title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The day after the establishment of the Irish Free State, the Houses of the Parliament of Northern Ireland resolved to make an address to the King so as to opt out of the Irish Free State Immediately afterwards, the need to settle an agreed border between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland arose. In response to this issue a commission was set up involving representatives from the Government of the Irish Free State, the Government of Northern Ireland, and the Government of the United Kingdom which would chair the Commission. Ultimately and after some controversy, the present border was fixed, not by the Commission but by agreement between the United Kingdom (including Northern Ireland) and the Irish Free State.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: A further dispute arose in 1930 over the issue of the Irish government's refusal to reimburse the United Kingdom with "land annuities". These annuities were derived from government financed soft loans given to Irish tenant farmers before independence to allow them to buy out their farms from landlords (see Irish Land Acts). These loans were intended to redress the issue of landownership in Ireland arising from the wars of the 17th century. The refusal of the Irish government to pass on monies it collected from these loans to the British government led to a retaliatory and escalating trade war between the two states from 1932 until 1938, a period known as the Anglo-Irish Trade War or the Economic War.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: While the UK was less affected by the Economic War, the Irish economy was virtually crippled by the resulting capital flight. Unemployment was extremely high and the effects of the Great Depression compounded the difficulties. The government urged people to support the confrontation with the UK as a national hardship to be shared by every citizen. Pressures, especially from agricultural producers in Ireland and exporters in the UK, led to an agreement between the two governments in 1938 resolving the dispute.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Many infant industries were established during this "economic war". Almost complete import substitution was achieved in many sectors behind a protective tariff barrier. These industries proved valuable during the war years as they reduced the need for imports.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Under the terms of resulting Anglo-Irish Trade Agreement, all duties imposed during the previous five years were lifted but Ireland was still entitled to impose tariffs on British imports to protect new Irish "infant" industries. Ireland was to pay a one-off £10 million sum to the United Kingdom (as opposed to annual repayments of £250,000 over 47 more years). Arguably the most significant outcome, however, was the return of so-called "Treaty Ports", three ports in Ireland maintained by the UK as sovereign bases under the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The handover of these ports facilitated Irish neutrality during World War II, and made it much harder for Britain to ensure the safety of the Atlantic Conveys.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Ireland adopted a new constitution in 1937. This declared Ireland to be a sovereign, independent state, but did not explicitly declare Ireland to be a republic. However, it did change the name of the state from "Irish Free State" to "Ireland" (or in the Irish language). It also contained irredentist claims on Northern Ireland, stating that the "national territory [of the Irish state] consists of the whole island of Ireland" (Article 2). This was measured in some way by Article 3, which stated that, "Pending the re-integration of the national territory ... the laws enacted by the parliament [of Ireland] shall have the like area and extent of application as the laws of Saorstat Éireann" ( is the Irish language name of the Irish Free State).


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The United Kingdom initially accepted the change in the name to "Ireland". However, it subsequently changed its practice and passed legislation providing that the Irish state could be called "Eire "(notably without a ) in British law. For some time, the United Kingdom was supported by some other Commonwealth countries. However, by the mid-1960s, "Ireland" was the accepted diplomatic name of the Irish state.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: During the Troubles, the disagreement led to request for extradition of terrorist suspects to be struck invalid by the Supreme Court of Ireland unless the name "Ireland" was used. Increasingly positive relations between the two states required the two states to explore imaginative work-arounds to the disagreement. For example, while the United Kingdom would not agree to refer to Mary Robinson as "President of Ireland" on an official visit to Queen Elizabeth II (the first such visit in the two states' history), they agreed to refer to her instead as "President Robinson of Ireland".


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: As a consequence of the Northern Ireland peace process, Articles 2 and 3 were changed in 1999 formalising shared Irish and British citizenship in Northern Ireland, removing the irredentist claim and making provisions for common "[institutions] with executive powers and functions ... in respect of all or any part of the island."


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The Irish Free State had been governed, at least until 1936, under a form of constitutional monarchy linked to the United Kingdom. The King had a number of symbolically important duties, including exercising the executive authority of the state, appointing the cabinet and promulgating the law. However, when Edward VIII proposed to marry Wallis Simpson, an American socialite and divorcée, in 1936, it caused a constitutional crisis across the British Empire. In the chaos that ensued his abdication, the Irish Free State took the opportunity to amend its constitution and remove all of the functions of the King except one: that of representing the state abroad.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: In 1937, a new constitution was adopted which entrenched the monarch's diminished role by transferring many of the functions performed by the King until 1936 to a new office of the President of Ireland, who was declared to "take precedence over all other persons in the State". However, the 1937 constitution did not explicitly declare that the state was a republic, nor that the President was head of state. Without explicit mention, the King continued to retain his role in external relations and the Irish Free State continued to be regarded as a member of the British Commonwealth and to be associated with the United Kingdom.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: During the period from December 1936 to April 1949, it was unclear whether or not the Irish state was a republic or a form of constitutional monarchy and (from 1937) whether its head of state was the President of Ireland (Douglas Hyde until 1945, and Seán T. O'Kelly afterwards) or the King of Ireland (George VI). The exact constitutional status of the state during this period has been a matter of scholarly and political dispute.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The state's ambiguous status ended in 1949, when the Republic of Ireland Act stripped the King of his role in external relations and declared that the state may be described as the "Republic of Ireland". The decision to do so was sudden and unilateral. However, it did not result in greatly strained relations between Ireland and the United Kingdom. The question of the head of the Irish state from 1936 to 1949 was largely a matter of symbolism and had little practical significance. The UK response was to legislate that it would not grant Northern Ireland to the Irish state without the consent of the Parliament of Northern Ireland (which was unlikely to happen in unionist-majority Northern Ireland).


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: One practical implication of explicitly declaring the state to be a republic in 1949 was that it automatically terminated the state's membership of the British Commonwealth, in accordance with the rules in operation at the time. However, despite this, the United Kingdom legislated that Irish citizens would retain similar rights to Commonwealth subjects and were not to be regarded as foreigners.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The Republic of Ireland Act came into force on 18 April 1949. Ten days later, 28 April 1949, the rules of the Commonwealth of Nations were changed through the London Declaration so that, when India declared itself a republic, it would not have to leave. The prospect of Ireland rejoining the Commonwealth, even today, is still occasionally raised but has never been formally considered by the Irish government.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: A minor, through recurring, source of antagonism between Britain and Ireland is the name of the archipelago in which they both are located. Known as the "British Isles" in Britain, this name is opposed by most in Ireland and its use is objected to by the Irish Government.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: A spokesman for the Irish Embassy in London recently said, "The British Isles has a dated ring to it, as if we are still part of the Empire. We are independent, we are not part of Britain, not even in geographical terms. We would discourage its usage .".


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: No consensus on another name for the islands exists. In practice, the two Governments and the shared institutions of the archipelago avoid use of the term, frequently using the more appropriate term "these islands" in place of any term.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Political violence broke out in Northern Ireland in 1968 following clashes over a civil rights campaign. The civil rights campaign demanding an end to institutionalised discrimination against nationalists by the unionist Government of Northern Ireland. As the violence escalated, rioting and attacks by nationalist and unionist groups began to de-stabilise the province and required the presence of British troops on the ground.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: In the wake of the riots, the Republic of Ireland expressed its concern about the situation. In a televised broadcast, Taoiseach Jack Lynch stated that the Irish Government could "no longer stand by" while hundreds of people were being injured. This was interpreted as a threat of military intervention. While a plan for an Irish invasion of Northern Ireland was rejected by the Government of Ireland, a secret Irish government fund of £100,000 was dedicated to helping refugees from the violence. Some more actively nationalist Irish Ministers were tried in 1970 when it emerged that some of the fund had been spent covertly on buying arms for nationalists.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Angry crowds burned down the British Embassy in Dublin in protest at the shooting by British troops of 13 civilians in Derry, Northern Ireland on Bloody Sunday (1972) and in 1981 protesters tried to storm the British Embassy in response to the IRA hunger strikes of that year. In 1978, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) trial "Ireland v. the United Kingdom" ruled that the techniques used in interrogating prisoners in Northern Ireland "amounted to a practice of inhuman and degrading treatment", in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: An attempt by the two governments to resolve the conflict in Northern Ireland politically in 1972 through the Sunningdale Agreement failed due to opposition by hard-line factions in Northern Ireland. With no resolution to the conflict in sight, the Irish government established the New Ireland Forum in 1984 to look into solutions. While the British UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher rejected the forum's proposals, it informed the British government's opinion and it is said to have given the Irish Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald a mandate during the negotiation of the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, which was directed at resolving the conflict. The 1992 Downing Street Declaration further consolidated the views of the two Governments and the 1998 Good Friday Agreement eventually formed the basis for peace in the province.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The Irish Department of Foreign Affairs established a "Reconciliation Fund" in 1982 to support organisations whose work tends to improve cross-community or North–South relations. Since 2006, the Minister for Foreign Affairs has hosted an annual "Reconciliation Networking Forum" (sometimes called the "Reconciliation Forum"; not to be confused with the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation) in Dublin to which such groups are invited.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: There is a controversy about the impact that Britain's withdrawal from the European Union will have at the end of the transition period on the border between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, in particular the impact it may have on the economy and people of the island were customs or immigration checks to be put in place at the border. It was prioritized as one of the three most important areas to resolve in order to reach the Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The people of the UK voted to leave the European Union in a non-binding referendum on 23 June 2016, an act which would effectively make the Republic of Ireland-Northern Ireland border an external EU border. Due to the lack of supporting legislation, all referendums in the UK are not legally binding, which was confirmed by a Supreme Court judge in November 2016. Despite this, the UK government chose to proceed with the departure from the European Union. All parties have stated that they want to avoid a hard border in Ireland particularly due to the sensitive nature of the border.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The border issue is concerned by a protocol related to the withdrawal agreement, known as the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The conflict in Northern Ireland, as well as dividing both Governments, paradoxically also led to increasingly closer co-operation and improved relations between Ireland and the United Kingdom. A 1981 meeting between the two governments established the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Council. This was further developed in 1985 under the Anglo-Irish Agreement whereby the two governments created the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference, under the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Council, as a regular forum for the two Governments to reach agreement on, "(i) political matters; (ii) security and related matters; (iii) legal matters, including the administration of justice; (iv) the promotion of cross-border co-operation." The Conference was "mainly concerned with Northern Ireland; but some of the matters under consideration will involve cooperative action in both parts of the island of Ireland, and possibly also in Great Britain." The Agreement also recommended the establishment of the Anglo-Irish Interparliamentary Body, a body where parliamentarians from the Houses of the Oireachtas (Ireland) and Houses of Parliament (United Kingdom) would regularly meet to share views and ideas. This was created in 1990 as the British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The Northern Ireland peace process culminated in the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 that further developed the institutions established under these Anglo-Irish Agreement. New institutions were established interlocking across "strands":


