he went; 30,000 people overspilled the Sydney Domain for the official campaign launch on 24 November. That evening, Whitlam made a major speech at Festival Hall in Melbourne before 7,500 people and a national TV audience, calling 11 November "Fraser's day of shame—a day that will live in infamy".


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Polls were released at the end of the first week of campaigning, and showed a nine-point swing against Labor. Whitlam's campaign did not believe it at first, but additional polling made it clear that the electorate was turning against the ALP. The Coalition attacked Labor for the economic conditions, and released television commercials "The Three Dark Years" showing images from the Whitlam government scandals. The ALP campaign, which had concentrated on the issue of Whitlam's dismissal, did not begin to address the economy until its final days. By that time Fraser, confident of victory, was content to sit back, avoid specifics and make no mistakes. There was little violence in the campaign, but three letter bombs were placed in the post; one wounded two people in Bjelke-Petersen's office, while the other two, addressed to Kerr and Fraser, were intercepted and defused.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: During the campaign, the Kerrs purchased a Sydney apartment, as Sir John was prepared to resign in the event that the ALP triumphed. In the 13 December election, the Coalition won a record victory, with 91 seats in the House of Representatives to the ALP's 36 and a 35–27 majority in the expanded Senate.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: The dismissal is considered the greatest political and constitutional crisis in Australia's history. In 1977, the Fraser Government proposed four constitutional amendments via referendum, three of which passed—the last time that the Australian Constitution has been amended. One of the amendments requires that a senator appointed to fill a casual vacancy be from the same party as the former senator. The Senate retains the power to block supply; the Governor-General retains the power to dismiss ministers (including the Prime Minister). However, these powers have not since been used to force a government from office.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: In the wake of the dismissal, the ALP turned its anger on Kerr. Demonstrations marked his appearances, while the remaining ALP parliamentarians boycotted his opening of the new parliament. Whitlam, now Leader of the Opposition, refused all invitations to events at Yarralumla, which the Kerrs continued to extend until his refusal of an invitation during the Queen's 1977 visit caused them to feel that no further efforts need be made. Whitlam never spoke with Kerr again. Even ALP parliamentarians who had been friends of Kerr broke off their relationships, feeling Kerr had betrayed the party and had ambushed Whitlam. Lady Kerr stated that she and her husband confronted a "new irrational scene swarming with instant enemies".


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Whitlam repeatedly castigated Kerr for his role in the dismissal. When Kerr announced his resignation as governor-general on 14 July 1977, Whitlam commented: "How fitting that the last of the Bourbons should bow out on Bastille Day". After Kerr resigned as governor-general, he still sought a government position, reasoning that it had been his intent to remain for ten years as governor-general. However, Fraser's attempt to appoint Kerr as ambassador to UNESCO (a position later held by Whitlam) provoked such public outcry that the nomination was withdrawn. The Kerrs spent the next several years living in Europe, and when he died in Australia in 1991, his death was not announced until after he was buried. In 1991, Whitlam stated that no future governor-general was likely to act as Kerr did lest he also became the subject of "contempt and isolation". In 1997 he said that the letter of dismissal "had the shortcomings of being "ex tempore", "ex parte", "ad hoc" and "sub rosa"". In 2005, Whitlam called Kerr "a contemptible person". On the other hand, Country Party leader and deputy prime minister Doug Anthony said: "I can't forgive Gough for crucifying him". Sir Garfield Barwick was not spared Whitlam's invective; the former Prime Minister described him as "evil".


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Whitlam resigned as ALP leader after the party suffered its second successive electoral defeat in 1977. Fraser served over seven years as Prime Minister, and left the Liberal leadership after the Coalition was defeated in the March 1983 election. Years later, Whitlam and Fraser put aside their differences; Whitlam wrote in 1997 that Fraser "did not set out to deceive me". The two campaigned together in support of the 1999 referendum that would have made Australia a republic. According to Whitlam speechwriter Graham Freudenberg, "the residual rage over the conduct of the Queen's representative found a constructive outlet in the movement for the Australian Republic".


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: In his 1995 survey of the events of the crisis, "November 1975", Kelly places blame on Fraser for initiating the crisis and on Whitlam for using the crisis to try to break Fraser and the Senate. However, he places the most blame on Kerr, for failing to be candid with Whitlam about his intentions, and for refusing to offer a clear, final warning before dismissing him. According to Kelly,


