title: Nocturnal penile tumescence

text: The possibility of a full bladder causing an erection, especially during sleep, is perhaps further supported by the beneficial physiological effect of an erection inhibiting urination, thereby helping to avoid nocturnal enuresis . However, given females have a similar phenomenon called nocturnal clitoral tumescence, prevention of nocturnal enuresis (bed-wetting) is not likely a sole supporting cause.


title: Nocturnal penile tumescence

text: In a study published in 1972, during puberty, the average tumescence time per night was 159 min; average REM sleep time was 137 min. Average simultaneous REM sleep and penile tumescence per night was 102 min. Study subjects averaged 6.85 tumescence episodes/night, and, of these, 5.15 occurred during a REM sleep period. Tumescence episodes during REM averaged 30.8 min in duration, whereas episodes which occurred when no REM was present averaged 11.75 min. Study subjects had at least four REM periods per night and at least three tumescence episodes.


title: Nocturnal penile tumescence

text: In another study of healthy older people published in 1988, frequency and duration of nocturnal penile tumescence decreased progressively with age independent of variations in sleep. In contrast to younger age groups, the majority of those above age 60 did not have full sleep erections even though they and their partners reported regular intercourse.


title: Nocturnal penile tumescence

text: Unlike physiological penile tumescence, sleep-related painful erections (SRPE) and stuttering priapism (SP) are much rarer pathological erections, resulting in poor sleep and daytime tiredness, and long term cardiovascular morbidity. SRPE is a rare parasomnia consisting of nocturnal penile tumescence accompanied by pain that awakens the individual. It occurs predominantly during REM sleep, without an apparent underlying illness or penile anatomic abnormalities . On the contrary, stuttering priapism can occur spontaneously at any time of the day, but more commonly so during REM sleep. SP is a subtype of ischemic priapism that is characterized by recurrent, self-limiting, painful erections that often require maneuvers (compression, cold packs or a cold shower, voiding, or exercise, etc.) to aid detumescence. In ischemic priapism, most of the penis is hard; however, the glans penis is not. Much rarer priapism is secondary to blunt trauma to the perineum or penis, with laceration of the cavernous artery, which can generate an arterial-lacunar fistula resulting in a high blood flow state, hence the tumescence. Tumescence lasting for more than four hours is a medical emergency. At the time being, no treatment consensus for SRPE has been established. Baclofen tablets taken before sleep is the most commonly used medication, having a tolerable profile of adverse effects.


title: Nocturnal penile tumescence

text: The existence and predictability of nocturnal tumescence is used by sexual health practitioners to ascertain whether a given case of erectile dysfunction is psychological or physiological in origin. A patient presenting with erectile dysfunction is fitted with an elastic device to wear around his penis during sleep; the device detects changes in girth and relays the information to a computer for later analysis. If nocturnal tumescence is detected, then the erectile dysfunction is presumed to be due to a psychosomatic illness such as sexual anxiety; if not, then it is presumed to be due to a physiological cause.


title: Nocturnal penile tumescence

text: Regularly, those who experience erectile dysfunction are given a nocturnal penile tumescence (NPT) test, usually over a three-day period. Such a test detects the presence of an erection occurring during sleep using either:


title: Nocturnal penile tumescence

text: The goal of nocturnal penile tumescence testing is to determine whether one can experience an erection while sleeping after reporting that they are unable to experience an erection while awake. On average, one has 3–5 episodes of NPT each night, and each episode lasts 30–60 minutes, although the duration is reduced with advanced age. If one does obtain an erection while sleeping, but cannot obtain one while awake, a psychological cause or a medication side effect is usually suspected. Otherwise, if one does not obtain an erection in either state, a physiological cause is usually suspected.


title: Acura MDX

text: The Acura MDX is a mid-size luxury crossover SUV with three-row seating produced by the Japanese automaker Honda under its luxury Acura division since 2000. The alphanumeric moniker stands for "Multi-Dimensional" luxury. It has ranked as the second-best selling mid-size luxury SUV after the Lexus RX.


title: Acura MDX

text: The MDX is the first luxury crossover SUV to have standard third-row seating, and shares its platform with the Honda Pilot. The Pilot was made available with an eight person seating configuration, while the MDX exclusively seats seven, with two seating positions in the third row. The MDX was introduced on October 5, 2000 as a 2001 model, replacing the slow-selling U.S.-only body-on-frame SLX, based on the Isuzu Trooper. In Japan, it was made to replace the Honda Horizon (also based on the Trooper) which was discontinued in 1999. In 2003, the vehicle went on sale in Japan and Australia as the Honda MDX; sales with Honda badges ended with the introduction of the second generation three years later.


title: Acura MDX

text: Derived from Honda's Global mid-size platform which underpins cars like the Honda Accord, Acura TL, TSX and Odyssey, it is powered by a "J35A3" 3.5 L SOHC 24 valve V6 engine with VTEC. Curb weight is , with a wheelbase and of ground clearance. The cargo floor can flip up to provide two additional seats. The vehicle is designed to hold 7 passengers, but the third row seats are small and only seat two, in contrast to the Odyssey and Pilot whose third row holds three passengers.


title: Acura MDX

text: The vehicle features an automatic four wheel drive system (named VTM-4) that engages during off the line acceleration as well as when wheel slippage is detected. Additionally, the system offers a lock mode which can be activated and operated at low speeds and provides permanent 4WD and the equivalent of a locked rear differential; designed for climbing steep hills and getting out of stuck situations. To reduce drivetrain noise and increase fuel efficiency, the system runs as front wheel drive during normal cruising. The VTM-4 AWD system in the MDX has the same design as the VTM-4 systems found in the Honda Pilot and Honda Ridgeline. It is different than Honda's "RealTime AWD" system in the Honda CR-V and other models in that it can lock and it attempts to predict when traction will be lost and apply power to all four wheels before slippage occurs (by monitoring throttle inputs).


title: Acura MDX

text: The navigation system and DVD entertainment system (also popular on other Honda/Acura models, such as the CR-V and Odyssey) options were mutually exclusive in the 2002 model. Both could be ordered at the same time since the 2003 model. The navigation option comes with a backup camera since the 2003 model. Since 2005, the navigation system featured information from Zagat about restaurants and other points of interest. The 2003 model was rated as Ultra Low Emission Vehicle. The United States Environmental Protection Agency estimates highway and city.


title: Acura MDX

text: The first two model years' 3.5-litre V6 engine produces and of torque from 3000 to 5000 rpm. For the 2003 model, the engine was improved to produce 20 hp (15 kW) more power than the earlier models, and the wheel designs were updated. The 2004 through 2006 engine received a modest increase in power and produces and . The 2004 model is credited with a top speed of 137 mph, and a 0-60 time of 7.1 seconds. The 2004 model features dual tail pipes instead of the single pipe in earlier models, side curtain airbags, new head lights and tail lights, and new wheels. Some chrome trimmings on the 2004 model use matte finish to distinguish from the polished shiny finish on earlier models. Little changed for the MDX during the 2006 model year with a few minor revisions to the vehicle's chrome and faux wood interior trim which could now be had with a dark grey wood (as opposed to reddish wood on earlier models), and also a black dash and steering wheel in tan interiors.


title: Acura MDX

text: On April 11, 2006, Acura unveiled the 2007 Acura MD-X Concept during the New York International Auto Show, showing to the public an indication about the exterior styling of the upcoming completely redesigned MDX. The second-generation MDX was released on October 17, 2006 in the U.S.


title: Acura MDX

text: The second generation model's body has a wider track and longer wheelbase than the previous MDX, but visibility to the rear has worsened from the prior generation. The redesigned Acura MDX's unit-body was engineered with Honda's Advanced Compatibility Engineering (ACE) body structure designed to absorb energy from a collision. The suspension was tuned at Germany's Nürburgring race track. The engine was upgraded to a 3.7-liter (3664 cc) V6 tuned for at 6,000 rpm and of torque at 5,000 rpm. It accelerates from 0 to 60 mph in 6.5 seconds and is estimated by the EPA to consume in the city and on the highway. It is one of the most powerful engines Honda has produced to date. The "VTM-4" all-wheel drive system on the previous generation was replaced by the new SH-AWD "Super Handling All-Wheel Drive" previously debuted on the 2005 Acura RL. This AWD system is one of the most advanced in its class, featuring an active rear differential often found on high performance cars. The MDX is able to tow .


title: Acura MDX

text: Like many Acura models, the MDX comes with a power sunroof, leather interior, and high-intensity discharge (Xenon) low-beam headlights. For the 2007 through 2009 model years, three option packages were available: Sport, Technology and Entertainment.


title: Acura MDX

text: All Canadian Acura MDX models, aside from the heated front seats, also get the second-row heated outboard seats as standard equipment as well. A feature unique to Canadian MDX models are headlight washers. In terms of packages, Canadian MDX models get only two: Technology and Elite. The Technology package corresponds essentially to the US model's Technology package while the Elite package is an amalgamation of the US model's Sport and Entertainment packages. However, AcuraLink real-time traffic reporting through XM NavTraffic is unavailable for Canadian MDX models.


title: Acura MDX

text: Like the first generation model, the new generation is manufactured exclusively by Honda of Canada Manufacturing Ltd. in Alliston, Ontario, Canada. But along with the 2007 RDX, the new MDX was the first Acura model to pass the Acura Quality Line, a special quality control and verification process separate from the other Honda vehicles.