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The scope of the British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference is broader that the original Conference, and is intended to "bring together the British and Irish Governments to promote bilateral co-operation at all levels on all matters of mutual interest within the competence of both Governments." The Conference also provides a joint institution for the government of Northern Ireland on non-devolved matters (or all matters when the Northern Ireland Assembly is suspended). However, the United Kingdom retains ultimate sovereignty over Northern Ireland. Representatives from Northern Ireland participate in the Conference when matters relating to Northern Ireland are concerned.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The members of the British-Irish Council (sometimes called the "Council of the Isles") are representatives of the Irish and British Governments, the devolved administrations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, together with representatives of the Isle of Man and the Channel Islands. It meets regularly to discuss matters of mutual interest divided into work areas (such as energy, environment or housing) allocated to individual members to work and report on.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The Anglo-Irish Interparliamentary Body developed independently over the same period, eventually becoming known as the British–Irish Parliamentary Assembly and including members from the devolved administrations of the UK and the Crown Dependencies.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The development of these institutions was supported by acts such the visit of efforts by Mary Robinson (as President of Ireland) to the Queen Elizabeth II (Queen of the United Kingdom), an apology by Tony Blair (as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom) to Irish people for the failures of the British Government during the Great Famine of 1845—1852 and the creation of the Island of Ireland Peace Park. A state visit of Queen Elizabeth II to Ireland in May 2011 – including the laying of a wreath at a memorial to IRA fighters in the Anglo-Irish war – symbolically sealed the change in relationships between the two states following the transfer of police and justice powers to Northern Ireland. The visit came a century after her grandfather, King George V, was the last monarch of the United Kingdom to pay a state visit to Ireland in July 1911, while it was still part of the United Kingdom.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference provides for co-operation between the Government of Ireland and the Government of the United Kingdom on all matters of mutual interest for which they have competence. Meetings take the form of summits between the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and the Irish Taoiseach, on an "as required" basis. Otherwise, the two governments are represented by the appropriate ministers. In light of Ireland's particular interest in the governance of Northern Ireland, "regular and frequent" meetings co-chaired by the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs and the UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, dealing with non-devolved matters to do with Northern Ireland and non-devolved all-Ireland issues, are required to take place under the establishing treaty.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: At these meetings, the Irish government may put forward views and proposals, however sovereignty over Northern Ireland remains with the United Kingdom. In all of the work of the Conference, "All decisions will be by agreement between both Governments [who] will make determined efforts to resolve disagreements between them." The Conference is supported by a standing secretariat located at Belfast, Northern Ireland, dealing with non-devolved matters affecting Northern Ireland.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The British-Irish Council (BIC) is an international organisation laid out under the Belfast Agreement in 1998 and created by the established by the two Governments in 1999. Its members are:


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The Council formally came into being on 2 December 1999. Its stated aim is to "promote the harmonious and mutually beneficial development of the totality of relationships among the peoples of these islands". The BIC has a standing secretariat, located in Edinburgh, Scotland, and meets in bi-annual summits and regular sectoral meetings. Summit meetings are attended by the heads of each administrations (e.g. the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom) whereas sectoral meetings are attended by the relevant ministers form each administration.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: While the Council is made up of representatives from the executive of the various administrations in the region, it does not have executive power itself. Instead, its decisions, so far as they exist, are implemented separately by each administration on the basis of consensus. Given this – that the Council has no means to force its member administrations into implementing programmes of action – the Council has been dismissed as a "talking shop" and its current role appears to be one mainly of "information exchange and consultation".


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: In addition to the Council, the British–Irish Parliamentary Assembly (BIPA) is composed of members of the legislative bodies in the United Kingdom, including the devolved legislatures, Ireland, and the British Crown dependencies. It is the older of the two 'all-islands' institutions (BIC and BIPA) having been founded in 1990 as the British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body. Its purpose is to foster common understanding between elected representatives from these jurisdictions and, while having no legislative power, it conducts parliamentary activities such as receiving oral submissions, preparing reports and debating topical issues. The Assembly meets in plenary on a bi-annual basis, alternating in venue between Britain and Ireland, and maintains on-going work in committee.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: These institutions have been described as part of a confederal approach to the government of the British-Irish archipelago.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The North/South Ministerial Council (NSMC) coordinates activity and exercises certain governmental functions across the island of Ireland. The Council is responsible for developing and executing policy in at least twelve areas of co-operation, of which:


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Further development of the role and function of the Council are possible "with the specific endorsement of the Northern Ireland Assembly and Oireachtas, subject to the extent of the competences and responsibility of the two Administrations."


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The North/South Ministerial Council and the Northern Ireland Assembly are defined in the Good Friday Agreement as being "mutually inter-dependent, and that one cannot successfully function without the other." Participation in the Council is a requisite for the operation of the Northern Ireland Assembly and participation in the Northern Ireland Executive. When devolution in Northern Ireland is suspended, the powers of the Northern Ireland Executive revert to the British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Meetings of the Council take the form of "regular and frequent" sectoral meetings between ministers from the Government of Ireland and the Northern Ireland Executive. Plenary meetings, attended by all ministers and led by the First Minister and deputy First Minister and the Taoiseach, take place twice a year. Institutional and cross-sectoral meetings, including matters in relation to the EU or to resolved disagreements, happen "in an appropriate format" on a "ad hoc" basis. The Council has a permanent office located in Armagh, Northern Ireland, staffed by a standing secretariat.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: There is no joint parliamentary forum for the island of Ireland. However, under the Good Friday Agreement, the Oireachtas and Northern Ireland Assembly are asked to consider developing one. The Agreement also contains a suggestion for the creation of a consultative forum composed of members of civil society from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Under the 2007, St. Andrew's Agreement, the Northern Ireland Executive agreed to support the establishment of a North/South Consultative Forum and to encourage parties in the Northern Ireland Assembly to support the creation of a North/South parliamentary forum.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Independent of the direct involvement of Government of the United Kingdom, the devolved administrations of the mainland United Kingdom and the Crown dependencies also have relationships and with Ireland.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: For example, the Irish and Welsh governments collaborate on various economic development projects through the Ireland Wales Programme, under the Interreg initiative of the European Union. The governments of Ireland and Scotland, together with the Northern Ireland Executive, also collaborated on the ISLES project under the aegis of the Special EU Programmes Body, set up under the Good Friday Agreement. The project was to facilitate the development of offshore renewable energy sources, such as wind, wave and tidal energy, and trade in renewable energy between Scotland, the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Ireland is the only member state in the European Union not obliged to join the Schengen free-travel area (The United Kingdom also had an opt out from joining prior to its withdrawal from the bloc in 2020). The Crown Dependencies, which are outside of the EU, are not members either. Instead, a Common Travel Area exists between the two states and the Crown Dependencies. The Common Travel Areas is not founded on any formal agreement between Ireland and the United Kingdom and is not provided for in legislation. Instead, it is an informal arrangement between the states. When the Schengen Area was incorporated into the European Union through the 1992 Amsterdam Treaty, the first formal recognition of the Common Travel areas was made though an annexed protocol exempting their obligations to join.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The UK's previous reluctance to join the Schengen Area when it was a member state, was mainly centred around concerns over loss of independent border controls, is usually cited as the reason for not joining. Britain argued that, for an island, frontier controls are a better and less intrusive way to prevent illegal immigration than other measures, such as identity cards, residence permits, and registration with the police. Consequent difficulties for Ireland, given its location and shared border with the United Kingdom (at which border points would have to be set up), would then make it very difficult for Ireland to join without the United Kingdom.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Except for a period during and in the years after World War II, neither Ireland nor the UK have placed restrictions on travel between each other for citizens resident in each others states since Irish independence. Even during wartime, when Ireland remained neutral and the United Kingdom was a belligerent during World War II, the only significant restrictions on travel between the states were an Irish prohibition on the wearing of military uniforms by British citizens when in Irish territory and the instatement of passport controls between Great Britain and the island of Ireland. When Ireland declared itself a republic in 1949, thus making it impossible to remain in the British Commonwealth, the UK government legislated that even though the Republic of Ireland was no longer a British dominion, it would not be treated as a foreign country for the purposes of British law.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Prior to post-World War II, both states mutually recognised each other's entry visas for foreigners. However, in 1952 changes to UK law rescinded this arrangement. In 2011, the first public agreement between the British and Irish governments concerning the maintenance of the Common Travel Area was published.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The agreement, which is non-binding, envisions increased co-ordination between Irish and British immigration arrangements and that, from July 2011 Ireland would recognise UK short terms visas on an 18-month pilot basis for nationals of 16 countries. The agreement also mooted the possibility of "Common Travel Area visit visa" including the possibility of a pilot project.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: There are no special arrangements for travel between the Common Travel Area and the Schengen Area and a Schengen visa entitle entry. However, citizens of the European Union, Norway, Iceland, Liechtenstein and Switzerland may enter as a right using only their passports.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: As a dominion of the British Empire, citizens of the Irish Free State were regarded as British subjects in common with all other members of the Empire. Historically, as late as 1942, British jurisprudence was that Irish citizenship "did no more than confer ... a national character as an Irish citizen within the wider British nationality". Indeed, for some years, the British authorities refused to accept Irish passports.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Starting from the basis of common citizenship, the two states to this day provide reciprocal recognition to each others' citizens. British and Irish citizens can avail themselves of public services (for example, health care and social welfare) in each other's jurisdictions on an equal basis and are entitled to the right of abode, with deportation only in the most exceptional of circumstances. They each have equal voting (and standing) rights in all elections held across the United Kingdom and Ireland (except for the election of the President of Ireland and referendums).