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Kerr's predecessor as governor-general, Sir Paul Hasluck, believed that the fundamental reason for the crisis was the lack of trust and confidence between Whitlam and Kerr, and that the proper role of the governor-general had been to provide counsel, advice and warning.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Future Labor Prime Minister Paul Keating, who was Minister for Northern Australia in Whitlam's ministry, called the dismissal a "coup" and raised the idea to "arrest [Kerr]" and "lock him up", adding that he would not have "[taken] it lying down" if he was prime minister, during a 2013 interview with Kerry O'Brien.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Neither Whitlam nor Kerr ever suggested there had been any covert royal involvement. According to Whitlam's biographer Jenny Hocking, Kerr's papers in the National Archives of Australia reveal that he discussed his reserve powers and the possibility that he would dismiss the Whitlam government with Charles, Prince of Wales, in September 1975. Kerr asked what would happen if he dismissed Whitlam and the prime minister retaliated by dismissing him. According to Kerr, Charles had responded: "But surely, Sir John, the Queen should not have to accept advice that you should be recalled at the very time when you were considering having to dismiss the government". Kerr writes in his journal that Prince Charles informed the Queen's Private Secretary, Sir Martin Charteris, of this. Charteris then wrote to Kerr to say that, should this "contingency" arise, "although the Queen would try to delay things, in the end she would have to take the Prime Minister's advice". Heseltine confirmed this account. Among the documents Hocking cites from Kerr's papers is a list prepared by Kerr of key points on the dismissal which includes his discussion with Prince Charles and "Charteris' advice to me on dismissal". Paul Kelly has rejected Hocking's allegations. He wrote that the September 1975 conversation is not mentioned in Kerr's other memoirs, that it would have taken place before the crisis began, and that it would have only revealed Kerr's paranoia about being dismissed by Whitlam. Kelly noted accounts of surprise at the palace when they heard of Kerr's decision.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: Beginning in 2012, Hocking attempted to gain the release of correspondence between the Queen's advisors and Kerr regarding the dismissal, held by the National Archives. In 2016, Hocking launched a Federal Court action against the National Archives seeking the release of the 'Palace letters', correspondence between Kerr, the Queen and Charteris held by the Archives but not available for view. The action was lost in the Full Court, but on 29 May 2020 Hocking's appeal to the High Court succeeded: and in a majority 6:1 decision the High Court held that the Palace letters are "Commonwealth records" (not personal property) and therefore available for public release under the provisions of the Archives Act 1983.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: On 14 July 2020, the letters were released online without redaction. They revealed that, although Kerr had corresponded with Charteris about whether he had the constitutional authority to dismiss Whitlam, he had not informed the Queen in advance of his decision to do so. However, the letters also revealed that Kerr had discussed the possibility of dismissing Whitlam as early as July 1975. Also, on 2 October 1975, Sir Martin Charteris confirmed in a letter that Kerr had discussed with Prince Charles the possibility that Whitlam could ask the Queen to dismiss Kerr.


title: 1975 Australian constitutional crisis

text: The 1983 miniseries "The Dismissal" dramatised the events of 1975 Australian constitutional crisis. It featured Max Phipps as Whitlam, John Meillon as Kerr and John Stanton as Fraser.


title: Agora

text: The agora (; , "", meaning "market" in Modern Greek) was a central public space in ancient Greek city-states. It is the best representation of a city-state's response to accommodate the social and political order of the polis. The literal meaning of the word "agora" is "gathering place" or "assembly". The agora was the center of the athletic, artistic, business, social, spiritual and political life in the city. The Ancient Agora of Athens is the best-known example.


title: Agora

text: Early in Greek history (13th–4th centuries BC), free-born citizens would gather in the agora for military duty or to hear statements of the ruling king or council. Later, the agora also served as a marketplace, where merchants kept stalls or shops to sell their goods amid colonnades. This attracted artisans who built workshops nearby.


title: Agora

text: From these twin functions of the agora as a political and a commercial spot came the two Greek verbs , "agorázō", "I shop", and , "agoreúō", "I speak in public".


title: Agora

text: The Ancient Agora of Athens was situated beneath the northern slope of the Acropolis. The Ancient Agora was the primary meeting ground for Athenians, where members of democracy congregated affairs of the state, where business was conducted, a place to hang out, and watch performers and listen to famous philosophers. The importance of the Athenian agora revolved around religion. The agora was a very sacred place, in which holiness is laid out in the architecture of the ground in which it lay upon. The layout of the agora was centered around the Panathenaic Way, a road that ran through the middle of Athens and to the main gate of the city, Dipylon. This road was considered tremendously sacred, serving as a travel route for the Panathenaic festival, which was held in the honor of the goddess Athena every four years. The agora was also famously known for housing the Temple of Hephaestus, the Greek god of metalworking and craftsmen. This temple is still in great condition to this day. Other temples priorly standing in the agora include honor for Zeus, Athena, Apollo, and Ares.


title: Agora

text: The agora was usually located in the middle of a city or near the harbor. Agoras were built of colonnades, or rows of long columns, and contained stoae, also known as a long open walk way below the colonnades. They were beautifully decorated with fountains, trees, and statues. When the Athenian agora was rebuilt after the Greco-Persian Wars, colonnades and stoae were not incorporated.


title: Agora

text: The term agoraphobia denotes a phobic condition in which the sufferer becomes anxious in environments that are unfamiliar – for instance, places where they perceive that they have little control. Such anxiety may be triggered by wide-open spaces, by crowds, or by some public situations, and the psychological term derives from the agora as a large and open gathering place.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Kwon Sang-woo (in Korean: 권상우, "Kweon Sang-u"; born August 5, 1976) is a South Korean actor. He rose to stardom in 2003 with the romantic comedy film "My Tutor Friend" and the melodrama series "Stairway to Heaven".


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Kwon Sang-woo, the most visible example of the so-called "mom-zzang" (slang for "great body") movement, started his career as a fashion model in the late 1990s. His first acting experience was in the TV drama "Delicious Proposal", and for the first few years of his entertainment career, he received only minor roles on television, before making his big-screen debut in the martial arts film "Volcano High" (2001). The following year, he played his first lead role in the comedy "Make It Big" (2002) together with real-life best friend Song Seung-heon.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Kwon's breakthrough came in 2003 with the phenomenally successful romantic comedy "My Tutor Friend", as a troublesome high school boy who is tutored by a college student of the same age (played by actress Kim Ha-neul). This was followed by appearances in "My Good Partner", the world's first movie made for mobile phones, and the music video collection "Project X".


