title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 18 January, Khairuddin Abu Hassan sued Muhyiddin and his administration over the latter's announcement of a nationwide state of emergency. Khairuddin believes that what Muhyiddin was unlawful and unconstitutional, since Muhyiddin had already lost the majority needed to hold government.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 23 January, opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim says up to 115 MPs were against the proclamation of the emergency. Media reports had previously claimed that many MPs had submitted an appeal letter to the King to end the state of emergency imposed on 13 January to fight COVID-19. The opposition claimed the prime minister's move was only to hold on to power, with Parliament suspended.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 24 February, King Abdullah consented for parliament to be reconvened during the emergency period after an audience with President of the Dewan Negara Rais Yatim and Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat Azhar Azizan Harun, but left it to the Prime Minister to set a date.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 28 February, rumours were rife that two Pakatan Harapan (PH) and People's Justice Party (PKR) MPs, Tebrau MP Steven Choong and Julau MP Larry Sng would become independents and declare support for the ruling Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition to provide it with a majority in the Dewan Rakyat, where it only had the support of 109 MPs out of 111 needed for a majority. In the afternoon on the same day, Julau MP Larry Sng confirmed the rumours and signed statutory declarations (SDs) in support of PN with Choong, handing them to Prime Minister Muhyiddin. PN thus regained majority support after the withdrawals of three BN MPs in January, whereas the opposition was once again reduce to a minority in the Dewan Rakyat.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 4 March, UMNO announced its support for PN only remains till the dissolution of Parliament, after it, the support will be withdrawn.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 13 March, PH and PKR Kuala Langat MP and Vice-President of PKR Xavier Jayakumar Arulanandam announced his departure from PKR and resignation as PKR Vice-President and crossing over to support PN led by Muhyiddin Yassin, becoming the third Opposition MP to do so less than a month after Larry and Steven as well as strengthening the majority support of PN in the Dewan Rakyat, PN has the support of 112 MPs following his crossover. Parliament carried on being closed after the government decided not to reconvene due to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the reason was not accepted by the Opposition and many people, they form a Committee for Ending the Emergency Declaration and launched a petition to appeal for an end to the state of emergency.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 4 June, Minister in the Prime Minister's Department (Parliament and Law) Takiyuddin Hassan announced that the government was studying ways to reconvene Parliament by holding hybrid sessions virtually and physically and divide the MPs to two groups which attend virtual and physical sessions.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 7 June, a loyalist of former Prime Minister Mahathir who strongly oppose the Muhyiddin government, Khairuddin Abu Hassan revealed that King Abdullah had invited by granting audiences to the heads of the major political parties to listen to their views on the current issues ranging from politics, economy, COVID-19 and so on from 9 to 15 June 2021. The invitees include Prime Minister, Chairman of PN, President of BERSATU Muhyiddin Yassin, Leader of the Opposition, Chairman of PH and President of PKR Anwar Ibrahim, Deputy Chairman of PH, Secretary-General of DAP Lim Guan Eng, former Prime Minister and Chairman of PEJUANG Mahathir Mohamad, Special Envoy of the Prime Minister to Middle East and President of PAS Abdul Hadi Awang, former Deputy Prime Minister, Chairman of BN and President of UMNO Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and so on.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 15 June, Prime Minister Muhyiddin announced that Parliament might be reconvened in September or October 2021 during the third phase of the National Recovery Plan through a televised address. On 16 June 2021, King Abdullah held a special meeting of the Conference of Rulers (COR) at Istana Negara involving rulers of nine states to discuss the views of the invitees of the audiences and issued a statement that COR agrees that Parliament should be reconvened as soon as possible and Emergency declaration should not be extended and should instead be lifted on 1 August 2021. On 20 June 2021, Prime Minister Muhyiddin claimed that a committee consisting of Government and Opposition MPs was formed to look into every aspects of the reconvening of Parliament before it is done to avoid any problems and challenges after it. On 21 June 2021, BN Chairman and UMNO President Ahmad Zahid warned the PN government against treason and disrespect to the royal institution and gave it a 14-day deadline to reconvene Parliament and revealed the Supreme Council of UMNO will meet to discuss the next course of action if their requests and warnings are not entertained and fulfilled by the deadline.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 2 July, Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz claimed that he has returned to support Prime Minister Muhyiddin and withdrew his support withdrawal declared on 12 January in the same year. His return of support further strengthened the PN government by increasing the support in Parliament of 112 MPs to 113 MPs.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 5 July, the date when the 14-day deadline of UMNO given by Ahmad Zahid should end, the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) announced that the Parliament will finally be reconvened with two special sessions of Dewan Rakyat from 26 July to 2 August for five days and of Dewan Negara from 3 to 5 August for three days. The PN government also advises the MPs to seize this opportunity to help the government in containing the COVID-19 pandemic by expressing their views and suggestions. However, on 7 July 2021, Pakatan Harapan (PH) presidential council urged the PN government to extend the five-day special Dewan Rakyat session as it is too short to discuss key issues that have been highlighted by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and regretted that the PN government only intends to provide an explanation on the National Recovery Plan (NRP) without any debate, while the Emergency proclamation and Emergency Ordinance will only be tabled and not discussed or decided.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 7 July, a minor Cabinet reshuffle aimed at distributing more powers and positions to UMNO took place by promoting two UMNO Cabinet members, namely Ismail Sabri Yaakob from Senior Minister (Security) to the 13th Deputy Prime Minister and Hishammuddin Hussein, Minister of Foreign Affairs to Senior Minister (Security). It is seen as an action to ease the tensions between UMNO and PN as well as to persuade UMNO, which has been unsatisfied with PN due to the unequal distribution of powers and positions, to retain their support for Muhyiddin as PM and PN as government.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: However, on 8 July 2021, after a UMNO supreme council meeting had been held, BN Chairman and UMNO President Ahmad Zahid addressed the media virtually and announced that UMNO would officially withdraw support for PM Muhyiddin with immediate effect. He cited the government's failture to contain the COVID-19 pandemic, dissatisfaction with the economic response and the extension of the Movement Control Order. He also called for the appointment of a new prime minister who will concentrate on containing the COVID-19 pandemic, before the next election is called immediately after the nation achieves herd immunity against COVID-19 through the vaccination programme. Later that day, the Attorney General of Malaysia Idrus Harun said that Muhyiddin and his Cabinet can still exercise power as there was no clear evidence to show that the team has lost the majority of lawmakers. In addition, Bersatu's information chief Wan Saiful Wan Jan rejected accusations by Ahmad Zahid that the Government failed.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 10 July, UMNO's vice-president and newly appointed Deputy Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob said the majority of UMNO's supreme council disagreed with Ahmad Zahid's directive to withdraw support for Muhyiddin at this point amid the current pandemic as it was not a "reasonable move", and that efforts should be focused on helping people during these times instead of politicking. Although UMNO decided earlier in a 2020 meeting to withdraw support for Perikatan Nasional, the decision did not have to be carried out now, saying that this has to be done at the right time. Four days later, the Cabinet including all nine ministers from UMNO have agreed to support Muhyiddin as Prime Minister to lead Malaysia out of the crisis.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Parliament reconvened on 26 July for the first time in 2021, for a special five-day session. The Agong had requested State of Emergency measures be discussed in Parliament; the government stated no other issues were to be debated. The session was chaotic; no debate or vote was held on COVID-19 emergency measures and opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim and former Prime Minister Mahathir accused the government of not fulfilling the Agong's request. Prime Minister Muhyiddin also left early, which incensed the opposition. Delays occurred when positive COVID-19 cases were detected among parliamentarians.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Law Minister Takiyuddin Hassan also told Parliament on 26 July that the State of Emergency had been annulled on 21 July. On 29 July, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong released a rare rebuke criticising the government, and singled out Takiyuddin in particular, accusing him of misleading Parliament on the revocation of the state of emergency which he had not approved. The palace said that the Agong was ""amat dukacita"" (deeply disappointed), and said Takiyuddin and Attorney-General Idrus Harun did not fulfil their promise to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to have the State of Emergency debated. Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim read the Agong's statement aloud in Parliament, accused the Muhyiddin cabinet of "violat[ing] the constitution and insult[ing] the royal institution" and filed a no-confidence motion against Muhyiddin. Deputy Speaker Mohd Rashid Hasnon dismissed the Agong's letter as a "media statement". Other opposition lawmakers shouted "treason" and "resign".


