title: Nazi plunder

text: On 1 January 2020, the JDCRP launched its Pilot Project centered around the famous art collection of Adolphe Schloss. The purpose of this initial launch is to test the feasibility of a central database for stolen Jewish artifacts and to determine the manner in which the JDCRP database will be constructed and maintained. This venture is funded by the European Union and is intended to establish the framework necessary for the JDCRP.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Abbasid Revolution, also called the Movement of the Men of the Black Raiment, was the overthrow of the Umayyad Caliphate (661–750 CE), the second of the four major Caliphates in early Islamic history, by the third, the Abbasid Caliphate (750–1517 CE). Coming to power three decades after the death of the Islamic prophet Muhammad and immediately after the Rashidun Caliphate, the Umayyads were an Arab Empire ruling over a population which was overwhelmingly non-Arab. Non-Arabs were treated as second-class citizens regardless of whether or not they converted to Islam, and this discontent cutting across faiths and ethnicities ultimately led to the Umayyads' overthrow. The Abbasid family claimed to have descended from al-Abbas, an uncle of Muhammad.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The revolution essentially marked the end of the Arab empire and the beginning of a more inclusive, multiethnic state in the Middle East. Remembered as one of the most well-organized revolutions during its period in history, it reoriented the focus of the Muslim world to the east.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: By the 740s, the Umayyad Empire found itself in critical condition. A succession crisis in 744 led to the Third Fitna, which raged across the Middle East for three years. The very next year, al-Dahhak ibn Qays al-Shaybani initiated a Kharijite rebellion that would continue until 746. Concurrent with this, a rebellion broke out in reaction to Marwan II's decision to move the capital from Damascus to Harran, resulting in the destruction of Homs – also in 746. It was not until 747 that Marwan II was able to pacify the provinces; the Abbasid Revolution began within months.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Nasr ibn Sayyar was appointed governor of Khurusan by Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik in 738. He held on to his post throughout the war of succession, being confirmed as governor by Marwan II in the aftermath.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Khurusan's expansive size and low population density meant that the Arab denizens – both military and civilian – lived largely outside of the garrisons built during the spread of Islam. This was in contrast to the rest of the Umayyad provinces, where Arabs tended to seclude themselves in fortresses and avoided interaction with the locals. Arab settlers in Khorasan left their traditional lifestyle and settled among the native Iranian peoples. While intermarriage with non-Arabs elsewhere in the Empire was discouraged or even banned, it slowly became a habit within eastern Khorasan; and the Arabs began adopting Persian dress and as the two languages influenced one another, the ethnic barriers came down.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Support for the Abbasid Revolution came from people of diverse backgrounds, with almost all levels of society supporting armed opposition to Umayyad rule. This was especially pronounced among Muslims of non-Arab descent, though even Arab Muslims resented Umayyad rule and centralized authority over their nomadic lifestyles. Both Sunnis and Shias supported efforts to overthrow the Umayyads, as did non-Muslim subjects of the empire who resented religious discrimination.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Following the Battle of Karbala which led to the massacre of Husayn ibn Ali, the grandson of Muhammad, and his kin and companions by the Umayyad army in 680 CE, the Shias used this event as a rallying cry of opposition against the Umayyads. The Abbasids also used the memory of Karbala extensively to gain popular support against the Umayyads.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Hashimiyya movement (a sub-sect of the Kaysanites Shia) was largely responsible for starting the final efforts against the Umayyad dynasty, initially with the goal of replacing the Umayyads with an Alid ruling family. To an extent, rebellion against the Umayyads bore an early association with Shi'ite ideas. A number of Shi'ite revolts against Umayyad rule had already taken place, though they were open about their desire for an Alid ruler. Zayd ibn Ali fought the Umayyads in Iraq, while Abdallah ibn Mu'awiya even established temporary rule over Persia. Their murder not only increased anti-Umayyad sentiment among the Shia, but also gave both Shias and Sunnis in Iraq and Persia a common rallying cry. At the same time, the capture and murder of the primary Shi'ite opposition figures rendered the Abbasids as the only realistic contenders for the void that would be left by the Umayyads.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Abbasids kept quiet about their identity, simply stating that they wanted a ruler from the descendant of Muhammad upon whose choice as caliph the Muslim community would agree. Many Shi'ites naturally assumed that this meant an Alid ruler, a belief which the Abbasids tacitly encouraged to gain Shi'ite support. Though the Abbasids were members of the Banu Hashim clan, rivals of the Umayyads, the word "Hashimiyya" seems to refer specifically to Abd-Allah ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah, a grandson of Ali and son of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: According to certain traditions, Abd-Allah died in 717 in Humeima in the house of Mohammad ibn Ali Abbasi, the head of the Abbasid family, and before dying named Muhammad ibn Ali as his successor. Although the anecdote is considered a fabrication, at the time it allowed the Abbasids to rally the supporters of the failed revolt of Mukhtar al-Thaqafi, who had represented themselves as the supporters of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya. By the time the revolution was in full swing, most Kaysanite Shia had either transferred their allegiance to the Abbasid dynasty (in the case of the Hashimiyya), or had converted to other branches of Shi'ism and the Kaysanites ceased to exist.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Umayyad state is remembered as an Arab-centric state, being run by and for the benefit of those who were ethnically Arab though Muslim in creed. The non-Arab Muslims resented their marginal social position and were easily drawn into Abbasid opposition to Umayyad rule. Arabs dominated the bureaucracy and military, and were housed in fortresses separate from the local population outside of Arabia. Even after converting to Islam, non-Arabs or "Mawali" could not live in these garrison cities. The non-Arabs were not allowed to work for the government nor could they hold officer positions in the Umayyad military and they still had to pay the jizya tax for non-Muslims. Non-Muslims under Umayyad rule were subject to these same injunctions. Racial intermarriage between Arabs and non Arabs was rare. When it did occur, it was only allowed between an Arab man and a non-Arab woman while non-Arab men were generally not free to marry Arab women.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Conversion to Islam occurred gradually. If a non-Arab wished to convert to Islam, they not only had to give up their own names but also had to remain a second-class citizen. The non-Arab would be "adopted" by an Arab tribe, though they would not actually adopt the tribe's name as that would risk pollution of perceived Arab racial purity. Rather, the non-Arab would take the last name of "freedman of al-(tribe's name)", even if they were not a slave prior to conversion. This essentially meant they were subservient to the tribe who sponsored their conversion.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Although converts to Islam made up roughly 10% of the native population – most of the people living under Umayyad rule were not Muslim – this percent was significant due to the very small number of Arabs. Gradually, the non-Arab Muslims outnumbered the Arab Muslims, causing alarm among the Arab nobility. Socially, this posed a problem as the Umayyads viewed Islam as the property of the aristocratic Arab families. There was a rather large financial problem posed to the Umayyad system as well. If the new converts to Islam from non-Arab peoples stopped paying the jizya tax stipulated by the Qur'an for non-Muslims, the empire would go bankrupt. This lack of civil and political rights eventually led the non-Arab Muslims to support the Abbasids, despite the latter also being Arab.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Even as the Arab governors adopted the more sophisticated Iranian methods of governmental administration, non-Arabs were still prevented from holding such positions. Non-Arabs were not even allowed to wear Arabian style clothing, so strong were the feelings of Arab racial superiority cultivated by the Umayyads. Much of the discontent this caused led to the Shu'ubiyya movement, an assertion of non-Arab racial and cultural equality with Arabs. The movement gained support among Egyptians, Arameans and Berber people, though this movement was most pronounced among Iranian people.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The early Muslim conquest of Persia was coupled with an anti-Iranian Arabization policy which led to much discontent. The controversial Umayyad governor Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf was upset at the usage of Persian as the court language in the eastern Islamic empire, and ordered all written and spoken Persian to be suppressed in both government and even among the general public, by force if necessary. Contemporary historians record that al-Hajjaj contributed to the death of the Khwarezmian language, closely related to Persian. Once the Umayyads expanded into Khwarezm, a stronghold of east Iranian civilization, al-Hajjaj ordered the execution of anyone who could read or write the language, to the point that only the illiterate remained.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Support for the Abbasid Revolution was an early example of people of different faiths aligning with a common cause. This was due in large part to policies of the Umayyads which were regarded as particularly oppressive to anyone following a faith other than Islam. In 741, the Umayyads decreed that non-Muslims could not serve in government posts. The Abbasids were aware of this discontent, and made efforts to balance both its Muslim character as well as its partially non-Muslim constituency.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Persecution of Zoroastrians was part of state policy during the Umayyad era. Al-Hajjaj allegedly killed all Zoroastrian clergy upon the conquest of east Iranian lands, burning all Zoroastrian literature and destroying most religious buildings. The non-Muslim aristocracy around Merv supported the Abbasids, and thus retained their status as a privileged governing class regardless of religious belief.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Beginning around 719, Hashimiyya missions began to seek adherents in Khurasan. Their campaign was framed as one of proselytism. They sought support for "a member of the House of the Prophet who shall be pleasing to everyone", without making explicit mention of the Abbasids. These missions met with success both among Arabs and non-Arabs, although the latter may have played a particularly important role in the growth of the movement. A number of Shi'ite rebellions – by Kaysanites, Hashimiyya and mainstream Shi'ites – took place in the final years of Umayyad rule, just around the same time that tempers were flaring among the Syrian contingents of the Umayyad army regarding alliances and wrongdoings during the Second and Third Fitna.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: At this time Kufa was the center for the opposition to Umayyad rule, particularly Ali's supporters and Shias. In 741–42 Abu Muslim made his first contact with Abbasid agents there, and eventually he was introduced to the head of Abbasids, Imam Ibrahim, in Mecca. Around 746, Abu Muslim assumed leadership of the Hashimiyya in Khurasan. Unlike the Alid revolts which were open and straightforward about their demands, the Abbasids along with the Hashimite allies slowly built up an underground resistance movement to Umayyad rule. Secret networks were used to build a power base of support in the eastern Muslim lands to ensure the revolution's success. This buildup not only took place right on the heels of the Zaydi Revolt in Iraq, but also concurrently with the Berber Revolt in Iberia and Maghreb, the Ibadi rebellion in Yemen and Hijaz, and the Third Fitna in the Levant, with the revolt of al-Harith ibn Surayj in Khurasan and Central Asia occurring concurrently with the revolution itself. The Abbasids spent their preparation time watching as the Umayyad Empire was besieged from within itself in all four cardinal directions, and School of Oriental and African Studies Professor Emeritus G. R. Hawting has asserted that even if the Umayyad rulers had been aware of the Abbasids' preparations, it would not have been possible to mobilize against them.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: In 746, Ibn Surayj began his revolt at Merv without success at first, even losing his secretary Jahm bin Safwan. After joining forces with other rebel factions, Ibn Surayj drove Umayyad governor Nasr ibn Sayyar and his forces to Nishapur; the two factions double-crossed each other shortly thereafter, with Ibn Surayj's faction being crushed. Western Khorasan was controlled by Abdallah ibn Mu'awiya at the time, cutting Ibn Sayyar in the east off from Marwan II. In the summer of 747, Ibn Sayyar sued for peace, which was accepted by the remaining rebels. The rebel leader was assassinated by a son of Ibn Surayj in a revenge attack while at the same time, another Shi'ite revolt had begun in the villages. The son of the remaining rebels signed the peace accord and Ibn Sayyar returned to his post in Merv in August of 747 – just after Abu Muslim initiated a revolt of his own.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: On 9 June 747 (Ramadan 25, 129AH), Abu Muslim successfully initiated an open revolt against Umayyad rule, which was carried out under the sign of the Black Standard. Close to 10,000 soldiers were under Abu Muslim's command when the hostilities officially began in Merv. On 14 February 748 he established control of Merv, expelling Nasr ibn Sayyar less than a year after the latter had put down Ibn Surayj's revolt, and dispatched an army westwards.