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Northern Ireland occupies a unique location in the citizenship of the islands, with Northern Ireland people being recognised under the Good Friday Agreement as (in general terms) simultaneously British and/or Irish citizens according to their choice.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The interaction of overlapping citizens rights and laws has led to some cases of exploitation of loopholes to avoid the intention of the law. For example, the Twenty-seventh Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland was required to amend the potential for abuse of the rights of Irish citizenship to the right to abode in the United Kingdom. Before then, Irish citizenship was granted on the basis of "jus soli" (i.e. being born on the island of Ireland was reason in itself to be considered an Irish citizen). In one case, a Chinese migrant to the UK, living in Wales on Great Britain, chose to give birth to a child in Northern Ireland, on the island of Ireland, to take advantage of Irish citizenship laws. Consequently, her child was born an Irish citizen by virtue of "jus soli" and so was entitled to permanent abode in the UK even though the mother did not have the right to visit the Republic of Ireland. The mother and father then claimed the right to stay in the United Kingdom by virtue of being the guardians of a citizen of the European Union who would be unable to look after itself should they be deported.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: A single wholesale electricity market exists on the island of Ireland since 2007. Work towards common arrangements for the transmission and distributions of natural gas, including a common retail market arrangements by 2014, on the island are also underway.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: In 2004, a natural gas interconnection agreement was signed between the United Kingdom and Ireland, linking Ireland with Scotland via the Isle of Man.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: In 2011, the members of the British-Irish Council agreed an "All Islands Approach (AIA)" to electricity grid infrastructure and have launched a programme of joint work examining renewable energy trading as well as interconnection and market integration.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The United Kingdom and Ireland share a number of civic bodies such as the Royal National Lifeboat Institution, that provides sea-rescue across Britain and Ireland.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The three lighthouse authorities in the archipelago (the Northern Lighthouse Board, Trinity House Lighthouse Service and the Commissioners of Irish Lights) are funded by a single General Lighthouse Fund managed by the UK Department for Transport and paid for by light dues levied on ships calling at British and Irish ports. While this broad arrangement will continue, the total cost of the Commissioners of Irish Lights' work in Ireland (not Northern Ireland) will be met from income raised domestically as from 2015—16.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom normalised military cooperation with the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Irish Department of Defence and the British Ministry of Defence in January 2015.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Historically, Ireland has maintained a policy of strict military neutrality since the foundation of the state. As a result, Ireland has never joined the UK as an active ally, during any modern conflict.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: An important political movement in several countries in the Isles is British unionism, an ideology favouring the continued union of the United Kingdom. It is most prevalent in Scotland, Wales, England, and Northern Ireland. British unionism has close ties to British nationalism. Another movement is Loyalism, which manifests itself as loyalism to the British Crown.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The converse of unionism, nationalism, is also an important factor for politics in the Isles. Nationalism can take the form of Welsh nationalism, Cornish nationalism, English nationalism, Scottish nationalism, Northern Ireland nationalism, Irish nationalism in Northern Ireland or independence movements in the Isle of Man or Channel Islands.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Several Irish parties are organised on both sides of the Irish border. In recent years, Sinn Féin and the Green Party have won seats in Dáil and Assembly elections in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, respectively. Fianna Fáil won a seat in the 1933 general election to the former Parliament of Northern Ireland but refused to take the seat.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Irish migration to Great Britain is an important factor in the politics and labour markets of the Isles. Irish people have been the largest ethnic minority group in Britain for centuries, regularly migrating across the Irish Sea. From the earliest recorded history to the present, there has been a continuous movement of people between the islands of Ireland and Great Britain due to their proximity. This tide has ebbed and flowed in response to politics, economics and social conditions of both places. At the 2011 census, there were 869,000 Irish-born residents in the United Kingdom.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: As of 2013, the Britons represent the largest immigrant minority of European origin in the Republic of Ireland.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The United Kingdom and Ireland have separate media, although British television, newspapers and magazines are widely available in Ireland, giving people in Ireland a high level of familiarity with cultural matters in the United Kingdom. Republic of Ireland newspapers and magazines are commonly available in Northern Ireland, and the two main Irish broadsheets, "The Irish Times" and the "Irish Independent" are frequently available to the diaspora in Great Britain. Certain reality TV shows have embraced the whole of the islands, for example "The X Factor", seasons 3, 4 and 7 of which featured auditions in Dublin, were open to voters in the Republic, while the show previously known as "Britain's Next Top Model" became "Britain and Ireland's Next Top Model" in 2011.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Ireland and the United Kingdom have agreed to a deal on the digital broadcast of BBC Northern Ireland and Channel 4 into the Republic of Ireland and of RTÉ and TG4 into Northern Ireland. Tara Television, which broadcast Irish programming into Great Britain, was wound up in 2002. A replacement, under the working title of "RTÉ International", was postponed due to financial conditions. Instead, RTÉ Player provides a subset of programming for audiences outside Ireland.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Some cultural events are organised for the island group as a whole. For example, the Costa Book Awards are awarded to authors resident in the UK or Ireland. The Booker Prize is awarded to authors from the Commonwealth of Nations and Ireland. The Mercury Music Prize is handed out every year to the best album from an Irish or British musician or group.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: The British and Irish Lions is a team made up of players from England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales that undertakes tours of the southern hemisphere rugby playing nations every four years. The Ryder Cup in golf was originally played between a United States team and a team representing Great Britain and Ireland. From 1979 onwards this was expanded to include the whole of Europe.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: In 2012, the Olympic torch visited Dublin on a tour of the UK ahead of the 2012 Olympic Games in London. Dublin was the only place outside of the UK (apart from the traditional lighting ceremony in Greece) that the torch visited. UK Secretary of State for Culture, Olympics, Media and Sport, Jeremy Hunt, said: "The Republic of Ireland is the only country outside the UK to be visited by the torch and rightly so, given the unique and deep ties between Ireland and the UK."


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Many of the countries and regions of the isles, especially Ireland, Wales, Cornwall, Isle of Man, and Scotland share a common Celtic heritage, and all of these countries have branches of the Celtic league.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Due to the linguistic, cultural and legal (both as common law countries) similarities between the UK and Ireland, many businesses in both countries have operations in each other country. Both countries have each other as their biggest business partner, and both in the same trade organisations include the European Union and World Trade Organization.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Examples of notable British companies that have an Irish operations come as diverse as the supermarket chain Tesco (Tesco Ireland), the department store Marks & Spencer, the commercial bank NatWest Group, which operates through its Ulster Bank subsidiary, telecoms company BT (BT Ireland) and electric company SSE plc (Airtricity). Notable Irish companies that work in the UK includes the airline Ryanair, fashion retailer Primark (founded in Dublin but now owned by Associated British Foods), food processor Kerry Group and electric management company ESB.


title: Ireland–United Kingdom relations

text: Due to the closeness, some businesses often treat both countries of trade, finance and marketing as a single unit as quoting for "UK and Ireland" rather than two separate countries.


title: The Help

text: The Help is a historical fiction novel by American author Kathryn Stockett and published by Penguin Books in 2009. The story is about African Americans working in white households in Jackson, Mississippi, during the early 1960s.


title: The Help

text: A "USA Today" article called it one of the "summer sleeper hits." An early review in "The New York Times" notes Stockett's "affection and intimacy buried beneath even the most seemingly impersonal household connections," and says the book is a "button-pushing, soon to be wildly popular novel." The "Atlanta Journal-Constitution" said of the book: "This heartbreaking story is a stunning début from a gifted talent."


title: The Help

text: Stockett began writing the novel — her first — after the September 11th attacks. It took her five years to complete and was rejected by 60 literary agents, over a period of three years, before agent Susan Ramer agreed to represent Stockett. "The Help" has since been published in 35 countries and three languages. As of August 2011, it had sold seven million copies in print and audiobook editions, and spent more than 100 weeks on "The New York Times" Best Seller list.


title: The Help

text: "The Help"'s audiobook version is narrated by Jenna Lamia, Bahni Turpin, Octavia Spencer, and Cassandra Campbell. Spencer was Stockett's original inspiration for the character of Minny, and also plays her in the film adaptation.


