title: Shanghainese

text: Shanghainese adheres generally to SVO word order. The placement of objects in Wu dialects is somewhat variable, with Southern Wu varieties positioning the direct object before the indirect object, and Northern varieties (especially in the speech of younger people) favoring the indirect object before the direct object. Owing to Mandarin influence, Shanghainese usually follows the latter model.


title: Shanghainese

text: Older speakers of Shanghainese tend to place adverbs after the verb, but younger people, again under heavy influence from Mandarin, favor pre-verbal placement of adverbs.


title: Shanghainese

text: The third person singular pronoun ("yi") (he/she/it) or the derived phrase ("yi kaon") ("he says") can appear at the end of a sentence. This construction, which appears to be unique to Shanghainese, is commonly employed to project the speaker's differing expectation relative to the content of the phrase.


title: Shanghainese

text: Except for the limited derivational processes described above, Shanghainese nouns are isolating. There is no inflection for case or number, nor is there any overt gender marking. Although Shanghainese does lack overt grammatical number, the plural marker ("la"), when suffixed to a human denoting noun, can indicate a collective meaning.


title: Shanghainese

text: There are no articles in Shanghainese, and thus, no marking for definiteness or indefiniteness of nouns. Certain determiners (a demonstrative pronoun or numeral classifier, for instance) can imply definite or indefinite qualities, as can word order. A noun absent any sort of determiner in the subject position is definite, whereas it is indefinite in the object position.


title: Shanghainese

text: Shanghainese boasts numerous classifiers (also sometimes known as "counters" or "measure words"). Most classifiers in Shanghainese are used with nouns, although a small number are used with verbs. Some classifiers are based on standard measurements or containers. Classifiers can be paired with a preceding determiner (often a numeral) to form a compound that further specifies the meaning of the noun it modifies.


title: Shanghainese

text: Shanghainese verbs are analytic and as such do not undergo any sort of conjugation to express tense or person. However, the language does have a richly developed aspect system, expressed using various particles. This system has been argued to be a tense system.


title: Shanghainese

text: Some disagreement exists as to how many formal aspect categories exist in Shanghainese, and a variety of different particles can express the same aspect, with individual usage often reflecting generational divisions. Some linguists identify as few as four or six, and others up to twelve specific aspects. Zhu (2006) identifies six relatively uncontroversial aspects in Shanghainese.


title: Shanghainese

text: Progressive aspect expresses a continuous action. It is indicated by the particles ("laq"), ("laq-laq") or ("laq-he"), which occur pre-verbally.


title: Shanghainese

text: The resultative aspect expresses the result of an action which was begun before a specifically referenced timeframe, and is also indicated by ("laq"), ("laq-laq") or ("laq-he"), except that these occur post-verbally.


title: Shanghainese

text: Perfective aspect can be marked by ("leq"), ("tsy"), ("hau") or ("le"). is seen as dated and younger speakers often use , likely through lenition and Mandarin influence.


title: Shanghainese

text: Experiential aspect expresses the completion of an action before a specifically referenced timeframe, marked post-verbally by the particle ("ku").


title: Shanghainese

text: There is no overt marking for mood in Shanghainese, and Zhu (2006) goes so far as to suggest that the concept of grammatical mood does not exist in the language. There are, however, several modal auxiliaries (many of which have multiple variants) that collectively express concepts of desire, conditionality, potentiality and ability.


title: Shanghainese

text: Shen (2016) argues for the existence of a type of passive voice in Shanghainese, governed by the particle ("peq"). This construction is superficially similar to by-phrases in English, and only transitive verbs can occur in this form of passive.


title: Shanghainese

text: Personal pronouns in Shanghainese do not distinguish gender or case. Owing to its isolating grammatical structure, Shanghainese is not a pro-drop language.


title: Shanghainese

text: There is some degree of flexibility concerning pronoun usage in Shanghainese. Older varieties of Shanghainese featured a different 1st person plural ("ngu-gni"), whereas younger speakers tend to use ("aq-laq"), which originates from Ningbonese. While Zhu (2006) asserts that there is no inclusive 1st person plural pronoun, Hashimoto (1971) disagrees, identifying as being inclusive. There are generational and geographical distinctions in the usage of plural pronoun forms, as well as differences of pronunciation in the 1st person singular.


title: Shanghainese

text: Possessive pronouns are formed via the pronominal suffix ("gheq"), for instance, ("ngu gheq"). This pronunciation is a glottalised lenition of the expected pronunciation, "ku".


title: Shanghainese

text: Most basic Shanghainese adjectives are monosyllabic. Like other parts of speech, adjectives do not change to indicate number, gender or case. Adjectives can take semantic prefixes, which themselves can be reduplicated or repositioned as suffixes according to a complex system of derivation, in order to express degree of comparison or other changes in meaning. Thus:


title: Shanghainese

text: The particle ("vaq") is used to transform ordinary declarative statements into yes/no questions. This is the most common way of forming questions in Shanghainese.


title: Shanghainese

text: Chinese characters are often used to write Shanghainese. Though there is no formal standardisations, there are characters recommended for use, mostly based on dictionaries. However, Shanghainese is often informally written using Shanghainese or even Standard Mandarin near-homophones. For instance "lemon" (), written in Standard Chinese, may be written (person-door; Pinyin: , Wugniu: "gnin-men") in Shanghainese; and "yellow" (, Wugniu: "waon") may be written (meaning king; Pinyin: , Wugniu: "waon") rather than the standard character for yellow.


title: Shanghainese

text: Some of the time, nonstandard characters are used even when trying to use etymologically-correct characters, due to compatibility (such as ) or pronunciation shift (such as ).


title: Shanghainese

text: Romanization of Shanghainese was first developed by Protestant English and American Christian missionaries in the 19th century, including Joseph Edkins. Usage of this romanization system was mainly confined to translated Bibles for use by native Shanghainese, or English–Shanghainese dictionaries, some of which also contained characters, for foreign missionaries to learn Shanghainese. A system of phonetic symbols similar to Chinese characters called "New Phonetic Character" were also developed by in the 19th century by American missionary Tarleton Perry Crawford. Since the 21st century, online dictionaries such as the Wu MiniDict and Wugniu have introduced their own Romanization schemes. Nowadays, the MiniDict and Wugniu Romanizations are the most commonly used standardised ones.


title: Shanghainese

text: Protestant missionaries in the 1800s created the Shanghainese Phonetic Symbols to write Shanghainese phonetically. The symbols are a syllabary similar to the Japanese "kana" system. The system has not been used and is only seen in a few historical books.


title: Canopic jar

text: Canopic jars are containers that were used by the ancient Egyptians during the mummification process, to store and preserve the viscera of their owner for the afterlife. They were commonly either carved from limestone, or were made of pottery. These jars were used by the ancient Egyptians from the time of the Old Kingdom, until the time of the Late Period or the Ptolemaic Period, by which time the viscera were simply wrapped and placed with the body. The viscera were not kept in a single canopic jar: each jar was reserved for specific organs. The term "canopic" reflects the mistaken association by early Egyptologists with the Greek legend of Canopus – the boat captain of Menelaus on the voyage to Troy – "who was buried at Canopus in the Delta where he was worshipped in the form of a jar". In alternative versions, the name derives from the location Canopus (now Abukir) in the western Nile Delta near Alexandria, where human-headed jars were worshipped as personifications of the god Osiris.