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: The special parliamentary session was suspended on 31 July when 11 positive COVID-19 cases were detected among members. The opposition criticised this, accusing the government of further delaying parliamentary debate.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 31 July, hundreds of protesters attempted to gather in Merdeka Square, Kuala Lumpur, calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin over his and the Malaysian government's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: After the nationwide State of Emergency ended, a new one was declared in Sarawak starting from 2 August, delaying the Sarawak state election to February 2022 which would have otherwise occurred in 2021.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 2 August, opposition MPs attempted to enter parliament but were blocked by police, in defiance of the session's suspension over COVID-19 cases detected in the building. They instead gathered in protest at Merdeka Square and called for Prime Minister Muhyiddin to resign. Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir Mohamad were both in attendance. Anwar had been quoted saying that Muhyiddin's government had lost its majority support and called for its resignation. They had attempted to march to the parliament from Merdeka Square, until they were blocked by the Federal Reserve Unit (FRU), who are usually called to handle riots. Afterwards, the MPs dispersed peacefully, and police have indicated that the lawmakers would be summouned for questioning soon.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 3 August, the President of UMNO Ahmad Zahid Hamidi along with 10 other UMNO MPs held a press conference announcing the withdrawal of UMNO's support for Muhyiddin as Prime Minister.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Following the announcement of UMNO's withdrawal, two UMNO cabinet ministers - Minister of Energy and Natural Resources Shamsul Anuar Nasarah and Minister of Higher Education Noraini Ahmad - resigned their posts on 3 August and 6 August respectively, citing loyalty to the party.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 4 August, Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin and the Perikatan Nasional government held a special address to the nation alongside the Deputy Prime Minister and Vice President of UMNO Ismail Sabri Yaakob, whereby he announced that he would not resign, and that he will table a motion of confidence to establish the legitimacy of his position in the Dewan Rakyat in September. He also added that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong had sent him a letter regarding 8 UMNO lawmakers' request to withdraw support for Muhyiddin, and that Muhyiddin must resign should he lose the majority support in parliament. Earlier that day, he also had an audience with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Al-Sultan Abdullah. A few other PN MPs stated that Muhyiddin still possessed a majority in parliament. Pakatan Harapan MPs rejected the claims, maintaining that Muhyiddin and the Cabinet should resign. They also added that the motion should be tabled before 9 August to end the issue of the prime minister's legitimacy. Several parties also emphasised an immediate tabling of the confidence motion.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Following Ismail Sabri's support for Muhyiddin, this started a split in the party as some UMNO MPs continued their support for Muhyiddin while some MPs joined Ahmad Zahid Hamidi in withdrawing their support for Muhyiddin. The support totalled up to 31 Barisan Nasional members.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 9 August, UMNO's website showed documents of UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, of whom presented a list of 14 UMNO MPs to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, to inform the King of their signed statutory declarations dated 29 July to 3 August to withdraw support for Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. The list includes the 11 MPs that held the press conference on 3 August, former Minister of Energy and Natural Resources Shamsul Anuar Nasarah, and both Sabah UMNO MPs Bung Moktar Radin and Mohamad Alamin.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 11 August, top leaders in the ruling Perikatan Nasional coalition flocked to the Perdana Putra Complex to attend a political meeting with Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 12 August, Minister of Communications and Multimedia Saifuddin Abdullah announced that the confidence motion would be held on 7 September. In addition, Johor Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar said he would not hesitate to dissolve the Johor State Legislative Assembly if politicians continued to struggle for power and thus destabilise the state.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 13 August in a televised address, Muhyiddin offered a series of major concessions to opposition parties, including opposition leader Anwar, in an attempt to form a unity government ahead of an expected vote of confidence scheduled for September. These included a constitutional amendment to introduce two-term limits for the Prime Minister, equal financial allocation for all MPs, greater resources for the Leader of the Opposition, introducing an anti-party hopping bill in Parliament, balanced parliamentary committees, allowing 18-year-olds to vote, and a general election by July 2022, among others. These were unanimously rejected by all opposition parties, who characterised the proposal as corruption and reiterated calls for Muhyiddin to resign.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 15 August, Mohd Redzuan Md Yusof, the Minister in the Prime Minister's Department (Special Functions) said that Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin would announce his resignation the following day. On August 17, the Muhyiddin cabinet was dissolved after the ministers had handed in their resignation to His Majesty the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong, with Muhyiddin remaining as caretaker Prime Minister until a new leader is appointed. Muhyiddin admitted he had lost majority support in a televised address, and said that he would not "conspire with kleptocrats, or interfere with the judiciary or turn his back on the Constitution to stay in power". The Palace also announced that an election would not be held due to the ongoing pandemic, and that the Agong would once again appoint the next premier.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 17 August, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong again met with MPs, asking them to send him their choice for next Prime Minister via fax, email or WhatsApp by 4pm on 18 August. Political leaders met with MPs in an attempt to gain supporters. Local media reported Ismail Sabri Yaakob, Anwar Ibrahim, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah and Shafie Apdal were in the running. In addition, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong made it clear to parties that a new form of politics that brings peace and harmony is needed with all parties reaching a consensus towards that.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: According to reports the following day, UMNO has nominated Ismail Sabri Yaakob as their candidate for Prime Minister and supported by PAS and BERSATU parties, with Anwar Ibrahim nominated by the Pakatan Harapan coalition and supported by the component parties. UMNO initially suggested 3 potential PM candidates — Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Mohamad Hasan and Ismail Sabri Yaakob. However, Zahid withdrew himself and Mohamad was ineligible as a non-MP. This automatically paved a way to Ismail Sabri. On the other hand, it was reported that there is an UMNO MP who does not support Sabri, which is Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. Meanwhile, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong had called for a meeting two days later with all state rulers and asked that a confidence motion be tabled to confirm the majority.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 19 August, meetings began with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to verify support of those Member of Parliarments (MP) who picked Ismail Sabri as candidate. Istana Negara received nominations for the future prime minister from 220 members of the Dewan Rakyat, each through a statutory declaration on 18 August 2021. From the declaration letters, a total of 114 members of the Dewan Rakyat nominated Ismail Sabri, a sufficient majority to form the government. Following that, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has agreed to grant an audience with the 114 members of the Dewan Rakyat to confirm their trust in Ismail Sabri who was nominated to be appointed as the next prime minister. Subsequently, Perikatan Nasional chairperson Muhyiddin affirmed support for Ismail Sabri provided the Cabinet did not include MPs facing criminal charges. An online petition opposing Ismail Sabri's appointment gained over 200,000 signatures within the first 8 hours after it went online, and subsequently garnered more than 350,000 signatures.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 20 August, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has named UMNO's Vice President, Ismail Sabri Yaakob as the nation's 9th Prime Minister in accordance with Article 40(2)(a) and Article 43(2)(a) of the Federal Constitution after being satisfied that he commanded the confidence of the majority in Parliament. His swearing-in as Prime Minister is scheduled for the following day at 2:30PM.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Ismail Sabri was formally appointed and sworn in as the ninth prime minister of Malaysia in front of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong at the Istana Negara on the afternoon of 21 August 2021. Ismail Sabri formed his new cabinet after getting approval from the Yang di-Pertuan Agong following a meeting on 26 August at the Istana Abdulaziz in the city of Pahang, Kuantan. The Prime Minister's Office replied to the media that the cabinet list would be announced at 11am the next day and the swearing-in of all ministers will be done on 30 August 2021. When the new cabinet was announced, it consisted of ministers, mostly retained from the Muhyiddin cabinet with some changes.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Opposition parties criticised the newly formed cabinet. The leader of the opposition, Anwar Ibrahim described it as a "recycled cabinet" of Muhyiddin's government, stated that a majority of the people were disappointed with the new cabinet ministers as they had failed to fulfil their previous duties during the PN administration and that the new cabinet could not bring in confidence among domestic and foreign investors. DAP's secretary-general, Lim Guan Eng questioned the competency of the new cabinet line-up unveiled by the Prime Minister.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Deputy Minister for Education II Mohamad Alamin could not attend the swearing-in ceremony due to being infected with COVID-19, nor did Ismail Sabri or Minister for Entrepreneurship Development and Cooperative Noh Omar due to them self-quarantining after being in contact with undisclosed COVID-19 infected contacts.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 10 September 2021, the cabinet agreed to implement key reforms like an Anti-Party Hopping Bill, equal membership in parliamentary committees, consulting on every Bill, having the Opposition Leader the same amenities as a cabinet minister, limiting a prime minister's term to 10 years and speeding up an amendment for 18-year-olds to vote and stand in elections. The following day, the opposition indicated its willingness to accept the deal in the interest of the country.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 12 September 2021, the government led by Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob and opposition led by Leader of the Opposition Anwar Ibrahim agreed to sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on bipartisan cooperation and proposed reforms for greater political cooperation and stability during the COVID-19 pandemic. The MoU was signed the following day with elections not expected before 31 July 2022. Media commentary noted the significant milestone for Malaysian politics, given bipartisan cooperation has not occurred in the history of the country.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: The Malacca State Legislative Assembly was dissolved on 4 October when four members withdrew support for Chief Minister Sulaiman Md Ali, triggering the 2021 Malacca state election. The government announced it would seek expert advice over whether the election can be held safely given the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, or whether a state-wide state of emergency could be introduced to postpone it. On 20 November 2021, Barisan Nasional won a two-thirds majority of 21 seats in the Malacca State Legislative Assembly.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 3 November 2021, Istana Negara announced that Yang di-Pertuan Agong Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri'ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah had consented to lift the state of emergency thus the Sarawak State Legislative Assembly dissolved automatically and the state election must be held within 60 days after to elect a new state government. On 18 December 2021, GPS won a two-thirds majority, winning 76 of 82 contested seats in the Sarawak State Legislative Assembly.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: The snap election was called prematurely after the government led by Menteri Besar Hasni Mohammad had lost a simple majority in the legislature, being left with a minority government of just 28 seats, above one seat against the 27 seats of the opposition following the death of Kempas assemblyman and former Menteri Besar Osman Sapian on 21 December 2021 before the dissolution. The Sultan of Johor, Sultan Ibrahim Ismail consented to the dissolution of the Johor State Legislative Assembly on 22 January 2022, paving the way for state polls within 60 days.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 12 March, Barisan Nasional (BN) continued its landslide winning streak in recent state elections, winning 40 seats and a two-thirds majority. Pakatan Harapan (PH) suffered heavy losses, winning only 12 seats. Perikatan Nasional (PN) won just 3 seats. The Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA) won 1 seat in its election debut.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 24 June, Pasir Salak MP Tajuddin Abdul Rahman was removed from UMNO supreme council. After his removal decision, Tajuddin accept the decision & held his press conference to reveal that UMNO leadership crisis, which include UMNO going to split between two camps, which are Zahid's camp & Ismail's camp; UMNO President, Zahid Hamidi's attempt to become PM and SD declaration for Anwar to become PM that happened during 2020 & 2021. Tajuddin also ask for Zahid's resignation as UMNO President for good because Zahid is currently facing corruption trial in court.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: A constitutional amendment was passed, which prohibits members of parliament from switching political parties. Several UMNO lawmakers began calling for a snap election before the end of 2022 to resolve ongoing infighting in the party and obtain a stronger mandate, with the UMNO Supreme Council agreeing to this by the end of September. On 10 October 2022, Ismail Sabri announced that the 14th Parliament had been dissolved to pave way for the upcoming 15th general election, which would be held within 60 days.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 20 October, the Election Commission revealed the polling date for the 15th general election set on 19 November.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 19 November, for the first time in Malaysian history, the results of the 2022 election resulted in a hung Parliament whereby no alliance had gained enough seats to formed the next government. While the far-right, Islamist Malaysian Islamic Party won the most number of seats for a single party in the election, the Pakatan Harapan coalition led by Anwar Ibrahim won the highest number of seats for a coalition in the Dewan Rakyat, but former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin and leader of the Perikatan Nasional coalition claimed to have a sufficient majority to be appointed as Prime Minister. Negotiations between party members and party leaders are taking place to determine if there is a single leader who can command the confidence of a majority of MPs, for subsequent appointment as the 10th Prime Minister of Malaysia. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Al-Sultan Abdullah, gave all party leaders and coalition leaders a deadline of 2 pm on Monday, 21 November 2022 MST, to submit the name of their preferred candidate for Prime Minister, to the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat. The deadline was further extended by 24 hours until Tuesday, 22 November 2022. Barisan Nasional announced on Tuesday, 22 November that they will not support either PH or PN in the formation of the federal government.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: The royal palace stated that after the Yang di-Pertuan Agong reviewed the nominations for prime minister, he found that "no member of parliament has the majority support to be appointed prime minister", so the Yang di-Pertuan Agong summoned Anwar and Muhyiddin to meet him. After the meeting, Muhyiddin said that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong proposed a unity government between Pakatan Harapan and Perikatan National, but Muhyiddin rejected it as Perikatan National "will not cooperate" with Pakatan Harapan. Instead, PN met some members of BN at St Regis Hotel. Meanwhile Anwar acknowledged that the prime minister had yet to be determined, while stating that "given time, I think we will secure a simple majority".