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: His next film released in early 2004 was also a hit. "Once Upon a Time in High School" portrayed the authoritarian society of the 1970s through a notoriously violent high school. Simultaneously, Kwon's TV tearjerker "Stairway to Heaven" was winning high ratings over 40%. The drama eventually screened throughout Asia and helped to turn him into a regional star.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: However, Kwon's follow-up film "Love, So Divine", about a priest in training who falls in love, earned poor reviews and did not get much attention from audiences.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: For 2006, Kwon starred in the big-budget action noir "Running Wild", about a detective, a prosecutor, and a criminal who are all equally vicious. "Running Wild" received satisfactory reviews, but disappointing returns, and Kwon's next film "Almost Love", a romantic comedy reteaming him with Kim Ha-neul, likewise failed to replicate the success of their previous film.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Thus began Kwon's career slump, as the films "Fate" and "More Than Blue" flopped in the box office, and his small-screen projects "Sad Love Story", "Bad Love", and "Cinderella Man" received low ratings.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Things took a turn for the better in 2010 with the box-office success of Korean War film "" which Kwon reportedly did not hesitate to take on, though he again portrayed a high school student. His drama "Daemul" about Korea's first female president (played by Go Hyun-jung) was also very popular during its run, staying atop TV charts for 11 weeks straight and ending with viewership ratings around 26%.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: In the 2011 melodrama "Pained", Kwon played a man with analgesia, the inability to sense physical pain, who then falls in love with a woman suffering from hemophilia. Based on an original story by webcomic artist Kang Full, "Pained" was directed by Kwak Kyung-taek in a departure from his previous macho movies. Kwak said, "The production company told me Kwon Sang-woo was contemplating the part, and I said I would do it only if Kwon does. There was nobody else."


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Looking to expand his acting career to a wider audience in Asia, in 2012 Kwon starred in movies with Chinese superstars Cecilia Cheung (romantic comedy "Shadows of Love", previously known as "Repeat, I Love You") and Jackie Chan (action film "CZ12"). He also made his singing debut in a DVD released in Japan in 2010. Cast as the male lead in a Chinese TV series titled "Feng Hua Xue Yue" ("Wind Flower Snow Moon"), Kwon's role was an Asian-American Broadway producer who comes back to China to stage a musical production in Yunnan Province and falls in love with the leading lady of his stage musical.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: He next starred opposite Soo Ae in "Yawang" (also known as "Queen of Ambition"), which was adapted from the third installment of "manhwa" artist Park In-kwon's 21-part saga "Daemul" (the 2010 SBS TV series of the same name that also starred Kwon was adapted from the comic's second book).


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Kwon was cast in his first medical drama in 2013, "Medical Top Team" from the director of "Moon Embracing the Sun" and the writer of "Brain". He played a straightforward yet warm-hearted genius surgeon. In 2014, he reunited with "Stairway to Heaven" costar Choi Ji-woo in "Temptation", about a married, debt-ridden businessman who agrees to a deal with a female CEO in exchange for her "ownership" of his body.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: He next played the owner of an internet startup company in "Honey Enemy", a 2015 Chinese romance film opposite Zhang Yuqi that filmed in Jeju Island and Shanghai. Kwon then starred in comedy film "The Accidental Detective" which revolves around a misfit comic book rental shop owner who becomes involved in a murder case.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: In 2016, Kwon starred alongside Choi Kang-hee in the crime comedy drama, "Queen of Mystery". Kwon reprised his role in the second season of the show, which aired in 2018.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: In 2018, Kwon starred in crime comedy "". He was also cast in the romantic comedy film "Shall We Do It Again".


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Kwon has said in an interview, "I hope I'm remembered as an actor whose work the audience looks forward to rather than an actor who acts well."


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: In 2009 Kwon established the cosmetics firm Natural Tears, of which he is the owner and CEO, as well as the inaugural advertising model for the brand TEARS. It was named after his nickname "Mr. Tears", given to him by fans in recognition of his tear-jerking acting in "Stairway to Heaven".


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: He also opened the cafe Tea'Us in Myeong-dong, and is the biggest shareholder of the resort Ocean Blue Hotel Bali. The property Kwon owns in Bundang-gu was appraised at an estimated worth of .


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Unlike many Korean male stars who had to fulfill their mandatory military service at the height of their careers, Kwon completed his military service long before he became an actor.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Kwon's mother is a Roman Catholic, and he himself converted after filming "Love, So Divine" in which he played as a seminarian. His confirmation name is Francisco.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: Kwon married actress and former Miss Korea Son Tae-young at the Shilla Hotel on September 28, 2008. On February 6, 2009, his wife gave birth to a baby boy, christened as Luke (nicknamed Rookie). Their second child, a daughter, was born on January 10, 2015.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: In 2006 Kwon filed a complaint against Kim Tae-chon, the godfather of Beomseobangpa (one of Korea's three major criminal gangs), for threatening him when the actor failed to keep his promise to hold a fan meeting in Japan. Kwon and the defendant eventually came to a settlement, but prosecutors continued investigations into possible ties between kkangpae and the Japanese Yakuza and Chinese crime syndicates that are looking to cash in on the Korean Wave entertainment business.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: There was fan backlash to his 2008 marriage due to his wife's previous dating history. In an appearance on talk show "Golden Fishery" hosted by Kang Ho-dong in 2009, Kwon said, "After I got married, membership in my fan cafe dwindled from 240,000 to 135,000 - it was like a stock market crash." He also said that before he got married, he had an average of seven TV commercials per year, but by early 2009 that number had dwindled down to zero.