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Newly commissioned Abbasid officer Qahtaba ibn Shabib al-Ta'i, along with his sons Al-Hasan ibn Qahtaba and Humayd ibn Qahtaba, pursued Ibn Sayyar to Nishapur and then pushed him further west to Qumis, in western Persia. That August, al-Ta'i defeated an Umayyad force of 10,000 at Gorgan, South East of Caspian Sea. Ibn Sayyar regrouped with reinforcements from the Caliph at Rey near today's Capital "Tehran", only for that city to fall as well as the Caliph's commander; once again, Ibn Sayyar fled west and died on 9 December 748 while trying to reach Hamedan in south Western Persia. Al-Ta'i rolled west through Khorasan, defeating a 50,000 strong Umayyad force at Isfahan in Central Persia in March 749.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: At Nahavand south western Persia, the Umayyads attempted to make their last stand in Persia. Umayyad forces fleeing Hamedan and the remainder of Ibn Sayyar's men joined with those already garrisoned. Qahtaba defeated an Umayyad relief contingent from Syria while his son al-Hasan laid siege to Nahavand for more than two months. The Umayyad military units from Syria within the garrison cut a deal with the Abbasids, saving their own lives by selling out the Umayyad units from Khorasan who were all put to death. After almost ninety years, Umayyad rule in Khorasan had finally come to an end.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: At the same time that al-Ta'i took Nishapur Located in North Eastern Khorasan, Abu Muslim was strengthening the Abbasid grip on the Muslim North East. Abbasid governors were appointed over Transoxiana and Bactria (Parts of today's Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan), while the rebels who had signed a peace accord with Nasr ibn Sayyar were also offered a peace deal by Abu Muslim only to be double crossed and wiped out. With the pacification of any rebel elements in the east and the surrender of Nahavand in the west, the Abbasids were the undisputed rulers of Khorasan.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Abbasids wasted no time in continuing from Persia into Mesopotamia. In August 749, Umayyad commander Yazid ibn Umar al-Fazari attempted to meet the forces of al-Ta'i before they could reach Kufa. Not to be outdone, the Abbasids launched a nighttime raid on al-Fazari's forces before they had a chance to prepare. During the raid, al-Ta'i himself was finally killed in battle. Despite the loss, al-Fazari was routed and fled with his forces to Wasit. The Siege of Wasit took place from that August until July 750. Although a respected military commander had been lost, a large portion of the Umayyad forces were essentially trapped inside Wasit and could be left in their virtual prison while more offensive military actions were made.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Concurrently with the siege in 749, the Abbasids crossed the Euphrates and took Kufa. The son of Khalid al-Qasri – a disgraced Umayyad official who had been tortured to death a few years prior – began a pro-Abbasid riot starting at the city's citadel. On 2 September 749, al-Hasan bin Qahtaba essentially just walked right in to the city and set up shop. Some confusion followed when Abu Salama, an Abbasid officer, pushed for an Alid leader. Abu Muslim's confidante Abu Jahm reported what was happening, and the Abbasids acted preemptively. On Friday, 28 November 749, before the siege of Wasit had even finished, As-Saffah, the great-grandson of Muhammad's uncle, al-Abbas, was recognized as the new caliph in the mosque at Kufa. Abu Salama, who witnessed twelve military commanders from the revolution pledging allegiance, was embarrassed into following suit.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Just as quickly as Qahtaba's forces marched from Khorosan to Kufa, so did the forces of Abdallah ibn Ali and Abu Awn Abd al-Malik ibn Yazid march on Mosul(in today's Northern Iraq). At this point Marwan II mobilized his troops from Harran (Today's South Central Turkey) and advanced toward Mesopotamia. On 16 January 750 the two forces met on the left bank of a tributary of the Tigris in the Battle of the Zab, and nine days later Marwan II was defeated and his army was completely destroyed. The battle is regarded as what finally sealed the fate of the Umayyads. All Marwan II could do was flee through Syria and into Egypt, with each Umayyad town surrendering to the Abbasids as they swept through in pursuit.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Damascus fell to the Abbasids in April, and in August Marwan II and his family were tracked down by a small force led by Abu Awn and Salih ibn Ali (the brother of Abdallah ibn Ali) and killed in Egypt. Al-Fazari, the Umayyad commander at Wasit, held out even after the defeat of Marwan II in January. The Abbasids promised him amnesty in July, but immediately after he exited the fortress they executed him instead. After almost exactly three years of rebellion, the Umayyad state came to an end.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Militarily, the unit organization of the Abbasids was designed with the goal of ethnic and racial equality among supporters. When Abu Muslim recruited mixed Arab and Iranian officers along the Silk Road, he registered them based not on their tribal or ethno-national affiliations but on their current places of residence. This greatly diminished tribal and ethnic solidarity and replaced both concepts with a sense of shared interests among individuals.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Abbasid Revolution provides an early medieval example of the effectiveness of propaganda. The Black Standard unfurled at the start of the revolution's open phase carried messianic overtones due to past failed rebellions by members of Muhammad's family, with marked eschatological and millennial slants. The Abbasids – their leaders descended from Muhammad's uncle Abbas ibn Abd al-Muttalib – held vivid historical reenactments of the murder of Muhammad's grandson Husayn ibn Ali by the army of the second Umayyad ruler Yazid I, followed by promises of retribution. Focus was carefully placed on the legacy of Muhammad's family while details of how the Abbasids actually intended to rule were not mentioned. While the Umayyads had primarily spent their energy on wiping out the Alid line of the prophetic family, the Abbasids carefully revised Muslim chronicles to put a heavier emphasis on the relationship between Muhammad and his uncle.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Abbasids spent more than a year preparing their propaganda drive against the Umayyads. There were a total of seventy propagandists throughout the province of Khorasan, operating under twelve central officials.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Abbasid Revolution was distinguished by a number of tactics which were absent in the other, unsuccessful anti-Umayyad rebellions at the time. Chief among them was secrecy. While the Shi'ite and other rebellions at the time were all led by publicly known leaders making clear and well-defined demands, the Abbasids hid not only their identities but also their preparation and mere existence. As-Saffah would go on to become the first Abbasid caliph, but he did not come forward to receive the pledge of allegiance from the people until after the Umayyad caliph and a large number of his princes were already killed.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Abu Muslim al-Khorasani, who was the primary Abbasid military commander, was especially mysterious; even his name, which literally means "father of a Muslim from the large, flat area of the eastern Muslim empire" gave no meaningful information about him personally. Even today, although scholars are sure he was one real, consistent individual, there is broad agreement that all concrete suggestions of his actual identity are doubtful. Abu Muslim himself discouraged inquiries about his origins, emphasizing that his religion and place of residence were all that mattered.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Whoever he was, Abu Muslim built a secret network of pro-Abbasid sentiment based among the mixed Arab and Iranian military officers along the Silk Road garrison cities. Through this networking, Abu Muslim ensured armed support for the Abbasids from a multi-ethnic force years before the revolution even came out in the open. These networks proved essential, as the officers garrisoned along the Silk Road had spent years fighting the ferocious Turkic tribes of Central Asia and were experienced and respected tacticians and warriors.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The victors desecrated the tombs of the Umayyads in Syria, sparing only that of Umar II, and most of the remaining members of the Umayyad family were tracked down and killed. When Abbasids declared amnesty for members of the Umayyad family, eighty gathered in Jaffa to receive pardons and all were massacred.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: In the immediate aftermath, the Abbasids moved to consolidate their power against former allies now seen as rivals. Five years after the revolution succeeded, Abu Muslim was accused of heresy and treason by the second Abbasid caliph al-Mansur. Abu Muslim was executed at the palace in 755 despite his reminding al-Mansur that it was he (Abu Muslim) who got the Abbasids into power, and his travel companions were bribed into silence. Displeasure over the caliph's brutality as well as admiration for Abu Muslim led to rebellions against the Abbasid Dynasty itself throughout Khorasan and Kurdistan.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: Although Shi'ites were key to the revolution's success, Abbasid attempts to claim orthodoxy in light of Umayyad material excess led to continued persecution of Shi'ites. On the other hand, non-Muslims regained the government posts they had lost under the Umayyads. Jews, Nestorian Christians, Zoroastrians and even Buddhists were re-integrated into a more cosmopolitan empire centered around the new, ethnically and religiously diverse city of Baghdad.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Abbasids were essentially puppets of secular rulers starting from 945, though their rule over Baghdad and its surroundings continued until 1258 when the Mongols sacked Baghdad, while their lineage as nominal caliphs lasted until 1517, when the Ottomans conquered Egypt (the seat of the Abbasid caliphate after 1258) and claimed the caliphate for themselves. The period of actual, direct rule by the Abbasids lasted almost exactly two-hundred years.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: One grandson of Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik, Abd ar-Rahman I, survived and established a kingdom in Al-Andalus (Moorish Iberia) after five years of travel westward. Over the course of thirty years, he ousted the ruling Fihrids and resisted Abbasid incursions to establish the Emirate of Córdoba. This is considered an extension of the Umayyad Dynasty, and ruled from Cordoba from 756 until 1031.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The Abbasid Revolution has been of great interest to both Western and Muslim historians. According to State University of New York professor of sociology Saïd Amir Arjomand, analytical interpretations of the revolution are rare, with most discussions simply lining up behind either the Iranic or Arabic interpretation of events. Frequently, early European historians viewed the conflict solely as a non-Arab uprising against Arabs. Bernard Lewis, professor emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University, points out that while the revolution has often been characterized as a Persian victory and Arab defeat, the caliph was still Arab, the language of administration was still Arabic and Arab nobility was not forced to give up its land holdings; rather, the Arabs were merely forced to share the fruits of the empire equally with other races.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: C.W. Previté-Orton argues that the reasons for the decline of the Umayyads was the rapid expansion of Islam. During the Umayyad period, mass conversions brought Iranians, Berbers, Copts, and Assyrians to Islam. These "clients," as the Arabs referred to them, were often better educated and more civilised than their Arab masters. The new converts, on the basis of equality of all Muslims, transformed the political landscape. Previté-Orton also argues that the feud between the Arabs in Syria and the Arabs in Mesopotamia further weakened the empire.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The revolution led to the enfranchisement of non-Arab people who had converted to Islam, granting them social and spiritual equality with Arabs. With social restrictions removed, Islam changed from an Arab ethnic empire to a universal world religion. This led to a great cultural and scientific exchange known as the Islamic Golden Age, with most achievements taking place under the Abbasids. What was later known as Islamic civilization and culture was defined by the Abbasids, rather than the earlier Rashidun and Umayyad caliphates. New ideas in all areas of society were accepted regardless of their geographic origin, and the emergence of societal institutions that were Islamic rather than Arab began. Though a class of Muslim clergy was absent for the first century of Islam, it was with the Abbasid Revolution and after that the Ulama appeared as a force in society, positioning themselves as the arbiters of justice and orthodoxy.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: With the eastward movement of the capital from Damascus to Baghdad, the Abbasid Empire eventually took on a distinctly Persian character, as opposed to the Arab character of the Umayyads. Rulers became increasingly autocratic, at times claiming divine right in defense of their actions.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: An accurate and comprehensive history of the revolution has proven difficult to compile for a number of reasons. There are no contemporary accounts, and most sources were written more than a century after the revolution. Because most historical sources were written under Abbasid rule, the description of the Umayyads must be taken with a grain of salt; such sources describe the Umayyads, at best, as merely placeholders between the Rashidun and Abbasid Caliphates.