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 23 November, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong met with BN and GPS leaders in the royal palace. After discontent from Sarawak over GPS working with PN, GPS stated that it was up to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to appoint the Prime Minister; while Parti Warisan voiced support for a government with PH and BN. GRS leader Hajiji Noor stated that GRS would abide by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong's wishes on forming a new government, including if a unity government is formed. On 24 November, Ahmad Maslan of UMNO stated that the party's supreme council has agreed to follow the wishes of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong for BN to join a unity government which is not led by PN.Considering these final decisions, PH chairman Anwar Ibrahim finally was sworn-in as Malaysia's 10th Prime Minister at 5 pm MST on 24 November 2022, by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Al-Sultan Abdullah.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: The Deputy Works Minister Shahruddin Md Salleh of Bersatu resigned from his ministerial position on 4 June, calling his decision to join the Perikatan Nasional government "incorrect" and adding that he should have considered his constituents who "voted for Pakatan Harapan" in 2018. On 19 July, his Bersatu membership was terminated because he issued a notice to change the position of his seat in the Dewan Rakyat from the government bloc to the opposition bloc.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 5 June, Member of Parliament (MP) for Lubok Antu, Jugah Muyang resigned from the PKR, a component party of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) opposition coalition, and pledged support for the ruling Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition. Therefore, the number of the Opposition MPs dropped from 109 to 108. The next day, Jugah went to the Seri Perdana, the official residence of the prime minister to hand over his support letter to Muhyiddin. On the other hand, an Independent MP, Syed Abu Husin Hafiz, MP for Bukit Gantang was also there to hand over the application form to join and support the Bersatu. Also present were Bersatu MPs Senior Minister for Economy and Minister of International Trade and Industry, Azmin Ali and Deputy Minister of Energy and Natural Resources Ali Biju. It was also reported that Jugah was convinced by Azmin to support the ruling PN coalition to empower its administration.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 2 November 2020, Maszlee Malik left PEJUANG and became independent in support for Pakatan Harapan. His decision left the PEJUANG based on factual findings through field studies and detailed surveys of the aspirations and wishes of the majority of the people. Later, he officially became a member of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) party.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 30 October 2021, Mohammadin Ketapi left WARISAN and became independent in support for GRS Later, he officially became a member of Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu) party on 26 November 2021.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 8 January 2022, Larry Sng elected president of PBM and Steven Choong become PBM senior vice-presidents I.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 14 March 2022, Khairuddin Razali left PAS. He declined to disclose the reasons for his stance, other than insisting that he would be an Independent Member of Parliament. On 20 March 2022, Khairuddin firm in his stand and insisted that he would not join UMNO following his recent exit from PAS.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 30 March 2022, Masir Kujat quit PSB. He said the decision to leave PSB was made after holding discussions with grassroots supporters in his constituency as well as several other factors such as the country's political instability which affected the well-being of the people. He now gives his full support to the leadership of the Prime Minister, Ismail Sabri Yaakob.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 26 May 2022, Zuraida Kamaruddin quit Bersatu to join PBM. She will meeting with Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob soon to discuss her resignation from the Cabinet and would continue supporting Ismail's government, in line with PBM's stand.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 3 November 2022, Che Abdullah Mat Nawi join UMNO to compete in Tumpat Parliament. Earlier, Che Abdullah's nomination for compete in Tumpat Parliament was not approved by the PAS Shura Ulama Council. Khairuddin Aman Razali also join UMNO for defending his parliamentary seat. Shahidan Kassim join PAS after BN drop him as a candidate. Ismail Muttalib will defend the seat in the 15th general election under PN ticket.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 28 February, the Attorney General Tommy Thomas submitted his resignation letter to the interim Prime Minister Mahathir but no reason was given. It came after he was heavily criticised for his decision not to pursue a case against twelve Indian individuals including two state lawmakers who were accused of having connection with Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which was listed as a terrorist organisation in Malaysia. He later told the media that he was a political appointee and as Mahathir resigned as the prime minister, it was best for him to tender his resignation as well.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 2 March, the chief commissioner of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), Latheefa Koya tendered her resignation from the post. She stated that she wasn't pressured into doing so and that she wanted to return to her practice as a human rights advocate. The deputy chief commissioner of operations, Azam Baki, was appointed as the new chief commissioner on 9 March 2020.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: The Menteri Besar of Selangor, Amirudin Shari called for a meeting with all Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) members of the legislative assembly (ADUNs) at his official residence on the morning of 24 February 2020. Amirudin is a member of PKR and was recommended by Azmin Ali for the Menteri Besar post when he was listed as a minister in the Prime Minister's cabinet. He was generally regarded as a key lieutenant in Azmin's faction of the party.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On the morning of 25 February 2020, Amirudin sought an audience with the Sultan of Selangor, Sharafuddin of Selangor. He was also joined by Amanah's Selangor chairman, Izham Hashim and DAP's Selangor chairman, Gobind Singh Deo. The Sultan was satisfied with their explanation that the political development in federal level will not affect the incumbent Pakatan Harapan coalition in government of Selangor and consented for it to operate as usual.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 5 March 2020, Amirudin announced a purge of Bersatu leaders and members from all positions of the state administration.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 13 June 2020 Dr Daroyah Alwi, Deputy Speaker & EXCO, announced that she had quit the PKR party and became an independent assemblyman in support of the Perikatan Nasional coalition. She came out on the grounds that he had "lost confidence in the President (Anwar Ibrahim) and his harpist leadership of the idealism of the struggle". On 29 June, PKR Women's chief & EXCO, Hanizah Talha was sacked from PKR, stripping her from Selangor State Executive Council position. She has described PKR's decision to sack her from the party as an "act of revenge". Ahmad Mustain Othman, Sabak assemblyman, was sacked from Amanah on 28 July, for allegedly breaching party disciplinary rules.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 8 August 2020, Jeram assemblyman announced his exit from PPBM. He said he will now be an independent who will back former PPBM chairman Dr Mahathir Mohamad. Shaid also claimed his exit will be followed by the majority of the PPBM Kuala Selangor division members, including various heads of branches.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 16 November 2020, Meru assemblyman announced his exit from Amanah and join PKR. Sabak assemblyman also join PKR after being fired from Amanah.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 8 January 2022, Daroyah Alwi and Hanizah Talha join PBM. Daroyah Alwi said she was attracted to join PBM because the party had a clear direction and goal of the struggle.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: The Sultan of Johor, Ibrahim Ismail of Johor ordered all 56 members of the legislative assembly to meet him on 26 February. The assembly session that was scheduled to be held on 5 March was postponed as a result. All the assemblypersons were asked to sign SD to state their preference whether to form a new coalition government or to allow Pakatan Harapan to continue governing the state.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 27 February 2020, the private secretary to the Sultan, Jaba Mohd Noah, announced that a new coalition will govern the state after gaining a simple majority of 28 assemblymen against 26 who supported Pakatan Harapan. Two assemblymen, Bersatu's Mazlan Bujang and Amanah's Salahuddin Ayub failed to state their preference as they did not meet the Sultan as ordered. The new coalition was slated to consist of MLAs from Bersatu, UMNO, MIC, PAS and several others whose party allegiance were not mentioned. However, a day later Pakatan Harapan challenged the new coalition's claim of majority control and stated that it too had the support of 28 assemblymen, including Salahuddin Ayub and PKR assemblyman Chong Fat Full who was rumoured to have been one of 28 assemblymen that signed a SD in support of the new coalition. The new Menteri Besar of Johor, Hasni Mohammad from UMNO, was sworn in on the evening of 28 February in front of the Sultan at Istana Bukit Serene, Johor Bahru. On 4 March, PKR assemblyman from Pemanis, Chong Fat Full formally announced his exit from his party to become a Perikatan-friendly independent, thus resulting in Perikatan Nasional effectively controlling 29 seats in the state assembly against Harapan's 27.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 14 May 2020, the Johor state assembly convened. Sultan Ibrahim Ismail addressed the assembly and called on politicians not to create a "virus" of divisiveness and discord that would infect the rest of the country in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Sultan also reminded all assemblymen to set a good example by maintaining decorum and discipline, in contrast to the disruptions in the Perak and Malacca assemblies earlier in the week. Earlier, on 11 May, Johor Pakatan Harapan announced that they cancelled a no confidence motion in the Menteri Besar in response to the Sultan's plea, and Speaker Suhaizan Kayat of Amanah remained in his position amid earlier reports of his removal by the Perikatan government. On 3 June, following new reports of Pakatan Harapan plotting to retake control of the state government, Sultan Ibrahim threatened to dissolve the assembly and hold a new election.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 4 September 2020, Osman Sapian Bersatu membership has been voided with immediate effect after he was spotted stumping for Pejuang during the 2020 Slim by-election campaign period. However at same time Bersatu Secretary-General Hamzah Zainudin says, Osman Sapian still remains a member of Bersatu. He said for now, Osman would only be called to answer charges regarding allegations of helping the Independent candidate campaign in the recent Slim State Assembly (DUN) by-election (PRK), and no action has yet been taken. He died on 21 December 2021 at the age of 69 from the complications of the stroke he suffer earlier.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: After Osman Sapian died on 21 December 2021, speculation arises about Johor state election should be held due to government seats only 28 left while Pakatan Harapan seats 27 in the state assembly.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 18 January 2022, Pakatan Harapan rejects Johor state elections and bargains on 'Stability Commitment'