title: The Help

text: "The Help" is set in the early 1960s in Jackson, Mississippi, and told primarily from the first-person perspectives of three women: Aibileen Clark, Minny Jackson, and Eugenia "Skeeter" Phelan. Aibileen is a maid who takes care of children and cleans. Her own 24-year-old son, Treelore, died from an accident on his job. In the story, she is tending the Leefolt household and caring for their toddler, Mae Mobley. Minny is Aibileen's friend who frequently tells her employers what she thinks of them, resulting in her having been fired from nineteen jobs. Minny's most recent employer was Mrs. Walters, mother of Hilly Holbrook.


title: The Help

text: Skeeter is the daughter of a wealthy white family who owns Longleaf, a cotton farm and formerly a plantation, outside Jackson. Many of the field hands and household help are African Americans. Skeeter has just returned home after graduating from the University of Mississippi and wants to become a writer. Skeeter's mother wants her to get married and thinks her degree is just a pretty piece of paper. Skeeter is curious about the disappearance of Constantine, her maid who brought her up and cared for her. Constantine had written to Skeeter while she was away from home in college saying what a great surprise she had awaiting her when she came home. Skeeter's mother tells her that Constantine quit and went to live with relatives in Chicago. Skeeter does not believe that Constantine would leave her like this; she knows something is wrong and believes that information will eventually come out. Everyone Skeeter asks about the unexpected disappearance of Constantine pretends it never happened and avoids giving her any real answers.


title: The Help

text: The life Constantine led while being the help to the Phelan family leads Skeeter to the realization that her friends' maids are treated very differently from the way the white employees are treated. She decides (with the assistance of a publisher) that she wants to reveal the truth about being a colored maid in Mississippi. Skeeter struggles to communicate with the maids and gain their trust. The dangers of writing a book about African Americans speaking out in the South during the early 1960s hover constantly over the three women.


title: The Help

text: Eventually, Skeeter wins Aibileen's trust through a friendship which develops while Aibileen helps Skeeter write a household tips column for the local newspaper. Skeeter accepted the job to write the column as a stepping stone to becoming a writer/editor, as was suggested by Elaine Stein, editor at Harper & Row, even though she knows nothing about cleaning or taking care of a household, since that is the exclusive domain of 'the help.' The irony of this is not lost on Skeeter, and she eventually offers to pay Aibileen for the time and expertise she received from her.


title: The Help

text: Elaine Stein had also suggested to Skeeter that she find a subject to write to which she can be dedicated and about which she is passionate. Skeeter realizes that she wants to expose to the world in the form of a book the deplorable conditions the maids in the South endure in order to barely survive. Unfortunately, such an exposé is a dangerous proposition, not just for Skeeter, but for any maids who agree to help her. Aibileen finally agrees to tell her story. Minny, despite her distrust of whites, eventually agrees as well, and she and Aibileen are unable to convince others to tell their stories. Skeeter researches several laws governing what blacks still can and cannot do in Mississippi, and her growing opposition to the racial order results in her being shunned by her social circle.


title: The Help

text: Yule May, Hilly's maid, is arrested for stealing one of Hilly's rings to pay her twin sons' college tuition after Hilly refused to lend the money. The other maids decide that they are willing to take a chance with their jobs, and their safety, and join the book project.


title: The Help

text: Thus the thrust of the book is the collaborative project between the white Skeeter and the struggling, exploited "colored" help, who together are writing a book of true stories about their experiences as the 'help' to the white women of Jackson. Not all the stories are negative, and some describe beautiful and generous, loving and kind events; while others are cruel and even brutal. The book, entitled "Help" is finally published, and the final chapters of "The Help" describes the aftermath of the book's success.


title: The Help

text: A film adaptation of "The Help" was released on August 10, 2011. Stockett's childhood friend Tate Taylor wrote and directed the film.


title: The Help

text: Parts of "The Help" were shot in Jackson, MS, but the film was primarily shot in and around Greenwood, MS, representing Jackson in 1963.


title: The Help

text: At the 84th Academy Awards, Octavia Spencer won the Academy Award for Best Supporting Actress for her role in this film. The film also received three other Academy Award nominations: Academy Award for Best Picture, Academy Award for Best Actress for Viola Davis, and Academy Award for Best Supporting Actress for Jessica Chastain.


title: The Help

text: Ablene Cooper, a housekeeper who once worked for Stockett's brother, criticized the author for stealing her life story without her knowledge and basing the character Aibileen on her likeness. Cooper sued Stockett for $75,000 in damages. Cooper also criticized her for making the racist comparison of her character's skin color to that of a cockroach. A Hinds County, Mississippi judge dismissed the case, citing the statute of limitations. Stockett denied her claim of stealing her likeness, stating that she only met her briefly.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Angelica Panganiban (; born Angelica Jane David Charlson on November 4, 1986) is a Filipino-American actress, model, TV host and comedienne.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Regarded as the new “Queen of Drama” by various media outlets, Panganiban is recognized as one of the most seasoned and versatile actresses in the Philippines. She has won 3 FAMAS Awards, 2 Cinema One Originals Digital Film Awards and the title of "Best Comedy Actress" for nine years in a row at the PMPC Star Awards and Golden Screen TV Awards, thanks to her exceptional comical talent. Additionally, at the age of 28, she is one of the youngest recipients of the renowned 'Bert Marcelo Lifetime Achievement Award' from the Guillermo Mendoza Memorial Scholarship Foundation for her substantial contributions to Philippine industry.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Panganiban started her career at the age of 6 when she appeared in the TV show, "Love Note". Her first regular show was the 1990s youth-oriented variety show, "Ang TV" on ABS-CBN. She made her first movie role, in Carlo J. Caparas’ "Antipolo Massacre". She also starred in films like "Separada", "Sarah... Ang Munting Prinsesa", "Ama, Ina, Anak" and earned Best Child Actress awards and nominations in the FAMAS Awards and PMPC Star Awards. She played teeny-bopper roles in "G-mik" and "Berks".


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: In 2004, she transitioned to mature actress status in the movie, "Santa Santita" and gained Best Actress nominations in the Film Academy of the Philippines or FAP Luna Awards, FAMAS Awards, and ENPRESS Golden Screen Awards. She is also known for her dramatic performances in the movie, "A Love Story" and television series, "Iisa Pa Lamang" and "Rubi" wherein she received Best Actress and Best Supporting Actress awards and nominations in the Film Academy of the Philippines or FAP Luna Awards, ENPRESS Golden Screen Awards, and PMPC Star Awards. She also starred in horror films like: "White Lady", "Bulong", and "Segunda Mano" where she was recognized as Best Supporting Actress in the FAMAS Awards. In 2011, she earned Best Performance by an Actress in a Leading Role (Musical or Comedy) award in the 8th ENPRESS Golden Screen Awards for Movies and Comedy Actress of the Year award in the 42nd Guillermo Mendoza Memorial Scholarship Foundation for her role in "Here Comes The Bride." She also won several Best Comedy Actress awards and nominations in the ENPRESS Golden Screen and PMPC Star Awards for the gag show, "Banana Split".


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Panganiban experienced a second peak in her career after starring in the film, "That Thing Called Tadhana" which earned her commercial and critical success, notably the Best Actress honor from the 2014 Cinema One Originals Film Festival and the 13th Gawad Tanglaw Awards. She received an Achievement in Acting nomination in the 2015 Guam International Film Festival for the said movie as well. She was also tapped to portray the iconic role of Madam Claudia Buenavista in the remake of "Pangako Sa ’Yo".


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Angelica Jane David Charlson was born in Payatas, Quezon City on November 4, 1986. Her biological mother was a Filipina who died in 2008 and was buried in Singapore, while her biological father, Mark David Charlson, is an American from Iowa and a former member of the US Navy. She acquired the surname Panganiban from her adoptive family.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Panganiban finished elementary school in 1999 at St. Vincent School in Teacher's Village, Quezon City, and high school in 2003 at the same school's Main campus along West Avenue. She was the Junior-Senior Prom Princess in 2002 and Miss Junior and Senior Prom in 2003. She was also a cheerleader and a Feature Editor in their school newspaper. She attended college at Thames International Business School, majoring in mass communication.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: As a child star, Panganiban received Best Child Actress awards and nominations because of her outstanding performances in movies. Her notable appearances include Jenny in the 1993 Maricel Soriano drama movie, "Separada" where she won two Best Child Actress awards in the FAMAS and PMPC Star Awards; and Becky in the 1995 family-drama film, "Sarah... Ang Munting Prinsesa" with her friend, Camille Prats in the title role where she received Best Child Actress nominations. She also appeared in a daily drama series, "Familia Zaragoza".