title: Kwon Sang-woo

text: In the early hours of June 12, 2010, Kwon was involved in a car accident in Gangnam District. According to news reports, Kwon was driving on the wrong side of the road and hit a parked car. He then ran into the police car that had pursued him, continued driving and hit a tree before fleeing the scene on foot. Two days later, he turned himself in at Gangnam Police Station, claiming he had not been drunk. Kwon later made a public apology through a handwritten letter, and was fined by a Seoul district court.


title: Mark Landon

text: Mark Landon (October 1, 1948 – May 11, 2009) was an American actor, and son of "Bonanza" and "Little House on the Prairie" star Michael Landon.


title: Mark Landon

text: Mark Fraser Landon was adopted in 1956, aged 8, by the 20-year-old actor Michael Landon. Mark's biological mother was Michael's then wife, Dodie Levy-Fraser. His adoptive paternal grandfather was Jewish, whereas his adoptive paternal grandmother was Catholic, although his adoptive father was raised Jewish.


title: Mark Landon

text: Mark Landon appeared in three movies, including the CBS television movie "Us" (1991), which was written and directed by Michael Landon shortly before his death in 1991. It aired a few months after Michael Landon died. Mark also had a small role as a Navy SEAL in the 1997 movie "Goodbye America".


title: Mark Landon

text: Mark Landon was found dead at his West Hollywood home in the 1300 block of North Sweetzer Avenue around noon on May 11, 2009, at age 60. He was interred at the Hillside Memorial Park Cemetery in Culver City, California, in the same crypt as his father.


title: Worf

text: Worf, son of Mogh is a fictional character in the "Star Trek" franchise. He appears in the television series "" ("TNG") and seasons four through seven of "" ("DS9") as well as the feature films "Star Trek Generations" (1994), "" (1996), "" (1998), and "" (2002). Worf is the first Klingon main character to appear in "Star Trek", and in 11 seasons as a regular character on "TNG" and then "DS9", has appeared in more "Star Trek" franchise episodes than any other character. He is scheduled to appear in of the Paramount+ series "" in 2023.


title: Worf

text: Initially, Worf was not intended to be a regular character, as Gene Roddenberry wanted to avoid "retreads of characters or races featured prominently in the original "Star Trek" series". Accordingly, a cast portrait released in June 1987 to promote the upcoming series did not include Worf. Several "tall, slim, black actors" auditioned for Worf before Michael Dorn came along. Not only did the Worf character become a regular on "The Next Generation", he was continued on the "Deep Space Nine" series for four more seasons (1995–99) and talk of a spin-off Worf show continued even into the 2010s.


title: Worf

text: He made his debut in 1987 in "Encounter at Farpoint", and last appeared in character in 2002. Dorn as Worf made 282 on-screen appearances, the most of any actor in the "Star Trek" franchise.


title: Worf

text: Worf was orphaned as a child, and raised on Earth by human parents: Helena and Sergey Rozhenko. This creates conflicts between his upbringing and his desire to honor his biological heritage. He has two brothers, each with a different backstory, as well as two adoptive human parents, and one son. Important "Star Trek" episodes for Worf's family include "The Bonding", "", "", "", "", and "You Are Cordially Invited".


title: Worf

text: The House of Mogh was a family of high social and political rank, and was for a time represented on the Klingon High Council. In "" (set around 70 years before the "Next Generation" era began), Colonel Worf (also portrayed by Dorn) appears as the legal advocate of Captain James T. Kirk and Dr. Leonard McCoy after they are accused of killing Chancellor Gorkon of the Klingon High Council. He was also a member of the Klingon delegation at Camp Khitomer. Although not explicitly stated, he was intended to be Worf's grandfather and namesake.


title: Worf

text: Worf has a son named Alexander with a half-human half-Klingon woman named K'Ehleyr, a character introduced in ""; however, she is later killed in "", a "sequel" to that episode and part of the Worf story arc, leaving Worf as a single parent. Alexander has to live aboard "Enterprise"-D when K'Ehleyr is killed. After TNG ends, Worf gets moved to the Deep Space Nine space station where he eventually marries the Trill symbiont Jadzia Dax. (See "You Are Cordially Invited".) On DS9, Worf misses the "Enterprise"-D "family" that he had, often bemoaning the cut-rate work ethic and unfriendliness on the wayward outpost.


title: Worf

text: The episode "Sins of the Father" introduces Worf's long-lost brother Kurn, who is also an orphan of the House of Mogh. Worf's adoptive parents have a biological son, Nikolai Rozhenko, whom Worf grew up with. Nikolai and Worf interact in "Homeward" where it is revealed that Worf will likely have a nephew or niece.


title: Worf

text: In "The Bonding" (TNG S3E5, aired 1989), Worf adopts an orphan boy into the House of Mogh. In the first "Star Trek" episode written by screenwriter Ron Moore, the orphan Jeremy (played by Gabriel Damon) has a special Klingon ceremony to be adopted into Worf's family.


title: Worf

text: Join me in the R'uustai, the Bonding. You will become part of my family now and for all time. We will be brothers.


title: Worf

text: Worf was born in 2340 on Qo'noS (the Klingon homeworld) as the son of Mogh. Five years later, his parents moved to the Khitomer colony. Worf's parents were killed during a surprise attack by the Romulans on the Khitomer outpost. The colony's distress call was answered by the Federation starship USS "Intrepid". Chief Petty Officer Sergey Rozhenko found Worf in the rubble and took him in after failing to find any living relatives. Rozhenko and his wife Helena raised him on a small farm colony on the planet Gault, a world of about 20,000 inhabitants, almost all of them human. Worf also has a human brother, Nikolai, with whom he often quarreled. He also spent time on Earth in his parents' native city of Minsk, later recommending it to Miles O'Brien as one of his favorite places on Earth.