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 22 January 2022, Menteri Besar of Johor Hasni Mohammad said Johor will see the implementation of State Elections in the near future. Sultan Ibrahim Ismail agreed to sign the dissolution letter of the Johor State Assembly effective today to make way for the State Election, to be held.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 23 January 2022, Johor state assembly Speaker Suhaizan Kayat of Amanah signing the Letter and Proclamation of the dissolution of the Johor state assembly.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 27 January 2022, Mazlan Bujang announced that he resigned as Division Chairman of BERSATU of Tebrau and himself as well as 23 Tebrau BERSATU branch chairmen and action committee members decided to leave the party and throw their support behind Barisan Nasional (BN) and the leadership of Menteri Besar of Johor Hasni Mohammad with immediate effect to "give way to a more stable political environment and for the betterment of the Johor people in general". He also claimed that he would carry on to serve the people without a political position and failure of the two previous Menteris Besar from Pakatan Harapan (PH) to lead the Johor state administration and the failure of both parties to nominate a better Johor Menteri Besar candidate as well as he felt disrespected of his removal as Johor BERSATU Chairman and did not send any representative to the meetings he had chaired even though Muhyiddin had signed his promotion letter as the reasons as well. Muhyiddin then lashed out at Mazlan by asking where is his honour and sarcastically asked him to bring 200000 members to leave BERSATU as well.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 29 January 2022, Larkin assemblyman Izhar Ahmad quit Bersatu. He said one of the main reasons he resigned was that he had lost confidence in party president Muhyiddin Yassin. He will no longer contest in the Larkin state constituency or in any other constituency, however, will join UMNO.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 27 February 2022, Najib Lep's membership in PAS was automatically revoked following his contest as an Independent candidate in the seat in the Johor State Election. PAS deputy president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man said Najib's decision was against the party's directives and decisions. Najib Lep said PAS's decision to transfer him to another seat seemed to want to kill his political career even after showing excellent service as the party's sole elected representative for the past four years.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 6 March 2022, Johor Lama assemblyman Rosleli Jahari said that he has left Bersatu and will be requesting to rejoin UMNO. Rosleli, who was not selected as a candidate to defend his seat, said that he has lost confidence in Bersatu, its president Muhyiddin Yassin and his administration.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 12 March 2022, Barisan Nasional won a two-thirds majority of 40 seats in the Johor State Legislative Assembly.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 14 March 2022, Speculation had spread regarding the appointment of the new Johor Menteri Besar after Barisan Nasional was declared the winner of the state election. The speculation followed the call by Benut assemblyman, Hasni Mohammad for BN to choose young people to lead Johor, even though he was previously appointed as the party's Menteri Besar candidate. Rumors are rife that there are other names who have also been nominated as the new Menteri Besar of Johor. Among them are the names Onn Hafiz Ghazi and Dr. Mohd. Puad Zarkashi.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 15 March 2022, Onn Hafiz Ghazi was sworn as Menteri Besar Johor in on the evening of 28 February in front of the Sultan at Istana Bukit Serene, Johor Bahru.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: In Malacca, the legislative assembly was caught in a deadlock as both Pakatan Harapan and the opposition Barisan Nasional held 13 seats each after Bersatu left the then-ruling coalition. The Chief Minister of Malacca, Adly Zahari met the Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Malacca, Mohd Khalil Yaakob on 26 February to brief him on the current political situation. On 27 February, the state government announced in a press conference that they will preserve the status quo and will continue to operate as usual. However, the assembly session that was scheduled to be held on 6 March was postponed.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 2 March 2020, Barisan Nasional's Malacca state chairman, Abdul Raouf Yusof attended a meeting with the Yang di-Pertua Negeri. In a press conference held in the evening, he confirmed that Pakatan Harapan had lost their majority in the legislative assembly and Perikatan Nasional will form a new government. The new coalition government had the support of 17 state assemblymen. On the same day, Adly Zahari met with the Yang di-Pertua Negeri and suggested that the state assembly be dissolved and to trigger a state election in accordance with Article 7 (4) of the state constitution, but Adly's suggestion was rejected.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 3 March 2020, Adly held a press conference, in which he stated that he did not resign from his post. However, he was informed that he was no longer chief minister and was dismissed on the previous evening. The new chief minister of Malacca, Sulaiman Md Ali from UMNO was sworn in on the evening of 9 March 2020.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 11 May 2020, the state assembly convened and the Perikatan administration moved a motion of no confidence in Speaker Omar Jaafar of PKR, which led to heated verbal exchanges and insults between both sides of the assembly. Example included PN Independent MP Norhizam Hassan Baktee shouting ""babi"" ("pig") repetitively to DAP representative Low Chee Leong in response to the latter's ""pengkhianat"" ("traitor") remark. The Speaker adjourned the sitting. Later, the assembly reconvened with only Perikatan assemblymen and declared Ab Rauf Yusoh of UMNO as the new Speaker. The ousted speaker said Malacca Pakatan Harapan is contesting the legality of the new Speaker's appointment.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 4 October 2021, Four Malacca assemblymen declared that they have lost confidence in Chief Minister Sulaiman Md Ali's leadership. The assemblymen are former Malacca Chief Minister Idris Haron, Nor Azman Hassan, Norhizam Hassan Baktee and Noor Effandi Ahmad. Idris said the move was due to a series of decisions not implemented by the state government, which he added portrayed Malacca as a 'flip flop' state. State UMNO Liaison Committee chairman Ab Rauf Yusoh said the membership of Idris Haron and Nor Azman Hassan in UMNO was automatically dropped after being involved in the movement to overthrow the existing Malacca State Government. UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi proposed that the Malacca State Assembly be dissolved to make way for state elections to be held. The state elections will also give the people of the state the opportunity to elect a new government in the future.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 5 October 2021, Idris Haron says Pakatan Harapan (PH) leaders should have the opportunity to take over the Malacca state government. The former Chief Minister said there was no need for the state election to be held as the 15th general election would be held in a year and a half. He said he personally rejected Umno's proposal to hold a State Election (PRN) to resolve the state's political crisis. He, however, left the issue to the discretion of the Yang Dipertua Negeri, Mohd Ali Rustam to decide whether the State Legislative Assembly should be dissolved or elect a new Chief Minister from among the PH leaders. On the same day Malacca Assembly speaker disclosed that Malacca Chief Minister, Sulaiman Md Ali, took steps to dissolve the State Legislative Assembly starting 4 October 2021, in an effort to resolve the political crisis in the state. The dissolution of the Melaka state assembly was made after Sulaiman lost the majority of support, following the actions of four state assemblymen from the government bloc, withdrawing support for his leadership yesterday. The decision to dissolve the state assembly was made after the proposal submitted by Sulaiman received the approval of the Yang di-Pertua Negeri, Mohd Ali Rustam. In a separate press conference, PN Malacca chief Rafiq Naizmohideen announced immediate loss of Noor Effandi Ahmad's membership in BERSATU. The declaration was made due to his apparent cooperation with PH by being together with PH in a previous press conference on 4 October.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 18 October 2021, Idris Haron, Nor Azman Hassan, Norhizam Hassan Baktee and Noor Effandi Ahmad join PH.Idris Haron join PKR and Nor Azman Hassan join Amanah.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 20 November 2021, Barisan Nasional won a simple majority of 21 seats in the Malacca State Legislative Assembly.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 21 November 2021, Melaka DAP chairman Tey Kok Kiew resigns. He took responsibility for the DAP's defeat of half of the eight state assembly seats contested in the election and he also apologized for PH's failure to form a state government.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 26 November 2021, Melaka Perikatan Nasional and BERSATU chairman Mohd Rafiq Naizamohideen resigns. He said the decision was made to allow new leadership in the state Bersatu and PN in preparation for the 15th general election.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 28 November 2021, Bersatu deputy president Ahmad Faizal Azumu said two Bersatu assemblymen continue to support the Malacca state government.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 30 October 2022, Rafiq quits Bersatu. He was upset over seat distribution for the 15th general election.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: In Kedah, the Menteri Besar of Kedah, Mukhriz Mahathir sought an audience with the Sultan of Kedah, Sallehuddin of Kedah on the morning of 27 February. Mukhriz is the fifth child of Mahathir Mohamad, and a member of Bersatu, which had exited the incumbent coalition Pakatan Harapan. The Sultan consented to allowing Mukhriz to continue as the Menteri Besar after 19 Pakatan Harapan lawmakers announced their support for him despite the political situation at the federal level.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 12 May, two PKR assemblymen representing Sidam and Lunas left the party citing lack of confidence in Anwar and an alleged purge of grassroots members aligned towards Azmin as their reasons, to become independents friendly towards Perikatan Nasional. Later in the day, Kedah state opposition leader Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor announced the formation of a new government with the support of 23 state assemblymen including the two ex-PKR members and four of six Bersatu assemblymen previously aligned with Pakatan Harapan.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 13 May, Mukhriz appeared in a press conference with his exco members from Pakatan Harapan and insisted that his administration was still intact. He insisted that he will remain in control until the Kedah palace notifies him, or with a no confidence vote in the state assembly. Two days later, Kedah's assemblymen from both Pakatan Harapan and Perikatan Nasional were granted audience with the Sultan to resolve the issue. On 17 May, Mukhriz resigned, conceding that he had lost the confidence of the assembly. Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor of PAS was sworn in as the new Menteri Besar on the evening.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 30 October 2022 Phahrolrazi Mohd Zawawi was sacked from AMANAH, the component party of PH opposition coalition, he became an independent Kedah MLA, disqualifying him from holding the position as State Leader of the Opposition of Kedah, he was replaced with Johari Abdul, the Gurun MLA from another component party of PH, the People's Justice Party (PKR).