title: Abbasid Revolution

text: The historiography of the revolution is especially significant due to Abbasid dominance of most early Muslim historical narratives; it was during their rule that history was established in the Muslim world as an independent field separate from writing in general. The initial two-hundred year period when the Abbasids actually held de facto power over the Muslim world coincided with the first composition of Muslim history. Another point of note is that while the Abbasid Revolution carried religious undertones against the irreligious and almost secular Umayyads, a separation of mosque and state occurred under the Abbasids as well. Historiographical surveys often focus on the solidifying of Muslim thought and rites under the Abbasids, with the conflicts between separated classes of rulers and clerics giving rise to the empire's eventual separation of religion and politics.


title: No Malice

text: Gene Elliott Thornton Jr. (born August 18, 1972), better known by his stage name No Malice (formerly known as Malicious and later Malice), is an American rapper from Virginia Beach, Virginia. He is best known for being one half of hip hop duo Clipse, alongside his brother and fellow rapper Pusha T. No Malice released his solo debut album "Hear Ye Him", in 2013, and his second studio album, "Let the Dead Bury the Dead", in 2017.


title: No Malice

text: No Malice was born Gene Elliott Thornton Jr. on August 18, 1972, in The Bronx borough of New York City. He and his family later moved down south to Virginia Beach. He and his brother, Pusha T, formed the rap group Clipse in 1992, and later were introduced to fellow Virginian Pharrell Williams, one half of the high-profile production team The Neptunes. Impressed with their lyrical talents, Williams formed a working relationship with the duo. He eventually helped them secure a recording contract with Elektra Records, in 1997. Under Elektra, and with The Neptunes handling its production, Clipse recorded their debut album "Exclusive Audio Footage". The group's debut single "The Funeral", helped to generate fan interest in the album, but failed to make a significant commercial impact. With "The Funeral" deemed a failure, "Exclusive Audio Footage" itself was shelved indefinitely. Clipse were subsequently released from their recording contract shortly thereafter.


title: No Malice

text: In early 2001, Williams signed the duo to Arista Records, through his recently established Star Trak Entertainment imprint. Clipse released their commercial debut "Lord Willin'", on August 20, 2002. The album debuted at No. 1 on "Billboard"'s Top R&B/Hip-hop Album chart and No. 4 on the "Billboard" 200, fueled by the strength of the lead singles "Grindin'" and "When the Last Time", which peaked at No. 30 and No. 19 respectively, on the "Billboard" Hot 100. The album's third single "Ma, I Don't Love Her" (featuring Faith Evans), was a modest hit, reaching No. 86 on the Hot 100. On October 1, 2002—only a month after its release—"Lord Willin'" was certified gold by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA).


title: No Malice

text: In late 2003, Clipse began recording material for its second album, "Hell Hath No Fury". However, further work on the album ground to a halt in 2004, when Arista Records's urban artists were absorbed into its sister label Jive Records as part of a larger merger between Sony Music Entertainment and BMG. Due to contractual requirements, Clipse was forced to stay on Jive, while Star Trak and the rest of its roster moved to a new home at Interscope Records. While Clipse resumed work on the album, and eventually finished its recording, the duo became increasingly frustrated with Jive, as the label overlooked it in favor of the more pop-oriented acts on its roster, which caused numerous delays in the release of "Hell Hath No Fury". As delays continued, the group asked for a formal release from its contract. When Jive refused to grant this request, the duo sued the label.


title: No Malice

text: On May 9, 2006, Clipse finally reached an agreement with Jive Records to release the album through its own label, Re-Up Records, along with Jive. "Hell Hath No Fury" was finally released on November 28, 2006. It spawned two singles: "Mr. Me Too" with Pharrell Williams and "Wamp Wamp (What It Do)" with Slim Thug. While the album received a great deal of critical acclaim, its sales were modest, at 78,000 in the first week. The hip hop magazine "XXL" gave the album a "XXL" rating, marking it as a five-star album. At the time only five albums had previously received that honor. In a May 19, 2007 interview with "Eye Weekly", Clipse revealed that the group had been officially released from its recording contract with Jive. After this, the duo began discussions with several record labels, eventually signing with Columbia Records on October 26, 2007. The follow-up to "Hell Hath No Fury", titled "Til the Casket Drops", was released on December 8, 2009 via Columbia Records. In a departure from the group's previous works, which only featured production from the Neptunes, the album features production from Sean "Diddy" Combs' production team The Hitmen, and DJ Khalil among others. The album did not fare as well commercially as the group's first two albums, peaking at No. 41 on the "Billboard" 200 albums chart.


title: No Malice

text: In April 2010, No Malice announced that he and Pusha T would release solo albums later in the year, and that they were no longer signed to Columbia Records. In 2011 No Malice published his book "Wretched, Pitiful, Poor, Blind & Naked", a memoir about his life, including fearing contracting AIDS, as well as his conversion to Christianity.


title: No Malice

text: On March 6, 2012, he announced that he changed his name from Malice to No Malice via a video posted to Twitter. It depicted No Malice viewing himself in a casket in a funeral parlor and walking away. The video, which was directed by No Malice, opens with multiple quotes from the Bible: first, from Ephesians 4:31, "Let all bitterness and wrath and anger and clamor and slander be put away from you, along with all malice;" then, from 1 Peter 2:1, "Wherefore laying aside all malice, and all guile, and hypocrisies, and envies, and all evil speakings;" and Romans 1:29, "Being filled with all unrighteousness, fornication, wickedness, covetousness, maliciousness; full of envy, murder, debate, deceit, malignity; whisperers;" and Colossians 3:8, "But now you must put them all away: anger, wrath, malice, slander, and obscene talk from your mouth."


title: No Malice

text: In 2012, No Malice collaborated with Lecrae on his mixtape "Church Clothes", on the song "Darkest Hour". On June 19, 2012, No Malice released the first single from "Hear Ye Him" titled "June" featuring Eric David. On July 24, 2012, the second single from "Hear Ye Him" titled "Unforgettable" was released. On January 15, 2013, the third single from "Hear Ye Him" titled "Smoke & Mirrors" featuring Ab-Liva was released. On May 21, 2013, it was announced that his debut album "Hear Ye Him" would be released on July 2, 2013, but the album was later pushed back. On June 4, 2013, the fourth single from "Hear Ye Him" titled "Bury That" was released.


title: No Malice

text: On August 18, 2017, No Malice released his second studio album, "Let the Dead Bury the Dead", which contains the track "Fake News", where No Malice denounces his earlier work, singing ""Take my catalog, I just as soon set a match to it / Money like a side chick, I ain't that attached to it"".


title: No Malice

text: On July 6, 2018, his single "Give 'Em Game" was released. A reviewer on "Jam The Hype" wrote, "No Malice spits timeless bars that listeners will gain wisdom from."


title: No Malice

text: He and his brother made a guest appearance as Clipse on the track "Use This Gospel" on Kanye West's 2019 album "Jesus Is King".