title: Worf

text: Worf did not take the Rozhenkos' last name, preferring to be addressed by the Klingon designation "Worf, son of Mogh". However, his son Alexander Rozhenko, who was raised by the Rozhenkos after his mother K'Ehleyr died, did use their surname. Although Worf was raised by humans, he considered himself a Klingon at heart and studied the ways of his people. As an adult, his mannerisms and personality, as well as his innate sense of honor, became more Klingon than human.


title: Worf

text: Worf's brother Kurn, barely a year old at the time of the Khitomer attack, had been left behind on the Klingon homeworld Qo'noS by his parents. Lorgh, a friend to House of Mogh (appearing only in dialog of the episode ""), was charged with the care of the younger son, originally expecting Mogh's stay at the Khitomer outpost to be short-term. Lorgh adopted Kurn after the attack, but informed Klingon authorities that he had died with the rest of the family. Kurn was not revealed as being alive until both brothers were adults.


title: Worf

text: In 2357, Worf entered Starfleet Academy. He graduated in 2361 and was commissioned with the rank of Ensign, becoming the first Klingon officer in Starfleet. Although Worf took immense pride and a sense of honor from serving in Starfleet, most other Klingons shunned and belittled his choice of vocation.


title: Worf

text: In 2359, he became briefly involved with K'Ehleyr who was the daughter of a Klingon father and a human mother.


title: Worf

text: In 2364, Worf was assigned to the USS "Enterprise"-D as relief flight control and tactical officer with the rank of lieutenant junior grade ("TNG": ""). The next year, he was made Acting Chief of Security following the death of Tasha Yar, even though he believed that a promotion due to the death of a comrade was not honorable ("TNG": ""). The next year, he transferred to operations division and was formally made Chief of Security ("TNG": "").


title: Worf

text: In 2365, he renewed his relationship with K'Ehleyr when she came aboard the "Enterprise" as a Federation emissary on an urgent mission. He proposed marriage but was rejected ("TNG": "").


title: Worf

text: In 2366, he was promoted lieutenant ("TNG": ""). After an accident caused the death of Lt. Marla Astor, Worf brought the orphaned Jeremy Astor into the House of Mogh through the rite of R'uustai ("TNG": "").


title: Worf

text: Worf learned of Kurn's existence when Kurn was assigned to the "Enterprise" as an exchange officer. Kurn specifically asked for the "Enterprise" so he could observe his brother. He then revealed his true identity, informing Worf that the House of Mogh's rival Duras accused their father of betraying the Klingon Empire by helping the Romulans attack Khitomer. When they and the "Enterprise" crew discovered that it was in fact Duras's father who betrayed the Empire, Worf, realizing that the powerful House of Duras could not be publicly shamed without throwing the Empire into civil war, accepted a ritual discommendation from the Klingon High Council. While Worf decided to accept this dishonor, it was decided to keep Kurn's true identity secret in order to protect his honor (and the House of Mogh as a whole be left alone) ("TNG": "").


title: Worf

text: In 2367, K'Ehleyr returned with Klingon Chancellor K'mpec who had come to meet with Captain Picard. When she came aboard, Worf learned he had a son named Alexander. She wanted to marry him but Worf refused because he did not want to share his dishonor with her and their son ("TNG": "").


title: Worf

text: After K'mpec's death, she assisted Captain Picard with the rite of succession. K'Ehleyr was eventually murdered by Duras when she found evidence of his involvement in the effort to discredit Worf (and why he was discommended). Exercising his right of vengeance, Worf fought and killed Duras with a bat'leth in a duel, allowing Duras's political opponent Gowron to become chancellor ("TNG": "Reunion").


title: Worf

text: A civil war erupted when the Duras's son Toral challenged Gowron. Worf believed Gowron was the legitimate ruler and convinced his brother to bring forces loyal to him into battle on Gowron's behalf. Worf resigned from Starfleet to fight for Gowron and served on his brother's ship. Gowron won the war after Starfleet exposed Romulan support for the House of Duras. In appreciation of his support, Chancellor Gowron restored Worf's honor, allowing Kurn a seat on the High Council as the recognized brother and representative of the House of Mogh ("TNG": ""). Once the war was over, Worf regained his Starfleet commission, recognizing that he did not fully belong to Klingon society ("TNG": "Redemption, Part II").


title: Worf

text: In 2369, while the "Enterprise" was at Deep Space Nine, Worf investigated a claim that his father might still be alive in a Romulan prison camp. His father was not there (having indeed been killed during the battle at Khitomer), but a number of Klingons were living there with the Romulans. Unable to return home with honor, as Klingons are supposed to commit suicide rather than be taken prisoner, they stayed and strayed from their way of life. Worf's visit had a profound effect on the children of the prisoners and many chose to leave with him ("TNG": ).