title: Canopic jar

text: Canopic jars of the Old Kingdom were rarely inscribed and had a plain lid. In the Middle Kingdom inscriptions became more usual, and the lids were often in the form of human heads. By the Nineteenth Dynasty each of the four lids depicted one of the four sons of Horus, as guardians of the organs.


title: Canopic jar

text: The canopic jars were four in number, each for the safekeeping of particular human organs: the stomach, intestines, lungs, and liver, all of which, it was believed, would be needed in the afterlife. There was no jar for the heart: the Egyptians believed it to be the seat of the soul, and so it was left inside the body.


title: Canopic jar

text: These organs were removed from the body and carefully treated with natron (a natural preservative used by embalmers) and placed in the sacred Canopic Jars.


title: Canopic jar

text: Many Old Kingdom canopic jars were found empty and damaged, even in undisturbed tombs. Therefore it seems that they were never used as containers. Instead, it seems that they were part of burial rituals and were placed after these rituals, empty.


title: Canopic jar

text: The design of canopic jars changed over time. The oldest date from the Eleventh or the Twelfth Dynasty, and are made of stone or wood. The last jars date from the New Kingdom. In the Old Kingdom the jars had plain lids, though by the First Intermediate Period jars with human heads (assumed to represent the dead) began to appear. Sometimes the covers of the jars were modeled after (or painted to resemble) the head of Anubis, the god of death and embalming. By the late Eighteenth Dynasty canopic jars had come to feature the four sons of Horus. Many sets of jars survive from this period, in alabaster, aragonite, calcareous stone, and blue or green glazed porcelain. The sons of Horus were also the gods of the cardinal compass points. Each god was responsible for protecting a particular organ and was himself protected by a companion goddess. They were:


title: Canopic jar

text: Early canopic jars were placed inside a canopic chest and buried in tombs together with the sarcophagus of the dead. Later, they were sometimes arranged in rows beneath the bier, or at the four corners of the chamber. After the early periods there were usually inscriptions on the outsides of the jars, sometimes quite long and complex. The scholar Sir Ernest Budge quoted an inscription from the Saïte or Ptolemaic period that begins: "Thy bread is to thee. Thy beer is to thee. Thou livest upon that on which Ra lives." Other inscriptions tell of purification in the afterlife.


title: Canopic jar

text: In the Third Intermediate Period and later, dummy canopic jars were introduced. Improved embalming techniques allowed the viscera to remain in the body; the traditional jars remained a feature of tombs, but were no longer hollowed out for storage of the organs.


title: Canopic jar

text: In 2020, excavations at Saqqara showed that a woman called Didibastet, whose 2,600-year-old undisturbed tomb was discovered behind a stone wall, was entombed with six canopic jars instead of the traditional four. A CT scan revealed that the jars contain human tissue, suggesting that Didibastet's mummification was possibly the result of a specific request.


title: Max Kennedy

text: Matthew Maxwell Taylor Kennedy (born January 11, 1965), better known as Max Kennedy, is an American lawyer and author. He is the ninth child of Robert F. Kennedy and Ethel Skakel Kennedy.


title: Max Kennedy

text: Max Kennedy was born in New York City's Roosevelt Hospital on January 11, 1965, the ninth child of the eleventh children of Robert F. Kennedy and Ethel Skakel Kennedy. Kennedy was baptized as a Catholic by William Jerome McCormack at St. Patrick's Cathedral in front of a crowd of 200 people. He is named after General Maxwell D. Taylor, then U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam. Kennedy was hospitalized in Bethesda, Maryland, at age 12 after he suffered an injury in an elevator accident at the Rockville home of his uncle and aunt, Sargent and Eunice Kennedy Shriver.


title: Max Kennedy

text: Described as "wild in his youth," Kennedy was expelled from Phillips Academy. He graduated from Moses Brown School in Providence, Rhode Island in 1983, and achieved sobriety in 1985.


title: Max Kennedy

text: Kennedy graduated from Harvard College. He then graduated from the University of Virginia School of Law. In 1991, he married Victoria Anne Strauss, the granddaughter of Maurice "Moe" Strauss.


title: Max Kennedy

text: Kennedy was formerly an assistant district attorney in the Philadelphia DA's Office, where he prosecuted felonies and worked in the juvenile crime unit. After three years in the prosecutor's office, he moved to Los Angeles, where he lived in Brentwood, and interrupted his legal career to compile a book on his father. The work, "Make Gentle the Life of This World: The Vision of Robert F. Kennedy and the Words That Inspired Him", was published by Harcourt Brace in 1998. Kennedy later returned to the East to lead the Water-shed Institute at Boston College, an environmental nonprofit group, and was chairman of the re-election campaign of his uncle, U.S. Senator Ted Kennedy, in 2000. Kennedy also taught English at Boston College for a time.


title: Max Kennedy

text: In 2001, Kennedy explored a campaign for the Democratic nomination for the Massachusetts's 9th congressional district, a seat vacated by Democrat Joe Moakley, and moved from Cambridge to the 9th district in preparation for a possible run. Kennedy never declared his candidacy, citing his desire to spend time with his family, including his three children under the age of 10. Kennedy later moved to California.


title: Max Kennedy

text: Kennedy wrote "Danger's Hour: The Story of the USS Bunker Hill and the Kamikaze Pilot Who Crippled Her", which was released by Simon & Schuster in 2008. The book examines the story of the "Essex"-class aircraft carrier USS "Bunker Hill" during the Japanese naval assault of May 1945, in the final chapters of the Second World War. "Kirkus Reviews" said of the book that Kennedy "describes that attack and its aftermath in scarifying detail that is not for the squeamish" and assessed it as "useful to students of the last months of the Pacific War, though less so than" preceding works on the kamikaze by Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney and David Sears.


title: Max Kennedy

text: Kennedy endorsed Senator Barack Obama in the 2008 Democratic presidential primaries, and campaigned for Obama. In June 2008, Kennedy introduced Obama at a dinner in Hickory Hill, the McLean, Virginia homestead of his mother Ethel Kennedy.


title: Max Kennedy

text: In October 2009, Kennedy endorsed Alan Khazei in the January 2010 special election to fill the U.S. Senate seat of his late uncle, Ted Kennedy.


title: Max Kennedy

text: Kennedy was nominated by President Obama to serve as a member of the Board of the Directors of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), and the Senate confirmed him by voice vote in October 2011. He served as a board member from 2011 until January 2018.


title: Max Kennedy

text: In 2004, along with his mother and siblings, Kennedy supported the demolition of the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles (the site of his father's 1968 murder) in order to make way for a new public school complex. Kennedy said that a school was "a fitting memorial" for his father and that no part of the hotel site should be retained as a memorial, writing, "The Ambassador Hotel has nothing to do with who my father was or what he tried to do with his life." In 2021, after his father's assassin Sirhan Sirhan was recommended for parole, Kennedy was one of six surviving Kennedy children to oppose the proposed release; two other surviving children supported parole for Sirhan.


title: Max Kennedy

text: Kennedy married Victoria Anne Strauss on July 13, 1991 at the Cathedral Basilica of Saints Peter and Paul in Philadelphia. They have one son, Matthew Maxwell Taylor Kennedy Jr. (b. 1993), and two daughters, Caroline Summer Rose Kennedy (b. 1994), and Noah Isabella Rose Kennedy (b. 1998).