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: As a teen star, Panganiban starred in the youth-oriented show, "G-mik" in 1999 and she was paired with Carlo Aquino. In 2001, Panganiban played the role of Paula Villamines in the drama series, "Sa Puso Ko Iingatan Ka" which was top-billed by Judy Ann Santos. In 2002, she portrayed the role, Nicole in another youth-oriented show entitled, "Berks" along with her love team partner, Carlo Aquino.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Her team up with Carlo Aquino continued. She appeared as the girlfriend of Aquino's character in the hit comedy film, "Ang Tanging Ina" top-billed by Ai-Ai de las Alas in 2003. Up until the third installment of Regal Entertainment's "Mano Po", the movie "" in 2004, wherein she played as the young Vilma Santos and Aquino as the young Christopher de Leon.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: In November 2004, at the age of 18, after portraying several supporting roles, she landed the lead and the title role in the movie, "Santa Santita" opposite Jericho Rosales. The director of the film, Laurice Guillen and the producer, Tony Gloria of Unitel Pictures requested Johnny Manahan of ABS-CBN Talent Center to audition his talents for the role. "We auditioned 30 of them," Guillen said. "Some of them had played supporting roles in films already. But we couldn't find what we were looking for among them. Then one day, Angelica Panganiban came to audition. And we found in her the actress we wanted." Her performance in that film earned her three Best Actress nominations in the FAMAS, FAP Luna, and ENPRESS Golden Screen Awards. Eventually in the same year, she played a lead role in the soap opera, "Mangarap Ka" with Piolo Pascual. In 2005, she starred in drama series, "Vietnam Rose" with Maricel Soriano.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: During 2006, she appeared regularly in "Your Song", "Komiks", and "Love Spell"; she also topbilled the horror suspense film, "White Lady". In 2007, she starred in a fantasy series, "Rounin" and played the role of Aura. In the same year, Panganiban appeared in the film, "A Love Story" with Aga Muhlach and Maricel Soriano from which she earned her first Best Supporting Actress trophy in the FAP Luna Awards. She also appeared in Judy Ann Santos' romantic soap opera, "Ysabella" as a guest character, and in December 2007, she played Lena in "" with Derek Ramsay, Toni Gonzaga, and the original cast: John Lloyd Cruz, Bea Alonzo, Sam Milby, and Anne Curtis. She became a full-fledged adult dramatic actress in the 2008 primetime drama series, "Iisa Pa Lamang" with Claudine Barretto. That series made her the Villain of the Year in the 1st Supreme to the Extreme Awards (Philippine Star), and she earned Best Drama Actress nomination in the 23rd PMPC Star Awards for Television.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: In October 2008, Panganiban pioneered a comedy gag show, "Banana Split" on ABS-CBN. The show also featured Valerie Concepcion, Roxanne Guinoo, Dianne Medina, and Cristine Reyes. She's the only actress who remained from the original cast when the show started its second season in 2009 until its last airing in 2020.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: In February 2009, Panganiban appeared in an episode of "Your Song" with Derek Ramsay, and in mid-2009 she filmed her television series, "Rubi" which was based on the 2004 Mexican telenovela Rubí and the pilot episode aired in February 2010. She was joined by Diether Ocampo, Shaina Magdayao, and Jake Cuenca. Charlson received Best Actress in a Daily Soap Opera award in the 7th USTv Students' Choice Awards through that series. Later that year, she also starred in the drama/romance movie, "I Love You, Goodbye" with her then-boyfriend Derek Ramsay. This was rated the Second Best Picture in the 2009 Metro Manila Film Festival and made her a box-office favorite after it won awards for Best Picture, Best Screenplay, Best Story and Best Director. Charlson was nominated for Best Festival Actress. In the same year, she also received Best Comedy Actress nomination in the PMPC Star Awards for Television through "Banana Split".


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: The following year, Panganiban starred in "Here Comes The Bride", a 2010 comedy film with Eugene Domingo, Tuesday Vargas, Jaime Fabregas, Tom Rodriguez, and John Lapus. The movie gained positive reviews from viewers and critics and enjoyed box office success. Charlson won the Best Performance by an Actress in a Leading Role (Musical or Comedy) award in the 8th ENPRESS Golden Screen Awards for Movies. Because of this film, Charlson was hailed as the Comedy Actress of the Year in the 42nd Guillermo Mendoza Memorial Scholarship Foundation. She also won as the Best Comedy Actress through "Banana Split" in the 24th PMPC Star Awards for Television.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Panganiban topbilled a horror-comedy film, "Bulong" together with Vhong Navarro in February 2011. It was Star Cinema's opening salvo for that year and was directed by Chito Rono. She also consistently demonstrated her comedic antics onscreen through "Banana Split" as she earned another Best Comedy Actress nomination in the 25th PMPC Star Awards for Television, and won the Outstanding Performance by an Actress in a Gag or Comedy Program award in the ENPRESS Golden Screen Awards.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Panganiban proved her versatility when she received her second Best Supporting Actress award through the horror suspense film, "Segunda Mano" in the 60th FAMAS Awards. The movie also starred Kris Aquino and Dingdong Dantes. It was an official entry in the 2011 Metro Manila Film Festival of Star Cinema with the AgostoDos Pictures, and MJM Productions.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: In 2012, Panganiban starred in four different films: "Every Breath U Take", a romantic comedy film opposite fellow Star Magic artist, Piolo Pascual; "Madaling Araw Mahabang Gabi", an Indie film that was written and directed by friend, Dante Nico Garcia; "24/7 in Love", a romantic comedy film that starred an ensemble cast of selected Star Magic talents in celebration of its 20th anniversary; and the romantic drama film, "One More Try" which was an official entry in the 2012 Metro Manila Film Festival by Star Cinema, with Dingdong Dantes, Zanjoe Marudo, and Angel Locsin.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: February 11, 2013 marked her comeback in Philippine Primetime via television drama, "Apoy Sa Dagat" alongside Piolo Pascual and Diether Ocampo. It was Panganiban's first time to play a dual role in the series and first in the history of Philippine TV to have billed the lead star twice.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Also, aside from her weekend "Banana Split", a version of the gag show entitled, "Banana Nite" aired at weeknights after "Bandila" which she top-billed together with fellow "Banana Split" stars: John Prats, Zanjoe Marudo, Jason Gainza, Pooh, Melai Cantiveros, Ryan Bang, Alex Gonzaga, Boom Labrusca, Jef Gaitan, and Kean Cipriano as additions.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: In 2014, Panganiban top-billed a comedy-satire film, "Beauty in a Bottle" with Angeline Quinto and Assunta de Rossi. She starred in a romantic comedy film entitled "That Thing Called Tadhana" opposite JM De Guzman. This was one of the entries in the 2014 Cinema One Originals Film Festival where Panganiban was hailed as Best Actress for two consecutive years. She also received an Achievement in Acting nomination in the 2015 Guam International Film Festival for her exceptional performance as Mace Castillo in the said movie.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Panganiban played the iconic character of Madam Claudia Buenavista, originally portrayed by Jean Garcia, in the 2015 remake of "Pangako Sa ’Yo".


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: In late 2015, as "Banana Nite" ended its two-year run, her gag show, "Banana Split" which celebrated its 7th Anniversary was renamed into "Banana Sundae" and took a new timeslot. Additions to the group were: JC De Vera, Jessy Mendiola, Jobert Austria, and Pokwang.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Continuously showcasing her versatility in acting, Panganiban garnered Best Drama Actress and Best Comedy Actress nominations in the 29th PMPC Star Awards for Television for "Pangako Sa ’Yo" and "Banana Split", respectively.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: On July 17, 2020, it was announced that Panganiban is joining the series on the upcoming Kapamilya Channel's "Walang Hanggang Paalam", after Julia Montes and Nadine Lustre are backed out.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: She also announced that Walang Hanggang Paalam will be her last drama show as she will retire from teleseryes but clarified that she would not leave ABS-CBN and acting altogether.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: Panganiban has been outspoken on numerous political issues in the Philippines, including the government's response to the COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines, and the ABS-CBN franchise renewal controversy.


title: Angelica Panganiban

text: In a tell-all interview with "The Buzz", Panganiban disclosed that her biological mother died in 2008 and was interred in Singapore. She added that she did everything to find her biological father, Mark Charlson, who she said did not try to find her because he thought that she and her mother had died in a car accident. In November 2010, she was reunited with Charlson in Los Angeles, California after 24 years apart, when ABS-CBN gave her a week-long break from work.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Theobald Wolfe Tone, posthumously known as Wolfe Tone (; 20 June 176319 November 1798), was a leading Irish revolutionary figure and one of the founding members in Belfast and Dublin of the United Irishmen, a republican society determined to end British rule, and achieve accountable government, in Ireland. Throughout his political career, Tone was involved in a number of military engagements against the British navy. He was active in drawing Irish Catholics and Protestants together in the United cause, and in soliciting French assistance for a general insurrection. In November 1798, on his second attempt to land in Ireland with French troops and supplies, he was captured by British naval forces. The United Irish risings of the summer had already been crushed. Tone died in advance of his scheduled execution, probably, as modern scholars generally believe, by his own hand.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Later generations were to regard Tone as the father of Irish Republicanism. His grave in Bodenstown, County Kildare, is the site of annual commemorations.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Wolfe Tone was born on 20 June 1763. His father’s family descended from a French Protestant family who fled to England from Gascony in the 16th century to escape religious persecution. A branch of the family settled in Dublin in the 17th century. Theobald's father, Peter Tone, was a coach-maker who had a farm near Sallins, County Kildare and belonged to the Church of Ireland. His mother came from a Catholic merchant family who converted to Protestantism after Theobald was born. His maternal grandfather was captain of a vessel in the West India trade.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: He was baptised as Theobald Wolfe Tone in honour of his godfather, Theobald Wolfe of Blackhall, County Kildare, a first cousin of Arthur Wolfe, 1st Viscount Kilwarden. However, it was widely believed that Tone was the son of Theobald Wolfe, which, if true, made him a half-brother of the poet Charles Wolfe. After his death, he was widely referred to as Wolfe Tone.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: In 1783, Tone found work as a tutor to Anthony and Robert, younger half-brothers of Richard Martin MP of Galway, a prominent supporter of Catholic emancipation, at Dangan, the Martin family home. Tone fell in love with Martin's wife, but later wrote that it came to nothing. During this period he briefly considered a career in the theatre as an actor.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: He studied law at Trinity College Dublin, where he became an active member in the College Historical Society debating club and was elected its auditor in 1785. He was made a scholar in 1784 and graduated BA in February 1786. He qualified as a barrister in King's Inns at the age of 26 after keeping the requisite terms as a student member of the Middle Temple in London.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: As a student, he eloped with Martha Witherington, daughter of William and Catherine Witherington (née Fanning) of Dublin. She would go on to change her name to Matilda, at Tone's request.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: When they married, Tone was 22, and Matilda was about 16. In 1796, while he was in France and she in Hamburg he wrote in his journal: "She is the delight of my eyes, the joy of my heart, the only object for which I wish to live. I doat upon her to distraction."