title: No Malice

text: In 2022, they have collaborated on Japanese DJ Nigo’s album, titled “I Know NIGO!” on a song called “Punch Bowl”. The following month, they collaborated on brother Pusha T’s album, titled “It’s Almost Dry”, on a song called “I Pray For You”. He is credited as Malice on the record.


title: Total order

text: In mathematics, a total or linear order is a partial order in which any two elements are comparable. That is, a total order is a binary relation formula_1 on some set formula_2, which satisfies the following for all formula_3 and formula_4 in formula_2:


title: Total order

text: A set equipped with a total order is a totally ordered set; the terms simply ordered set, linearly ordered set, and loset are also used. The term "chain" is sometimes defined as a synonym of "totally ordered set", but refers generally to some sort of totally ordered subsets of a given partially ordered set.


title: Total order

text: An extension of a given partial order to a total order is called a linear extension of that partial order.


title: Total order

text: A on a set formula_2 is a strict partial order on formula_2 in which any two distinct elements are comparable. That is, a total order is a binary relation formula_17 on some set formula_2, which satisfies the following for all formula_3 and formula_4 in formula_2:


title: Total order

text: Asymmetry follows from transitivity and irreflexivity; moreover, irreflexivity follows from asymmetry.


title: Total order

text: For each (non-strict) total order formula_1 there is an associated relation formula_17, called the "strict total order" associated with formula_1 that can be defined in two equivalent ways:


title: Total order

text: The term chain is sometimes defined as a synonym for a totally ordered set, but it is generally used for referring to a subset of a partially ordered set that is totally ordered for the induced order. Typically, the partially ordered set is a set of subsets of a given set that is ordered by inclusion, and the term is used for stating properties of the set of the chains. This high number of nested levels of sets explains the usefulness of the term.


title: Total order

text: A common example of the use of "chain" for referring to totally ordered subsets is Zorn's lemma which asserts that, if every chain in a partially ordered set has an upper bound in , then contains at least one maximal element. Zorn's lemma is commonly used with being a set of subsets; in this case, the upperbound is obtained by proving that the union of the elements of a chain in is in . This is the way that is generally used to prove that a vector space has Hamel bases and that a ring has maximal ideals.


title: Total order

text: In some contexts, the chains that are considered are order isomorphic to the natural numbers with their usual order or its opposite order. In this case, a chain can be identified with a monotone sequence, and is called an ascending chain or a descending chain, depending whether the sequence is increasing or decreasing.


title: Total order

text: A partially ordered set has the descending chain condition if every descending chain eventually stabilizes. For example, an order is well founded if it has the descending chain condition. Similarly, the ascending chain condition means that every ascending chain eventually stabilizes. For example, a Noetherian ring is a ring whose ideals satisfy the ascending chain condition.


title: Total order

text: In other contexts, only chains that are finite sets are considered. In this case, one talks of a "finite chain", often shortened as a "chain". In this case, the length of a chain is the number of inequalities (or set inclusions) between consecutive elements of the chain; that is, the number minus one of elements in the chain. Thus a singleton set is a chain of length zero, and an ordered pair is a chain of length one. The dimension of a space is often defined or characterized as the maximal length of chains of subspaces. For example, the dimension of a vector space is the maximal length of chains of linear subspaces, and the Krull dimension of a commutative ring is the maximal length of chains of prime ideals.


title: Total order

text: "Chain" may also be used for some totally ordered subsets of structures that are not partially ordered sets. An example is given by regular chains of polynomials. Another example is the use of "chain" as a synonym for a walk in a graph.


title: Total order

text: We then write "a" ≤ "b" if and only if formula_43. Hence a totally ordered set is a distributive lattice.


title: Total order

text: A simple counting argument will verify that any non-empty finite totally ordered set (and hence any non-empty subset thereof) has a least element. Thus every finite total order is in fact a well order. Either by direct proof or by observing that every well order is order isomorphic to an ordinal one may show that every finite total order is order isomorphic to an initial segment of the natural numbers ordered by <. In other words, a total order on a set with "k" elements induces a bijection with the first "k" natural numbers. Hence it is common to index finite total orders or well orders with order type ω by natural numbers in a fashion which respects the ordering (either starting with zero or with one).


title: Total order

text: Totally ordered sets form a full subcategory of the category of partially ordered sets, with the morphisms being maps which respect the orders, i.e. maps "f" such that if "a" ≤ "b" then "f"("a") ≤ "f"("b").


title: Total order

text: A bijective map between two totally ordered sets that respects the two orders is an isomorphism in this category.


title: Total order

text: For any totally ordered set "X" we can define the "open intervals" ("a", "b") = {"x" : "a" < "x" and "x" < "b"}, (−∞, "b") = {"x" : "x" < "b"}, ("a", ∞) = {"x" : "a" < "x"} and (−∞, ∞) = "X". We can use these open intervals to define a topology on any ordered set, the order topology.


title: Total order

text: When more than one order is being used on a set one talks about the order topology induced by a particular order. For instance if N is the natural numbers, < is less than and > greater than we might refer to the order topology on N induced by < and the order topology on N induced by > (in this case they happen to be identical but will not in general).


title: Total order

text: A totally ordered set is said to be complete if every nonempty subset that has an upper bound, has a least upper bound. For example, the set of real numbers R is complete but the set of rational numbers Q is not. In other words, the various concepts of completeness (not to be confused with being "total") do not carry over to restrictions. For example, over the real numbers a property of the relation ≤ is that every non-empty subset "S" of R with an upper bound in R has a least upper bound (also called supremum) in R. However, for the rational numbers this supremum is not necessarily rational, so the same property does not hold on the restriction of the relation ≤ to the rational numbers.


title: Total order

text: A totally ordered set (with its order topology) which is a complete lattice is compact. Examples are the closed intervals of real numbers, e.g. the unit interval [0,1], and the affinely extended real number system (extended real number line). There are order-preserving homeomorphisms between these examples.


title: Total order

text: For any two disjoint total orders formula_44 and formula_45, there is a natural order formula_46 on the set formula_47, which is called the sum of the two orders or sometimes just formula_48:


title: Total order

text: Intuitively, this means that the elements of the second set are added on top of the elements of the first set.


title: Total order

text: More generally, if formula_57 is a totally ordered index set, and for each formula_58 the structure formula_59 is a linear order, where the sets formula_60 are pairwise disjoint, then the natural total order on formula_61 is defined by


title: Total order

text: The first-order theory of total orders is decidable, i.e. there is an algorithm for deciding which first-order statements hold for all total orders. Using interpretability in S2S, the monadic second-order theory of countable total orders is also decidable.


title: Total order

text: In order of increasing strength, i.e., decreasing sets of pairs, three of the possible orders on the Cartesian product of two totally ordered sets are:


title: Total order

text: A real function of "n" real variables defined on a subset of R defines a strict weak order and a corresponding total preorder on that subset.


title: Total order

text: A binary relation that is antisymmetric, transitive, and reflexive (but not necessarily total) is a partial order.


title: Total order

text: There are only a few nontrivial structures that are (interdefinable as) reducts of a total order. Forgetting the orientation results in a betweenness relation. Forgetting the location of the ends results in a cyclic order. Forgetting both data results in a separation relation.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri (; 1 July 1942 – 25 October 2020) was an Iraqi politician and Army Field Marshal. He served as Vice Chairman of the Iraqi Revolutionary Command Council until the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq and was regarded as the closest advisor and deputy under President Saddam Hussein. He led the Iraqi insurgent Naqshbandi Army.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri was the most high-profile Ba'athist official to successfully evade capture after the invasion of Iraq, and was the king of clubs in the infamous most-wanted Iraqi playing cards. Al-Douri continued to lead elements of the Iraqi insurgency such as the Naqshbandi Army against the then-occupation forces and waged an insurgency against the current regime in Baghdad. Following the execution of Saddam Hussein on 30 December 2006, al-Douri was confirmed as the new leader of the banned Iraqi Ba'ath Party on 3 January 2007.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri was reportedly killed in action—along with his nine bodyguards—on 17 April 2015 in a large-scale military operation by Shiite militias and Iraqi forces near the Al-Alaas oil fields in Hemreen east of Tikrit. The Shiite militant organization Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq has alleged that it killed him and transported his apparent body to Baghdad to confirm its identity. According to the BBC, Shiite militias claimed to have killed him, but the Iraqi Baath party denied his death. A Kurdish news source also reported that Iraq did not have al-Douri's DNA to confirm his death. Al-Douri appeared in videos talking about events that took place after his alleged death. He died on 25 October 2020.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Born in 1942, al-Douri was born in Al-Dour, near the Iraqi town of Tikrit, to Ibrahim Khalil al-Douri, a farmer, and Hamdah Saloum al-Douri. His family belonged to the Al-Shuwaikhat clan of the Jabour tribe. Nicknamed "the Iceman" for his humble origins selling blocks of ice, he became involved in revolutionary politics in his late teenage years, despite having had only a primary school education. He befriended Saddam Hussein in 1963, then they both served in the early intelligence apparatus of the Ba'ath Party and participated in what would be known as the 17 July Revolution in 1968.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri was a senior member of the Ba'athist government under Saddam Hussein. This was due to the fact that both al-Douri and Saddam came from the same Tikriti tribal background. When the Ba'athists seized power in 1968, he was made interior minister where he oversaw efforts to sideline political rivals to the Ba'ath Party, mainly the Iraqi Communist Party. Al-Douri became the vice chairman of the Iraqi Revolutionary Command Council prior to 2003, giving him unprecedented amounts of power and influence within the Iraqi political sphere.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: As vice chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, al-Douri was involved in the wars against Iran and Kuwait. During the 1988–1989 Al-Anfal Campaign, al-Douri was said to have ordered Ali Hassan al-Majid (aka 'Chemical Ali') to use Mustard and Sarin nerve gas on Kurdish fighters in Halabja. He was complicit in the invasion of Saudi Arabia and the attack on the town of Khafji in January 1991. During the 1991 uprisings in Iraq, he was involved in the suppression of the revolt led by the Iraqi marsh Arabs. When the Kurds rebelled again in 1991, al-Douri warned them "If you have forgotten Halabja, I would like to remind you that we are ready to repeat the operation."