title: Max Kennedy

text: When Max and Edward Kennedy Jr. were children, grandmother Rose would tell them the story of how their uncle, President John F. Kennedy, saved a member of his PT boat crew in World War II by towing him to an island. Max visited the Solomon Islands in 2002 with Robert Ballard to revisit the scene of the story of John F. Kennedy's "PT-109"; they met Biuku Gasa and Eroni Kumana, the native coastwatcher scouts who found the missing Kennedy and his crew.


title: Japamala

text: A japamala, , or simply mala (; , meaning 'garland') is a loop of prayer beads commonly used in Indian religions such as Hinduism, Jainism, Sikhism, and Buddhism for counting recitations when performing "japa" (reciting a mantra or other sacred sound) or for counting some other "sadhana" (spiritual practice) such as prostrating before a holy icon. They are similar to other forms of prayer beads used in various world religions and are sometimes referred to in Christianity as a "rosary".


title: Japamala

text: The main body of a mala is usually 108 beads of roughly the same size and material as each other though smaller versions, often factors of 108 such as 54 or 27, exist. A distinctive 109th "guru bead", not used for counting, is very common. Mala beads have traditionally been made of a variety of materials such as wood, stone, seeds, bone and precious metals—with various religions often favouring certain materials—and strung with natural fibres such as cotton, silk, or animal hair. Mala can nowadays be found which are made from synthetic materials (such as plastic or glass beads, and nylon cords whether braided string or monofilament).


title: Japamala

text: The specific origin of the mala is unknown, with the use of beads for counting being a widespread practice in ancient cultures. No references to malas occur in Chinese literature before the introduction of Buddhism during the Han dynasty, suggesting that the practice spread from India to China and may have originated there. No mention of a mala occurs in the Agamas or Pali Nikayas, generally regarded as the oldest Buddhist literature, and it is unclear if their use originated with Buddhists or with Brahmins, Jains, or another Indian religious community.


title: Japamala

text: Malas may appear in early Brahmanic Hindu art as part of the garb of deities or worshippers, but are difficult to distinguish from decorative necklaces or garlands. The earliest clear depiction of a mala being used as a tool for recitation, rather than possibly being a necklace or decoration, comes from a bodhisattva image created during the 4th - 6th century Northern Wei dynasty in China; the mala is held in the hand, rather than worn.


title: Japamala

text: The first literary reference to the use of a mala for the recitation of mantras comes from the "Mu Huanzi Jing" ( or , "Aristaka/Soap-Berry Seed Scripture/Classic", Taishō Tripiṭaka volume 17, number 786), a Mahayana text purported to have been translated into Chinese during the Eastern Jin era, some time in the 4th - 5th century CE. No mention of this text occurs in standard bibliographies before the 6th century, but an independent translation in the 8th century suggests an origin as a Sanskrit text transmitted from Central Asia, rather than a Chinese composition. According to this text, the Buddha instructed a king to make a mala from the seeds of the aristaka plant and recite the Triratana while passing the mala through his fingers in order to calm his mind and relieve his anxiety.


title: Japamala

text: While the earliest Buddhist story about the mala is associated with lay practice, in China it was initially primarily associated with monastic practice. Images of monks with malas began to appear in China in the 7th century CE and the mala seems to have been regarded as a common piece of monastic equipment by around this era. While there are relatively few pre-Song Dynasty depictions or references to the mala, this may be due to its use in private religious practice rather than public ceremony. Chinese authors criticized monks who recited mantras on their malas in public, as monks were generally expected to remain silent while on public alms rounds.


title: Japamala

text: By the Ming Dynasty-era, malas increasingly began to be valued for their aesthetic qualities as much or more than their spiritual use. Malas of expensive or rare materials became common as gifts given among the wealthy, and the materials allowed to different grades of wives and concubines was regulated by sumptuary laws. Depictions of Qing Dynasty court officials often include malas, intended to show their status and wealth rather than as an indication of spirituality.


title: Japamala

text: A wide variety of materials are used to make mala beads. Religious groups—notably Hindu Tantra and Vajrayana Buddhism—may favour certain materials in general or may favour certain materials dependent upon the desired effect of the spiritual practice for which the mala is being used.


title: Japamala

text: Strings may be made from practically any fibre, traditionally silk or wool or cotton though synthetic monofilaments or cords such as nylon can now be found and are favoured for their low cost and good wear resistance. Elastic cords, such as milliner's elastic, may be used and have the advantage that they can stretch to fit over the wearer's hand if worn on the wrist whereas other material may not wrap a sufficient number of times to prevent the mala from slipping off. Beads may also be joined by metal chains.


title: Japamala

text: Mala may also have a tassel hanging from the guru bead. This tassel need not be made from the same fibre as the string.


title: Japamala

text: Beads made from the fruitstones of the rudraksha tree are considered sacred by Saivas, devotees of Siva, while beads made from the wood of the tulsi plant are used and revered by Vaishnavas, followers of Vishnu.


title: Japamala

text: Red and black "hakik" may be favoured for tamasic sadhanas, "sphatik" for praying to any "deva", and red "mūnga" stone mainly for praising.


title: Japamala

text: Crystal, pearl, nacre, or other clear or white in colour beads may be used to count mantras used to appease devas or purify oneself; beads made of gold, silver, copper, or lotus seeds may be used to count mantras intended to increase lifespan, knowledge, or merit; beads made of ground sandal wood, saffron, and other fragrant substances may be used with mantras meant to tame others; mantras aiming at subduing malicious spirits or afflictions may be made from "rudraksha" seeds or human bones; and beads made of bodhi wood can be used for many purposes, for counting all kinds of mantras, as well as other prayers, prostration, circumambulation and so forth.


title: Japamala

text: A general-purpose mala is made from rattan seeds; the beads themselves called "moon and stars" by Tibetans, and variously called "lotus root", "lotus seed" and "linden nut" by various retailers. The bead itself is very hard and dense, ivory-coloured (which gradually turns a deep golden brown with long use), and has small holes (moons) and tiny black dots (stars) covering its surface.


title: Japamala

text: Some Tibetan Buddhist traditions call for the use of animal bone (most commonly yak), those of past Lamas being the most valuable. Semiprecious stones such as carnelian and amethyst may be used, as well. Red coral is highly prized for mala as the colour red is associated with the Padma family of buddhas (who are highly revered in Tibet). Wooden mala beads may have a shallow trench engraved around their equator into which tiny pieces of red coral and turquoise are affixed. Due to the cost of already harvested or fossilized red coral and its conservation status, as well as the cost of turquoise, plastic or glass may be used instead.


title: Japamala

text: In Nepal, mala beads are made from the natural seeds of "Ziziphus budhensis", a plant in the family Rhamnaceae endemic to the Temal region of Kavrepalanchok in Bagmati Province. The Government of Nepal's Ministry of Forestry has established a committee and begun to distribute seedlings of these plant so as to uplift the economic status of the people living in this area.


title: Japamala

text: There are numerous explanations why there are typically 108 beads, with the number 108 bearing special religious significance in a number of Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain traditions. For example, in traditional Buddhist thought, people are said to have 108 afflictions or kleshas. In another reckoning, 108 is the number of possible dharmas or phenomena; despite the varying explanations for the use of this number, the number itself has been kept consistent over centuries of practice. Smaller malas are also known, most commonly with a factor of 108 beads (such as 54, 27, or 18), and may be worn on the wrist or used to more conveniently keep count of prostrations.