title: Acura MDX

text: For 2008 the MDX received a new auto-dimming rearview mirror. The 2009 MDX had added more upgrades to the navigation system and there are two new colors added. The power tailgate, previously available only with the Entertainment package, is now included with Technology and Sport packages.


title: Acura MDX

text: In 2010, the MDX received a facelift adopting to Acura's new "Power Plenum" grille that debuted on its 2009 model year sedans. The most important upgrades to the 2010 model where a new paddle shift six-speed SportShift automatic transmission with downshift Rev-matching, and an increase in compression ratio to 11.2:1 with forged aluminum pistons to replace the previous 2007–2009 3.7L's 11.0:1 pistons. Structural rigidity was improved for the 2010 model year. An Advance Package became available that included Adaptive Cruise Control, blind spot monitor, Active Damper suspension, collision mitigation braking system, wider , Premium Milano leather ventilated seats and auto leveling headlights. Non-navigation equipped MDX models now have a backup camera monitor located in the rear-view mirror.


title: Acura MDX

text: The 2014 MDX Prototype was unveiled at the 2013 North American International Auto Show, the production version was revealed at the New York Auto Show. Production began on May 2, 2013; vehicle assembly shifted from Ontario, Canada to Lincoln, Alabama. US sales began on June 20.


title: Acura MDX

text: The MDX is powered by a 3.5-liter direct injected Earth Dreams V6 with Variable Cylinder Management. A front-wheel drive (FWD) model is available for the first time, in Canada all-wheel drive remains the only configuration offered. EPA-estimated fuel economy is improved with all-wheel drive (SH-AWD) models rated at // (city/highway/combined) and FWD models rated at // (city/highway/combined).


title: Acura MDX

text: The headlights are Acura's Jewel Eye LED Headlights (first introduced on the RLX). Each headlamp uses five separate LED sources with three used for low-beam lighting and two for high-beam lighting. LED bumper mounted fog lamps are offered as a dealer installed option.


title: Acura MDX

text: The interior reduced button clutter by adding a 7-inch touchscreen with haptic feedback, an additional 8-inch screen is also standard. To reduce interior noise an acoustic (PVB layered) windshield, acoustic front door glass and thicker rear glass are used as well as triple sealed door openings. Advance package models include further noise reduction using a thicker carpet base layer and front fender liners. The seating H-point has been reduced.


title: Acura MDX

text: According to Acura the exterior is more aerodynamic reducing drag by 16% with the new model lapping Nürburgring 8 seconds faster than its predecessor. The steering gear ratio is 9% quicker for a more sporty feel. The MDX rides lower reducing its center of gravity, to reduce unsprung mass the front suspension lower control arms are made from forged aluminum. Structure rigidity is improved and weight reduced through increased use of high-strength steel. Overall, 64% of the total vehicle body mass is high strength steel (HSS), aluminum and magnesium. HSS makes up 59% of vehicle body mass; 1,500 MPa yield strength steel makes up 7%. A single ring-like hot stamped HSS outer door ring component reinforces the A-pillar, roof rail, B-pillar, and lower floor rail encircling the front doors for improved crash protection. Acura states that after conducting a simulated IIHS 25% small offset frontal crash test the front doors will open with normal force.


title: Acura MDX

text: The updated Adaptive Cruise Control adds low-speed stop-and-go functionality. In terms of safety the MDX adds a standard driver's knee airbag, optional Lane Keeping Assist System and Collision Mitigation Braking System.


title: Acura MDX

text: Acura swapped the Honda 6-speed automatic transmission for a ZF 9-speed automatic and changed the SH-AWD system for 2016. The revised SH-AWD system uses a hydraulically-controlled clutch and is similar to system found in the TLX.


title: Acura MDX

text: A refreshed for 2017 model year MDX went on sale in June 2016, and features a diamond pentagon front grille which debuted on the Acura Precision Concept, redesigned LED headlamps with automatic high beams, LED DRL light pipes and LED amber light pipe turn signals. Restyled LED fog lamps are optional from the factory. MDX models will come standard with AcuraWatch which includes forward collision warning (with automatic emergency braking), lane departure warning (with lane keep assist) and Adaptive Cruise Control. A 360-degree surround view camera is optional. To reduce body mass the front fenders switched from steel to an aluminum panel.


title: Acura MDX

text: A 3.0-liter V6, 7-speed dual-clutch, 1.3 kWh lithium-ion battery hybrid called the MDX Sport Hybrid was added to the lineup. The front wheels are powered by the engine and a single electric motor while the rear wheels are powered by twin electric motors (tri-motor). The hybrid was only available in all-wheel drive. Acura's Active Damper System is standard. Sales began in April 2017.


title: Acura MDX

text: For 2019, the Active Damper System is available for non-hybrids, the front seats feature 4-way power lumbar. During the 2018 New York International Auto Show, alongside the debut of the third generation RDX, Acura announced the introduction of the A-Spec appearance package. The exterior features black and dark chrome accents, replacing all the chrome and rides on 20" grey aluminum wheels. The bumpers are redesigned to give the A-Spec a more sharp and aggressive design. Red leather seats with black alcantara inserts is now an option for the A-Spec package. Other changes for the A-Spec trim are new gauges, carbon fiber trim, sport pedals, and thicker steering wheel with paddle shifters.


title: Acura MDX

text: As part of 2014 Acura MDX launch in the United States, a campaign called 'The Extremely New MDX - Made for Mankind' was produced. The campaign highlights the complete technical transformation of the MDX and centers around the idea of "Made for Mankind," a concept designed to highlight the unique engineering and design philosophy at the heart of all Acura vehicles - the synergy between man and machine. The campaign was developed by Mullen (Boston and LA) and with MediaVest. Also, a series of 8 comedic commercials were created with comedian Jerry Seinfeld and director Barry Sonnenfeld. In addition, Acura became an exclusive sponsor of Comedians in Cars Getting Coffee.


title: Acura MDX

text: Skipping the 2021 model year, the fourth-generation MDX was revealed as a prototype on October 14, 2020, virtually revealed on December 8, went into bulk production on January 12, 2021 for the 2022 model year, and went on sale on February 2, with the Type-S trim released on December 23. Acura claims the MDX is their flagship model following the discontinuation of the RLX in June 2020.


title: Acura MDX

text: The exterior includes the standard panoramic sunroof, either 19 or 20-inch alloy rims, a tailgate similar to the 2019 RDX, headlights and taillights similar to the current TLX, a differently styled grille emblem, nine exterior and seven interior colors. For the Type-S trim, a yellow color, called Tiger Eye will also be available. The improved interior includes a 12.3-inch infotainment system and the Acura's first 12-inch digital full TFT instrument cluster, touch pad, 16-way power front seats with 3-memory positions, removable center second row seat, a removal double sided trunk floor with carpet and plastic, and more legroom and headroom compared to the third generation MDX. The MDX also features an optional audio system with 16-speakers including four roof-mounted speakers and a foot sensor for Hands Free Access power tailgate release and closure when the key fob is nearby. A redesigned key fob that is shaped like a convex irregular polygon is included.


title: Acura MDX

text: Powertrains are improved, with the existing 3.5-liter V6 paired with a 10-speed transmission available for four trims; base, technology package, A-Spec, and advance package. While the all-wheel-drive (AWD) is optional on the base and technology trims, it is standard on A-Spec and advance trims. The Type-S trim model will get a 3.0-liter turbocharged V6 and front brakes with four-piston Brembo calipers as standard. All-wheel-drive will also be standard for the Type-S.


title: Acura MDX

text: In the front, a double wishbone suspension with forged aluminum lower control arms, damper forks, and steering knuckles makes its way into the MDX along with more rigid cast-aluminum shock towers, larger front brake rotors and wider alloy wheels. Plastic wheel well liners are replaced with fabric material and a repositioned air intake for easier access to both battery terminals. High-strength steel (HSS), press-hardened steel and aluminum make up 69.7% of vehicle body mass. The rear body is more rigid with suspension load paths passing into the C and D-pillars, allowing for towing capabilities. Standard towing capacity is while it can be increased to when the transmission cooler is added. The cooler kit is available as an accessory for the AWD models.


title: Rati Agnihotri

text: Rati Agnihotri (born 10 December 1960) is an Indian actress, known for acting in Hindi, as well as in Telugu and Tamil language films. Her roles in the cult-tragedy film "Ek Duuje Ke Liye" (1981) and the drama film "Tawaif" (1985) earned her two nominations for the Filmfare Award for Best Actress.


title: Rati Agnihotri

text: She began modelling at the age of ten. Agnihotri's first film roles were in the Tamil language films "Puthiya Vaarpugal" and "Niram Maaratha Pookkal" (1979).


title: Rati Agnihotri

text: In the 1980s, she also starred in a number of Hindi films. She received a Filmfare nomination as Best Actress for the 1981 film "Ek Duuje Ke Liye", which was a Hindi remake of the Telugu film "Maro Charitra" from 1979. Other Hindi films from this period included "Farz Aur Kanoon" (1982), "Coolie" (1983), "Tawaif" (1985) which also led to her being nominated for the Filmfare award, Aap Ke Saath (1986)", and Hukumat" (1987).