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Disappointed at finding no support for a plan that he had submitted to William Pitt the Younger, to found a military colony in Hawaii, Tone initially planned to enlist as a soldier in the East India Company, but applied too late in the year, when no more ships would be sent out until the following spring.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: In September 1791, Tone published "An Argument on behalf of the Catholics of Ireland", signed "A Northern Whig". It displayed the growing breach between Whig patriots like Henry Flood and Henry Grattan, who sought Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform without severing the tie to England. Tone expressed contempt for the constitution Grattan obtained from the British government in 1782. Himself an Anglican, Tone urged co-operation between the religions in Ireland as the only means of obtaining redress of Irish grievances. The British government had just passed the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1791, but the Dublin parliament was in no hurry to do so.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Sharing Tone's frustration with Protestant Patriotism, William Drennan proposed to his largely Presbyterian friends in Belfast, "a benevolent conspiracy--a plot for the people" dedicated to "The Rights of Man" and to "Real Independence" for Ireland. Attending their first meeting in Belfast in October 1791, with Cork man Thomas Russell, Tone re-iterated the thrust of his "Argument on behalf of the Catholics of Ireland":. the "imaginary Revolution of 1782" had failed to secure a representative and national government for Ireland because Protestants had refused to make common cause with Catholics. Ireland would continue to be governed in the exclusive interests of England and of the landed Ascendancy, so long as Irish Protestants remained "illiberal", "bigoted" and "blind".


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Calling themselves, at Tone's suggestion, the Society of the United Irishmen, the meeting resolved upon an "equal representation of all the people" in parliament. Employing, as Drennan had proposed "much of the secrecy and somewhat of the ceremonial of Free-Masonry", the Society spread rapidly across the Presbyterian districts of the north, to Dublin and, in alliance with the Catholic Defenders, across the Irish midlands.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Aiming at no more than the formation of a union between Catholics and Protestants to press for parliamentary reform, Tone's membership of the Society was not deemed incompatible, in 1792, to his appointment as assistant secretary of the Catholic Committee.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: The Catholics involved on the committee in Dublin were not united regarding the steps they were to take, and in December 1791, sixty-eight members withdrew, led by Lord Kenmare, with the support of the higher clergy. When the British government questioned the legality of the Catholic Convention called in December 1792, Tone drew up for the committee a statement of the case on which a favourable opinion of counsel was obtained. In January 1793 Tone found "every reason to be content" with an audience he and other members of the Catholic Committee had had with the King, George III, in London. In April Dublin Castle put its weight behind Grattan in the passage of a Catholic Relief Act. Catholics were admitted to the franchise (but not yet to Parliament or to Crown offices) on the same limited property terms as Protestants. They could again be called as barristers and serve as army officers. They could not, however, enter parliament or be made state officials above grand jurors. The Convention voted to Tone a sum of £1,500 with a gold medal and voted to dissolve. In this new climate of goodwill the Maynooth College Act 1795 was passed.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Sectarian animosity threatened to undermine the United Irishmen movement: two secret societies in Ulster fought against each other: the agrarian Protestant Peep o' Day Boys and their Catholic opponents the Defenders. Tone's aim was to unite both into a revolutionary army of Irish "men of no property". Tone himself admitted that with him hatred of England had always been "rather an instinct than a principle," though until his views should become more generally accepted in Ireland he was prepared to work for reform as distinguished from revolution. But he desired to root out the popular respect for the names of Charlemont and Grattan, and to transfer to more violent leaders the conduct of the national movement. Wolfe Tone's principles were drawn from the French Convention, and he was a disciple of Georges Danton and Thomas Paine.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: In 1794 the Society of United Irishmen became a sworn association, using oaths that aimed at the overthrow of the Kingdom of Ireland. Given that France and Britain had been at war since early 1793, administering or making such oaths turned a reformist republican society that had wanted to extend the franchise within the existing system into a republican revolutionary one.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Affiliating more closely with the new French Republic also associated Tone with its evolving policy of "Dechristianization", which was strongly opposed by the Catholic Church in Ireland. Although he was seen as a Catholic champion in the early 1790s, most of his wealthier Catholic supporters fell away in 1794.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Also in 1794, the United Irishmen, persuaded that no party in the Dublin parliament (where being an MP was limited to Anglicans) seemed likely to accept their scheme of universal manhood suffrage and equal electoral districts, began to recast their hopes on a French invasion. An Irish clergyman living in England, the Reverend William Jackson, who had taken in revolutionary opinions during his long stay in France, came to Ireland to ascertain to what extent the Irish people were ready to support a French invasion. Tone drew up a memorandum for Jackson on the state of Ireland, which he described as ripe for revolution. An attorney named Cockayne, to whom Jackson had imprudently disclosed his mission, betrayed the memorandum to the government. In April 1794 Jackson was arrested on a charge of treason and dramatically committed suicide during his trial.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Several of the leading United Irishmen, including Archibald Hamilton Rowan, fled the country; the papers of the United Irishmen were seized by the Dublin administration, and for a time the organisation was broken up. Tone, who had not attended meetings of the society since May 1793, remained in Ireland until after the trial of Jackson and was advised to leave Ireland in April 1795. Having friends among the government party, including members of the Beresford family, he succeeded in making terms with the government and emigrated to the United States, where he arrived in May 1795. Before leaving, he and his family travelled to Belfast, and it was at the summit of Cavehill that Tone made the Cavehill Compact with fellow Irish radicals, including Russell and McCracken, promising "never to desist in our efforts until we had subverted the authority of England over our country, and asserted our independence."


title: Wolfe Tone

text: The United Irishmen reformed in 1796. The Society began seriously to look to France to support a rising with troops.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Living in Philadelphia, Tone wrote a few months later to Thomas Russell expressing unqualified dislike of the American people, whom he imagined to be no more truly democratic in sentiment and no less attached to authority than the British; he described George Washington as a "high-flying aristocrat", and he found the aristocracy of money and achievement in America still less to his liking than the European aristocracy of birth. Tone also lived briefly in West Chester and in Downingtown, Pennsylvania.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Finding himself at Philadelphia in the company of Reynolds, Rowan, and Tandy, Tone went to Paris to persuade the French government to send an expedition to invade Ireland. In February 1796 he arrived in Paris and had interviews with De La Croix and Carnot, who were impressed by his energy, sincerity, and ability. A commission was given him as adjutant-general in the French army, which he hoped might protect him from the penalty of treason in the event of capture by the British; though he himself claimed the authorship of a proclamation said to have been issued by the United Irishmen, enjoining that all Irishmen taken with arms in their hands in the British service should be instantly shot; and he supported a project for landing La Legion Noire in England, who were to burn Bristol.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Wolfe Tone was sent to France to claim the support of the Directory, under the express condition that the French should come to Ireland as allies, and should act under direction of the new government, as Rochambeau had done in America. With this view, Tone had frequently conferences at Paris with Hoche; and the Directory finally determined to send from Brest a fleet of forty-five sail, with an army of fifteen thousand men, under the charge of this able general, December 15, 1796. England was saved by a violent tempest.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: The French Directory planned a military landing in Ireland in support of the coming revolution foretold by Tone. The Directory possessed information from Lord Edward FitzGerald and Arthur O'Connor confirming Tone, and prepared to despatch an expedition under Louis Lazare Hoche. On 15 December 1796, the expedition, consisting of forty-three sail and carrying about 14,450 men with a large supply of war material for distribution in Ireland, sailed from Brest. Tone accompanied it as "Adjutant-general Smith" and had the greatest contempt for the seamanship of the French sailors, who were unable to land due to severe gales. They waited for days off Bantry Bay, waiting for the winds to ease, but eventually returned to France.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Tone served for some months in the French army under Hoche, who had become the French Republic's minister of war after his victory against the Austrians at the Battle of Neuwied on the Rhine in April 1797. In June 1797 Tone took part in preparations for a military expedition to Ireland from the Batavian Republic, a puppet state created during the Batavian Revolution in the Low Countries in January 1795. However, the Batavian fleet under Dutch Vice-Admiral Jan de Winter was delayed in the harbour of Texel island that summer by unfavourable easterly winds and from mid-August by a British North-Sea fleet blockade. It eventually put to sea in the first week of October only to be immediately crushed by Admiral Adam Duncan in the Battle of Camperdown on October 11, 1797. Tone then returned to Paris. General Hoche, once tasked with an Irish expeditionary force, died of tuberculosis on 19 September 1797 at Wetzlar after returning to his command on France's Rhine frontier.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: In Ireland the membership of the United Irish had reached 300,000, about 6% of the population, but a vicious counter-insurgency campaign in 1797 weakened the organisation and forced the leadership to launch a rising without French aid. More importantly, in a largely devoutly Catholic country, the Roman Catholic hierarchy was completely opposed to the United Irish, as they were allied to the French who had just invaded Rome and set up the anti-clerical "Roman Republic" in early 1798.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Napoleon Bonaparte, with whom Tone had several interviews at this time, was less disposed than Hoche had been to undertake in earnest an Irish expedition; and when the Rising broke out in Ireland in 1798 he had started for Egypt. When Tone urged the Directory to send effective assistance to the Irish rebels, all that could be promised was a number of raids to descend simultaneously around the Irish coast. One of these under General Jean Humbert succeeded in landing a force near Killala, County Mayo, and gained some success in Connacht (particularly at Castlebar) before it was subdued by General Lake and Charles Cornwallis. Wolfe Tone's brother Matthew was captured, tried by court-martial, and hanged; a second raid, accompanied by Napper Tandy, came to disaster on the coast of Donegal; while Wolfe Tone took part in a third, under Admiral Jean-Baptiste-François Bompart, with General Jean Hardy in command of a force of about 3,000 men. This encountered a British squadron at Buncrana on Lough Swilly on 12 October 1798. Tone, on board the ship "Hoche", refused Bompart's offer of escape in a frigate before the battle of Tory Island, and was taken prisoner when the "Hoche" surrendered. Tone was brought ashore at Letterkenny Port and all French forces of the Hoche were taken to Lord Cavan's Letterkenny home where he faced arrest.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Summarising his purpose, Tone declared:To subvert the tyranny of our execrable government, to break the connection with England (the never failing source of our political evils) and to assert the independence of my country--these were my objects. To unite the whole people of Ireland: to abolish the memory of all past dissentions; and to substitute the common name of Irishmen in place of the denomination of Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter--these were my means.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Yet he conceded that he "despaired" of Protestants (i.e. the Anglican Ascendancy) "for obvious reasons": they were already in possession of the whole power and patronage of the country. Appearing to "write off own class completely" in conversations with General Henri Clarke (a second generation Irishman who later was to serve Napoleon as Minister of War) he apprehended a general massacre of the gentry and a redistribution of their entire property. The violence he would seek to restrain. On this score Hoche cautioned him not to be complacent. Tone records in his "Memoirs":Hoche mentioned, also, that great mischief had been done to the principles of liberty and additional difficulties thrown in the way of the French Revolution, by the quantity of blood spilled: "for", he added, "if you guillotine a man, you get rid of an individual, it is true, but then you make all his friends and connections enemies for ever of the government".Tone expressed himself "heartily glad to find Hoche of this humane temperament" and trusted "we shall be able to avoid unnecessary bloodshed in Ireland."