title: Japamala

text: Many mala will have a 109th bead which is variously called the guru, Sumeru, bindu, stupa, or mother bead. It is often larger or of a distinctive material or colour. In some Buddhist traditions, the guru bead represents Amitabha or Avalokitesvara. Guru beads often have two holes drilled in that so that the cord can enter from each side separately but exit together. A decorative conical bead may rest at the exit point.


title: Japamala

text: Mala may have extra beads hanging from the guru bead. Especially when unable to move along the cord because knots hold them in place, these are decorative elements. They may or may not have religious symbolism (for example, three beads representing the Buddhist Triple Gem of Buddha, Dharma and Sangha) but are not used for counting recitations in any way.


title: Japamala

text: Tibetan Buddhism can require that a practitioner complete a particular number of repetitions of an activity as a foundational practise or to become eligible for initiation into an esoteric teaching, for example, one may need to complete 100,000 recitations of Vajrasattva mantra. To aid this, Tibetan Buddhist mala can be made with additional functional beads over and above the 108 main beads. These beads take two main forms serving two different purposes: three marker beads inline with the 108 beads; two short cords of ten beads each hanging from the main loop.


title: Japamala

text: Three distinctive, often smaller, beads are placed so that, with the guru bead, they divide the regular beads into four sections of 27 beads each. They allow quick estimation of the fraction of a round completed. Their presence raises the number of beads (not counting the guru bead) to 111.


title: Japamala

text: The short cords may either be permanently attached to the mala or they may be obtained separately; they do not need to match the main beads. These short cords may either be attached individually to the main loop or they may be joined at their common top. The cords end in small charms, usually a different charm on each, with a dorje and a bell shape being common. Their cord is thicker than normal so that the beads on them will not slide under their own weight but can be moved by the chanter.


title: Japamala

text: After a single round of chanting, the user will slide up one bead on the cord with the dorje which represents 108 (or 111) recitations. After ten rounds all ten dorje beads have been moved up, one bead on the bell cord is raised representing 1080 (or 1110) recitations and the dorje beads are all reset to their low position.


title: Japamala

text: To keep track of more recitations, the chanter may use a small metal charm called a "bhum" counter. ("Bhum", approximately pronounced "boom", is Tibetan for "one hundred thousand".) The "bhum" counter starts next to the guru bead and is attached to the main string by a clip or a slip knot. When the tenth bell bead has been raised (10 800 or 11 100 recitations), the chanter moves the "bhum" counter to the next space between beads (and resets the beads on the bell cord). By consistently moving the "bhum" counter in the same direction about 1.2 million recitations can be counted.


title: Japamala

text: Mantras are typically repeated hundreds or even thousands of times. The mala is used so that one can focus on the meaning or sound of the mantra rather than counting its repetitions.


title: Japamala

text: In addition to their practical use as an aide in recitation, malas have traditionally been ascribed to have additional spiritual qualities. Different materials may be ascribed the power to help with different practical or spiritual problems, and the mala itself may be ascribed talismanic characteristics. In some traditions, malas are consecrated before use in a manner similar to images of deities, through the use of mantras, dharani, or the application of pigment. Malas purchased from temples and monasteries may have been blessed by the residents of that institution. Mala may also be blessed after purchase. Popular folk tales may describe malas as becoming imbued with the power of the many recitations it has been used for, or a mala given by a respected monk may be said to have the power to cure illnesses or to restore fertility to barren individuals.


title: Japamala

text: However they are worn the wearer is supposed to keep the mala from making contact with the floor or ground.


title: Japamala

text: Mala may be carried in small pouches from which they are removed before use. Some practitioners, such as members of ISKCON, may carry their malas in larger pouches which hang from the back of the hand and allow the mala to be manipulated while it is being used without it being significantly exposed to public view or risking contact with the ground.


title: Japamala

text: In the home, mala may be stored in a pouch or not. Some practitioners may store their malas in jewelry boxes or similar containers. Practitioners who have an altar or shrine in their homes may additionally choose to keep their malas on the altar when not being used or carried.


title: Japamala

text: The loop is draped over the index finger of the right hand (in Hindu practice: Buddhists often use the left hand) and held in place by the right thumb of the first bead next to the guru bead. As each recitation is completed the loop is advanced by one bead. Some practitioners will hold their other three fingers next to their index finger so that all four fingers are inside the loop. Other practitioners will have only their index finger inside the loop, separating this finger from the other three (for similar reasons as in the next paragraph).


title: Japamala

text: Some practitioners will drape the loop over their second finger (with their third and fourth fingers also inside) and use their index finger to move the beads towards the thumb. This is said to be symbolic of the atma (represented by the index finger) moving towards Paramatma (represented by the thumb) by the vehicle of the mantra (the beads) overcoming elements of the material world (the three other fingers).


title: Japamala

text: The guru bead is not used for counting repetitions; counting for each round begins and ends with either of the beads next to the guru bead. In the Hindu tradition and some Buddhist traditions, practitioners who undertake more than one round at a time will, rather than moving their fingers across the guru bead, turn the mala around so that the same bead which was used at the end of the previous round becomes the first bead use for the next round.


title: Japamala

text: While there are typically 108 regular beads, some practitioners will count a round as only 100 repetitions to allow for an accidentally skipped bead or an imperfect recitation.


title: Japamala

text: In Buddhism in Japan, Buddhist prayer beads are known as or , where the "o" is the honorific "o-". Different Buddhist sects in Japan have different shaped "juzu"s, and use them differently. For example, Shingon Buddhism, Tendai and Nichiren Buddhism may use longer prayer beads with strands on both ends similar to those used in mainland Asia. During devotional services, these beads may be rubbed together with both hands to create a soft grinding noise, which is considered to have a purifying and reverential effect. However, in Jōdo Shinshū, prayer beads are typically shorter and held draped over both hands and are not ground together, as this is forbidden.


title: Japamala

text: Jōdo-shū is somewhat unusual because of the use of a double-ringed prayer beads, called , which are used for counting nenbutsu recitations (i.e. recitation of the name of Amitabha Buddha): one ring contains single beads used to count a single recitation while the other ring is used to count full revolutions of the first ring. Additionally, other beads hang from the strings, which can count full revolutions of the second ring (flat beads), or full revolutions of the first string of beads. In all, it is possible to count up to 120,000 recitations using these beads. The design is credited to a follower of Hōnen named Awanosuke.


title: Japamala

text: Regardless of Buddhist sect, prayer beads used by lay followers are frequently smaller, featuring a factor of 108 beads. It is common to find prayer beads in Japan that contain a small image inside the largest bead, usually something associated with the particular temple or sect. When held up to the light the image is clearly visible.


title: Japamala

text: Theravada Buddhists in Myanmar use prayer beads called "seik badi" ( ), shortened to "badi". 108 beads are strung on a garland, with the beads typically made of fragrant wood like sandalwood, and series of brightly coloured strings at the end of the garland. It is commonly used in samatha meditation, to keep track of the number of mantras chanted during meditation.


title: Japamala

text: In recent years, it has become common for non-religious individuals to wear such beads as a fashion accessory with the beads having no religious connotation whatsoever. Similar practices have been noted since the Ming Dynasty, when malas began to be used as fashionable accessories by members of the Chinese court. Sumptuary laws regulated the materials of malas in Qing Dynasty-era China.


title: Japamala

text: Opinion is divided as to whether a mala that is worn as decoration can also be used for the practise of japa or if two separate malas are required.