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In 1993, al-Douri was involved in the state-sponsored Return to Faith Campaign "(al-Hamlah al-Imaniyyah)", which sought to encourage devotion to Islam in Iraqi social life. This saw aspects of Islam fused into the Iraqi media, education system and judicial system.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Following the October 2000 events, Arab leaders including al-Douri gathered in Cairo condemning Israel's reaction to the protests. In response to the Palestinian protests, Al-Douri was said to have remarked "The Jews will be taught a lesson."


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: On 5 March 2003, during an emergency summit of the then Organisation of the Islamic Cooperation, al-Douri made a heated address where he accused the neighbouring Gulf states of being "traitors" for cooperating with the United States and Israel. He blamed Kuwait for being responsible for Iraq's suffering and scrutinised the United States of America's aggressive stance towards Iraq. These comments sparked the Kuwaiti representative to stand up and protest to which al-Douri responded "Shut up, sit down you small American agent, you monkey!"


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri, a member of the Naqshbandi Order, was able to use his position in the regime to leverage support to the Naqshbandi community within Iraq. This form of patronage would eventfully culminate in the rise of the Army of the Men of the Naqshbandi Order during the Iraqi insurgency, of which al-Douri would play a leading role.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri married for the first time in 1968; however, he married five times in total and had 24 children: 13 daughters and 11 sons. In a sign of loyalty, al-Douri consented to marry his daughter Hawazin to Saddam's eldest son, Uday. Al-Douri's influence with Saddam was so substantial that he could even levy a condition, that the union would not be consummated, and later made a successful petition that his daughter be permitted to divorce Uday.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri is believed to have suffered from leukemia and was said to have undergone blood transfusions every six months. In 1999, he visited Vienna, Austria for treatment. The Austrian opposition demanded that he be arrested for war crimes, but the government allowed him to leave the country. His son was reportedly killed in Tikrit in July 2014.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: On 20 March 2003, U.S.-led coalition forces invaded Iraq, leading to the toppling of the regime of President Saddam Hussein on 9 April 2003. Following the fall of Baghdad, al-Douri went into hiding. U.S. officials claimed that he was involved in the subsequent Iraqi insurgency against U.S. forces, directing and funding attacks, as well as brokering an alliance between Ba'athist insurgents and militant Islamists.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In November 2003, the U.S.-led coalition issued a US$10 million bounty for any information leading to al-Douri's apprehension by authorities in response to coordinating attacks against Coalition forces. One of al-Douri's wives and a daughter were captured in the same month, to be questioned about his whereabouts.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri was made the King of Clubs in the famous most-wanted Iraqi playing cards, making him among the top 8 "most wanted" figures in Saddam Hussein's regime.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: At the time of the invasion of Iraq, al-Douri, along with Saddam and Vice President Taha Yassin Ramadan, were among the three surviving plotters who had brought the Ba'ath Party to power in a coup in 1968.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In an interview in May 2008, al-Douri detailed his strategy, indicating that "any negotiations with the invaders without it represents a desertion and treason, and is refused by all national, Pan-Arab and Islamic factions of the resistance." During the interview, al-Douri made the following demands:


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri was reportedly the head of the Iraqi rebel group Army of the Men of the Naqshbandi Order as well as the Supreme Command for Jihad and Liberation based on his longstanding positions of leadership in the Naqshbandi sect in Iraq.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Sometime after the Fall of Baghdad, al-Douri evaded capture and went into hiding. There are many different reports on his whereabouts. Several sources close to al-Douri's family reported to Al Jazeera that they had not heard of al-Douri since April 2003 and did not know where he was hiding.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: According to former intelligence officer Malcolm Nance and a U.S. telegram cable, al-Douri and the Iraqi Revolutionary Command Council were rumoured to have developed deep relations with Hafez al-Assad and the Syrian Ba'ath party, despite historical differences between the two Ba'ath factions. Al-Douri urged Saddam to open oil pipelines with Syria, building a financial relationship with the Assad family. Nance would also allege that al-Douri fled to Syria after the 2003 Invasion of Iraq, where he organised the National Command of the Islamic Resistance which co-ordinated major combat operations during the Iraqi insurgency.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: The RAND Corporation reported prior to the capture of Saddam Hussein, al-Douri served as "Saddam’s point of contact in Diyala Governorate" and that he's visited Diyala twice to meet with leaders to organize the insurgency inside Iraq.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: According to a 2005 U.S. memo published by WikiLeaks, Abdullah al-Kharbit, a contractor from a prominent Anbar family claims that a man named Abu Mu'ath, which possibly was a pseudonym for al-Douri was in the Iraqi town of Al-Qa'im. There were reports from al-Hayat that al-Douri was allegedly in Mosul visiting his wife, before fleeing to an undisclosed location. NBC News reported that al-Douri was rumoured to be hiding in Syria or elsewhere.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In 2007, Iraqi security forces raided a hideout in Tikrit belonging to al-Douri, the raid was based on "confirmed intelligence" that al-Douri was holding meetings with his aides at the hideout. Al-Douri however was not caught. In early 2007, Iraqi President Jalal Talabani claimed that al-Douri was not in Syria, but that he was in Yemen, he says that the Iraqi government has had this information for a while and has been tracing al-Douri's movements. A U.S. intelligence source told the Long War Journal, that al-Douri was being sheltered in northern Iraq. Iraqi tribal expert and senior fellow at the United States Institute of Peace, Amatzia Baram, claimed that al-Douri is likely in hiding somewhere between Mosul and the Turkish border. Middle East expert Juan Cole believes that al-Douri is likely in the Mosul area and not Syria.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: The U.S. claimed that al-Douri resurfaced in Syria in 2008, however Al-Mawqif Al-Arabi, an Egyptian newspaper which interviewed al-Douri that same year told reporters that he was "on the battlefield" and on a "combat field while weapons were talking", presumably meaning he was still fighting in Iraq. The Combating Terrorism Center reported that al-Douri was still "politically active within Iraq." The Irish Times reported that it was believed that al-Douri was hiding somewhere in Iraq. Likewise, The Times reported that it was believed that al-Douri was hiding around Mosul or Tikrit. Other reports claimed that al-Douri was in the Iraqi town of Ad-Dawr and Iraqi Kurdistan.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: According to a leaked U.S. 2009 telegram cable published by WikiLeaks, al-Douri fled to Syria in the spring of 2003, the cable however would admit that his whereabouts between 2003 and 2009 were difficult to pin down. The telegram cable would also claim that al-Douri was no longer part of the "former regime elements" living in Syria, however that same year General David Petraeus who was at the time heading the United States Central Command, instead told reporters from Al Arabiya that al-Douri was still residing in Syria with "complete freedom". The Syrian government denies that al-Douri is residing in Syria. Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki claimed to U.S. officials that a Syrian offered to show him al-Douri's home in Damascus during a visit. However, Iraqi intelligence sources in 2009 have emphasized that al-Douri was residing in the southern suburbs of Diyala in an Islamic State of Iraq stronghold.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Unconfirmed speculations located al-Douri somewhere in Gulf or the southern Arabian Peninsula, or in Qatar, while other theories claimed that al-Douri had stayed in Iraq permanently since 2003, or that he had "a number of safe houses in and around Muqdadiya."