title: Rati Agnihotri

text: After a 16-year absence, she returned to acting in 2001, in the Hindi film "Kuch Khatti Kuch Meethi" and the Tamil film "Majunu". She made her Malayalam debut in "Anyar" (2003), English debut in "An Ode to Lost Love" (2003), and Bengali debut in "Aaina-te" (2008).


title: Rati Agnihotri

text: She has also acted on the stage, in plays such as "Please Divorce Me Darling" (2005), and television serials, such as "Sixer" (2005). Agnihotri spends a lot of time in Poland, where she owns an Indian restaurant with her sister Anita.


title: Rati Agnihotri

text: Agnihotri married businessman and architect Anil Virwani on 9 February 1985, This, coupled with her father's death, convinced her to leave Hindi films. In 1986, the couple's son, Tanuj Virwani, was born. He is an actor working in Hindi films and television. Agnihotri and Virwani divorced in 2015.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: In linguistics, and particularly phonology, stress or accent is the relative emphasis or prominence given to a certain syllable in a word or to a certain word in a phrase or sentence. That emphasis is typically caused by such properties as increased loudness and vowel length, full articulation of the vowel, and changes in tone. The terms "stress" and "accent" are often used synonymously in that context but are sometimes distinguished. For example, when emphasis is produced through pitch alone, it is called "pitch accent", and when produced through length alone, it is called "quantitative accent". When caused by a combination of various intensified properties, it is called "stress accent" or "dynamic accent"; English uses what is called "variable stress accent".


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Since stress can be realised through a wide range of phonetic properties, such as loudness, vowel length, and pitch (which are also used for other linguistic functions), it is difficult to define stress solely phonetically.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: The stress placed on syllables within words is called word stress. Some languages have "fixed stress", meaning that the stress on virtually any multisyllable word falls on a particular syllable, such as the penultimate (e.g. Polish) or the first (e.g. Finnish). Other languages, like English and Russian, have "lexical stress", where the position of stress in a word is not predictable in that way but lexically encoded. Sometimes more than one level of stress, such as "primary stress" and "secondary stress", may be identified.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Stress is not necessarily a feature of all languages: some, such as French and Mandarin, are sometimes analyzed as lacking lexical stress entirely.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: The stress placed on words within sentences is called sentence stress or prosodic stress. That is one of the three components of prosody, along with rhythm and intonation. It includes phrasal stress (the default emphasis of certain words within phrases or clauses), and contrastive stress (used to highlight an item, a word or part of a word, that is given particular focus).


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: There are various ways in which stress manifests itself in the speech stream, and they depend to some extent on which language is being spoken. Stressed syllables are often louder than non-stressed syllables, and they may have a higher or lower pitch. They may also sometimes be pronounced longer. There are sometimes differences in place or manner of articulation. In particular, vowels in unstressed syllables may have a more central (or "neutral") articulation, and those in stressed syllables have a more peripheral articulation. Stress may be realized to varying degrees on different words in a sentence; sometimes, the difference is minimal between the acoustic signals of stressed and those of unstressed syllables.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Those particular distinguishing features of stress, or types of prominence in which particular features are dominant, are sometimes referred to as particular types of accent: "dynamic accent" in the case of loudness, "pitch accent" in the case of pitch (although that term usually has more specialized meanings), "quantitative accent" in the case of length, and "qualitative accent" in the case of differences in articulation. They can be compared to the various types of accent in music theory. In some contexts, the term "stress" or "stress accent" specifically means dynamic accent (or as an antonym to "pitch accent" in its various meanings).


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: A prominent syllable or word is said to be "accented" or "tonic"; the latter term does not imply that it carries phonemic tone. Other syllables or words are said to be "unaccented" or "atonic". Syllables are frequently said to be in "pretonic" or "post-tonic" position, and certain phonological rules apply specifically to such positions. For instance, in American English, /t/ and /d/ are flapped in post-tonic position.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: In Mandarin Chinese, which is a tonal language, stressed syllables have been found to have tones that are realized with a relatively large swing in fundamental frequency, and unstressed syllables typically have smaller swings. (See also Stress in Standard Chinese.)


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Word stress, or sometimes lexical stress, is the stress placed on a given syllable in a word. The position of word stress in a word may depend on certain general rules applicable in the language or dialect in question, but in other languages, it must be learned for each word, as it is largely unpredictable. In some cases, classes of words in a language differ in their stress properties; for example, loanwords into a language with "fixed" stress may preserve stress placement from the source language, or the special pattern for Turkish placenames.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: In some languages, the placement of stress can be determined by rules. It is thus not a phonemic property of the word, because it can always be predicted by applying the rules.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Languages in which the position of the stress can usually be predicted by a simple rule are said to have "fixed stress". For example, in Czech, Finnish, Icelandic and Hungarian, the stress almost always comes on the first syllable of a word. In Armenian the stress is on the last syllable of a word. In Quechua, Esperanto, and Polish, the stress is almost always on the penult (second-last syllable). In Macedonian, it is on the antepenult (third-last syllable).


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Other languages have stress placed on different syllables but in a predictable way, as in Classical Arabic and Latin, where stress is conditioned by the structure of particular syllables. They are said to have a regular stress rule.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Statements about the position of stress are sometimes affected by the fact that when a word is spoken in isolation, prosodic factors (see below) come into play, which do not apply when the word is spoken normally within a sentence. French words are sometimes said to be stressed on the final syllable, but that can be attributed to the prosodic stress that is placed on the last syllable (unless it is a schwa, when stress is placed on the second-last syllable) of any string of words in that language. Thus, it is on the last syllable of a word analyzed in isolation. The situation is similar in Standard Chinese. French (some authors add Chinese) can be considered to have no real lexical stress.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Languages such as English, Russian, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish, in which the position of stress in a word is not fully predictable, are said to have "phonemic stress". Stress in these languages is usually truly lexical and must be memorized as part of the pronunciation of an individual word. In some languages, such as Spanish, Portuguese, Lakota and, to some extent, Italian, stress is even represented in writing using diacritical marks, for example in the Spanish words and . Sometimes, stress is fixed for all forms of a particular word, or it can fall on different syllables in different inflections of the same word.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: In such languages with phonemic stress, the position of stress can serve to distinguish otherwise identical words. For example, the English words "insight" () and "incite" () are distinguished in pronunciation only by the fact that the stress falls on the first syllable in the former and on the second syllable in the latter. Examples from other languages include German ( "gist of message" vs. "tenor voice"); and Italian ( "anchor" vs. "more, still, yet, again").


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: In many languages with lexical stress, it is connected with alternations in vowels and/or consonants, which means that vowel quality differs by whether vowels are stressed or unstressed. There may also be limitations on certain phonemes in the language in which stress determines whether they are allowed to occur in a particular syllable or not. That is the case with most examples in English and occurs systematically in Russian, such as (, "castle") vs. (, "lock"); and in Portuguese, such as the triplet (, "wise woman"), (, "knew"), (, "thrush").


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Dialects of the same language may have different stress placement. For instance, the English word "laboratory" is stressed on the second syllable in British English ("labóratory" often pronounced "labóratry", the second "o" being silent), but the first syllable in American English, with a secondary stress on the "tor' syllable ("láboratory" often pronounced "lábratory"). The Spanish word is stressed on the first syllable in Spain () but on the second syllable in the Americas (). The Portuguese words for Madagascar and the continent Oceania are stressed on the third syllable in European Portuguese ( and ), but on the fourth syllable in Brazilian Portuguese ( and ).


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: With very few exceptions, English compound words are stressed on their first component. Even the exceptions, such as "mankínd", are instead often stressed on the first component by some people or in some kinds of English. The same components as those of a compound word are sometimes used in a descriptive phrase with a different meaning and with stress on both words, but that descriptive phrase is then not usually considered a compound: "bláck bírd" (any bird that is black) and "bláckbird" (a specific bird species) and "páper bág" (a bag made of paper) and "páper bag" (very rarely used for a bag for carrying newspapers but is often also used for a bag made of paper).


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Some languages are described as having both "primary stress" and "secondary stress". A syllable with secondary stress is stressed relative to unstressed syllables but not as strongly as a syllable with primary stress. As with primary stress, the position of secondary stress may be more or less predictable depending on language. In English, it is not fully predictable, but the different secondary stress of the words "organization" and "accumulation" (on the first and second syllable, respectively) is predictable due to the same stress of the verbs "órganize" and "accúmulate". In some analyses, for example the one found in Chomsky and Halle's "The Sound Pattern of English", English has been described as having four levels of stress: primary, secondary, tertiary, and quaternary, but the treatments often disagree with one another.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Peter Ladefoged and other phoneticians have noted that it is possible to describe English with only one degree of stress, as long as prosody is recognized and unstressed syllables are phonemically distinguished for vowel reduction. They find that the multiple levels posited for English, whether "primary–secondary" or "primary–secondary–tertiary", are not phonetic stress (let alone phonemic), and that the supposed secondary/tertiary stress is not characterized by the increase in respiratory activity associated with primary/secondary stress in English and other languages. (For further detail see Stress and vowel reduction in English.)