title: Japamala

text: Buddhist practise would refrain from ostentatious display of a mala, whether as a show of wealth or a claim of piety. As a self-reminder of one's beliefs or a non-invasive symbol that may inspire others to follow the dharma they may be acceptable.


title: Niggaz4Life

text: Niggaz4Life (also known as Efil4zaggin as per album cover art, stylized in all caps and horizontally mirrored) is the second and final studio album by gangsta rap group N.W.A, released on May 28, 1991. It was their final album, as the group disbanded later the same year after the departure of Dr. Dre and songwriter The D.O.C. to form Death Row Records; the album features only four members of the original line-up, as Ice Cube and Arabian Prince had already left the group in 1989 and 1988 respectively. "Niggaz4Life" debuted at number 2 on the "Billboard" 200, but in its second week peaked at number 1.


title: Niggaz4Life

text: In 1992, several months after the release of the album, N.W.A released a video named "", which chronicled the making of the album and its three music videos, "Alwayz into Somethin'", "Appetite for Destruction" and "Approach to Danger".


title: Niggaz4Life

text: In 2002, the CD was re-released in two formats. Both had the EP "100 Miles and Runnin'" appended to the end of the original track listing, but one was available with a DVD copy of "Niggaz4Life: The Only Home Video".


title: Niggaz4Life

text: In comparison to its predecessor, the album was also heavier on misogyny, for which it became notorious. The songs on the album's second half featured more profanity, sexist themes, and references to various sexual acts, provoking the ire of the PMRC, liberal and conservative politicians, and civil rights activist C. Delores Tucker.


title: Niggaz4Life

text: Upon release, "Niggaz4Life" generally polarized music critics, as many were divided over its lyrics especially in the 2nd half of the album. The Source, the most prominent Hip Hop publication at the time, declared it one of their albums of the year but more “mainstream” publications like Rolling Stone condemned the album. In a two star review (out of five), Rolling Stone critic Arion Berger attacked Niggaz4Life as “so hateful toward women, and in such a pathetic and sleazy manner, that it’s simply tiresome.” Mark Blackwell, of Spin magazine, similarly opined in his interview of N.W.A. that Niggaz4Life “wears thin pretty fast. The main problem is that the old ‘niggas’ and ‘bitches’ thing – whether offensive or not – is getting a little tired” before conceding that “Dre and Yella’s production is peerless.”


title: Niggaz4Life

text: In a negative review, Newsweek deemed the album "by N.W.A standards, is a mediocre work, a retreat from cinematic storytelling into simple punk bluster." Time wrote, "N.W.A. raps nasty and righteous, with real ghetto heat, and doesn't give an inch," calling the album "incendiary" and "grotesque."


title: Niggaz4Life

text: Later DJ Yella said: “I do like the second album better than the first. The first one had more hits, but production-wise I like this one better. It would have been great if Cube would have got on that album. But it sounds better, we put more into it.”


title: Niggaz4Life

text: The album received more positive reviews since then especially for the production. Tom Doggett from Rap Reviews said: “Niggaz4life is a frightening album, jammed with explosive beats, visceral skits, and inciting rhymes. There is an overwhelming sense of sensual stimulation that overcomes the room when this album is playing. The eighteen tracks move by effortlessly, jumping from shootout skits to Ice Cube disses to revolting accounts of sexual acts. Even if you are turned off, it is impossible to deny the kinetic force that exudes from this album“


title: Niggaz4Life

text: Jesse Ducker from Albumism also praised the production and said: ”Efil4zaggin stands as a very dope, albeit flawed, piece of work.“


title: Niggaz4Life

text: The album debuted number 2 on the US "Billboard" Top LPs chart. It went on to top the "Billboard" 200, becoming the first album by a rap group to top the chart.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: Loujain al-Hathloul ( "Lujjayn al-Hadhlūl"; born 31 July 1989) is a Saudi women's rights activist, a social media figure, and political prisoner. She is a graduate of the University of British Columbia. Al-Hathloul has been arrested and released on several occasions for defying the ban on women driving in Saudi Arabia and was arrested in May 2018, with several prominent women's rights activists, on the charge of "attempting to destabilise the kingdom" after being effectively kidnapped in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). , her husband, Saudi stand-up comedian Fahad al-Butairi, had also been forcefully returned from Jordan to the Kingdom and was under arrest.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: Al-Hathloul was ranked third in the list of "Top 100 Most Powerful Arab Women 2015". In March 2019, PEN America announced that Nouf Abdulaziz, al-Hathloul, and Eman al-Nafjan would receive the 2019 PEN America/Barbey Freedom to Write Award. Al-Hathloul was named one of "Time" magazine's "100 Most Influential People of 2019". Al-Hathloul was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 and 2020. In April 2021, she was announced as the winner of the 2020 Václav Havel Human Rights Prize. She was released from prison on 10 February 2021, but lives under a travel ban.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: Al-Hathloul is known both for her role in the women to drive movement and in opposing the Saudi male guardianship system. On 1 December 2014, she was arrested and detained for 73 days after an attempt to cross the border in her car from the UAE to Saudi Arabia, on charges related to defying the female driving ban in the kingdom. She has a UAE licence but the Saudi police still arrested her. Al-Hathloul attempted to stand in Saudi local elections in December 2015, the first vote in Saudi Arabia to include women, but was barred.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: In September 2016, along with 14,000 others, al-Hathloul signed a petition to King Salman asking for the male guardianship system to be abolished. On 4 June 2017, she was arrested and detained at King Fahd International Airport in Dammam. The reason for the arrest was not officially disclosed, although Amnesty International believed it was for her human rights activism, and al-Hathloul was not allowed access to a lawyer or any contact with her family.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: Loujain Al-Hathloul was kidnapped from UAE in March 2018 and deported to Saudi Arabia, where she was arrested for a few days and then put under a travel ban. Al-Hathloul was detained again on the eve of 15 May 2018, along with Eman al-Nafjan, Aisha al-Mana, Aziza al-Yousef, Madeha al-Ajroush and some men involved in campaigning for women's rights in Saudi Arabia. Human Rights Watch interpreted the purpose of the arrests as frightening "anyone expressing skepticism about the crown prince's rights agenda".