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 27 February 2020, an UMNO representative from the opposition had an audience with the Sultan of Perak, Nazrin Shah of Perak and later revealed that the Sultan stated that any coalition which can prove that they have at least 30 seats in the state assembly will be able to form a government. The incumbent Menteri Besar of Perak, Bersatu's Ahmad Faizal Azumu then hinted that there will be a new state government, and articulated his hope that he would continue as Menteri Besar under the new government. On 3 March 2020, he informed the media that he had been ordered to see the Sultan at Istana Iskandariah in the afternoon.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: In a press conference held on 9 March 2020, Faizal confirmed that a new state government made up of twenty five assemblymen from UMNO, three from PAS and four from Bersatu was being formed. He tendered his resignation on the next day to formalise the dissolution of the Perak State Executive Council. He was subsequently reappointed as the Menteri Besar of Perak by the Sultan and was sworn in on the evening on 13 March 2020.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 12 May 2020, speaker of the Perak state legislative assembly Ngeh Koo Ham announced in a speech to the assembly that he would be resigning as speaker after an attempt by Menteri Besar Faizal to launch a motion of no-confidence against him. During the speech, he stated that attempts to replace him as speaker should not be done through threats, referencing Faizal's attempted motion of-no confidence against him. State government assemblymen had previously tried to persuade Ngeh to vacate the position before the state assembly convened.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 26 July 2020, Buntong assemblymen, Sivasubramaniam Athinarayanan announced joining Gerakan after being sacked from DAP, however he joined Bersatu last December, but his membership was only reported 5 March 2021. Perak Gerakan chairman, See Tean Seng, said his party was not informed about the matter, either by Bersatu or Sivasubramaniam.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 29 July 2020, Hasnul Zulkarnain joined Bersatu because of Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin's beliefs. However, on 23 March 2021 he was sacked from Bersatu due to his actions in supporting Perak UMNO chairman Saarani Mohamad as Perak Menteri Besar.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 10 December 2020, the new Menteri Besar of Perak, Saarani Mohammad from UMNO, was sworn in during the morning.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 8 January 2022, Sivasubramaniam Athinarayanan, Paul Yong Choo Kiong, and Leong Cheok Keng join PBM. Cheok Keng said he chose PBM because this party is truly a multi-racial party and not like other parties that claim to be multi-racial but only dominated by certain races.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 23 January 2022, Menteri Besar of Perak Saarani Mohamad said There is no need to dissolve the state assembly because the state government has strong support including from the Pakatan Harapan. He said therefore it was different from the political situation in Johor with the government having a slim majority.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 3 November 2022, Leong Cheok Keng announced that he had quitted PBM and will participate in the 2022 Perak state election under WARISAN.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 4 March, Afif Bahardin from PKR resigned from his position in Penang State Executive Council. He stated that he was pressured by the party's state and central leadership to resign from his post. Afif is a known supporter of Azmin Ali while the latter was still the party's deputy president. PKR's Norlela Ariffin was appointed as the new state councillor and was sworn in on 12 March in front of the Yang Dipertua Negeri, Abdul Rahman Abbas.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 23 May, two Bersatu state representatives withdrew their support for the Harapan government of Penang following their appointments by the federal government to the Penang Regional Development Authority (under the Rural Development Ministry) and MARA's investment arm Mara Corp Sdn Bhd's board of advisors. On 28 May, Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow announced that the state government will table a motion at the next state legislative assembly sitting to compel the two Bersatu representatives, along with Afif who was suspended from PKR on 3 May, to vacate their seats. At that time, Penang is the only state in Malaysia that has legislation which prohibits switching of parties for elected representatives under Section 14A of the Penang Constitution. The law also allows the assembly to declare the seats vacant via a motion carried by a majority of the House if the representatives do not resign. However, it is a controversial law and had been previously ruled as unconstitutional by the Federal Court in 1992.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 24 June, Afif announced his departure from PKR and joined forces with Bersatu. On 4 July, Zulkifli Ibrahim was sacked from PKR. He declared that he is joining Perikatan Nasional on the same day. He insisted that the PKR disciplinary committee should have summoned him for investigations before making any decisions.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 15 June 2020, two UPKO assemblymen representing Kuala Penyu and Sugut left the party citing Sabah state government is not in line with the Federal Government and become independents friendly towards Perikatan Nasional.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 29 July 2020, former Sabah Chief Minister, Musa Aman claimed to have a simple majority to form a new PN government in Sabah. In a special afternoon press conference, he said, the new Perikatan Nasional coalition involved several parties, namely UMNO, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku (STAR) and Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS). He also said the Minister of Home Affairs, Hamzah Zainudin and the Political Secretary to the Prime Minister paid a courtesy call on the Yang di-Pertua Negeri of Sabah, Tun Juhar Mahiruddin in the morning. Speculation rose in recent weeks that changes will take place in the Sabah government.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 30 July 2020, Sabah Chief Minister Shafie Apdal said Sabah governor Juhar Mahiruddin has consented to the dissolution of the state assembly, paving the way for a snap election in the state. This follows claims by former chief minister Musa Aman who said that he had the numbers needed to form a new state government. The announcement also followed talk that Musa was heading to the state palace to be sworn in as chief minister today. Musa said yesterday that he had received statutory declarations from a number of assemblymen from various parties confirming their support for a new alliance he was leading. A total of 73 seats will be up for contest following the addition of 13 new seats endorsed in Parliament last year. He said he could seek the governor's consent to dissolve the state assembly as he was still chief minister.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Nominated Sabah assemblyman Ronnie Loh Ee Eng was sacked from DAP for supporting the Perikatan Nasional (PN) attempt to topple the Warisan-led Sabah government. Inanam assemblyman & Sabah PKR Vice Chairman, Kenny Chua Teck Ho were sacked from PKR for backing Musa. On 31 July, 5 assemblymen representing Tanjong Batu, Balung, Pitas, Kuamut, & Sebatik was sacked from Warisan. Loretto Padua, Warisan Secretary General says "In this case they are considered to have joined forces with Musa Aman and conspired to overthrow the Warisan government." Paginatan assemblyman & UPKO Vice President, Abidin Madingkir was sacked from UPKO for allegedly being involved with former Sabah chief minister Musa Aman to take over the state government.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 26 September 2020, Perikatan Nasional won a simple majority of 38 seats in the Sabah State Legislative Assembly, and replacing the Warisan-led Sabah government with the Perikatan Nasional-led Sabah government. The new chief minister of Sabah is Hajiji Noor of Bersatu.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 25 February 2021, Sebatik assemblyman, Hassan A. Gani Pg. Amir exited Warisan. The reason he left is because the party is no longer prioritizing the well-being of the people and only focused on politics. On 6 April 2021, he joined Bersatu.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 3 October 2021, Sindumin assemblyman, Yusof Yacob exited Warisan. Yusof, who is also WARISAN's Information Chief, decided to leave the party due to be disappointed with WARISAN's struggle which is losing direction.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 30 October 2021, Mohammadin Ketapi left WARISAN and became independent in support for GRS. He officially became a member of Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu) party on 26 November 2021. However on 28 June 2022, he left BERSATU and became independent again in support for BN and GRS ruling coalitions after joining it only seven months prior.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 28 December 2021, Limbahau assemblyman Juil Nuatim and Melalap assemblyman Peter Anthony left WARISAN and would be forming a new local political party based in Sabah that would align with the ruling GRS coalition on 28 January 2022.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 20 January 2022, Elopura assemblyman Calvin Chong and Sri Tanjong assemblyman Justin Wong left DAP but carry on aligning themselves with the PH opposition coalition.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 26 March 2022, Elopura assemblyman Calvin Chong and Sri Tanjong assemblyman Justin Wong join Warisan.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 21 October 2022, State Assistant Minister to the Chief Minister and Bandau MLA Wetrom Bahanda left Bersatu and joined KDM on the same day.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 10 December 2022, The leadership of Bersatu Sabah announced its exit from the party and will form a new local party. Bersatu Sabah Chairman Hajiji Noor said the “unanimous decision” by Bersatu Sabah leaders to leave the party is based on the premise that the status quo is “no longer tenable”.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 10 July, Rahang assemblyman, Mary Josephine, announced that she is quitting DAP, as well as resigning from all her positions in the political party. She said the decision was made after she could no longer face the challenges and pressures from the state DAP leadership. She added that she would continue to support Pakatan Harapan as an independent politician. She had since retracted her decision and rejoined the party on 20 July.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 5 September 2021, a group of 4 PKR assemblypersons and other 11 PKR members representing state PKR declared their loss of faith in Negeri Sembilan MB, Aminuddin Harun, in his capacity as Negeri Sembilan PKR chief. Among the reasons cited was "failure to strengthen the party" and the risk of losing the next general election.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 18 September 2018, Mustapa Mohamed quit UMNO and become an independent Member of Parliament and state assembly. He said the decision was made as he felt that the party's current direction is no longer in line with the political principles he upheld. On 27 October 2018 he joined BERSATU. Mustapa said he joined the party as he is confident that BERSATU would be able to serve his constituents better.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Perikatan Nasional and Barisan Nasional secured every seat in the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly, leaving it without an opposition.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: UMNO Terengganu state chief Ahmad Said has claimed that there was no cooperation between the party and the PAS led Terengganu government, be it through PN or Muafakat Nasional pact set up before the crisis