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: "Prosodic stress", or "sentence stress", refers to stress patterns that apply at a higher level than the individual word – namely within a prosodic unit. It may involve a certain natural stress pattern characteristic of a given language, but may also involve the placing of emphasis on particular words because of their relative importance (contrastive stress).


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: An example of a natural prosodic stress pattern is that described for French above; stress is placed on the final syllable of a string of words (or if that is a schwa, the next-to-final syllable). A similar pattern is found in English (see above): the traditional distinction between (lexical) primary and secondary stress is replaced partly by a prosodic rule stating that the final stressed syllable in a phrase is given additional stress. (A word spoken alone becomes such a phrase, hence such prosodic stress may appear to be lexical if the pronunciation of words is analyzed in a standalone context rather than within phrases.)


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Another type of prosodic stress pattern is "quantity sensitivity" – in some languages additional stress tends to be placed on syllables that are longer (moraically heavy).


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Prosodic stress is also often used pragmatically to emphasize (focus attention on) particular words or the ideas associated with them. Doing this can change or clarify the meaning of a sentence; for example:


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: As in the examples above, stress is normally transcribed as italics in printed text or underlining in handwriting.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: In English, stress is most dramatically realized on focused or accented words. For instance, consider the dialogue


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: In it, the stress-related acoustic differences between the syllables of "tomorrow" would be small compared to the differences between the syllables of ""dinner"", the emphasized word. In these emphasized words, stressed syllables such as ""din"" in ""din"ner" are louder and longer. They may also have a different fundamental frequency, or other properties.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: The main stress within a sentence, often found on the last stressed word, is called the "nuclear stress".


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: In many languages, such as Russian and English, vowel reduction may occur when a vowel changes from a stressed to an unstressed position. In English, unstressed vowels may reduce to schwa-like vowels, though the details vary with dialect (see stress and vowel reduction in English). The effect may be dependent on lexical stress (for example, the unstressed first syllable of the word "photographer" contains a schwa , whereas the stressed first syllable of "photograph" does not ), or on prosodic stress (for example, the word "of" is pronounced with a schwa when it is unstressed within a sentence, but not when it is stressed).


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Many other languages, such as Finnish and the mainstream dialects of Spanish, do not have unstressed vowel reduction; in these languages vowels in unstressed syllables have nearly the same quality as those in stressed syllables.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Some languages, such as English, are said to be "stress-timed languages"; that is, stressed syllables appear at a roughly constant rate and non-stressed syllables are shortened to accommodate that, which contrasts with languages that have "syllable timing" (e.g. Spanish) or "mora timing" (e.g. Japanese), whose syllables or moras are spoken at a roughly constant rate regardless of stress. For details, see isochrony.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: It is common for stressed and unstressed syllables to behave differently as a language evolves. For example, in the Romance languages, the original Latin short vowels and have often become diphthongs when stressed. Since stress takes part in verb conjugation, that has produced verbs with vowel alternation in the Romance languages. For example, the Spanish verb (to return, come back) has the form in the past tense but in the present tense (see Spanish irregular verbs). Italian shows the same phenomenon but with alternating with instead. That behavior is not confined to verbs; note for example Spanish "wind" from Latin , or Italian "fire" from Latin .


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: An operational definition of word stress may be provided by the stress "deafness" paradigm. The idea is that if listeners perform poorly on reproducing the presentation order of series of stimuli that minimally differ in the position of phonetic prominence (e.g. [númi]/[numí]), the language does not have word stress. The task involves a reproduction of the order of stimuli as a sequence of key strokes, whereby key "1" is associated with one stress location (e.g. [númi]) and key "2" with the other (e.g. [numí]). A trial may be from 2 to 6 stimuli in length. Thus, the order [númi-númi-numí-númi] is to be reproduced as "1121". It was found that listeners whose native language was French performed significantly worse than Spanish listeners in reproducing the stress patterns by key strokes. The explanation is that Spanish has lexically contrastive stress, as evidenced by the minimal pairs like ("mole") and ("[he/she/it] met"), while in French, stress does not convey lexical information and there is no equivalent of stress minimal pairs as in Spanish.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: An important case of stress "deafness" relates to Persian. The language has generally been described as having contrastive word stress or accent as evidenced by numerous stem and stem-clitic minimal pairs such as /mɒhi/ [mɒ.hí] ("fish") and /mɒh-i/ [mɒ́.hi] ("some month"). The authors argue that the reason that Persian listeners are stress "deaf" is that their accent locations arise postlexically. Persian thus lacks stress in the strict sense.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Stress "deafness" has been studied for a number of languages, such as Polish or French learners of Spanish.


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: The orthographies of some languages include devices for indicating the position of lexical stress. Some examples are listed below:


title: Stress (linguistics)

text: Though not part of normal orthography, a number of devices exist that are used by linguists and others to indicate the position of stress (and syllabification in some cases) when it is desirable to do so. Some of these are listed here.


title: Social capital

text: Social capital is "the networks of relationships among people who live and work in a particular society, enabling that society to function effectively". It involves the effective functioning of social groups through interpersonal relationships, a shared sense of identity, a shared understanding, shared norms, shared values, trust, cooperation, and reciprocity. Social capital is a measure of the value of resources, both tangible (e.g., public spaces, private property) and intangible (e.g., actors, human capital, people), and the impact that ideal creators have on the resources involved in each relationship, and on larger groups. Some have described it as a form of capital that produces public goods for a common purpose, although this does not align with how it has been measured.


title: Social capital

text: Social capital has been used to explain the improved performance of diverse groups, the growth of entrepreneurial firms, superior managerial performance, enhanced supply chain relations, the value derived from strategic alliances, and the evolution of communities.


title: Social capital

text: While it has been suggested that the term "social capital" was in intermittent use from about 1890, before becoming widely used in the late 1990s, the earliest credited use is by Lyda Hanifan in 1916 (see 20th century below).


title: Social capital

text: The debate of community versus modernization of society and individualism has been the most discussed topic among the founders of sociology: such theorists as Tönnies (1887), Durkheim (1893), Simmel (1905), Weber (1946) were convinced that industrialisation and urbanization were transforming social relationships in an irreversible way. They observed a breakdown of traditional bonds and the progressive development of anomie and alienation in society.


title: Social capital

text: The power of "community governance" has been stressed by many philosophers from antiquity to the 18th century, from Aristotle to Thomas Aquinas, and Edmund Burke. This vision was strongly criticised at the end of the 18th century, with the development of the idea of "Homo Economicus" and subsequently with "rational choice theory". Such a set of theories became dominant in the last centuries, but many thinkers questioned the complicated relationship between "modern society" and the importance of "old institutions", in particular family and traditional communities.


title: Social capital

text: The concept that underlies social capital has a much longer history; thinkers exploring the relation between associational life and democracy were using similar concepts regularly by the 19th century, drawing on the work of earlier writers such as James Madison ("The Federalist Papers") and Alexis de Tocqueville ("Democracy in America") to integrate concepts of social cohesion and connectedness into the pluralist tradition in American political science. John Dewey may have made the first direct mainstream use of "social capital" in "The School and Society" in 1899, though he did not offer a definition.


title: Social capital

text: In the first half of the 19th century, de Tocqueville had observations about American life that seemed to outline and define social capital. He observed that Americans were prone to meeting at as many gatherings as possible to discuss all possible issues of state, economics, or the world that could be witnessed. The high levels of transparency caused greater participation from the people and thus allowed for democracy to work better.


title: Social capital

text: L. J. Hanifan's 1916 article regarding local support for rural schools is one of the first occurrences of the term "social capital" in reference to social cohesion and personal investment in the community. In defining the concept, Hanifan contrasts social capital with material goods by defining it as:I do not refer to real estate, or to personal property or to cold cash, but rather to that in life which tends to make these tangible substances count for most in the daily lives of people, namely, goodwill, fellowship, mutual sympathy and social intercourse among a group of individuals and families who make up a social unit.… If he may come into contact with his neighbour, and they with other neighbours, there will be an accumulation of social capital, which may immediately satisfy his social needs and which may bear a social potentiality sufficient to the substantial improvement of living conditions in the whole community. The community as a whole will benefit by the cooperation of all its parts, while the individual will find in his associations the advantages of the help, the sympathy, and the fellowship of his neighbours.


title: Social capital

text: Following the works of Tönnies (1887) and Weber (1946), reflection on social links in modern society continued with interesting contributions in the 1950s and in the 1960s. In particular, "mass society theory"as developed by Daniel Bell (1962), Robert Nisbet (1969), Maurice R. Stein (1960), William H. Whyte (1956)proposed themes similar to those of the founders, with a more pessimistic emphasis on the development of society. In the words of Stein (1960:1): "The price for maintaining a society that encourages cultural differentiation and experimentation is unquestionably the acceptance of a certain amount of disorganization on both the individual and social level."


title: Social capital

text: Jane Jacobs used the term early in the 1960s. Although she did not explicitly define the term "social capital", her usage referred to the value of networks. Political scientist Robert Salisbury advanced the term as a critical component of interest group formation in his 1969 article "An Exchange Theory of Interest Groups" in the "Midwest Journal of Political Science".