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Despite allegations from U.S. and Iraqi officials that al-Douri was residing in Syria, al-Douri had opposed and even attempted to oust the Syrian-backed Iraqi Ba'athist, Mohammed Younis al-Ahmed, from the party and he had also criticized the Syrian government for being part of an American conspiracy to undermine the Iraqi Ba'ath Party. Furthermore, analysts have noted that "Douri deeply distrusts working with the Syrians because he distrusts the Iranians, who are strong allies with Syria". According to a U.S. telegram cable published by WikiLeaks, the U.S. claimed that according to "press remarks" in May 2008 that "al-Douri criticized Syria for not providing sufficient support to the "Ba'ath cause". However, in an interview on 26 May 2008, al-Douri boasted that his resistance was not supported or incubated by any outside powers.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Some leaders such as former national security advisor Mowaffak al-Rubaie and former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki have accused the Assad government of harbouring and supporting Iraqi militants. A charge Syria heavily denies and demands be proven with evidence.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: While U.S. telegram cable claimed by at least October 2009 that al-Douri was no longer part of the "former regime elements" living in Syria, U.S. intelligence believed al-Douri operated out of Syria until the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, when he may have moved to safe houses across the North-western Iraq province of Nineveh. Malcolm Nance, however claims that al-Douri was still in Syria by as late as 2013, before moving to Tikrit in 2014.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: On 10 November 2011, a man claiming to be Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri released an audio tape condemning a recent arrest campaign targeting suspected Ba'ath Party members.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: The first visual evidence of his survival surfaced on 7 April 2012 when a video posted online showed him giving a speech. In the shots, he is seen wearing an olive military uniform and glasses, denouncing the Shiite-led government in Baghdad and interference in Iraqi politics by regional Shia powerhouse Iran. "Everyone can hear the sounds of danger echoing daily and threatening this country," al-Douri says during the hour-long broadcast. Prime Minister Maliki's personal adviser, Ali al-Moussawi, said the tape had a propaganda function but that he doubted al-Douri was still in Iraq as he required extensive medical care for a number of illnesses.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: On 5 January 2013, a 53-minute video was released on YouTube in which al-Douri encouraged recent Sunni protests in Nineveh and Anbar Governorates against Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, saying that "the people of Iraq and all its nationalist and Islamic forces support you until the realization of your just demands for the fall of the Safavid-Persian alliance." The message, which showed the Ba'athist leader sitting behind a desk with a small Saddam-era Iraqi flag on it, was partially broadcast on the Al Arabiya news channel. In the video, released just before the Iraqi Army Day on 6 January, Douri claimed to be somewhere in Iraq's Babil Governorate. However, former U.S. intelligence officials believe it was filmed in Damascus, Syria. Hours after the tape was released, Iraqi military intelligence arrested Abdul Rahman Mohammed Ibrahim, the nephew of al-Douri, in Saladin Governorate.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In April 2013, the Iraqi government claimed to be closing in on al-Douri, who they claimed was moving between Tikrit and the towns of Hawija and Dour, which is alleged to be an area of strong support for al-Douri, and also where he is claimed to have owned a villa.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri played a role in the Northern Offensive as commander of the Naqshbandi Army. Reports soon surfaced that he had links with the jihadist group ISIL, helping them take the city of Tikrit and coordinating attacks against Iraqi security forces. On 13 June, a Twitter account, @wikibaghdadi, claimed a "Meeting between ISIS and Naqshbandi Army near al-Qayara area south of Mosul had taken place with representatives from Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi." In July 2014, al-Douri issued an audio recording praising "the heroes and knights of al Qaeda and the Islamic State" forces in attacking Iraqi government positions within Saladin, Kirkuk, Diyala, and Nineveh Governorates. His connections with Islamist elements in Iraq is said to have emerged as far back as during Saddam's regime. According to the "Soufan Group", al-Douri had close ties with senior ISIL officials Abu Muslim al-Turkmani and Abu Ayman al-Iraqi. Both men had served in the Ba'athist regime under Saddam Hussein, with al-Turkmani being a Lieutenant colonel and serving in the "Istikhbarat" and Special Republican Guard. Al-Iraqi had been a Colonel in Iraq's Air Defense Intelligence.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Al-Douri has been pointed out as one of the main commanders responsible for successful takeover by rebel groups of North Iraq and the city of Mosul in June 2014. The Naqshbandi Army, along with other groups led by former Ba'ath officers, are reported to have assumed an increasingly large role in the governance and administration of occupied cities. Militants were reported to have appointed fellow Ba'ath generals Azhar al-Obeidi and Ahmed Abdul Rashid as the governors of Mosul and Tikrit. Shortly afterwards, unverified reports emerged that the Ba'ath Party, under al-Douri's leadership, declared war on ISIL in response to the displacement of Christians from Mosul. Other reports still maintained that there was a limited degree of cooperation between the two groups.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In May 2015, an audio recording alleging to be that of al-Douri, criticized both ISIL and Iran. He also hailed the Saudi-led alliance targeting the Houthi militias in Yemen. On ISIL he stated "We do cross paths ... but what stops us from meeting is that even if we wanted to, they would not accept because they consider the Ba'ath infidels". He claimed that the group was detaining a third of the Ba'ath's command, and then went on to claim the number of ISIL victims in Iraq "does not equal 1% of those killed by the militias". On Iran, al-Douri called for the "Iraqis in Al-Anbar and Karbala to strongly fight the Persian criminal plan, which aims at swallowing Iraq." He stressed that Iran is the main player in Iraq and it is working through the Quds Force.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In October 2015, it was reported that al-Douri's Naqshbandi Army was involved in secret discussions with the Iraqi government, alongside other insurgent groups, as part of a move to create a new Sunni force to fight ISIL in Iraq.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: On 7 April 2016, he released a video in which he sits at a desk in military uniform, flanked by two bodyguards and reads a statement. He calls on 'mujahideen' in Iraq to fight the Shia militias and combat Iranian influence in Iraq under the Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism created by Saudi Arabia on 15 December 2015. He said: "We consider everything that is happening in Iraq from Iran, its agents, militias, and its security apparatus, is the responsibility of the United States". He added: "If it [U.S.] did not move to save Iraq and its people from Iran's hegemony, control and occupation, and to stop bloodshed, destruction, burning and the changing demographic, then Iraqi people should resist [the occupation]." He stated that one of the ways to deal with the issue in Yemen was to make Iran and its allies adhere to the Security Council decision on ceasefire.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In April 2018, Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri released a new video commemorating the 71st anniversary of the Baath party and vowing that U.S. President Donald Trump "will never attack Iran until the Resurrection Day."


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In an article published by NRT News, reports an Iraqi politician, Hassan Alawi, meeting Al-Douri in the Kurdistan region of Iraq multiple times, the latest at 17 August 2021, implying that he is alive.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In November 2005, Arab media reported that al-Douri died of natural causes, probably in Iraq. On 17 April 2015, al-Douri allegedly died during a military operation conducted by the Iraqi Army near Al-Alaas oil fields in Hamrin Mountains, east of Tikrit. Iraqi security forces and Shia militias opened fire at a convoy believed to be carrying al-Douri and nine bodyguards, resulting in a 25-minute firefight. General Haider al-Basri, a senior Iraqi commander, announced to state television that the man believed to be al-Douri and his guards were killed. The Shi'ite militant organization Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq claimed to have killed him, saying that his body was being transported to Baghdad to confirm its identity. Before delivering the body to Baghdad, Shi'ite militias did DNA tests on the body and confirmed the results on 19 April. The body was delivered to Baghdad on 20 April, with the government starting the DNA tests a day after, on 21 April. The governor of Salahaddin province, Raed al-Jabbouri, characterized al-Douri as a "mastermind of Islamic State in Iraq (ISIS)" and stated that his death would be a blow to the group.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: On 24 April 2015, the Iraqi Health Ministry spokesman, Dr. Ziyad Tareq, said: "The ministry does not have any DNA test (results) for any relative of al-Douri at the present time, and further efforts will be made to achieve a DNA result."


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: On 15 May 2015, a Ba'athist television channel released an audio recording, purportedly made by al-Douri, in which the speaker referred to events that had happened since al-Douri's reported death on 17 April.


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: In June 2018, Raghad Saddam Hussein was reported to have sent a note of condolence to Al Douri's family, with the source saying that "Douri died of a hematological illness at a Tunisian hospital."


title: Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri

text: Several Arabic language media outlets reported that the Baath Party announced his death on 25 October 2020. It is unknown what he died of. Al-Baath Party issued a statement following his death, which read: "Today, the knight of the Baath and the Iraqi national resistance has dismounted from his horse".


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: Sathuranga Vettai () is a 2014 Indian Tamil-language heist film written and directed by debutant H. Vinoth, starring Natraj and Ishaara Nair in the lead roles, while Ponvannan, Ilavarasu, and Piraisoodan, among others, play supporting roles. Produced by Manobala, it features music by Sean Roldan and cinematography by K. G. Venkatesh. The film, touted to be an "indianized con movie", was released by Thiruppathi Brothers Film Media on 18 July 2014 and received positive reviews from critics. A sequel is currently under development titled "Sathuranga Vettai 2" starring Arvind Swamy and Trisha. It has been remade in Telugu as "Bluff Master" and is being remade in Kannada as "Jagath Khiladi".


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: Gandhi Babu is a skilled con artist, who dreams of doing ingenious scams and executes them perfectly. His scams include selling ignorant people ordinary snakes, claiming that they are exotic and will fetch crores in the international market, promoting a nonexistent multilevel marketing company with its controversial chain referral schemes promising a BMW car within a year. His scams include duping people through impersonation – posing close to/claiming relationship with influential people, the convincing people of things such as Lilliput, exotic stones, and artifacts, last but not least the infamous Emu scam, where the investors were offered exorbitant returns through Emu farms. Bhanu is from a poor family, who comes to work for Gandhi and falls for his charms. Despite having a soft corner for her, Gandhi has money as his first priority. Because of this, he abandons Bhanu. Gandhi is arrested in a minor scam but the local police didn't realise his real identity. As the newspaper publishes this scam as a small box news of low importance, ACP Jaya Prakasham of Chennai Police identifies Gandhi and informs the local police and multiple cases are filed against him.


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: The cops subject him to torture and try to recover the money, but in vain. As the court releases him months later due to absence of solid evidence, his associates betray Gandhi and escape with the remaining money. An angered investor hires Valavan and his gang to recover his money and kill Gandhi Babu, The gang nabs him outside the court and is beaten to a pulp. Later he convinces them of making another con of worth a billion and pay them more than their hirer. Believing his abilities they kill and dispose their hirer and pull another scam to fuel a bigger one. He believes that if a person is foolish or greedy enough to be duped, then the person is to be blamed. He argues that every election voters are conned by the candidates who promise them the moon, but never come through. The next scam was nothing but a trap laid for gang by Gandhi Babu, he sends the gang to a his old scam's victim Chettiyar, knowing that they'll get caught as he's alert and will call the police due to his past experience. The gang gets arrested and angered by Gandhi Babu's betrayal. Meanwhile he moves back to Bhanu and she looks after him and they get married.


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: Later, Bhanu becomes pregnant. As the gang gets released they give Gandhi Babu a choice whether to pull a bigger scam and compensate their losses, or he and his wife get killed by them. Babu agrees to help them, The gang leaves Dravidan to keep an eye on pregnant Bhanu and leaves to Madurai to perform a final heist to hand over the money to them. They target Moovendhar, a rich and politically well-connected marble and granite businessman, they target him through the rice pulling scam, one of the high-profile scams during the times. They offer the artifact involved in the scam as a solution to his problems. As Moovendar agrees to the deal, the artifact is transferred after rituals and the gang receives as payment. The passage of money results in a tussle. Gandhi kills them and returns to his wife and child with the money. Finally, the look on her face makes him realize the value of life, and he leaves the money to the police custody.


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: Director Vinoth said that he was turned down by several producers before he met director Nalan Kumarasamy who he handed over his film's script. While Nalan was on a trip, his mother found the script, read and loved it and asked Nalan to read it too, who too liked it and came forward to help him find a producer. Actor Manobala, who had wanted to start a new production house and had asked Nalan to find some good stories, read the script by Vinoth and instantly agreed to produce it.


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: The film was said to be a "con film". Vinoth stated, "My film is about the pace at which we all want to make money in our lives. It's about the anger of common man who thinks money is the solution to all his problems. When there's imbalance in nature, we experience tsunami and earthquake. Likewise, my story is about the imbalance in the social morals of a common man". Although it was a heist film, the director said that he had made the film "as funny as possible" and that it had been narrated with "a lot of fun, satire and dark humour". It was reported that the film's screenplay was written in "a six-episode format".