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 22 January 2022, UMNO Kelantan state chief Ahmad Jazlan Yaakub said he decided to no longer be with PAS Kelantan through Muafakat Nasional (MN). UMNO made the decision following PAS Kelantan which is still cooperating with BERSATU and still chose the party to face the 15th General Election 15. PAS Kelantan state chief and Menteri Besar of Kelantan Ahmad Yakob said PAS Kelantan hopes that the relationship with UMNO will continue.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: In the 2018 election, Ismail Kassim was nominated as a candidate for Menteri Besar by Perlis BN after retaining his seat but when the plan did not go through, he decided to quit UMNO to become first Perlis independent state assemblyman. He later applied to join People's Justice Party (PKR) instead but the application was never reported to be approved. Ismail finally announced he had joined Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU) in August 2019. However, the then secretary-general of BERSATU, Marzuki Yahya denied his participation after Marzuki claimed that he had never received the party's participation form from the Tambun Tulang assemblyman. He rejoin UMNO on 16 May 2020 after his application to join UMNO approved.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 14 April 2020, Batu Lintang assemblyman See Chee How was sacked from PKR, leaving PKR with no representation in Sarawak State Legislative Assembly. On 27 July, Padungan assemblyman and Sarawak DAP vice-chairman Wong King Wei has announced his resignation from DAP with immediate effect, saying he was disillusioned with its direction and management. He claimed the party has deviated from the aims, objectives and struggle of the earlier days when he joined in 2006. With the assemblyman's resignation, PH lost its status as largest opposition party. Wong Soon Koh from PSB took over as opposition leader on 9 November 2020.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: With the entry of Ali Biju on 23 August 2020, BERSATU/Perikatan Nasional was for the first time represented in the Assembly.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 21 December, Julau MP Larry Sng stepped down as Sarawak PKR chairman. His reason for stepping down was to let a Dayak leader take over the post and lead the party in the Sarawak state election which is due in June next year.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 14 August 2022, Batu Lintang assemblyman See Chee How resigned from PSB. On 16 August 2022, See Chee How hold a press conference. He explained that he had wanted to leave PSB for a long time. His decision was not related to the provisions of the law prohibiting elected representatives from changing parties as approved in Parliament recently. Whether he wants to establish a new party or join another party, Chee How said, that matter is not in his plans at the moment.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: While leaving the headquarters after a meeting on 1 March 2020, members who were associated with the former deputy president Azmin Ali, such as the vice-president Tian Chua and the former party's youth wing deputy chief Afif Bahardin, was harassed and assaulted by PKR supporters. Both were accused of being "traitors". Police later revealed that one arrest had been made in relation to the incident involving Chua, with at least two reports were lodged.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: A large number of grassroots members of PKR have left the party since the political crisis started. Three PKR Kelantan branch leaders announced that they were leaving the party on 26 February after Azmin and Zuraida Kamaruddin, the party's vice president, were sacked from their positions and expelled. Around 2,000 members from the Pasir Puteh branch left the party on 28 February, stating that they were disappointed with the party's leadership. 536 members from the Kota Raja branch also left the party on 1 March, citing that they no longer believed in the party's direction. On 2 March, around 400 members of PKR in Perak also left the party, arguing that the party had lost its focus on nation building and was only focused on the transition of power to the party's president, Anwar Ibrahim. This was later followed by the exit of 500 members from the Arau and Padang Besar branches on 15 March. They too cited that they had lost confidence with the party's leadership under Anwar.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 17 May, PKR Srikandi Keadilan Chief, Nurainie Haziqah Shafii, exits the party. The decision was taken after she has lost confidence on the direction of PKR at this time. On 21 June, a further 50 Johor PKR women leader members exit the party after losing faith in the party's top leadership. The next day, 25 PKR grassroots leaders of the Saratok branch exit the party citing loss of confidence in the party as their reasons. On 27 June, 19 Jelebu branch PKR Committee members exit the party after claiming to have lost faith in the PKR leadership.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: On 1 July, Terengganu PKR women chef, Sharifah Norhayati Syed Omar Alyahya exit PKR along with 131 other members. The decision was made after seeing injustice in the party's top leadership. On 11 July, almost 100 Anak Muda Keadilan (AMK) Port Dickson members exit PKR, paralyzing the AMK branch of Port Dickson. The action was taken as they believe the party was weakening and is unable to win seats in the next general election. On 15 July, Jempol PKR branch chief, Karip Mohd Salleh along with 25 other members exit party resulting in the dissolution of the branch is. The decision was made after each of them had lost faith in the party leadership in navigating the leadership ranks either at the federal or state levels. On 25 July 721 members of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) Tebrau Branch exit party after claiming to have lost faith in the party leadership.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Following the resignation of Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia's stock market FTSE Bursa Malaysia KLCI on 24 February dropped to its lowest point since 2011. The Ringgit also weakened against US dollar, traded at 4.22, their lowest in months. However, the market bounced back on the next day, trading at 0.78% higher on mid-day.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: The ringgit fell to a one-year low at the news of Muhyiddin Yassin's resignation, and the stock market slipped.


title: 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis

text: Media outlets have noted the considerable involvement of Abdullah of Pahang in the political crisis. The Monarchies of Malaysia generally have minimal involvement in the country's politics, and some commentary suggesting it may pave the way for Abdullah, or monarchy itself, to have greater political influence in future. "The Guardian" described Abdullah's appointment of Muhyiddin, overturning of the 2018 election result, in March 2020 as a "royal coup".


title: Equivalence principle

text: In the theory of general relativity, the equivalence principle is the equivalence of gravitational and inertial mass, and Albert Einstein's observation that the gravitational "force" as experienced locally while standing on a massive body (such as the Earth) is the same as the "pseudo-force" experienced by an observer in a non-inertial (accelerated) frame of reference.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Something like the equivalence principle emerged in the early 17th century, when Galileo expressed experimentally that the acceleration of a test mass due to gravitation is independent of the amount of mass being accelerated.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Johannes Kepler, using Galileo's discoveries, showed knowledge of the equivalence principle by accurately describing what would occur if the Moon were stopped in its orbit and dropped towards Earth. This can be deduced without knowing if or in what manner gravity decreases with distance, but requires assuming the equivalency between gravity and inertia.


title: Equivalence principle

text: The 1/54 ratio is Kepler's estimate of the Moon–Earth mass ratio, based on their diameters. The accuracy of his statement can be deduced by using Newton's inertia law F=ma and Galileo's gravitational observation that distance formula_1. Setting these accelerations equal for a mass is the equivalence principle. Noting the time to collision for each mass is the same gives Kepler's statement that D/D=M/M, without knowing the time to collision or how or if the acceleration force from gravity is a function of distance.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Newton's gravitational theory simplified and formalized Galileo's and Kepler's ideas by recognizing Kepler's "animal force or some other equivalent" beyond gravity and inertia were not needed, deducing from Kepler's planetary laws how gravity reduces with distance.