title: Social capital

text: Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu used the term in 1972 in his "Outline of a Theory of Practice", and clarified the term some years later in contrast to cultural, economic, administrative capital, physical capital, political capital, social capital and symbolic capital. Sociologists James Coleman (1988), as well as Barry Wellman & Scot Wortley (1990), adopted Glenn Loury's 1977 definition in developing and popularising the concept. In the late 1990s, the concept gained popularity, serving as the focus of a World Bank research programme and the subject of several mainstream books, including Robert Putnam's "Bowling Alone", and Putnam & Lewis Feldstein's "Better Together".


title: Social capital

text: All of these reflections contributed remarkably to the development of the social capital concept in the following decades. The appearance of the modern social capital conceptualization is a new way to look at this debate, keeping together the importance of community to build generalized trust and the same time, the importance of individual free choice, in order to create a more cohesive society. It is for this reason that social capital generated so much interest in the academic and political world.


title: Social capital

text: Social capital has multiple definitions, interpretations, and uses. David Halpern argues that the popularity of social capital for policymakers is linked to the concept's duality, coming because "it has a hard nosed economic feel while restating the importance of the social." For researchers, the term is popular partly due to the broad range of outcomes it can explain; the multiplicity of uses for social capital has led to a multiplicity of definitions.


title: Social capital

text: Social capital has been used at various times to explain superior managerial performance, the growth of entrepreneurial firms, improved performance of functionally diverse groups, the value derived from strategic alliances, and enhanced supply-chain relations. "A resource that actors derive from specific social structures and then use to pursue their interests; it is created by changes in the relationship among actors" (Baker 1990, p. 619).


title: Social capital

text: Early attempts to define social capital focused on the degree to which social capital serves as a resource – be it for public good or private benefit. Robert D. Putnam (1993) suggested that social capital would facilitate co-operation and mutually supportive relations in communities and nations and would therefore be a valuable means of combating many of the social disorders inherent in modern societies, for example crime. In contrast, others focus on the private benefits derived from the web of social relationships in which individual actors find themselves. This is reflected in Nan Lin's concept of social capital as "Investment in social relations with expected returns in the marketplace." This may subsume the concepts of some others such as Bourdieu, Flap and Eriksson. Newton (1997) treats social capital as a subjective phenomenon formed by values and attitudes that influence interactions. Nahapiet and Ghoshal (1998), in their examination of the role of social capital in the creation of intellectual capital, suggest that social capital should be considered in terms of three clusters: structural, relational, and cognitive.


title: Social capital

text: A number of scholars have raised concerns about the imprecision in defining social capital. Portes (2000), for example, notes that the term has become so widely used, including in mainstream media, that "the point is approaching at which social capital comes to be applied to so many events and in so many different contexts as to lose any distinct meaning." The term "capital" is used by analogy with other forms of economic capital, as social capital is argued to have similar (although less measurable) benefits. However, the analogy may be misleading in that, unlike financial forms of capital, social capital is not depleted by use; instead, it is depleted by non-use ("use it or lose it"). In this respect, it is similar to the economic concept of human capital.


title: Social capital

text: Robison, Schmid, and Siles (2002) review various definitions of social capital and conclude that many do not satisfy the formal requirements of a definition. They assert that definitions must be of the form A=B, while many explanations of social capital describe what it can be used to achieve, where it resides, how it can be created, or what it can transform. In addition, they argue that many proposed definitions of social capital fail to satisfy the requirements of capital. They propose that social capital be defined as "sympathy": the object of another's sympathy has social capital; those who have sympathy for others provide social capital. This proposition appears to follow Adam Smith, "Theory of Moral Sentiments" to some degree, but Smith's conceptualization of sympathy (particularly in the first two chapters of this work) appear more concerned with the roles of acceptance or congruence – in ethics or virtue – in evaluating an individual's 'propriety of action'.


title: Social capital

text: "Social capital" is different from the economic theory of social capitalism, which challenges the idea that socialism and capitalism are mutually exclusive.


title: Social capital

text: In "The Forms of Capital", Pierre Bourdieu distinguishes between three forms of capital: economic capital, cultural capital and social capital. He defines "social capital" as "the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition." His treatment of the concept is instrumental, focusing on the advantages to possessors of social capital and the ""deliberate construction of sociability for the purpose of creating this resource"." Quite contrary to Putnam's positive view of social capital, Bourdieu employs the concept to demonstrate a mechanism for the generational reproduction of inequality. Bourdieu thus points out that the wealthy and powerful use their "old boys network" or other social capital to maintain advantages for themselves, their social class, and their children.


title: Social capital

text: Thomas Sander defines it as "the collective value of all social networks (who people know), and the inclinations that arise from these networks to do things for each other (norms of reciprocity)." Social capital, in this view, emphasizes "specific benefits that flow from the trust, reciprocity, information, and cooperation associated with social networks." It "creates value for the people who are connected, and for bystanders as well." Meanwhile, negative norms of reciprocity serve as disincentives for detrimental and violent behaviors.


title: Social capital

text: James Coleman defined social capital functionally as "a variety of entities with two elements in common: they all consist of some aspect of social structure, and they facilitate certain actions of actors...within the structure"that is, social capital is anything that facilitates individual or collective action, generated by networks of relationships, reciprocity, trust, and social norms. In Coleman's conception, social capital is a neutral resource that facilitates any manner of action, but whether society is better off as a result depends entirely on the individual uses to which it is put.


title: Social capital

text: According to Robert D. Putnam, "social capital" refers to "connections among individuals – social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them." In the view of Putnam and his followers, social capital is a key component to building and maintaining democracy. Putnam says that social capital is declining in the United States. This is seen in lower levels of trust in government and lower levels of civic participation. He also says that television and urban sprawl have had a significant role in making America far less 'connected'. Putnam believes that social capital can be measured by the amount of trust and "reciprocity" in a community or between individuals. Putnam also suggests that a root cause of the decline in social capital is women's entry the workforce, which could correlate with time restraints that inhibit civic organizational involvement like parent-teacher associations. Technological transformation of leisure (e.g., television) is another cause of declining social capital, as stated by Putnam. This offered a reference point from which several studies assessed social capital measurements by how media is engaged strategically to build social capital.


title: Social capital

text: In "Social Capital, Civil Society, and Development", political economist Francis Fukuyama defines social capital as generally understood rules that enable people to cooperate such as the norm of reciprocity or religious doctrine like Christianity. Social capital is formed by repeated interactions over time and, he argues, is critical for development and difficult to generate through public policy. The importance of social capital for economic development is that these norms of behavior reduce transaction cost of exchange such as legal contracts and government regulations. Fukuyama suggests that while social capital is beneficial for development, it also imposes cost on non-group members with unintended consequences for general welfare.


title: Social capital

text: Referencing Alexis de Tocqueville in "Democracy in America," and what he described as the art of association of the American propensity for civil association, Fukuyama argues social capital is what produces a civil society. While civic engagement is an important part of democracy and development, Fukuyama states that, "one person's civic engagement is another's rent-seeking." Therefore, while social capital can facilitate economic development by reducing transaction cost and increasing productivity, social capital can also distort democracy if civic association enables special interest to gain special favors. However, Fukuyama argues despite the risk of society having too much social capital, it is nonetheless worse to have too little and be unable to organize for public goods and welfare enhancing activity.


title: Social capital

text: Carlos García Timón describes that the structural dimensions of social capital relate to an individual ability to make weak and strong ties to others within a system. This dimension focuses on the advantages derived from the configuration of an actor's, either individual or collective, network. The differences between "weak" and "strong" ties are explained by Granovetter (1973). Bridging social capital refers to the weak ties that individuals with heterogeneous limited interactions form. Bridging social capital is more likely to provide valuable new information (Moshkovitz and Hayat, 2021). Some others describes the weak and strong ties relationship as bonding and bridging social capital. Bonding social capital refers to strong ties: the intimate relationships people feel close to and trust. The relational dimension focuses on the character of the connection between individuals. This is best characterized through trust of others and their cooperation and the identification an individual has within a network. Hazleton and Kennan (2000) added a third angle, that of communication. Communication is needed to access and use social capital through exchanging information, identifying problems and solutions, and managing conflict.


title: Social capital

text: According to Boisot (1995), and Boland & Tenkasi (1995), meaningful communication requires at least some sharing context between the parties to such exchange. The cognitive dimension focuses on the shared meaning, representations and interpretations that individuals or groups have with one another.


title: Social capital

text: Whereas some scholars, most prominently Robert D. Putnam, posit that social capital has positive ends, a sizable body of literature finds that social capital can have adverse effects. Research by Sheri Berman and Dylan Riley, as well as economists Shanker Satyanath, Nico Voigtländer, and Hans-Joachim Voth, have linked civic associations to the rise of fascist movements. Pierre Bourdieu's work tends to show how social capital can be used practically to produce or reproduce inequality, demonstrating for instance how people gain access to powerful positions through the direct and indirect employment of social connections.


title: Social capital

text: An example of the complexities of the effects of negative social capital is violence or criminal gang activity that is encouraged through the strengthening of intra-group relationships (bonding social capital). The negative consequences of social capital are more often associated with "bonding" vis-à-vis "bridging".