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: In June 2018, women were granted the right to drive in Saudi Arabia, while al-Hathloul remained under arrest. According to ALQST and Amnesty International, Saudi Arabia tortured al-Hathloul and several other women detained for their women's rights activities. Torture techniques, which included being beaten on their feet, given electric shocks, and whipped, were used in a torture location called "the hotel" or "the officer's guesthouse". According to Loujain al-Hathloul's sister Alia (who lives in Brussels, Belgium), torture techniques used specifically against Loujain also included beating, electric shocks and waterboarding, and the torture occurred between May and August 2018. Loujain al-Hathloul's parents stated that Loujain's "thighs were blackened by bruises" when they visited and that Loujain "was shaking uncontrollably, unable to hold her grip, to walk or sit normally" during their visit. According to Alia al-Hathloul, Saud al-Qahtani visited al-Hathloul during her torture, laughing at her, threatening to rape and kill her and to dispose of her body in the sewage system, and he tortured her "all night during Ramadan". Alia al-Hathloul stated that she had expected that under Saudi norms about women, her sister would not have been tortured.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: In December 2018, al-Hathloul was in jail with her fellow activists at Dhahban Central Prison. According to her brother Walid al-Hathloul (who lives in Ontario, Canada), al-Hathloul was by February 2019 held in al-Ha'ir Prison.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: On 1 March 2019, the office of Saudi Arabia's public prosecutor announced that the preliminary investigation had been completed and they would be preparing to try al-Hathloul and other activists in court for undermining state security. On 13 March 2019, the trial began, although the charges were not specified and reporters and diplomats were barred from attending. In April 2019, a hearing on her case was postponed without a reason being given.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: In May 2020, her trial was indefinitely postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has raised concerns over her health inside the Saudi prison.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: On 11 August 2020, her other sister Lina al-Hathloul (a Nobel Peace Prize-nominated campaigner), expressed fear about the possibility of the activist being tortured again in the Saudi prison, as she has not been heard from for over 60 days.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: Loujain al-Hathloul had been held in incommunicado detention for three months. When she learned that other detainees were allowed to call their families, she went on a six-day hunger strike to demand the same. She was then allowed to meet her parents. Saudi Arabia has restricted many prominent human rights activists, clerics, and royal family members from contacting their family or lawyer, raising concern over their safety and wellbeing.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: On 15 September 2020, around 30 countries called on Saudi Arabia to release jailed women's rights activist Loujain al-Hathloul and four other women in detention who campaigned for women to drive.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: On 8 October 2020, the European Parliament called for Saudi Arabia to release all the human rights activists, particularly the campaigners for the Women to drive movement, including Loujain al-Hathloul, in a resolution passed against the Kingdom's human rights records. Highlighting the situation of these dissidents and migrants in the country's detention centers, the MEPs also urged the European Union states to cut down their representation at Saudi's G20 Summit.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: At the end of October 2020, Loujain al-Hathloul started a hunger strike. According to Hathloul's sisters, Lina and Alia, who broke the news on Twitter, the activist started her hunger strike on 26 October 2020 against the al-Hair prison administration, demanding regular contact with her family and siblings. On 10 November 2020, the Saudi ambassador to the U.K. said that Saudi Arabia was considering to release women rights activist Loujain Al-Hatloul, ahead of its hosting of the G20 summit in November. The decision was considered after the international political pressure to release her, as she was on a weeks-long hunger strike.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: On 25 November 2020, after the Riyadh G20 summit was concluded, Loujain al-Hathloul was transferred to a special court for terrorism and national security crimes. Her sister, Lina al-Hathloul, feared that Loujain was being pressured into giving false confessions, which could be used against her during the trial.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: On 29 November 2020, seven European envoys released a joint statement condemning the continued detention of five women's rights activists, including Loujain al-Hathloul, whose case was referred to a special court for terrorism-related offences. The envoys demanded the release of Hathloul, who had been in jail since May 2018 after a sweep targeted prominent critics of the kingdom's former law barring women from driving.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: On 28 December 2020, al-Hathloul was sentenced to five years and eight months in prison. On 10 February 2021, al-Hathloul's sister announced on Twitter that she had been released from prison.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: On 10 March 2021, Al-Hathloul's sister said that a Riyadh court upheld the sentencing of Loujain. She is subject to many restrictions including a five-year travel ban.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: In 2021, she gave her iPhone to the Canadian Citizen Lab for forensic examination after it was hacked, leading to the discovery of spyware by the Israeli NSO group. Technical information uncovered by Bill Marczak's team at the lab allowed Apple to warn thousands of its users, including U.S. State Department employees in Uganda. Researchers also discovered that spyware from QuaDream, another Israeli vendor, took advantage of the same "zero-click" vulnerability in iPhones.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: In December 2021, al-Hathloul announced she and the Electronic Frontier Foundation would be suing three former American intelligence officers, Marc Baier, Ryan Adams, and Daniel Gericke, accusing the officers of hacking her communications devices, leading to her kidnapping in the UAE and deportation to Saudi Arabia. The three officers had already admitted to providing the UAE with hacking services and equipment in a separate case.


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: Al-Hathloul was ranked third in the "Top 100 Most Powerful Arab Women 2015" list. In March 2019, PEN America announced that Nouf Abdulaziz, al-Hathloul, and Eman al-Nafjan would receive the 2019 PEN America/Barbey Freedom to Write Award. Al-Hathloul was named one of "Time" magazine's "100 Most Influential People of 2019".


title: Loujain al-Hathloul

text: Al-Hathloul was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 and 2020. In April 2021, she was announced as the winner of the 2020 Václav Havel Human Rights Prize.


The National Junior College Athletic Association (NJCAA), founded in 1938, is the governing association of community college, state college and junior college athletics throughout the United States. Currently the NJCAA holds 24 separate regions across 24 states and is divided into 3 divisions.


title: National Junior College Athletic Association

text: The idea for the NJCAA was conceived in 1937 at Fresno, California. A handful of junior college representatives met to organize an association that would promote and supervise a national program of junior college sports and activities consistent with the educational objectives of junior colleges.


text: In 1949, the NJCAA was reorganized by dividing the nation into sixteen regions. The officers of the association were the president, vice president, secretary, treasurer, public relations director, and the sixteen regional vice presidents. Although the NJCAA was founded in California, it no longer operates there, having been supplanted by the unaffiliated California Community College Athletic Association.


text: The NJCAA only allowed male competitors until 1975, when it established a women's division following the enactment of Title IX.


text: Based out of Hutchinson, Kansas since 1968, the national office relocated to Colorado Springs, Colorado in 1985. Headquarters moved to Charlotte, North Carolina in 2018.


text: Each institution belonging to the NJCAA chooses to compete on the Division I, II or III level. Division I colleges may offer full athletic scholarships, totaling a maximum of tuition, fees, room and board, course-related books, up to $250 in course-required supplies, and transportation costs one time per academic year to and from the college by direct route. Division II colleges are limited to awarding tuition, fees, course related books, and up to $250 in course required supplies. Division III institutions may provide no athletically related financial assistance. However, NJCAA colleges that do not offer athletic aid may choose to participate at the Division I or II level if they so desire.


text: Due to the relatively small number of schools fielding teams, some football-only conferences exist. They may be home to teams from multiple regions.


text: There are also independent schools in regions 2 (Arkansas Baptist), 3 (upstate New York), 8 (ASA-Miami), 10 (Louisburg, N.C.), 12 (Hocking College), and 17 (Georgia Military). Onondaga Community College's football program does not compete in the NJCAA but instead competes at the club football level.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Go Go Squid! () is a Chinese e-sport romance comedy television series directed by Li Qingrong and Xiang Xujing. The series was first aired in 2019, starring Yang Zi and Li Xian. It was an adaptation of Mo Bao Fei Bao's novel "Honey Stewed Squid." The series aired on Dragon TV and Zhejiang TV and was broadcast simultaneously on iQiyi and Tencent Video from July 9 to July 31, 2019.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: The series is about Tong Nian, a talented computer science major and popular online singer, and Han Shangyan, a cybersecurity professional, who fall in love, support each other, and compete in international cybersecurity competitions. The series was the most-streamed series in 2019, and according to statistics from Yien Broadcasting Index TV series list, "Go Go Squid!" was the best domestic Chinese TV series in 2019.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Tong Nian, an intelligent school girl, meets Han Shangyan, a passionate young man, who had dedicated his life to winning a world championship for China. Even though Han has a deep sense of responsibility to his teammates, he has trouble communicating and expressing his emotions. With Tong's understanding and support, Han gradually begins to open up to his brothers and family members. The two support and encourage each other as they work towards their dream to win a championship. Along the way, they motivate others to pursue their dreams as well. Throughout the series, Tong and Han display an unrelenting belief in their country, which is often interpreted as the patriotic power of contemporary young people.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Tong Nian is a talented computer science major who is also a popular online singer. She is described as optimistic, cheerful, soft, and cute. She is also very obedient, attentive, and sensible. She attends the youth class at university and has the same high IQ as the male lead Han Shangyan. After she falls in love with Han Shangyan at first sight, she chooses to take the initiative to pursue a relationship with him. Although Tong Nian loves Han Shangyan a lot, she also continues to pursue her interests and friendships while building a relationship with him. She also pursues her dream of developing an AI-based software, as well as facial recognition programs for the police and medical programs for hospitals.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Han Shangyan is a computer genius and high-level e-sports idol. He was originally the only investor and main member of the Solo team. Has won more than ten international championships, including multiple personal world rankings, the most dominant player with two MVP. After exiting the team, he established the K & K club. His dream is to take the club's young players to attack the world champion of cybersecurity CTF competitions. Other than that, he has nothing else in his eyes. In the eyes of his teammates, he is "the boss who is not close to women".