title: Equivalence principle

text: The equivalence principle was properly introduced by Albert Einstein in 1907, when he observed that the acceleration of bodies towards the center of the Earth at a rate of 1""g"" ("g" = 9.81 m/s being a standard reference of gravitational acceleration at the Earth's surface) is equivalent to the acceleration of an inertially moving body that would be observed on a rocket in free space being accelerated at a rate of 1"g". Einstein stated it thus:


title: Equivalence principle

text: That is, being on the surface of the Earth is equivalent to being inside a spaceship (far from any sources of gravity) that is being accelerated by its engines. The direction or vector of acceleration equivalence on the surface of the earth is "up" or directly opposite the center of the planet while the vector of acceleration in a spaceship is directly opposite from the mass ejected by its thrusters. From this principle, Einstein deduced that free-fall is inertial motion. Objects in free-fall do not experience being accelerated downward (e.g. toward the earth or other massive body) but rather weightlessness and no acceleration. In an inertial frame of reference bodies (and photons, or light) obey Newton's first law, moving at constant velocity in straight lines. Analogously, in a curved spacetime the world line of an inertial particle or pulse of light is "as straight as possible" (in space "and" time). Such a world line is called a geodesic and from the point of view of the inertial frame is a straight line. This is why an accelerometer in free-fall doesn't register any acceleration; there isn't any between the internal test mass and the accelerometer's body.


title: Equivalence principle

text: As an example: an inertial body moving along a geodesic through space can be trapped into an orbit around a large gravitational mass without ever experiencing acceleration. This is possible because spacetime is radically curved in close vicinity to a large gravitational mass. In such a situation the geodesic lines bend inward around the center of the mass and a free-floating (weightless) inertial body will simply follow those curved geodesics into an elliptical orbit. An accelerometer on-board would never record any acceleration.


title: Equivalence principle

text: By contrast, in Newtonian mechanics, gravity is assumed to be a force. This force draws objects having mass towards the center of any massive body. At the Earth's surface, the force of gravity is counteracted by the mechanical (physical) resistance of the Earth's surface. So in Newtonian physics, a person at rest on the surface of a (non-rotating) massive object is in an inertial frame of reference. These considerations suggest the following corollary to the equivalence principle, which Einstein formulated precisely in 1911:


title: Equivalence principle

text: Einstein also referred to two reference frames, K and K'. K is a uniform gravitational field, whereas K' has no gravitational field but is uniformly accelerated such that objects in the two frames experience identical forces:


title: Equivalence principle

text: This observation was the start of a process that culminated in general relativity. Einstein suggested that it should be elevated to the status of a general principle, which he called the "principle of equivalence" when constructing his theory of relativity:


title: Equivalence principle

text: Einstein combined (postulated) the equivalence principle with special relativity to predict that clocks run at different rates in a gravitational potential, and light rays bend in a gravitational field, even before he developed the concept of curved spacetime.


title: Equivalence principle

text: So the original equivalence principle, as described by Einstein, concluded that free-fall and inertial motion were physically equivalent. This form of the equivalence principle can be stated as follows. An observer in a windowless room cannot distinguish between being on the surface of the Earth, and being in a spaceship in deep space accelerating at 1g. This is not strictly true, because massive bodies give rise to tidal effects (caused by variations in the strength and direction of the gravitational field) which are absent from an accelerating spaceship in deep space. The room, therefore, should be small enough that tidal effects can be neglected.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Although the equivalence principle guided the development of general relativity, it is not a founding principle of relativity but rather a simple consequence of the "geometrical" nature of the theory. In general relativity, objects in free-fall follow geodesics of spacetime, and what we perceive as the force of gravity is instead a result of our being unable to follow those geodesics of spacetime, because the mechanical resistance of Earth's matter or surface prevents us from doing so.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Since Einstein developed general relativity, there was a need to develop a framework to test the theory against other possible theories of gravity compatible with special relativity. This was developed by Robert Dicke as part of his program to test general relativity. Two new principles were suggested, the so-called Einstein equivalence principle and the strong equivalence principle, each of which assumes the weak equivalence principle as a starting point. They only differ in whether or not they apply to gravitational experiments.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Another clarification needed is that the equivalence principle assumes a constant acceleration of 1g without considering the mechanics of generating 1g. If we do consider the mechanics of it, then we must assume the aforementioned windowless room has a fixed mass. Accelerating it at 1g means there is a constant force being applied, which = m*g where m is the mass of the windowless room along with its contents (including the observer). Now, if the observer jumps inside the room, an object lying freely on the floor will decrease in weight momentarily because the acceleration is going to decrease momentarily due to the observer pushing back against the floor in order to jump. The object will then gain weight while the observer is in the air and the resulting decreased mass of the windowless room allows greater acceleration; it will lose weight again when the observer lands and pushes once more against the floor; and it will finally return to its initial weight afterwards. To make all these effects equal those we would measure on a planet producing 1g, the windowless room must be assumed to have the same mass as that planet. Additionally, the windowless room must not cause its own gravity, otherwise the scenario changes even further. These are technicalities, clearly, but practical ones if we wish the experiment to demonstrate more or less precisely the equivalence of 1g gravity and 1g acceleration.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Three forms of the equivalence principle are in current use: weak (Galilean), Einsteinian, and strong.


title: Equivalence principle

text: The weak equivalence principle, also known as the universality of free fall or the Galilean equivalence principle can be stated in many ways. The strong EP, a generalization of the weak EP, includes astronomic bodies with gravitational self-binding energy (e.g., 1.74 solar-mass pulsar PSR J1903+0327, 15.3% of whose separated mass is absent as gravitational binding energy) Instead, the weak EP assumes falling bodies are self-bound by non-gravitational forces only (e.g. a stone). Either way:


title: Equivalence principle

text: Locality eliminates measurable tidal forces originating from a radial divergent gravitational field (e.g., the Earth) upon finite sized physical bodies. The "falling" equivalence principle embraces Galileo's, Newton's, and Einstein's conceptualization. The equivalence principle does not deny the existence of measurable effects caused by a "rotating" gravitating mass (frame dragging), or bear on the measurements of light deflection and gravitational time delay made by non-local observers.


title: Equivalence principle

text: By definition of active and passive gravitational mass, the force on formula_2 due to the gravitational field of formula_3 is:


title: Equivalence principle

text: If formula_7 and formula_8 are the same distance formula_9 from formula_10 then, by the weak equivalence principle, they fall at the same rate (i.e. their accelerations are the same)


title: Equivalence principle

text: In other words, passive gravitational mass must be proportional to active gravitational mass for all objects.


title: Equivalence principle

text: The dimensionless Eötvös-parameter formula_17 is the difference of the ratios of gravitational and inertial masses divided by their average for the two sets of test masses "A" and "B".


title: Equivalence principle

text: Tests of the weak equivalence principle are those that verify the equivalence of gravitational mass and inertial mass. An obvious test is dropping different objects, ideally in a vacuum environment, e.g., inside the Fallturm Bremen drop tower.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Experiments are still being performed at the University of Washington which have placed limits on the differential acceleration of objects towards the Earth, the Sun and towards dark matter in the Galactic Center. Future satellite experiments – STEP (Satellite Test of the Equivalence Principle), and Galileo Galilei – will test the weak equivalence principle in space, to much higher accuracy.


title: Equivalence principle

text: With the first successful production of antimatter, in particular anti-hydrogen, a new approach to test the weak equivalence principle has been proposed. Experiments to compare the gravitational behavior of matter and antimatter are currently being developed.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Proposals that may lead to a quantum theory of gravity such as string theory and loop quantum gravity predict violations of the weak equivalence principle because they contain many light scalar fields with long Compton wavelengths, which should generate fifth forces and variation of the fundamental constants. Heuristic arguments suggest that the magnitude of these equivalence principle violations could be in the 10 to 10 range. Currently envisioned tests of the weak equivalence principle are approaching a degree of sensitivity such that "non-discovery" of a violation would be just as profound a result as discovery of a violation. Non-discovery of equivalence principle violation in this range would suggest that gravity is so fundamentally different from other forces as to require a major reevaluation of current attempts to unify gravity with the other forces of nature. A positive detection, on the other hand, would provide a major guidepost towards unification.


title: Equivalence principle

text: What is now called the "Einstein equivalence principle" states that the weak equivalence principle holds, and that:


title: Equivalence principle

text: Here "local" has a very special meaning: not only must the experiment not look outside the laboratory, but it must also be small compared to variations in the gravitational field, tidal forces, so that the entire laboratory is freely falling. It also implies the absence of interactions with "external" fields "other than the gravitational field".


title: Equivalence principle

text: The principle of relativity implies that the outcome of local experiments must be independent of the velocity of the apparatus, so the most important consequence of this principle is the Copernican idea that dimensionless physical values such as the fine-structure constant and electron-to-proton mass ratio must not depend on where in space or time we measure them. Many physicists believe that any Lorentz invariant theory that satisfies the weak equivalence principle also satisfies the Einstein equivalence principle.


title: Equivalence principle

text: "Schiff's conjecture" suggests that the weak equivalence principle implies the Einstein equivalence principle, but it has not been proven. Nonetheless, the two principles are tested with very different kinds of experiments. The Einstein equivalence principle has been criticized as imprecise, because there is no universally accepted way to distinguish gravitational from non-gravitational experiments (see for instance Hadley and Durand).