title: Social capital

text: Without "bridging" social capital, "bonding" groups can become isolated and disenfranchised from the rest of society and, most importantly, from groups with which bridging must occur in order to denote an "increase" in social capital. Bonding social capital is a necessary antecedent for the development of the more powerful form of bridging social capital. Bonding and bridging social capital can work together productively if in balance, or they may work against each other. As social capital bonds and stronger homogeneous groups form, the likelihood of bridging social capital is attenuated. Bonding social capital can also perpetuate sentiments of a certain group, allowing for the bonding of certain individuals together upon a common radical ideal. The strengthening of insular ties can lead to a variety of effects such as ethnic marginalization or social isolation. In extreme cases ethnic cleansing may result if the relationship between different groups is so strongly negative. In mild cases, it isolates certain communities such as suburbs of cities because of the bonding social capital and the fact that people in these communities spend so much time away from places that build bridging social capital.


title: Social capital

text: Edwards and Foley, as editors of a special edition of the "American Behavioral Scientist" on "Social Capital, Civil Society and Contemporary Democracy", raised two key issues in the study of social capital. First, social capital is not equally available to all, in much the same way that other forms of capital are differently available. Geographic and social isolation limit access to this resource. Second, not all social capital is created equally. The value of a specific source of social capital depends in no small part on the socio-economic position of the source with society.


title: Social capital

text: Social capital (in the institutional Robert Putnam sense) may also lead to bad outcomes if the political institution and democracy in a specific country is not strong enough and is therefore overpowered by the social capital groups. "Civil society and the collapse of the Weimar Republic" suggests that "it was weak political institutionalization rather than a weak civil society that was Germany's main problem during the Wihelmine and Weimar eras." Because the political institutions were so weak people looked to other outlets. "Germans threw themselves into their clubs, voluntary associations, and professional organizations out of frustration with the failures of the national government and political parties, thereby helping to undermine the Weimar Republic and facilitate Hitler's rise to power." In this article about the fall of the Weimar Republic, the author makes the claim that Hitler rose to power so quickly because he was able to mobilize the groups towards one common goal. Even though German society was, at the time, a "joining" society these groups were fragmented and their members did not use the skills they learned in their club associations to better their society but to, encourage their values across all cultures to provide a better society for people. They were very introverted in the Weimar Republic. Hitler was able to capitalize on this by uniting these highly bonded groups under the common cause of bringing Germany to the top of world politics. The former world order had been destroyed during World War I, and Hitler believed that Germany had the right and the will to become a dominant global power.


title: Social capital

text: Additionally, in his essay "A Criticism of Putnam's Theory of Social Capital", Michael Shindler expands upon Berman's argument that Weimar social clubs and similar associations in countries that did not develop democracy, were organized in such a way that they fostered a "we" instead of an "I" mentality among their members, by arguing that groups which possess cultures that stress solidarity over individuality, even ones that are "horizontally" structured and which were also common to pre-Soviet Eastern Europe, will not engender democracy if they are politically aligned with non-democratic ideologies.


title: Social capital

text: Using a network-based conception for characterizing the social capital of collectivities (such as organizations or business clusters), Lester, Maheshwari, and McLain (2013) note that negative social capital may be the cause for disadvantageous differences among minority firms versus majority firms. While studying norms among African-American family firms and Euro-American family firms, Lester et al. noted that negative social capital was created when the owner of the company was pressured to engage in social behavior not conducive to firm profits.


title: Social capital

text: Robert Putnam, in his later work, also suggests that social capital, and the associated growth of public trust are inhibited by immigration and rising racial diversity in communities. Putnam's study regarding the issue argued that in American areas with a lack of homogeneity, some individuals neither participated in bonding nor bridging social capital. In societies where immigration is high (US) or where ethnic heterogeneity is high (Eastern Europe), it was found that citizens lacked in both kinds of social capital and were overall far less trusting of others than members of homogenous communities were found to be. Lack of homogeneity led to people withdrawing from even their closest groups and relationships, creating an atomized society as opposed to a cohesive community. These findings challenge previous beliefs that exposure to diversity strengthens social capital, either through bridging social gaps between ethnicities or strengthening in-group bonds. It is very important for policy makers to monitor the level of perceived socio-economic threat from immigrants because negative attitudes towards immigrants make integration difficult and affect social capital.


title: Social capital

text: Varshney (2001) studied the correlation between the presence of interethnic networks ("bridging") versus intra-ethnic ones ("bonding") on ethnic violence in India.


title: Social capital

text: He argues that interethnic networks are agents of peace because they build bridges and manage tensions, by noting that if communities are organized only along intra-ethnic lines and the interconnections with other communities are very weak or even nonexistent, then ethnic violence is quite likely.


title: Social capital

text: This is a useful distinction; nevertheless, its implication on social capital can only be accepted if one espouses the functionalist understanding of the latter concept. Indeed, it can be argued that interethnic, as well as intra-ethnic networks can serve various purposes, either increasing or diminishing social capital. In fact, Varshney himself notes that intra-ethnic policing (equivalent to the "self-policing" mechanism proposed by Fearon and Laitin, 1996) may lead to the same result as interethnic engagement.


title: Social capital

text: James Coleman (1988) has indicated that social capital eventually led to the creation of human capital for the future generation. Human capital, a private resource, could be accessed through what the previous generation accumulated through social capital. John Field (2003) suggested that such a process could lead to the very inequality social capital attempts to resolve. While Coleman viewed social capital as a relatively neutral resource, he did not deny the class reproduction that could result from accessing such capital, given that individuals worked toward their own benefit.


title: Social capital

text: Even though Coleman never truly addresses Pierre Bourdieu in his discussion, this coincides with Bourdieu's argument set forth in "Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture". Bourdieu and Coleman were fundamentally different at the theoretical level (as Bourdieu believed the actions of individuals were rarely ever conscious, but more so only a result of their "habitus" being enacted within a particular field, but this realization by both seems to undeniably connect their understanding of the more latent aspects of social capital.


title: Social capital

text: According to Bourdieu, habitus refers to the social context within which a social actor is socialized. Thus, it is the social platform, itself, that equips one with the social reality they become accustomed to. Out of habitus comes field, the manner in which one integrates and displays their habitus. To this end, it is the social exchange and interaction between two or more social actors. To illustrate this, we assume that an individual wishes to better his place in society. He therefore accumulates social capital by involving himself in a social network, adhering to the norms of that group, allowing him to later access the resources (e.g. social relationships) gained over time. If, in the case of education, he uses these resources to better his educational outcomes, thereby enabling him to become socially mobile, he effectively has worked to reiterate and reproduce the stratification of society, as social capital has done little to alleviate the system as a whole. This may be one negative aspect of social capital, but seems to be an inevitable one in and of itself, as are all forms of capital.


title: Social capital

text: Compared to Bourdieu, Robert D. Putnam has used the concept in a much more positive light: though he was at first careful to argue that social capital was a neutral term, stating "whether or not [the] shared are praiseworthy is, of course, entirely another matter," his work on American society tends to frame social capital as a producer of "civic engagement" and also a broad societal measure of communal health. He also transforms social capital from a resource possessed by individuals to an attribute of collectives, focusing on norms and trust as producers of social capital to the exclusion of networks.


title: Social capital

text: Mahyar Arefi (2003) identifies consensus-building as a direct positive indicator of social capital. Consensus implies "shared interest" and agreement among various actors and stakeholders to induce collective action. "Collective action" is thus an indicator of increased social capital.


title: Social capital

text: In "Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community" (2000), Harvard political scientist Robert D. Putnam writes:Henry Ward Beecher's advice a century ago to 'multiply picnics' is not entirely ridiculous today. We should do this, ironically, not because it will be good for America – though it will be – but because it will be good for us.Putnam speaks of two main components of the concept, the creation of which Putnam credits to Ross Gittell and Avis Vidal:


title: Social capital

text: Typical examples are that criminal gangs create bonding social capital, while choirs and bowling clubs (hence the title, as Putnam lamented their decline) create bridging social capital. The distinction is useful in highlighting how social capital may not always be beneficial for society as a whole (though it is always an asset for those individuals and groups involved). Horizontal networks of individual citizens and groups that enhance community productivity and cohesion are said to be positive social capital assets whereas self-serving exclusive gangs and hierarchical patronage systems that operate at cross purposes to societal interests can be thought of as negative social capital burdens on society.


title: Social capital

text: Aldrich also applies the ideas of social capital to the fundamental principles of disaster recovery, and discusses factors that either aid or impede recovery, such as extent of damage, population density, quality of government and aid. In his book "Building Resilience: Social Capital in Post-Disaster Recovery", he primarily examines Japanese recovery following the 2011 Fukushima nuclear meltdown.


title: Social capital

text: Social capital development on the internet via social networking websites such as Facebook or Myspace tends to be bridging capital according to one study, though "virtual" social capital is a new area of research.


title: Social capital

text: Consummatory capital a behavior that is made up of actions that fulfill a basis of doing what is inherent. Two examples of consummatory social capital are value interjection and solidarity.


title: Social capital

text: Value interjection pertains to a person or community who fulfills obligations such as paying bills on time, philanthropy, and following the rules of society. People who live their life this way feel that these are norms of society and are able to live their lives free of worry for their credit, children, and receive charity if needed.


title: Social capital

text: Coleman goes on to say that when people live in this way and benefit from this type of social capital, individuals in the society are able to rest assured that their belongings and family will be safe. This understanding of solidarity may be traced to 19th century socialist thinkers, whose main focus was the urban working class of the Industrial Revolution. They analyzed the reasons these workers supported each other for the benefit of the group and held that this support was an adaptation to the immediate social environment, as opposed to a trait that had been taught to the workers in their youth. As another example, Coleman states that possessing this type of social capital individuals to stand up for what they believe in, and even die for it, in the face of adversity.