title: Go Go Squid!

text: He is determined to fulfill his dreams and sticks to his beliefs, but he has some difficulties expressing himself to the outside world. Maintaining a sense of vigilance and distance, he has great pride in his family's native country. Han Shangyan grew up with his grandfather and stepmother, who loved him. His parents passed away when he was young and he missed out on a lot of family interaction. Parents' feelings are different. Father's words and lessons, and the company of his mother, can make a person's character grow fully, and Han was deprived of all of this. As a prince of ice, he is very good at many things. Maintaining indifference and vigilance, he developed a meticulous and serious attitude towards life. And this is exactly what his family left him with. His “don’t care” about anything other than work attitude is in stark contrast to his fanatical pursuit of career ideals; privately, he secretly covers the players’ with quilts and cares about their lives. He has fascinated a lot of girls, but he has not been interested in dating.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Wu Bai (DT) is the captain of the K & K team, The strongest player domestically, and also an excellent computer genius. His dream and persistence is winning the worldwide championship with his teammates.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Mi Shao Fei (Xiao Mi) is the original solo team all-rounder, the team was disbanded to go home to take care of the kiosk, then invited by Wang Hao to make a comeback, but announced his retirement due to unsatisfactory results, and finally became the leader of the k&k team.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Wang Hao was the original SOLO team captain, and Han Shangyan was his good brother, aspiring to win the CTF championship for China. But ten years ago Wang Hao chose to leave the team because of the sudden appearance of his ex-girlfriend Su Cheng with his daughter Ai, and Han Shangyan announced his retirement and the SOLO team was disbanded. However, Han Shangyan began to melt because of Tong Nian's appearance, and the relationship between Wang Hao and Han Shangyan also changed in the constant cooperation, and eventually reconciled.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Su Cheng was the first love of the former SOLO team captain Wang Hao. The two eventually broke up because of their feelings, but Su Cheng secretly gave birth to her daughter Xiao Ai, and then gave her daughter to Wang Hao for raising because she cannot afford her daughter any more. Later, she became the leader of the Han Shangyan Club K & K, and founded the K & K Club China Branch with Han Shangyan.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Ai Qing is the ex -girlfriend of the SOLO team captain Wang Hao, and just like Han Shangyan, Xiao Mi, Ou Qiang, and Wang Hao, she is a member of SOLO. Due to the appearance of Wang Hao's illegitimate daughter, the relationship with Wang Hao finally withdrawn from the team, which led the Han Shangyan to retire, and the SOLO team indirectly disbanded. Han Shangyan's cousin Wu Bai likes Ai Qing.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: It is reported that the K & K club shed has an area of more than 2,000 square meters, and the construction time took 1.5 months. There are training facilities, meeting rooms and other venues inside. It is equipped with dozens of professional competition equipment and includes all kinds of basic living facilities, strive to restore the real club environment in every detail. The crew also shot the live moments of the characters and the team through more than 100 live shots of the location. To cultivate teammates' team tacit understanding and deepen the actor's understanding of the role, before the shooting, the crew specially conducted closed performance training and professional skills training, which made the team atmosphere shown in the play harmonious.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Fang Ying, vice-president of Huace/Croton Media, whose Gcoo Entertainment arm produced "Go Go Squid!", said the series was conceived in 2014 and took more than 20 weeks to shoot. Li revealed that he was filming in Hengdian, when the staff recommended the novel and script of "Go Go Squid!" to him. Li accepted the offer because he thought that the character has a lot in common with him, right perseverance in work and dreams, just like his attitude towards his career as an actor. When he first came on set for filming, he had hurt his back from "Sword Dynasty" production. He couldn't walk properly at the start of filming.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: On February 14, 2018, officials announced that Yang Zi and Li as male and female protagonists. On March 19, 2018, Guan Xuanhu starred in one day, and Li Hongqi and Li Zefeng joined the play. On April 11, 2018, the full-length animated concept film was released followed by a still photo of the male and female protagonists On April 14, 2018. On May 20, 2018, the Honey Juice 520 Challenge was launched, and the actors in the show appeared separately. On June 11, 2018, the "dream as wings" version of the poster was exposed, and the image of the K & K team was presented to the audience for the first time followed by the personal posters of the characters On June 14, 2018. On July 14, 2018, the interview video of the male and female protagonists was released. On July 31, 2018, the first film flower officially released.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: The K & K team uniforms are also designed and customized by designers. There are more than ten types of uniforms. Han Shangyan's clothing is kept mainly black, simple, and elegant.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: During the premiere broadcast of the series, the average ratings of the two stations were only 0.7%. However, "Go Go Squid!" topped television ratings in its timeslot.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: The series dominated media data performance on the Guduo TV series list, Cat's Eye data TV series list, Yien Broadcasting Index TV series list, Yunhe Data series popularity list, Weibo TV series list, etc. During the launch of "Go Go Squid!", Cateye Media Matrix released more than 200 related short videos on Douyin, and the cumulative playback reached more than 500 million. It generated a huge online buzz, with the show's official hashtag being viewed more than 12 billion times on Sina Weibo. According to the statistics of micro-hotspot wrd.cn, the TV series that first broadcast on TV stations and online video platforms in July 2019. The network transmission popularity index of TV series, main actors, and main characters from July 1 to July 31, "Go Go Squid!" ranked first in all categories; the hottest premiere TV series with network communication popularity index of 64.54; the hottest actors and actress (Li Xian and Yang Zi) with communication popularity index 55.73 and 53.06 respectively; as well as the hottest male and female character (Han Shangyan and Tong Nian) with communication popularity index 53.31 and 49.57. The series was also on the top of a poll conducted by The Beijing News on the most popular Chinese TV series of the summer, the results of which were published on July 31. According to iQiyi, the series is its second most popular show after last year's period drama and mega-hit, "Story of Yanxi Palace". In 2019, the series was the most-streamed series in the three major video platforms; iQIYI, Tencent Video and Youku. According to the report data of the Cat's Eyes series, the series ranked first in the comprehensive search popularity list of the three major platforms of Baidu, Weibo and WeChat. And according to statistics from Yien Broadcasting Index TV series list, "Go Go Squid!" is the best domestic drama in 2019.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: In "Go Go Squid!", Han Shanyang is a male professional in the cybersecurity competition CTF (Internet Security Capture the Flag Station), which brought niche cybersecurity-related topics into public view. Chen Xiaoyuan the captain team of CTF admitted it, and praised Han Shanyang's positive energy for his perseverance, and struggle for dreams. And he found that the opening theme of the TV series is exactly what they feel like a real CTF player.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Following the popularity of the drama, major universities in China have started school one after another, and they have hung up the banners of "Go Go Squid!" to welcome the new students.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: "Go Go Squid!" received an average rating of 6.6/10 at Douban, and 7.8/10 at IMDb. For Li Xian's performance, the audience generally praised his acting skills online, but the lines were a little bit procrastinated, such as saying that the lines seemed to contain something, and the lines were too slow. In this regard, Li Xian admitted that the rhythm of his speech is a bit slow, and it was specially designed for the character after communicating with the filming team. Despite this, Li Xian still admitted that he did feel the shortcomings of his lines when watching the drama. Liu Wei of The Beijing News praised the plot setting, which is different from the past youth romance dramas. The love of "Go Go Squid!" expresses delicate and true emotions, conveys the positive energy of sunshine and youth, and does not add some sad links in the plot setting. There are not too many "dog blood" plots in the other sidelines, and there are no male second silently waiting, female second spoiler and bad mother-in-law who break up the couple. In addition, Jia Miao of Oriental Network also praised the positive energy of the series, the way it tells all aspects of young people's lives in a simple but peaceful way, and the small details which inadvertently touched the audience. She is even looking forward to more urban positive energy TV shows like "Go Go Squid!."