title: Equivalence principle

text: In addition to the tests of the weak equivalence principle, the Einstein equivalence principle can be tested by searching for variation of dimensionless constants and mass ratios. The present best limits on the variation of the fundamental constants have mainly been set by studying the naturally occurring Oklo natural nuclear fission reactor, where nuclear reactions similar to ones we observe today have been shown to have occurred underground approximately two billion years ago. These reactions are extremely sensitive to the values of the fundamental constants.


title: Equivalence principle

text: There have been a number of controversial attempts to constrain the variation of the strong interaction constant. There have been several suggestions that "constants" do vary on cosmological scales. The best known is the reported detection of variation (at the 10 level) of the fine-structure constant from measurements of distant quasars, see Webb et al. Other researchers dispute these findings. Other tests of the Einstein equivalence principle are gravitational redshift experiments, such as the Pound–Rebka experiment which test the position independence of experiments.


title: Equivalence principle

text: The strong equivalence principle suggests the laws of gravitation are independent of velocity and location. In particular,


title: Equivalence principle

text: The first part is a version of the weak equivalence principle that applies to objects that exert a gravitational force on themselves, such as stars, planets, black holes or Cavendish experiments. The second part is the Einstein equivalence principle (with the same definition of "local"), restated to allow gravitational experiments and self-gravitating bodies. The freely-falling object or laboratory, however, must still be small, so that tidal forces may be neglected (hence "local experiment").


title: Equivalence principle

text: This is the only form of the equivalence principle that applies to self-gravitating objects (such as stars), which have substantial internal gravitational interactions. It requires that the gravitational constant be the same everywhere in the universe and is incompatible with a fifth force. It is much more restrictive than the Einstein equivalence principle.


title: Equivalence principle

text: The strong equivalence principle suggests that gravity is entirely geometrical by nature (that is, the metric alone determines the effect of gravity) and does not have any extra fields associated with it. If an observer measures a patch of space to be flat, then the strong equivalence principle suggests that it is absolutely equivalent to any other patch of flat space elsewhere in the universe. Einstein's theory of general relativity (including the cosmological constant) is thought to be the only theory of gravity that satisfies the strong equivalence principle. A number of alternative theories, such as Brans–Dicke theory, satisfy only the Einstein equivalence principle.


title: Equivalence principle

text: The strong equivalence principle can be tested by searching for a variation of Newton's gravitational constant "G" over the life of the universe, or equivalently, variation in the masses of the fundamental particles. A number of independent constraints, from orbits in the Solar System and studies of Big Bang nucleosynthesis have shown that "G" cannot have varied by more than 10%.


title: Equivalence principle

text: Thus, the strong equivalence principle can be tested by searching for fifth forces (deviations from the gravitational force-law predicted by general relativity). These experiments typically look for failures of the inverse-square law (specifically Yukawa forces or failures of Birkhoff's theorem) behavior of gravity in the laboratory. The most accurate tests over short distances have been performed by the Eöt–Wash group. A future satellite experiment, SEE (Satellite Energy Exchange), will search for fifth forces in space and should be able to further constrain violations of the strong equivalence principle. Other limits, looking for much longer-range forces, have been placed by searching for the Nordtvedt effect, a "polarization" of solar system orbits that would be caused by gravitational self-energy accelerating at a different rate from normal matter. This effect has been sensitively tested by the Lunar Laser Ranging Experiment. Other tests include studying the deflection of radiation from distant radio sources by the sun, which can be accurately measured by very long baseline interferometry. Another sensitive test comes from measurements of the frequency shift of signals to and from the Cassini spacecraft. Together, these measurements have put tight limits on Brans–Dicke theory and other alternative theories of gravity.


title: Equivalence principle

text: In 2014, astronomers discovered a stellar triple system containing a millisecond pulsar PSR J0337+1715 and two white dwarfs orbiting it. The system provided them a chance to test the strong equivalence principle in a strong gravitational field with high accuracy.


title: Equivalence principle

text: In 2020 a group of astronomers analyzed data from the Spitzer Photometry and Accurate Rotation Curves (SPARC) sample, together with estimates of the large-scale external gravitational field from an all-sky galaxy catalog. They concluded that there was highly statistically significant evidence of violations of the strong equivalence principle in weak gravitational fields in the vicinity of rotationally supported galaxies. They observed an effect consistent with the external field effect of Modified Newtonian dynamics (MOND), a hypothesis that proposes a modified gravity theory beyond general relativity, and inconsistent with tidal effects in the Lambda-CDM model paradigm, commonly known as the Standard Model of Cosmology.


title: Equivalence principle

text: One challenge to the equivalence principle is the Brans–Dicke theory. Self-creation cosmology is a modification of the Brans–Dicke theory.


title: Equivalence principle

text: In August 2010, researchers from the University of New South Wales, Swinburne University of Technology, and Cambridge University published a paper titled "Evidence for spatial variation of the fine structure constant", whose tentative conclusion is that, "qualitatively, [the] results suggest a violation of the Einstein Equivalence Principle, and could infer a very large or infinite universe, within which our 'local' Hubble volume represents a tiny fraction."


title: Equivalence principle

text: Dutch physicist and string theorist Erik Verlinde has generated a self-contained, logical derivation of the equivalence principle based on the starting assumption of a holographic universe. Given this situation, gravity would not be a true fundamental force as is currently thought but instead an "emergent property" related to entropy. Verlinde's entropic gravity theory apparently leads naturally to the correct observed strength of dark energy; previous failures to explain its incredibly small magnitude have been called by such people as cosmologist Michael Turner (who is credited as having coined the term "dark energy") as "the greatest embarrassment in the history of theoretical physics". These ideas are far from settled and still very controversial.


title: Arturo Toscanini

text: Arturo Toscanini (; ; March 25, 1867January 16, 1957) was an Italian conductor. He was one of the most acclaimed and influential musicians of the late 19th and early 20th century, renowned for his intensity, his perfectionism, his ear for orchestral detail and sonority, and his eidetic memory. He was at various times the music director of La Scala in Milan and the New York Philharmonic. Later in his career he was appointed the first music director of the NBC Symphony Orchestra (1937–54), and this led to his becoming a household name (especially in the United States) through his radio and television broadcasts and many recordings of the operatic and symphonic repertoire.


title: Arturo Toscanini

text: Toscanini was born in Parma, Emilia-Romagna, and won a scholarship to the local music conservatory, where he studied the cello. Living conditions at the conservatory were harsh and strict. For example, the menu at the conservatory consisted almost entirely of fish; in his later years, Toscanini steadfastly refused to eat anything that came from the sea.


title: Arturo Toscanini

text: He joined the orchestra of an opera company, with which he toured South America in 1886. While presenting "Aida" in Rio de Janeiro on June 25, Leopoldo Miguez, the locally hired conductor, reached the summit of a two-month escalating conflict with the performers due to his rather poor command of the work, to the point that the singers went on strike and forced the company's general manager to seek a substitute conductor. Carlo Superti and Aristide Venturi tried unsuccessfully to finish the work.


title: Arturo Toscanini

text: In desperation, the singers suggested the name of their assistant Chorus Master, who knew the whole opera from memory. Although he had no conducting experience, Toscanini was eventually persuaded by the musicians to take up the baton at 9:15 pm, and led a performance of the two-and-a-half hour opera, completely from memory. The public was taken by surprise, at first by the youth, charisma and sheer intensity of this unknown conductor, then by his solid musicianship. The result was astounding acclaim. For the rest of that season, Toscanini conducted 18 operas, each one an absolute success. Thus began his career as a conductor, at age 19.


title: Arturo Toscanini

text: Upon returning to Italy, Toscanini set out on a dual path. He continued to conduct, his first appearance in Italy being at the Teatro Carignano in Turin, on November 4, 1886, in the world premiere of the revised version of Alfredo Catalani's "Edmea" (it had had its premiere in its original form at La Scala, Milan, on February 27, of that year). This was the beginning of Toscanini's lifelong friendship and championing of Catalani; he even named his first daughter Wally after the heroine of Catalani's opera "La Wally". He also returned to his chair in the cello section, and participated as cellist in the world premiere of Verdi's "Otello" (La Scala, Milan, 1887) under the composer's supervision. Verdi, who habitually complained that conductors never seemed interested in directing his scores the way he had written them, was impressed by reports from Arrigo Boito about Toscanini's ability to interpret his scores. The composer was also impressed when Toscanini consulted him personally about Verdi's "Te Deum", suggesting an "allargando" where it was not set out in the score. Verdi said that he had left it out for fear that "certain interpreters would have exaggerated the marking".


title: Arturo Toscanini

text: Gradually, Toscanini's reputation as an operatic conductor of unusual authority and skill supplanted his cello career. In the following decade, he consolidated his career in Italy, entrusted with the world premieres of Puccini's "La bohème" and Leoncavallo's "Pagliacci". In 1896, Toscanini conducted his first symphonic concert (in Turin, with works by Schubert, Brahms, Tchaikovsky, and Wagner). He exhibited a considerable capacity for hard work, conducting 43 concerts in Turin in 1898. By 1898, Toscanini was Principal Conductor at La Scala, where he remained until 1908, returning as Music Director, from 1921 to 1929. During this time he collaborated with Alfredo Antonini – a young pianist and organist in La Scala Orchestra.


title: Arturo Toscanini

text: In 1920, he brought the La Scala Orchestra to the United States on a concert tour during which he made his first recordings for the Victor Talking Machine Company.


title: Arturo Toscanini

text: In 1908, Toscanini joined the Metropolitan Opera in New York, along with Giulio Gatti-Casazza who left La Scala to assume the