title: Social capital

text: While the notion of "solidarity as social capital" is sometimes attributed to Karl Marx, in particular, the term "social capital" had a quite different meaning for Marx. All forms of "capital" were, for Marx, possessed only by capitalists and he emphasized the basis of labour in capitalist society, as a class constituted by individuals obliged to sell their labour power, because they lacked sufficient capital, in any sense of the word, to do otherwise. Marx saw "social capital" as a theoretical total amount of capital, purely in the sense of accumulated wealth or property, that existed within in a particular society. He thereby contrasted it with specific and discrete "individual capital."


title: Social capital

text: Instrumental capital is behavior that is taught through one's surroundings over time. Individuals donating their resources are not seeking direct repayment from the recipient, but motivated by membership in the same social structure. Donors might not see a direct repayment, but, most commonly, they will be held by the society in greater honor.


title: Social capital

text: Portes mentions the donation of a scholarship to a member of the same ethnic group as an example of this. The donor is not giving up resources to be directly repaid by the recipient, but, as stated above, the honor of the community. With this in mind, recipients might not know the benefactor personally, but prospers as a member of the same social group.


title: Social capital

text: Social capital is also linked with religious communities. Religion represents an important aspect of social capital (religious social capital).


title: Social capital

text: There is no widely held consensus on how to measure social capital, which has become a debate in itself. While usually one can intuitively sense the level/amount of social capital present in a given relationship (regardless of type or scale), quantitative measuring has proven somewhat complicated, resulting in different metrics for different functions.


title: Social capital

text: Sociologists Carl L. Bankston and Min Zhou have argued that one of the reasons social capital is so difficult to measure is that it is neither an individual-level nor a group-level phenomenon, but one that emerges across levels of analysis as individuals participate in groups. They argue that the metaphor of "capital" may be misleading because, unlike financial capital, which is a resource held by an individual, the benefits of forms of social organization are not held by actors, but are results of the participation of actors in advantageously organized groups.


title: Social capital

text: One type of quantitative social capital measure uses name generators to construct social networks and to measure the level of social capital. These networks are constructed by asking participants to name people that they interact with, such as "Name all the people you've discussed important matters within the past six months." Name generators are often useful to construct core discussion networks of close ties, rather than weaker ties.


title: Social capital

text: Many studies measure social capital by asking the question: "do you trust the others?" Other researches analyse the participation in voluntary associations or civic activities.


title: Social capital

text: To expand upon the methodological potential of measuring online and offline social bonding, as it relates to social capital, offers a matrix of social capital measures that distinguishes social bridging as a form of less emotionally-tethered relationships compared to bonding. Bonding and bridging sub-scales are proposed, which have been adopted by over 300 scholarly articles.


title: Social capital

text: Lin, Peng, Kim, Kim & LaRose (2012) offer a noteworthy application of the scale by measuring international residents originating from locations outside of the United States. The study found that social media platforms like Facebook provide an opportunity for increased social capital, but mostly for extroverts. However, less introverted social media users could engage social media and build social capital by connecting with Americans before arriving and then maintaining old relationships from home upon arriving to the states. The ultimate outcome of the study indicates that social capital is measurable and is a concept that may be operationalized to understand strategies for coping with cross-cultural immersion through online engagement.


title: Social capital

text: The level of cohesion of a group also affects its social capital and vice versa. However, there is no one quantitative way of determining the level of cohesiveness, but rather a collection of social network models that researchers have used over the decades to operationalize social capital. One of the dominant methods is Ronald Burt's constraint measure, which taps into the role of tie strength and group cohesion. Another network-based model is network transitivity.


title: Social capital

text: Knack and Keefer (1996) measured econometric correlations between confidence and civic cooperation norms, with economic growth in a large group of countries. They found that confidence and civic cooperation have a great impact in economic growth, and that in less polarized societies in terms of inequality and ethnic differences, social capital is bigger.


title: Social capital

text: Narayan and Pritchet (1997) researched the associativity degree and economic performance in rural homes of Tanzania. They observed that even in high poverty indexes, families with higher levels of incomes had more participation in collective organizations. The social capital they accumulated because of this participation had individual benefits for them, and created collective benefits through different routes, for example: their agricultural practices were better than those of the families without participation (they had more information about agrochemicals, fertilizers and seeds); they had more information about the market; they were prepared to take more risks, because being part of a social network made them feel more protected; they had an influence on the improvement of public services, showing a bigger level of participation in schools; they cooperated more in the municipality level.


title: Social capital

text: In measuring political social capital, it is common to take the sum of society's membership of its groups. Groups with higher membership (such as political parties) contribute more to the amount of capital than groups with lower membership, although many groups with low membership (such as communities) still add up to be significant. While it may seem that this is limited by population, this need not be the case as people join multiple groups. In a study done by Yankee City, a community of 17,000 people was found to have over 22,000 different groups.


title: Social capital

text: How a group relates to the rest of society also affects social capital, but in a different manner. Strong internal ties can in some cases weaken the group's perceived capital in the eyes of the general public, as in cases where the group is geared towards crime, distrust, intolerance, violence or hatred towards others. The Ku Klux Klan is an example of this kind of organizations.


title: Social capital

text: Foschi and Lauriola have presented a measure of sociability as a proxy of social capital. The authors demonstrated that facets of sociability can mediate between general personality traits and measures of civic involvement and political participation, as predictors of social capital, in a holistic model of political behavior.


title: Social capital

text: The World Social Capital Monitor is an instrument for measuring social goods and social capital created by the United Nations Sustainable Development Group in partnership with civil society actors. The project identifies social values such as trust, solidarity, helpfulness, friendliness, hospitality and the willingness to finance public goods with the help of anonymous surveys. The surveys started in 2016.


title: Social capital

text: While influential, some have identified areas of concern or improvement within the work of Robert D. Putnam. This includes:


title: Social capital

text: Robison and colleagues (2012) measured the relative importance of selfishness and four social capital motives using resource allocation data collected in hypothetical surveys and non-hypothetical experiments.


title: Social capital

text: The selfishness motive assumes that an agent's allocation of a scarce resource is independent of his relationships with others. This motive is sometimes referred to as the "selfishness of preference assumption" in neoclassical economics.


title: Social capital

text: Social capital motives assume that agents' allocation of a scarce resource may be influenced by their social capital or sympathetic relationships with others which may produce socio-emotional goods that satisfy socio-emotional needs for validation and belonging:


title: Social capital

text: Various authors give definitions of "civil society" that refer to voluntary associations and organisations outside the market and state. This definition is very close to that of the "third sector", which consists of "private organisations that are formed and sustained by groups of people acting voluntarily and without seeking personal profit to provide benefits for themselves or for others."


title: Social capital

text: According to such authors as Walzer (1992), Alessandrini (2002), Newtown, Stolle & Rochon, Foley & Edwards (1997), and Walters, it is through civil society, or more accurately, the "third sector", that individuals are able to establish and maintain relational networks. These voluntary associations also connect people with each other, build trust and reciprocity through informal, loosely structured associations, and consolidate society through altruism without obligation. It is "this range of activities, services and associations produced by... civil society" that constitutes the sources of social capital.


title: Social capital

text: Not only has civil society been documented to produce sources of social capital, according to Lyons' "Third Sector" (2001), social capital does not appear in any guise under either the factors that enable or those that stimulate the growth of the third sector. Likewise, Onyx (2000) describes how social capital depends on an already functioning community. The idea that creating social capital (i.e., creating networks) will strengthen civil society underlies current Australian social policy aimed at bridging deepening social divisions. The goal is to reintegrate those marginalised from the rewards of the economic system into "the community." However, according to Onyx (2000), while the explicit aim of this policy is inclusion, its effects are exclusionary.


title: Social capital

text: Foley and Edwards (1997) believe that "political systems...are important determinants of both the character of civil society and of the uses to which whatever social capital exists might be put." Alessandrini agrees, saying that, "in Australia in particular, neo-liberalism has been recast as economic rationalism and identified by several theorists and commentators as a danger to society at large because of the use to which they are putting social capital to work."


title: Social capital

text: The resurgence of interest in social capital as a remedy for the cause of today's social problems draws directly on the assumption that these problems lie in the weakening of civil society. However this ignores the arguments of many theorists who believe that social capital leads to exclusion rather than to a stronger civil society. In international development, Ben Fine (2001) and John Harriss (2001) have been heavily critical of the inappropriate adoption of social capital as a supposed panacea (promoting civil society organisations and NGOs, for example, as agents of development) for the inequalities generated by neoliberal economic development. This leads to controversy as to the role of state institutions in the promotion of social capital.


title: Social capital

text: An abundance of social capital is seen as being almost a necessary condition for modern liberal democracy. A low level of social capital leads to an excessively rigid and unresponsive political system and high levels of corruption, in the political system and in the region as a whole. Formal public institutions require social capital in order to function properly, and while it is possible to have too much social capital (resulting in rapid changes and excessive regulation), it is decidedly worse to have too little.