title: Worf

text: Worf's visit to the camp caused him to reconsider his own beliefs. He visited the monastery at Boreth to meditate. One day, a man appeared before him claiming to be Kahless the Unforgettable who had returned to lead the Empire once more. Worf was willing to consider the idea that Kahless was genuine because he believed the Klingons had lost their ways. Gowron was skeptical. He questioned Kahless about details of his memories, which Kahless could not recall, and then challenged Kahless to combat, defeating him easily. The loss forced the clerics to reveal that they had created a clone of Kahless and implanted ancient scriptures of Kahless's battles as his memories. Despite this, Worf became convinced that the Klingons would make a leap of faith and accept him as the legitimate heir of Kahless. He convinced the Klingons to appoint the new Kahless as Emperor. While real power remained with Gowron as head of government, the Emperor would be the formal head of state and teach the stories of Kahless. Gowron was induced to go along with this arrangement when Worf threatened in private otherwise to oppose him publicly, which Gowron, still not fully in control of the Empire, could not afford. ("TNG": "").


title: Worf

text: Worf avoided romantic attachments with non-Klingons during his first few years onboard the "Enterprise"-D. As Worf explained to both Commander Riker and Guinan, he felt that non-Klingon females would be too fragile, and that he would have to restrain himself too much. He eventually developed strong feelings for Counselor Deanna Troi, and explored a relationship with her for a time, which at times strained his relationship with her former romantic interest, Commander Riker. Worf and Troi seemed to end their relationship following the destruction of the "Enterprise"-D at Veridian III and Worf's reassignment to Deep Space Nine.


title: Worf

text: In 2371, he was promoted to lieutenant commander ("Star Trek Generations"). After the destruction of the "Enterprise"-D, Worf took an extended leave to evaluate his future. He was at a monastery on the Klingon colony of Boreth when he was ordered to go to Deep Space Nine to advise Captain Sisko when a Klingon fleet massed at the station. When he arrived, he was met by former "Enterprise"-D crew member and Deep Space Nine Chief of Operations Miles O'Brien. ("DS9": "").


title: Worf

text: Worf learned that the Klingons were planning to invade Cardassia because of a coup which they had been led to believe was engineered by the Dominion. Worf reluctantly informed Sisko, knowing this would jeopardize his status in the empire. After the invasion had begun, Gowron traveled to DS9 to ask Worf to join him in battle. Gowron believed the Federation was unworthy of Worf's loyalty because they would not fight the Dominion. Worf felt the war was wrong and he could not support it. Gowron punished him by reinstating Worf's discommendation, but this time executing it to the full degree, by stripping him and his family of his honor, lands, and titles, effectively bringing down the House of Mogh.


title: Worf

text: Worf submitted his resignation but Sisko rejected it because he still needed him. He had decided to rescue the members of the Cardassian council from certain death at the hands of the Klingons. In doing so, he was able to prove that there was no Dominion involvement by verifying their identities. The Klingons attacked the station in order to capture the council members but withdrew as Starfleet ships approached, fearing a war on two fronts.


title: Worf

text: At the end of the immediate crisis, Sisko convinced Worf to join the crew as Strategic Operations officer. In this role, he would coordinate all Starfleet activity in the Bajoran sector and act as executive officer of the USS "Defiant", meaning he had to adjust to the requirements and obligations that came with the red "command personnel" uniform. For the first months, Worf had difficulties adjusting to life on the station, unintentionally overstepping his boundaries by acting as he did on the "Enterprise", putting him for a while at odds with Chief of Security Odo. For Worf, the station's life seemed just too much 'grey', subsequently requesting to relocate his quarters aboard "Defiant".


title: Worf

text: After the Klingon civil war, Kurn had gained a seat on the High Council. Worf's opposition to the war against Cardassia cost Kurn his seat on the council. Four months later, he arrived at DS9 seeking help from his brother to perform a ritual to die with honor. He felt that the ritual, which involved Worf killing him, was the only way to restore his honor. Initially disregarding orders from Sisko not to carry out the honor killing, Worf failed in his first attempt to perform the ritual and later found he could not bring himself to do so again, as he had taken on a human feature of morality and would consider it murdering his brother. Worf arranged for his brother to have cosmetic surgery and his memory wiped so he could start a new life with no ties to the House of Mogh. Kurn now has the identity of Rodek, who believes he lost his memory after being hit by a plasma discharge ("DS9" episode "Sons of Mogh"). When Rodek sees Worf, he asks him whether he is family. Worf bitterly replies that he has no family.


title: Worf

text: After a year of war between the Federation and the Klingons, Worf joined a team sent to investigate claims that Gowron was a changeling in disguise. Worf nearly killed Gowron in combat but at the last moment the impostor was revealed to be disguised as Gowron's military adviser General Martok. The discovery helped restore peace between the Federation and the Klingons and to Worf again being shunned by Gowron for not having killed him when he had the chance, reaffirming his dishonor. ("DS9": "", "Apocalypse Rising").


title: Worf

text: In early 2373, Worf became involved with DS9 science officer Jadzia Dax, a Trill woman. She was familiar with Klingon customs due to the experience of the Dax symbiont's previous host, Curzon. She was the first non-Klingon that Worf could "physically" be with in the traditional Klingon way, although it still left bruises, cuts and broken bones.


title: Worf

text: While on a mission to the Gamma Quadrant, Worf was captured by the Dominion and sent to a Jem'Hadar prison camp where he met the real General Martok and was reunited with the real Dr. Bashir, who had both been captured and replaced by changelings. While the prisoners worked to escape, Worf entered a daily round of combat with each of the guards in turn. He earned the respect and admiration of Martok and even of the guards because he would not yield. Once the prisoners escaped, they managed to warn the station about the Bashir-changeling.