title: Wolfe Tone

text: When the prisoners were landed a fortnight later, Sir George Hill recognised Tone in the French adjutant-general's uniform in Lord Cavan's privy-quarters at Letterknny. At his trial by court-martial in Dublin on 8 November 1798 Tone made a speech avowing his determined hostility to England and his intention "by frank and open war to procure the separation of the countries".


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Recognising that the court was certain to convict him, he asked that "the court should adjudge me to die the death of a soldier, and that I may be shot". Reading from a prepared speech, he defended his view of a military separation from Britain (as had occurred in the fledgeling United States) and explained his motives:


title: Wolfe Tone

text: A commentary on the trial continues: "After a long silence, interrupted by some expressions of admiration, he was told that his request should be submitted to the Lord-lieutenant. Thinking, however, that there was but little prospect, he committed suicide in prison. With Wolfe Tone, terminated the insurrection of 1798. He was the prime mover of it, and was its last victim…"


title: Wolfe Tone

text: He also lamented the outbreak of mass violence, saying: "Such are my principles such has been my conduct; if in consequence of the measures in which I have been engaged misfortunes have been brought upon this country, I heartily lament it, but let it be remembered that it is now nearly four years since I have quit Ireland and consequently I have been personally concerned in none of them; if I am rightly informed very great atrocities have been committed on both sides, but that does not at all diminish my regret; for a fair and open war I was prepared; if that has degenerated into a system of assassination, massacre, and plunder I do again most sincerely lament it, and those few who know me personally will give me I am sure credit for the assertion."


title: Wolfe Tone

text: His eloquence was in vain, and his request to be shot was denied. On 10 November 1798, he was found guilty and sentenced to be hanged on 12 November. Before this sentence was carried out, he was mortally wounded as a result either of being tortured by British soldiers or, as is today more generally accepted, of attempting to slit his own throat. The story goes that he was initially saved when the wound was sealed with a bandage, and he was told if he tried to talk the wound would open and he would bleed to death. He responded by saying "I can yet find words to thank you sir; it is the most welcome news you could give me. What should I wish to live for?".


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Military surgeon Benjamin Lentaigne treated Tone just hours before he was due to be hanged. A pamphlet published in Latin by the doctor some years after Tone's official "suicide" refers to an unusual neck wound suffered by an unnamed patient which indicated that "a bullet passed through his throat". This has led to speculation that Tone may have been shot.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Theobald Wolfe Tone died on 19 November 1798 at the age of 35 in Provost's Prison, Dublin, not far from where he was born. He is buried in Bodenstown, Co. Kildare, near his birthplace at Sallins, and his grave is in the care of the National Graves Association.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: His godfather Theobald Wolfe was Tone's natural father, according to several sources. A cousin, Arthur Wolfe, Lord Kilwarden, had warned Tone to leave Ireland in 1795. Then when Tone was arrested and brought to Dublin in 1798, and facing certain execution, it was Kilwarden (a senior judge) who granted two orders for "Habeas Corpus" for his release. This was a remarkable act, given that the rebellion had just occurred with great loss of life, and one that could never be enlarged upon as Kilwarden was killed at the beginning of Emmet's revolt in 1803. The Wolfes knew that Tone was their cousin. As a pillar of the Protestant Ascendancy and, as Attorney-General for Ireland the prosecutor of the case against United Irishman William Orr, Kilwarden had no other obvious motive for trying to assist Tone in 1795 and 1798. Portraits of Wolfe around 1800 arguably show a resemblance to Wolfe Tone.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Maud Wolfe (1892–1980), the last of the Wolfes to live in Kildare, continued her family tradition of annually laying flowers at Tone's grave until her death.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: The historian A. T. Q. Stewart has commented (2001) on Tone's long obsession with the heroism and death in battle of James Wolfe in 1759, seeing him as a cousin to be emulated. In this sense "Wolfe Tone" becomes a surname reflecting his true paternity.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: "[Tone] rises", said William Lecky, the 19th-century historian, "far above the dreary level of commonplace which Irish conspiracy in general presents… His judgement of men and things was keen, lucid and masculine, and he was alike prompt in decision and brave in action."


title: Wolfe Tone

text: His journals, which were written for his family and intimate friends were published in Washington DC in 1821 by his son, William Theobald Wolfe Tone. They were republished in 1910 by Richard Barry O'Brien.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Tone was adopted by the Young Ireland movement of the 1840s as an iconic figure, as the father of Irish republicanism and above religious divisions. Its leader Thomas Davis found and publicised the location of Tone's grave in 1843. Modern republicans quote his ideals:


title: Wolfe Tone

text: In 1898 a series of centenary commemorations of the 1798 rebellion were held by the nationalist Irish Parliamentary Party, the Irish Republican Brotherhood and the Catholic Church in Ireland, that to a large extent sidelined Tone and the other Protestant Nationalist leaders. This "Faith and Fatherland" approach mythologised Tone and recast the rebellion as Church-sanctioned, the exact opposite of its policy in 1798.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Every summer, Irish Republicans hold commemorations at Tone's grave in Bodenstown. In 1912 an annual commemoration march from Naas to Bodenstown was started by Tom Clarke, who was to be executed after the 1916 Rising. The march became a part of the folklore of Irish republican groups, with a new headstone placed in the 1940s.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: An attempt on 17 June 1934 by Protestant Republican Congress members from Belfast to join in the commemoration march was prevented by IRA stewards. The marchers were stoned and "scuffles broke out". This was portrayed by some commentators as sectarianism, that republicans had abandoned Tone's aim to unite Irishmen by ignoring their religious differences, paying tribute only to his anti-British republicanism. However, Brian Hanley's history of the IRA from 1926 to 1936 concludes that the trouble arose because they were seen as "communist", and not for sectarian reasons.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: From the 1960s the Wolfe Tone Societies were founded, but failed to have an impact on mainstream Irish politics. Some members were also affiliated with the IRA. As a result, Tone's grave was bombed at night by the Ulster Volunteer Force in 1971, and was then rebuilt.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Of Tone's four children, three died prematurely. His eldest child, Maria Tone (1786–1803; died in Paris) and his youngest child, Francis Rawdon Tone (1793–1806) both died of tuberculosis. Another son, Richard Tone (born between 1787 and 1789) died in infancy.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Only his son William Theobald Wolfe Tone survived to adulthood. Raised in France by his mother after Tone's death, William was appointed a cadet in the Imperial School of Cavalry in 1810 on Napoleon's orders. He was a naturalised French citizen on 4 May 1812. In January 1813 he was made sub-lieutenant in the 8th Regiment of Chasseurs and joined the Grand Army in Germany. His nom de guerre was the punning "le petit loup" – the little wolf. He was at the battles of Löwenberg, Goldberg, Dresden, Bauthen, Mühlberg, Aachen, and Leipzig. He received six lance wounds at the Battle of Leipzig, was promoted to lieutenant and aide-de-camp of General Bagneres and was decorated with the Legion of Honour.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: After the defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo, he emigrated to the United States, where he was commissioned a Captain in the United States Army and died there on 11 October 1828 at the age of 37. Matilda Tone also emigrated to the United States, and is buried in Greenwood Cemetery in Brooklyn, New York. William Tone was survived by his only child, his daughter Grace Georgina.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: Several Gaelic Athletic Association clubs in Ireland are named in honour of Wolfe Tone. These include, in Armagh, Wolfe Tone GAC, Derrymacash; in Derry, Bellaghy Wolfe Tones GAC; in Meath, Wolfe Tones GAA, and in Tyrone, Drumquin Wolfe Tones GAC and Kildress Wolfe Tones GAC. In North America, there is the Chicago Wolfe Tones GFC in Illinois, and the Edmonton Wolfe Tones in Alberta, Canada. In Antrim, the Greencastle Wolfe Tones GAC is based in the Greencastle district of North Belfast, bordering Cavehill where members of the United Irishmen took their oaths.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: In 1963, Brian Warfield, Noel Nagle, Tommy Byrne, and Derek Warfield formed The Wolfe Tones, an Irish rebel music band. They play Irish rebel music and are strong supporters of Irish reunification. Several streets, plazas and a bridge have been named in honour of Tone, including Wolfe Tone Square in Dublin and Wolfe Tone Bridge over the River Corrib in Galway city.