title: Social capital

text: Post-Communist: Kathleen Dowley and Brian Silver published an article entitled "Social Capital, Ethnicity and Support for Democracy in the Post-Communist States", in which they find that in post-communist states, higher levels of social capital did not equate to higher levels of democracy. However, higher levels of social capital led to higher support for democracy.


title: Social capital

text: Third-world: A number of intellectuals in developing countries have argued that the idea of social capital, particularly when connected to certain ideas about civil society, is deeply implicated in contemporary modes of donor and NGO-driven imperialism and that it functions, primarily, to blame the poor for their condition.


title: Social capital

text: Chinese: The concept of social capital in a Chinese social context has been closely linked with the concept of "guanxi".


title: Social capital

text: American: One attempt to measure social capital, involving the quantity, quality and strength of an individual social capital, was spearheaded by Corporate Alliance in the English-speaking market segment of the US, and Xentrum through the Latin American Chamber of Commerce in Utah on the Spanish-speaking population of the same country. With the assistance of software applications and web-based relationship-oriented systems such as LinkedIn, these kinds of organizations are expected to provide its members with a way to keep track of the "number" of their relationships, meetings designed to boost the "strength" of each relationship using group dynamics, executive retreats and networking events as well as training in how to reach out to higher circles of "influential" people.


title: Social capital

text: There are many factors that drive volume towards the ballot box, including education, employment, civil skills, and time. Careful evaluation of these fundamental factors often suggests that women do not vote at similar levels as men. However the gap between women and men voter turnout is diminishing and in some cases women are becoming more prevalent at the ballot box than their male counterparts. Recent research on social capital is now serving as an explanation for this change.


title: Social capital

text: Social capital offers a wealth of resources and networks that facilitate political engagement. Since social capital is readily available no matter the type of community, it is able to override more traditional queues for political engagement; e.g.: education, employment, civil skills, etc.


title: Social capital

text: There are unique ways in which women organize. These differences from men make social capital more personable and impressionable to women audiences thus creating a stronger presence in regards to political engagement. A few examples of these characteristics are:


title: Social capital

text: The often informal nature of female social capital allows women to politicize apolitical environments without conforming to masculine standards, thus keeping this activity at a low public profile. These differences are hard to recognize within the discourse of political engagement and may explain why social capital has not been considered as a tool for female political engagement until as of late.


title: Social capital

text: A growing body of research has found that the presence of social capital through social networks and communities has a protective quality on health. Social capital affects health risk behavior in the sense that individuals who are embedded in a network or community rich in support, social trust, information, and norms, have resources that help achieve health goals. For example, a person who is sick with cancer may receive the information, money, or moral support needed to endure treatment and recover. Social capital also encourages social trust and membership. These factors can discourage individuals from engaging in risky health behaviors such as smoking and binge drinking.


title: Social capital

text: Furthermore, neighbourhood social capital may also aid in buffering health inequities amongst children and adolescents. Social capital indicators such as neighbourhood cohesion, social support, and ties providing a bond between members of the same religion, have been found to be associated with better health despite financial or socioeconomic hardship. The function of social capital as a health buffer in circumstances of social disadvantage has also received attention in research on the health of minority ethnic populations. The relationships and networks that are maintained by an ethnic minority population in a geographical area where a high percentage of residents belong to the same ethnic group may lead to better health outcomes than would be expected based on other individual and neighbourhood characteristics. Such effects have been investigated in England, New Zealand, and the United States.


title: Social capital

text: Inversely, a lack of social capital can impair health. For example, results from a survey given to 13- to 18-year-old students in Sweden showed that low social capital and low social trust are associated with higher rates of psychosomatic symptoms, musculoskeletal pain, and depression. Additionally, negative social capital can detract from health. Although there are only a few studies that assess social capital in criminalized populations, there is information that suggests that social capital does have a negative effect in broken communities. Deviant behavior is encouraged by deviant peers via favorable definitions and learning opportunities provided by network-based norms. However, in these same communities, an adjustment of norms (i.e. deviant peers being replaced by positive role models) can pose a positive effect.


title: Social capital

text: Researchers have also investigated the hypothesis that the health benefits of social capital depend on the socioeconomic resources an individual or community has available to them. For example, social capital may boost health only for those with higher levels of education, or more so for those with a higher rather than a lower income. This research is based on Bourdieu's notion that social, economic, and cultural capital are dependent on each other.


title: Social capital

text: Similar to watching the news and keeping abreast of current events, the use of the Internet can relate to an individual's level of social capital. In one study, informational uses of the Internet correlated positively with an individual's production of social capital, and social-recreational uses were negatively correlated (higher levels of these uses correlated with lower levels of social capital). An example supporting the former argument is the contribution of Peter Maranci's blog ("Charlie on the Commuter Line") to address the train problems in Massachusetts. He created it after an incident where a lady passed out during a train ride due to the congestion in the train and help was delayed because of the congestion in the train and the inefficiency of the train conductor. His blog exposed the poor conditions of train stations, overcrowding train rides and inefficiency of the train conductor which eventually influenced changes within the transit system.


title: Social capital

text: Another perspective holds that the rapid growth of social networking sites such as Facebook and Myspace suggests that individuals are creating a virtual-network consisting of both bonding and bridging social capital. Unlike face to face interaction, people can instantly connect with others in a targeted fashion by placing specific parameters with Internet use. This means that individuals can selectively connect with others based on ascertained interests, and backgrounds. Facebook is currently the most popular social networking site and touts many advantages to its users including serving as a "social lubricant" for individuals who otherwise have difficulties forming and maintaining both strong and weak ties with others.


title: Social capital

text: This argument continues, although the preponderance of evidence shows a positive association between social capital and the Internet. Critics of virtual communities believe that the Internet replaces our strong bonds with online "weak-ties" or with socially empty interactions with the technology itself. Others fear that the Internet can create a world of "narcissism of similarity," where sociability is reduced to interactions between those that are similar in terms of ideology, race, or gender. A few articles suggest that technologically based interactions has a negative relationship with social capital by displacing time spent engaging in geographical/ in-person social activities. However, the consensus of research shows that the more time people spend online the more in-person contact they have, thus positively enhancing social capital.


title: Social capital

text: Recent research, conducted in 2006, also shows that Internet users often have wider networks than those who access the Internet irregularly or not at all. When not considering family and work contacts, Internet users actually tend to have contact with a higher number of friends and relatives. This is supported by another study that shows that Internet users and non-Internet users do feel equally close to the same number of people; also the Internet users maintain relationships with 20% more people whom they "feel somewhat close" to.


title: Social capital

text: Other research shows that younger people use the Internet as a supplemental medium for communication, rather than letting the Internet communication replace face-to-face contact. This supports the view that Internet communication does not hinder development of social capital and does not make people feel lonelier than before.


title: Social capital

text: Ellison, Steinfield & Lampe (2007) suggest social capital exercised online is a result of relationships formed offline; whereby, bridging capital is enabled through a "maintenance" of relationships. Among respondents of this study, social capital built exclusively online creates weaker ties. A distinction of social bonding is offered by Ellison et al., 2007, suggesting bonds, or strong ties, are possible through social media, but less likely.


title: Social capital

text: Coleman and Hoffer collected quantitative data of 28,000 students in total 1,015 public, Catholic and other private high schools in America from the 7 years' period from 1980 to 1987. It was found from this longitudinal research that social capital in students' families and communities attributed to the much lower dropout rates in Catholic schools compared with the higher rates in public.


title: Social capital

text: Teachman et al. (1996) further develop the family structure indicator suggested by Coleman. They criticise Coleman, who used only the number of parents present in the family, neglected the unseen effect of more discrete dimensions such as stepparents' and different types of single-parent families. They take into account of a detailed counting of family structure, not only with two biological parents or stepparent families, but also with types of single-parent families with each other (mother-only, father-only, never-married, and other). They also contribute to the literature by measuring parent-child interaction by the indicators of how often parents and children discuss school-related activities.


title: Social capital

text: Morgan and Sorensen (1999) directly challenge Coleman for his lacking of an explicit mechanism to explain why Catholic schools students perform better than public school students on standardised tests of achievement. Researching students in Catholic schools and public schools again, they propose two comparable models of social capital effect on mathematic learning. One is on Catholic schools as norm-enforcing schools whereas another is on public schools as horizon-expanding schools. It is found that while social capital can bring about positive effect of maintaining an encompassing functional community in norm-enforcing schools, it also brings about the negative consequence of excessive monitoring. Creativity and exceptional achievement would be repressed as a result. Whereas in horizon expanding school, social closure is found to be negative for student's mathematic achievement. These schools explore a different type of social capital, such as information about opportunities in the extended social networks of parents and other adults. The consequence is that more learning is fostered than norm-enforcing Catholic school students. In sum, Morgan and Sorensen study implies that social capital is contextualised, one kind of social capital may be positive in this setting but is not necessarily still positive in another setting.


title: Social capital

text: In the setting of education through Kilpatrick, Johns, and Mulford (2010) state that "social capital is a useful lens for analysing lifelong learning and its relationship to community development." Social capital is particularly important in terms of education. Also the importance of education with "schools being designed to create 'functioning community' - forging tighter links between parents and the school" linking that without this interaction, the social capital in this area is disadvantaged and demonstrates that social capital plays a major role in education.