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: The film's soundtrack was composed by Sean Roldan. The album features five tracks and was released on 27 April 2014. Many colleagues of Manobala were present at the launch.


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: "The Times of India" gave the soundtrack a rating of 3 stars and wrote, "the composer doesn't disappoint in his second outing. This five-track album has a fair mix of every genre...with a touch of Sean's guitar techniques that you cannot miss out". Indiaglitz.com wrote that "Sathuranga Vettai" was "Sean's supreme sophomore effort" and that he "is definitely here to stay for a long time".


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: The film's rights were bought by Thiruppathi Brothers Film Media in June 2014. The satellite rights of the film were sold to STAR Vijay. Prior to the release, Manobala had held several sneak previews of the film for personalities from the film industry, who were impressed with the film. Thereafter, Thirrupathi Brothers were trying to release the film in over 200 screens in Tamil Nadu.


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: The Times of India gave it 3.5 stars out of 5 and wrote, ""Sathuranka Vettai" shows what good writing can do to a film. The film is an expertly woven tale of a remorseless con man, for whom, "money is the ultimate"...The real hero of "Sathuranka Vettai" is its script, which, with its twists and turns, keeps us guessing for most parts of the film". Sify wrote, "With terrific screenplay, racy narration and out-of-the-box presentation, "Sathuranga Vettai" is a surprisingly fresh film that works big time. The film rests on intelligent writing peppered with smart dialogues and the fresh appeal of its lead actors. H Vinoth is definitely one of the great new finds of Tamil cinema and scores for his near perfect script, narration and packaging. Here is superior quality cinema perfect for a night out at the movies". The New Indian Express wrote, "With an intelligently-crafted screenplay, deft treatment, racy pace and some meaningful lines, director Vinoth establishes his credentials as a writer-director in "Sathuranga Vettai", his very first effort. Weaving a tale centered around a conman, he infuses in it a judicious blend of humour, sentiment, intrigue and suspense, keeping one’s attention glued to the screen". Silverscreen.in wrote, "It’s a con movie of the highest order. It could also be a book. There’s intrigue, there’s laughter, there’s conspiracy, and more laughter. One moment, there’s feverish excitement, and the next, we slap our forehead in exasperation. It also makes us whistle. It’s that cool". IANS gave it 3 stars out of 5 and wrote, "The reason newcomer Vinoth's "Sathuranga Vettai" is an almost flawless film in the genre is because it succeeds in managing to con the audiences as well, more than once. It's not a film about people who con but one about those who get conned, why they get conned and how they get conned".


title: Sathuranga Vettai

text: Baradwaj Rangan gave a more mixed review, writing, "Vinoth employs a series of tricks to amp up his narrative, to make us feel we’re watching a really cool movie...What we don’t get is the pleasure of being conned. We don’t see too many of these films in Tamil, so the newness keeps us watching (this is one of those not-bad-for-a-first-film films) — but the cons aren’t shaped well. They seem too easy (except for the last one) and the victims seem too dumb".


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444 (1969), was a landmark decision of the United States Supreme Court interpreting the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The Court held that the government cannot punish inflammatory speech unless that speech is "directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action". Specifically, the Court struck down Ohio's criminal syndicalism statute, because that statute broadly prohibited the mere advocacy of violence. In the process, "Whitney v. California" (1927) was explicitly overruled, and "Schenck v. United States" (1919), "Abrams v. United States" (1919), "Gitlow v. New York" (1925), and "Dennis v. United States" (1951). were effectively overturned.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: Clarence Brandenburg, a Ku Klux Klan (KKK) leader in rural Ohio, contacted a reporter at a Cincinnati television station and invited him to cover a KKK rally that would take place in Hamilton County in the summer of 1964. Portions of the rally were filmed, showing several men in robes and hoods, some carrying firearms, first burning a cross and then making speeches. One of the speeches made reference to the possibility of "revengeance" against "Niggers", "Jews", and those who supported them and also claimed that "our President, our Congress, our Supreme Court, continues to suppress the white, Caucasian race", and announced plans for a march on Congress to take place on the Fourth of July. Another speech advocated for the forced expulsion of African Americans to Africa and Jewish Americans to Israel.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: Brandenburg was charged with advocating violence under Ohio's criminal syndicalism statute for his participation in the rally and for the speech he made. In relevant part, the statute – enacted in 1919 during the First Red Scare – proscribed "advocat[ing] ... the duty, necessity, or propriety of crime, sabotage, violence, or unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accomplishing industrial or political reform" and "voluntarily assembl[ing] with any society, group or assemblage of persons formed to teach or advocate the doctrines of criminal syndicalism".


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: Convicted in the Court of Common Pleas of Hamilton County, Brandenburg was fined $1,000 and sentenced to one to ten years in prison. On appeal, the Ohio First District Court of Appeal affirmed Brandenburg's conviction, rejecting his claim that the statute violated his First Amendment and Fourteenth Amendment right to freedom of speech. The Supreme Court of Ohio dismissed his appeal without opinion.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: The rather cursory way in which the Ohio courts dismissed Brandenburg's constitutional arguments is unsurprising in light of the state of First Amendment law in the pre-"Brandenburg" era. Although "Yates v. United States" (1957) had overturned the convictions of mid-level Communist Party members in language that seemed suggestive of a broader view of freedom of expression rights than had been accorded them in "Dennis v. United States" (1951), all "Yates" purported to do was construe a federal statute, the 1940 Smith Act. Thus, "Dennis" reading of the First Amendment remained in force: advocacy of law violation, even as an abstract doctrine, could be punished under law consistent with the free speech clause.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: The U.S. Supreme Court reversed Brandenburg's conviction, holding that government cannot constitutionally punish abstract advocacy of force or law violation. The majority opinion was "per curiam", issued from the Court as an institution, rather than as authored and signed by an individual justice. The earlier draft had originally been prepared by Justice Abe Fortas before he was forced to resign in the midst of an ethics scandal, and it would have included a modified version of the clear and present danger test. In finalizing the draft, Justice Brennan eliminated all references to it by substituting the "imminent lawless action" language. Justices Black and Douglas concurred separately.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: The "per curiam" majority opinion struck down the Ohio Criminal Syndicalism statute, overruled "Whitney v. California" (1927), and articulated a new test – the "imminent lawless action" test – for judging what was then referred to as "seditious speech" under the First Amendment:


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: In "Schenck v. United States" (1919) the Court had adopted a "clear and present danger" test that "Whitney v. California" (1927) subsequently expanded to a "bad tendency" test: if speech has a "tendency" to cause sedition or lawlessness, it may constitutionally be prohibited. "Dennis v. United States" (1951), a case dealing with prosecution of alleged Communists under the Smith Act for advocating the overthrow of the government, used the clear and present danger test while still upholding the defendants' convictions for acts that could not possibly have led to a speedy overthrow of the government.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: The "per curiam" opinion cited "Dennis v. United States" (1951) as though it were good law and amenable to the result reached in "Brandenburg". However, "Brandenburg" completely did away with "Dennis" central holding and held that "mere advocacy" of any doctrine, including one that assumed the necessity of violence or law violation, was "per se" protected speech. It may be that principles of "stare decisis" figured in the Court's decision to avoid overruling the relatively recent "Dennis", but the distance between the two cases' approach is obvious and irreconcilable.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: The three distinct elements of this test (intent to speak, imminence of lawlessness, and likelihood of lawlessness) have distinct precedential lineages.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: Judge Learned Hand was possibly the first judge to advocate the intent standard, in "Masses Publishing Co. v. Patten" (1917), reasoning that "[i]f one stops short of urging upon others that it is their duty or their interest to resist the law, it seems to me one should not be held to have attempted to cause its violation". However, the "Brandenburg" intent standard is more speech-protective than Hand's formulation, which contained no temporal element of imminence.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: The imminence element was a departure from earlier rulings. "Brandenburg" did not explicitly overrule the bad tendency test, but it appears that after "Brandenburg", the test is de facto overruled. The "Brandenburg" test effectively made the time element of the clear and present danger test more defined and more rigorous. Applying the "Brandenburg" test in "Hess v. Indiana" (1973) the Supreme Court held that the prerequisite for speech which is not protected by the First Amendment is that the speech in question must lead to “imminent disorder”.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: Justice Hugo Black, renowned civil libertarian and First Amendment absolutist, filed a short concurrence indicating his agreement with Justice William O. Douglas's longer opinion and pointing out that the "per curiam"s reliance on "Dennis" was more symbolic than actual.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: Justice Douglas's concurrence reflected the absolutist position that only he and Black, among Supreme Court justices, ever fully subscribed to, namely that the phrase "no law" in the First Amendment ought to be interpreted very literally, and that all speech is immune from prosecution, regardless of the governmental interests advanced in suppressing some particular instance of speech. He briefly traced the history of the "clear and present danger" test, illustrating how it had been used over the years since its debut in "Schenck" to dismiss dozens of what Douglas viewed as legitimate First Amendment claims.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: A short section of Douglas's opinion indicated that he might be open to allowing the government greater latitude in controlling speech during time of "declared war" (making clear that he was not referring to the then-current Vietnam War), although he only phrased that possibility in terms of doubt (as opposed to his certainty that the clear and present danger test was irreconcilable with the First Amendment during time of peace).


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: Douglas also argued for the legitimate role of symbolic speech in First Amendment doctrine, using examples of a person ripping up a Bible to celebrate the abandonment of his faith or tearing a copy of the Constitution in order to protest a Supreme Court decision, and assailed the previous term's "United States v. O'Brien", which had allowed for the prosecution of a man for burning his draft card. In all these situations, Douglas argued, an action was a vital way of conveying a certain message, and thus the action itself deserved First Amendment protection.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: Finally, Douglas dealt with the classic example of a man ""falsely" shouting fire in a theater and causing a panic". In order to explain why someone could be legitimately prosecuted for this, Douglas called it "a classic case where speech is brigaded with action". In the view of Douglas and Black, this was probably the only sort of case in which a person could be prosecuted for speech.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: The "Brandenburg" test was the Supreme Court's last major statement on what government may do about inflammatory speech that seeks to incite others to lawless action. It resolved the debate between those who urged greater government control of speech for reasons of security and those who favored allowing as much speech as possible and relying on the marketplace of ideas to reach a favorable result, leaving the law in a state along the lines of that which Justices Louis Brandeis, and, post-"Schenck", Oliver Wendell Holmes advocated in several dissents and concurrences during the late 1910s and early 1920s.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: The "Brandenburg" test remains the standard used for evaluating attempts by the government to punish inflammatory speech, and it has not been seriously challenged since it was laid down in 1969. Very few cases have actually reached the Court during the past decades that would test the outer limits of "Brandenburg". The most significant application of "Brandenburg" came four years after in "Hess v. Indiana".