title: Worf

text: Upon their return, Martok was assigned command of the Klingon detachment on Deep Space Nine and command of the IKS "Rotarran". Martok asked Worf to be his first officer. The ship had suffered many losses to the Dominion, and morale was low. Martok's refusal to engage the enemy, due to his Dominion incarceration, made things worse. Worf challenged him for command, but allowed Martok to win and retain command. This led to Martok regaining his warrior's courage and, with renewed vigor, he led the crew to their first victory against the Dominion. Understanding what Worf had done, Martok thanked him for reminding him of his duty as a soldier and offered him a place in his house as his brother. By joining the House of Martok, Worf's status in the empire was restored (albeit the House of Mogh remains stricken). Worf's son, Alexander, was also assigned to the "Rotarran" after joining the Klingon Defense Force. Though Worf was initially estranged by his now adult son, and skeptical of his son's desire to serve the Empire, he eventually reconciled with him, and his son joined the House of Martok as well. Worf continued to serve on the "Rotarran" after Sisko withdrew from DS9 at the beginning of the Dominion War.


title: Worf

text: When Sisko eventually returned with a fleet of Federation ships to retake the station, Worf and Martok lobbied Gowron to send Klingon ships to join the battle. The entry of the Klingon ships turned the tide and allowed the Defiant to break through and retake the station ("DS9": "Favor the Bold", "Sacrifice of Angels").


title: Worf

text: Having helped liberate the station, Worf and Jadzia decided to get married. The wedding was a traditional Klingon ceremony which included a series of trials on Jadzia's part in order to gain the approval of Martok's wife to join the House of Martok. This almost ended in disaster, as the free-spirited Jadzia felt forced into a position rather than taking the matter seriously enough. Eventually, realizing its importance to Worf and counseled by Sisko that she needed to mature, Jadzia yielded and she was allowed to marry Worf. ("DS9": "You Are Cordially Invited").


title: Worf

text: In the "DS9" episode "", Worf prematurely ended a mission to contact a Cardassian informant inside the Dominion in order to save his injured wife. The informant was subsequently executed by the Dominion, causing Captain Sisko to officially caution that Starfleet might not grant Worf his own command after this incident (being another official reprimand in Worf's records of consequence). However, Sisko added that, had he been forced to choose between his duty and his wife, he would have done the same thing.


title: Worf

text: By late 2374, Worf and Jadzia were married less than a year when they decided to try to have a child, despite the extreme difficulties posed by the disparate biologies of Trill and Klingons. While Worf was away during a mission, Jadzia visited the Bajoran temple on the station where she was attacked and killed by an alien possessing the body of Gul Dukat, who had come aboard the station to destroy an Orb of the Prophet. ("DS9": "Time's Orphan", "Tears of the Prophets")


title: Worf

text: In 2375, Worf led a mission to destroy a Dominion shipyard. He dedicated this mission to his late wife, in order to ensure her entry into Sto-Vo-kor, the Valhalla-like realm of the honored dead, being joined by Quark, Bashir and O'Brien ("DS9": "Shadows and Symbols").


title: Worf

text: Julian Bashir was able to save the Dax symbiont, which was sent back to the Trill homeworld to be rejoined with a new host aboard the USS "Destiny". When the symbiont's health worsened, the Dax symbiont was implanted into a new host named Ezri Dax, who was the assistant ship's counselor. She had not been trained to be a host, but she was the only available unjoined Trill aboard. Ezri had difficulty making the transition and sought out Ben Sisko on Earth. She helped him on his mission and then returned to DS9 with him. She accepted his request to stay on as station counselor.


title: Worf

text: Worf avoided Ezri at first, confused about what to do about this new situation. Her quick posting to DS9 led to a number of awkward moments between her and Worf, since the new host carried all the memories of their former hosts but had its own distinct personality, despite their shared past. Also, it was considered taboo on Trill for new hosts to fraternize with former lovers. After a brief rekindling of their feelings for one another, they decided that things were just too different and, eventually, the two settled into a comfortable friendship, with Ezri eventually becoming romantically involved with Julian Bashir (who previously had feelings for Jadzia). This allowed Worf to accept 'his' Jadzia to have her place into Sto-Vo-Kor.


title: Worf

text: In 2375, Worf became concerned with the leadership of Gowron. The entry of the Breen into the war on the side of the Dominion temporarily sidelined the Federation and Romulan fleets, which proved vulnerable to Breen weaponry. This left the Klingons alone to carry on the fight as their ships were not affected in the same manner. Gowron assumed direct command because he feared Martok's growing popularity and devised a plan to discredit Martok. He began ordering Martok on near-suicidal missions against Dominion forces, hoping that a string of defeats would weaken Martok's popularity and discredit him as a military leader. Recognizing that Gowron was jeopardizing the entire war effort for the sake of his personal pride, Worf tried to convince Martok that he should challenge Gowron for the leadership. After Martok refused, Worf challenged Gowron himself, citing his faulty battle planning, his dishonorable conduct in trying to discredit Martok, and poor strategies at the later stages of the Dominion War. After a brief battle, Worf killed Gowron; by right, he was proclaimed the new chancellor of the Klingon High Council. However, Worf declined in favor of Martok ("DS9": "Tacking Into the Wind"). Ironically, it was again by Worf's hand the next chancellor of the Empire was decided (having slain Duras to allow Gowron's ascension after K'mpec's death), and the second time he and Gowron dueled, this time finishing Gowron off. As a token of respect, Worf performed the Klingon Death Howl after Gowron's death, essentially forgiving his misdeeds and recognizing a worthy warrior was on his way to Sto-Vo-Kor.