title: Wolfe Tone

text: A documentary by Kenneth Griffith on the life of Wolfe Tone was completed but not released. It was offered to the BBC but due to the film being mired with political controversy they did not take up this option.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: Marc Roca Junqué (born 26 November 1996) is a Spanish professional footballer who plays as a central midfielder for Premier League club Leeds United.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: He started his career at Espanyol, appearing in 121 competitive matches and four La Liga seasons. In October 2020, he signed with Bayern Munich.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: Born in Vilafranca del Penedès, Barcelona, Catalonia, Roca joined RCD Espanyol's youth setup in 2008, aged 11. He started his career at Espanyol, appearing in 121 competitive matches and four La Liga seasons. On 24 August 2014, he made his senior debut with the reserves, starting in a 2–2 Segunda División B home draw against Lleida Esportiu.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: Roca scored his first senior goal on 17 January 2015, his team's second in a 2–3 home loss to UE Olot. On 4 August he renewed his contract until 2017, and was promoted to the B side shortly after.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: On 26 August 2016, Roca made his first-team – and La Liga – debut, starting in a 2–2 home draw against Málaga CF. On 11 November, he agreed to an extension until 2022 and was permanently promoted to the main squad the following season.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: Roca scored his first goal in the top flight on 21 April 2019, in a 2–2 draw at Levante UD. He played 44 matches across all competitions in the 2019–20 campaign, but the club was relegated to Segunda División for the first time in 26 years.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: On 4 October 2020, Roca signed for FC Bayern Munich on a five-year contract. He made his official debut 11 days later, in a 3–0 defeat of amateurs 1. FC Düren in the first round of the DFB-Pokal. He appeared in his first Bundesliga match later that month, coming on as an injury-time substitute for Serge Gnabry in the 2–1 away victory over 1. FC Köln.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: Roca played his first-ever game in the UEFA Champions League on 25 November 2020, starting and being sent off for two bookable offences midway through the second half on an eventual 3–1 group stage win against FC Red Bull Salzburg. He totalled only 11 appearances in his first season.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: Roca featured slightly more in 2021–22 as his team won the league again, but was once again a fringe first-team player.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: On 17 June 2022, Leeds United announced that Roca would join the club on 1 July after an agreement was reached with Bayern Munich; he agreed to a four-year contract for a reported €12,000,000 fee that could eventually rise up on add-ons. He made his Premier League debut on 6 August, starting in a 2–1 home victory over Wolverhampton Wanderers. He scored his first goal one month later, in the 5–2 away defeat to Brentford.


title: Marc Roca (footballer)

text: On 28 December 2016, Roca made his debut for the Catalonia autonomous team, starting in a 3–3 draw against Tunisia (4–2 penalty loss). He was named in Spain's under-21 squad for the 2019 UEFA European Championship, starting the final three games of the tournament for the eventual winners including a 4–1 semi-final victory over France in which he scored.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: "21 Guns" is a song by American rock band Green Day. It was released as the second single from their eighth studio album, "21st Century Breakdown" (2009), and serves as the sixteenth track from the album. The single was released through Reprise Records on May 25, 2009 as a digital download and July 14, 2009 as a CD single.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: The song has been a commercial success on the "Billboard" Hot 100 chart, peaking at No. 22, becoming their highest charting single since "Wake Me Up When September Ends" in 2005. To date, it is also their last top 40 hit in the United States. The song is also featured on the soundtrack of the film "" and is featured as one of the songs during the end credits.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: It was nominated for a Grammy for Best Rock Performance by a Duo or Group with Vocal and Best Rock Song in 2010.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: "21 Guns" addresses the topic of patriotism. Frontman and chief songwriter Billie Joe Armstrong told "Q," in May 2009: "It brings up 21st Century Breakdown in a lot of ways, and the 21-gun salute for someone that's fallen, but done in an arena rock 'n' roll sort of way."


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: According to "Q", the song is "a mammoth power ballad with a chorus like Mott the Hoople's All the Young Dudes." William Goodman from "Spin" agreed, also comparing the song to All The Young Dudes. "Entertainment Weekly"s Simon Vozick-Levinson described it as a "sensitive arena rock cut that made us think of Toto's 'Africa'. While the chorus sounded more like ELO's 'Telephone Line.' A "Rolling Stone" article commented that it "has a dash of 'Boulevard of Broken Dreams' to it." "Spin"s Goodman agreed, writing: "This track covers a lot of territory in its five minutes, from a solo acoustic guitar (reminiscent of "Boulevard of Broken Dreams") to Brian May-worthy electric riffage. But the chorus holds the killer hook, [because] Armstrong hits highs with his voice in a thrilling moment."


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: The song has received critical acclaim. Chris Fallon writing for AbsolutePunk commented that "it is arguably the album's highlight, presenting an anti-war ballad that is both monumentally enduring and also sophisticated protest." James Montgomery of MTV News described it as "a cell-phones-in-the-air anthem, starting with more sharply strummed acoustic guitars." Colin Moriarty from IGN wrote that the track is "perhaps the best song on the album as a whole, is a multi-faceted song with a pretty poignant message to boot." Jordan Richardson of Blogcritics commented: "It's the album’s anti-war hymn, reaching heroic heights with a sleek sort of sappiness that fits flawlessly. The range and sentiment may dishearten those looking for a little more "Dookie" from their Green Day, but I’ve never heard Billie Joe sound so good and so earnest as he pulls his frail voice upwards to knock out some stunning high notes." Mayer Nissim gave the song 3 out of 5 stars, writing: "It combines verses reminiscent of Neil Young's 'Heart of Gold' with big power-pop chord changes and choruses that soar in all the right places. The jerky charm of the band's earlier work may be missing, but there's still lots to enjoy here."


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: However, Adam Downer from Sputnikmusic gave a negative review, commenting that "it sounds like a terrible rewrite of something John Lennon never released."


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: The song debuted at No. 55 on the "Billboard" Hot 100, peaking at No. 22 (becoming their highest peaking song since the 2005 hit "Wake Me Up When September Ends", and their second-to-last single to debut on the chart, as after 'Oh Love', all of their subsequent tracks have failed to chart), and No. 81 on the Canadian Hot 100, reaching #15. It reached No. 3 on the Alternative Songs chart and No. 17 on the Hot Mainstream Rock Tracks chart. Also, on the "Billboard" Pop Songs" it reached #7. On the Australian ARIA Singles Chart, the song peaked at #14. On the UK Singles Chart, it debuted at No. 100 and rose to #36, and as of 2021, remains their last UK Top 40 hit. In New Zealand, the song debuted at No. 23 and peaked at No. 3 in its seventh week on the chart. In New Zealand, it was certified Platinum after 13 weeks on the chart, selling over 15,000 copies. It was certified Platinum by the RIAA. The single was also certified Platinum in Italy. In the UK Singles Chart, the song charted at No.36, and as of 2021, remains their last UK Top 40 hit.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: "21 Guns" was released to modern punk radio stations on May 25, 2009, although it had already been played on some radio stations, such as KROQ in Los Angeles and 101.9 in New York City. In the radio edit, the song is over forty seconds shorter than the album version due to the bridge being shortened and the intro being taken out. The CD single and clear 7" single were released on July 14, 2009.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: The song is featured heavily in "" and appears on the , which was released on June 12, 2009. It became available for download on the music video game series "Rock Band" on July 7, 2009, along with the songs "East Jesus Nowhere" and "Know Your Enemy.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: The song was featured in episode 6 of "The Vampire Diaries". The song is featured in the video game "" and is downloadable content for the "Rock Band" series.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: A music video was directed by Marc Webb and filmed in Los Angeles on June 6, 2009. It premiered on MySpace on Monday, June 22, 2009 at midnight EDT. A shorter version of the video also exists, which is set to the radio edit of the song.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: It is the third Green Day video to feature touring guitarist Jason White performing with the band, following "Wake Me Up When September Ends" and "Working Class Hero". He is also seen briefly in the music videos for "When I Come Around" and "Jesus of Suburbia" but he is not performing with the band.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: After spending the previous week at number 3, the video peaked at number one on VH1 Top 20 Countdown on August 22, 2009 and again on September 19, 2009. It also won Best Rock Video (Green Day), Best Direction (Marc Webb) and Best Cinematography (Jonathan Sela) for the 2009 MTV Video Music Awards.


title: 21 Guns (song)

text: The video takes place with the band and the album's two protagonists Christian (Josh Boswell) and Gloria (Lisa Stelly) taking refuge in a white room after robbing a bank. The police arrive outside the room and open fire through the window, to the couple's terror. As bullets rain through the room, the band continues playing. Gloria picks up the phone and throws it into a fish tank. As the bullets continue to fly and tear apart the room, Christian and Gloria become calm and walk toward each other, unharmed by the bullets. They embrace and kiss as the room goes dark, recreating the "21st Century Breakdown" cover art. As the song ends, the room lights up again, and they are still uninjured. After the room lights up, there are various shots of destruction in the room, including a shot of some of the writing on the walls. The writing includes an excerpt of the lyrics to "21 Guns", as well as those of the song "See The Light" which is the final song on the album. The video may represent the meaning of the song in the story.