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: "Brandenburg" has come under criticism in the twenty-first century. Lyrissa Lidsky, a scholar of the law, stated that ""Brandenburg""'s" sanguine attitude toward the prospect of violence rests on an assumption about the audiences of radical speech. "Brandenburg" assumes that most citizens ... simply are not susceptible to impassioned calls to violent action by radical speakers." It has also become more common for lower federal courts to apply the test loosely, especially in circumstances related to online terrorist recruitment.


title: Brandenburg v. Ohio

text: "The Washington Post" reported the "Brandenburg" precedent to be "at the center" of the second impeachment trial of Donald Trump.


title: One True Loves

text: One True Loves is an upcoming American romance film directed and produced by Andy Fickman as an adaptation of the 2016 novel of the same name by Taylor Jenkins Reid. It stars Phillipa Soo, Simu Liu, Luke Bracey, and Tom Everett Scott.


title: One True Loves

text: After her husband Jesse disappears in a helicopter crash, Emma moves back to Massachusetts in an effort to mend her life back together. Four years later, Emma runs into her old best friend, Sam, and they become inseparable. Newly engaged, Emma receives an unexpected phone call revealing Jesse is alive. Completely torn, Emma must now choose between a husband and a fiancé.


title: One True Loves

text: "One True Loves" is an adaptation of the 2016 novel of the same name by Taylor Jenkins Reid. The feature film from Highland Film Group was announced on June 2, 2021, with Andy Fickman attached to direct and produce and Phillipa Soo, Simu Liu, and Luke Bracey set to star. In September 2021, the film's distribution rights in the United States were sold to The Avenue and Michaela Conlin joined the cast. In an interview, Liu said producer Sarah Finn, casting director for the Marvel Cinematic Universe, allowed him to choose which lead role he would portray after inviting him to star in his first film after "Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings". He added,


title: One True Loves

text: Filming was originally set to take place in Massachusetts. By August 2021, Highland Film Group was in negotiations with the South Carolina Film Commission to shoot the film in South Carolina instead. However, the studio failed to secure insurance due to the state's low vaccination rates and increasing cases of COVID-19. As a result, the production was moved to North Carolina, where filming began in Wilmington on October 11, 2021. On that day, a scene was shot at 1938 South Live Oak Parkway in which a news crew covers a reunion between a family and a loved one who had been missing. On October 25, 2021, it was reported Lauren Tom, Michael O'Keefe, Tom Everett Scott, Cooper van Grootel, Oona Yaffe, and Phinehas Yoon would also star. At the American Film Market in November 2021, a first look image of the film was released.


title: Algebra over a field

text: In mathematics, an algebra over a field (often simply called an algebra) is a vector space equipped with a bilinear product. Thus, an algebra is an algebraic structure consisting of a set together with operations of multiplication and addition and scalar multiplication by elements of a field and satisfying the axioms implied by "vector space" and "bilinear".


title: Algebra over a field

text: The multiplication operation in an algebra may or may not be associative, leading to the notions of associative algebras and non-associative algebras. Given an integer "n", the ring of real square matrices of order "n" is an example of an associative algebra over the field of real numbers under matrix addition and matrix multiplication since matrix multiplication is associative. Three-dimensional Euclidean space with multiplication given by the vector cross product is an example of a nonassociative algebra over the field of real numbers since the vector cross product is nonassociative, satisfying the Jacobi identity instead.


title: Algebra over a field

text: An algebra is unital or unitary if it has an identity element with respect to the multiplication. The ring of real square matrices of order "n" forms a unital algebra since the identity matrix of order "n" is the identity element with respect to matrix multiplication. It is an example of a unital associative algebra, a (unital) ring that is also a vector space.


title: Algebra over a field

text: Many authors use the term "algebra" to mean "associative algebra", or "unital associative algebra", or in some subjects such as algebraic geometry, "unital associative commutative algebra".


title: Algebra over a field

text: Replacing the field of scalars by a commutative ring leads to the more general notion of an . Algebras are not to be confused with vector spaces equipped with a bilinear form, like inner product spaces, as, for such a space, the result of a product is not in the space, but rather in the field of coefficients.


title: Algebra over a field

text: Let be a field, and let be a vector space over equipped with an additional binary operation from to , denoted here by (that is, if and are any two elements of , then is an element of that is called the "product" of and ). Then is an "algebra" over if the following identities hold for all elements in , and all elements (often called scalars) and in :


title: Algebra over a field

text: These three axioms are another way of saying that the binary operation is bilinear. An algebra over is sometimes also called a "-algebra", and is called the "base field" of . The binary operation is often referred to as "multiplication" in . The convention adopted in this article is that multiplication of elements of an algebra is not necessarily associative, although some authors use the term "algebra" to refer to an associative algebra.


title: Algebra over a field

text: When a binary operation on a vector space is commutative, left distributivity and right distributivity are equivalent, and, in this case, only one distributivity requires a proof. In general, for non-commutative operations left distributivity and right distributivity are not equivalent, and require separate proofs.


title: Algebra over a field

text: Given "K"-algebras "A" and "B", a "K"-algebra homomorphism is a "K"-linear map "f": "A" → "B" such that "f"(xy) = "f"(x) "f"(y) for all x, y in "A". The space of all "K"-algebra homomorphisms between "A" and "B" is frequently written as


title: Algebra over a field

text: A "K"-algebra isomorphism is a bijective "K"-algebra homomorphism. For all practical purposes, isomorphic algebras differ only by notation.


title: Algebra over a field

text: A "subalgebra" of an algebra over a field "K" is a linear subspace that has the property that the product of any two of its elements is again in the subspace. In other words, a subalgebra of an algebra is a non-empty subset of elements that is closed under addition, multiplication, and scalar multiplication. In symbols, we say that a subset "L" of a "K"-algebra "A" is a subalgebra if for every "x", "y" in "L" and "c" in "K", we have that "x" · "y", "x" + "y", and "cx" are all in "L".


title: Algebra over a field

text: In the above example of the complex numbers viewed as a two-dimensional algebra over the real numbers, the one-dimensional real line is a subalgebra.


title: Algebra over a field

text: A "left ideal" of a "K"-algebra is a linear subspace that has the property that any element of the subspace multiplied on the left by any element of the algebra produces an element of the subspace. In symbols, we say that a subset "L" of a "K"-algebra "A" is a left ideal if for every "x" and "y" in "L", "z" in "A" and "c" in "K", we have the following three statements.


title: Algebra over a field

text: If (3) were replaced with "x" · "z" is in "L", then this would define a "right ideal". A "two-sided ideal" is a subset that is both a left and a right ideal. The term "ideal" on its own is usually taken to mean a two-sided ideal. Of course when the algebra is commutative, then all of these notions of ideal are equivalent. Notice that conditions (1) and (2) together are equivalent to "L" being a linear subspace of "A". It follows from condition (3) that every left or right ideal is a subalgebra.


title: Algebra over a field

text: It is important to notice that this definition is different from the definition of an ideal of a ring, in that here we require the condition (2). Of course if the algebra is unital, then condition (3) implies condition (2).


title: Algebra over a field

text: If we have a field extension "F"/"K", which is to say a bigger field "F" that contains "K", then there is a natural way to construct an algebra over "F" from any algebra over "K". It is the same construction one uses to make a vector space over a bigger field, namely the tensor product formula_2. So if "A" is an algebra over "K", then formula_3 is an algebra over "F".


title: Algebra over a field

text: Algebras over fields come in many different types. These types are specified by insisting on some further axioms, such as commutativity or associativity of the multiplication operation, which are not required in the broad definition of an algebra. The theories corresponding to the different types of algebras are often very different.


title: Algebra over a field

text: An algebra is "unital" or "unitary" if it has a unit or identity element "I" with "Ix" = "x" = "xI" for all "x" in the algebra.


title: Algebra over a field

text: An algebra is called zero algebra if for all "u", "v" in the algebra, not to be confused with the algebra with one element. It is inherently non-unital (except in the case of only one element), associative and commutative.


title: Algebra over a field

text: One may define a unital zero algebra by taking the direct sum of modules of a field (or more generally a ring) "K" and a "K"-vector space (or module) "V", and defining the product of every pair of elements of "V" to be zero. That is, if and , then . If is a basis of "V", the unital zero algebra is the quotient of the polynomial ring by the ideal generated by the "E""E" for every pair .


title: Algebra over a field

text: An example of unital zero algebra is the algebra of dual numbers, the unital zero R-algebra built from a one dimensional real vector space.


title: Algebra over a field

text: These unital zero algebras may be more generally useful, as they allow to translate any general property of the algebras to properties of vector spaces or modules. For example, the theory of Gröbner bases was introduced by Bruno Buchberger for ideals in a polynomial ring over a field. The construction of the unital zero algebra over a free "R"-module allows extending this theory as a Gröbner basis theory for submodules of a free module. This extension allows, for computing a Gröbner basis of a submodule, to use, without any modification, any algorithm and any software for computing Gröbner bases of ideals.


title: Algebra over a field

text: A "non-associative algebra" (or "distributive algebra") over a field "K" is a "K"-vector space "A" equipped with a "K"-bilinear map formula_4. The usage of "non-associative" here is meant to convey that associativity is not assumed, but it does not mean it is prohibited – that is, it means "not necessarily associative".


title: Algebra over a field

text: The definition of an associative "K"-algebra with unit is also frequently given in an alternative way. In this case, an algebra over a field "K" is a ring "A" together with a ring homomorphism