title: Worf

text: After the conclusion of the Dominion War, Worf was offered the position of the Federation ambassador to Qo'noS (the Klingon homeworld), as depicted in the "Star Trek: Deep Space Nine" series finale "What You Leave Behind".


title: Worf

text: Worf continued to appear in "TNG" films, which is explained in various ways, such as being rescued from the damaged "Defiant" during a battle with the Borg ("Star Trek: First Contact") and taking leave that led to him traveling on the "Enterprise" ("Star Trek: Insurrection"). "" was released after the conclusion of "DS9" and Worf's status at this time is unclear. Worf attended the wedding of William Riker and Deanna Troi on Earth and traveled to Betazed with the "Enterprise" crew for the second wedding ceremony when the ship was diverted to investigate positronic signals from a system near the Romulan border.


title: Worf

text: In 2370 after returning from a tournament, Worf encountered a quantum fissure and began shifting into different realities. In one reality, he became involved with Deanna Troi while recovering from a spinal injury. He asked permission from Commander Riker to court Troi. By the time the events in this episode takes place, he has been married to her for two years. In another reality, Worf is first officer of the "Enterprise", serving under Capt. Riker, who assumed command after Capt. Picard was killed by the Borg. He is married to Deanna Troi and has a daughter Shannara Rozhenko and a son Eric Christopher Rozhenko. However, she doesn't know anything about Alexander ("TNG": "Parallels").


title: Worf

text: In an alternate future, Alexander becomes a diplomat instead of a warrior. He wanted to end the feuding among the great houses and declared that the House of Mogh would no longer engage in blood feuds. Worf warned him that this was a show of weakness but Alexander persisted. Shortly after Alexander's decision, he witnesses Worf being killed on the floor of the High Council. Had he become a warrior, he thinks perhaps he could have saved his father's life. Eventually, he finds a way to travel back in time to try to prevent these events from occurring by convincing his younger self to train to become a warrior while under the assumed name of K'Mtar, but Worf convinces him to return to the future with assurances that he has already changed his own history ("TNG": "Firstborn").


title: Worf

text: In an alternate future, Worf had been reluctant to become involved with Troi and her subsequent death led to a rift between Riker and himself as a result. He later served as a member of the Klingon High Council and was governor of the Klingon colony of H'atoria with his fellow Klingons possibly at the brink of war with the Federation after conquering the Romulan Star Empire. Nevertheless, he helps his old crewmates with the threat of an anti-time eruption, and Riker makes a conciliatory gesture to his old friend, asking for his help on the "Enterprise" bridge during the situation, which Worf accepts ("TNG": "All Good Things").


title: Worf

text: While on a mission in the Gamma Quadrant, the "Defiant" detects an energy barrier surrounding a planet in a nearby solar system. When they enter the barrier, the ship is damaged and they detect a settlement with 8,000 people who are mostly human. When they investigate, they learn they have been expected. The settlers explain they are the descendants of the "Defiant" crew. In a couple of days, when the "Defiant" tries to leave orbit, they will be thrown back in time two centuries and crash land on the planet. Worf learns he married and raised a family. He meets his descendant Brota who leads the Sons of Mogh. The members are descendants of Worf and Jadzia and others who choose to join them. They follow Klingon customs as first taught to them by Worf ("DS9": "Children of Time").


title: Worf

text: In the mirror universe, Worf leads the Klingon-Cardassian Alliance as Regent. After Terran rebels take over Terok Nor, Worf tries to recapture the station but is defeated by the rebels who have a new ship based on the design of the "Defiant" from the prime universe. Enraged, Worf claimed he lost only because he had been betrayed, with the Mirror Garak blaming Intendant Kira Nerys as the likely source ("DS9": "Shattered Mirror"). Eventually, Worf captured her and Grand Nagus Zek who crossed over to this universe to open new markets. Worf agreed to let Zek go in exchange for a cloaking device, but the device was sabotaged and his ship was disabled, allowing the Terran rebels to capture him ("DS9": "The Emperor's New Cloak").


title: Worf

text: Worf has appeared in various TV, Film, Book, and Video Games, as well as being referenced in non-Franchise media such as through satire.


title: Worf

text: Commander Worf is one of the three main playable characters in the computer game "Star Trek: Deep Space Nine: The Fallen". In the game the player can play as Worf, and the game had generally favourable reviews, with on reviewer saying it has a "compelling storyline". It was published in 2000 for Windows and 2001 for Macintosh.


title: Worf

text: Commander Worf is part of year 2000 Sony PlayStation video game "Star Trek: Invasion". In the game, the player gets instructions from Worf, and the game had generally favourable reviews.


title: Worf

text: The series finale of "Webster" had the titular character go into the future to the "Enterprise"-D bridge, where he encounters several unnamed "Enterprise" crew members and Worf. Worf initially tells Webster he cannot return him to his time due to the "Enterprise" not being able to escape the gravitational pull of a planet, but eventually, they are able to reverse-engineer the process that brought Webster to them. Shortly after Webster gets returned, Webster wakes up from what seemed to be a dream. None of the other regular cast members of "Star Trek" TNG were in this episode of "Webster".


title: Worf

text: During the film "Ted 2", Michael Dorn played a character by the name of Rick. This character in the film attended the New York Comic Con amateurishly dressed as Worf.


title: Worf

text: Worf's character is further developed in non-canon media. In Star Trek, the non-live action material is not considered a part of the character's story, although it may use elements from the television and film narrative. In other words, live action appearances don't take into account the stories written in novels for example.