title: Go Go Squid!

text: Lili Pang of Oriental Network also praised the actors for their vivid interpretation of the characters, especially Li's performance, writing "I feel that Li Xian is still a very promising boy. In this drama, due to the role setting, there is no big explosion and no famous scenes, but Li Xian's performance is still excellent. I feel that this person can handle more complicated and deep roles." People's Daily praised the writer for the setting of the characters which is different from another youth theme drama, and also praised the plot's precise outline and meticulous description that showed the young people's living conditions and mental outlook, as well as actively contacts the frontier areas of concern for the current young audience.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: The series premiered from July 9, 2019, until July 31, 2019, and was broadcast simultaneously on Zhejiang TV, Dragon TV, iQiyi, and Tencent. Released on Netflix in February 2020, Indonesia, Thailand, India, Malaysia through We TV, other countries on Rakuten Viki, My Dramalist, as well as YouTube.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: When the play was broadcast, a full collection of resources unexpectedly appeared online, and many unbroadcast plots were leaked in advance. Because the watermark of the leaked film reads "Only for viewing by Dragon TV ", netizens left a message in the official Weibo of Dragon TV, but Dragon TV has not responded.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: The series was embroiled in a controversy after a map was seen in episode 39 that left off the self-ruled island of Taiwan and southern Hainan, and incorrectly represented the India-Tibet border, the South China Sea and the Kashmir region. According to the ministry, mistakes on the map used in the teleplay include that it incorrectly delineated the boundaries of the southern areas of the Tibet autonomous region, the colors for Taiwan and Hainan islands were different from other parts of China; and the dotted line to indicate Chinese islands in the South China Sea was missing. The issue has since been investigated by China's Ministry of Natural Resources. On August 12, the production company was fined RMB 100,000 (US$14,100) by Shanghai Municipality Planning and Natural Resources Bureau.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: "The Unknown Generation" is the theme song of the drama. The wind echoes the plot very much. In addition to telling love stories between couples, the TV series also tells a group of young people working hard for seemingly unremarkable dreams, occupations, and hobbies. Compared with national athletes and international superstars, e-sports players may be "unknown people," but this group of young people choose to ignore everyone's colored vision, insist on pursuing their dreams, and win glory for the country. The songs are composed by Tang Hanxiao.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: "Couldn't Leave" is the only English episode, sung by a Kazakh male singer, Dimash. The lyrics are simple, but the love is profound. "So many times I wish I could leave", tells that someone in the play wants to give up, but because of a kind of power (in the play is a group of brothers working hard together), that person persevered. The singer sang freely, which made the audience worried.


title: Go Go Squid!

text: "Milk Bread," sung by Yang Zi, peak at 2 on Billboard China Social Chart. Li also participated in the soundtrack title "For the Future (Gei Wei Lai)". The singing voice is similar to his interpretation of Han Shangyan, which is convergent and low-key, seemingly absent. Even when it comes to the climax in the play or song, it expresses everything with a calm and mature character. In the middle part of the song is a child's voice. The song peak at 7 on Billboard China Social Chart and Billboard China Top 100.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: Dil Hai Tumhaara (English: "My Heart Is Yours") is a 2002 Indian Hindi romantic drama film directed by Kundan Shah starring Rekha, Preity Zinta, Mahima Chaudhry, Arjun Rampal, Jimmy Sheirgill and Alok Nath. The film was promoted as a star vehicle for Zinta and, although a commercial failure on release, Zinta's performance was praised by critics and earned her nominations for Best Actress at a number of award ceremonies. The soundtrack, composed by Nadeem-Shravan, did well on the charts.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: Shalu (Preity Zinta) is a fun loving young woman living with her mother, Sarita (Rekha), and older sister, Nimmi (Mahima Chaudhry). Unknown to Shalu and Nimmi, they are half-sisters. Shalu is the daughter of Sarita's late husband Shekar and the woman with whom he had an affair. Fatally wounded in a car accident with Shalu's biological mother, Shekar begged Sarita to raise Shalu as her own.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: Although Sarita adopted Shalu, she cannot give her the love she shows towards Nimmi. Shalu, on the other hand, constantly craves her mother's affection. She seeks attention and retaliates by being rebellious. Nimmi loves Shalu very much and constantly stands up for her, though she refuses to think ill of her mother or take sides.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: A young man named Dev Khanna (Arjun Rampal) enters the sisters' lives. Dev and Shalu initially do not get along but slowly fall in love. However, circumstances make Nimmi believe that Dev is in love with her. Sarita, only aware of Nimmi's side of the story, offers a marriage proposal to Dev's father (Alok Nath) on Nimmi's behalf. Mr Khanna is taken aback because he knows about Dev and Shalu. When Sarita sees Dev and Shalu being affectionate, she jumps to the conclusion that Shalu has stolen Dev from Nimmi just as Shalu's mother stole Shekar from her. In anger, she reveals her true heritage in front of Nimmi.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: Shocked at her parentage, Shalu decides to sacrifice Dev to make her mother and sister happy. Saddened, Dev eventually agrees to marry Nimmi to make Shalu happy. Nimmi notices that something is wrong with Shalu, but Shalu deflects the question by saying that she has fallen in love with Samir (Jimmy Sheirgill), her childhood friend who has been in love with her for years.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: On the engagement day, Sarita's political rivals try to use Shalu's illegitimate heritage to threaten Nimmi's marriage to Dev, who is from a prominent family. Shalu takes matters into her own hands, rushing to Dev's house where she publicly announces that she was born out of wedlock, arguing that it is proof of Sarita's kindness and generosity that she had adopted Shalu. Mr Khanna is impressed with Shalu's courage and promises that nothing will stop the wedding.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: Sarita secretly witnesses Shalu's confession and is deeply touched. She is ashamed of how she has treated Shalu and they share their first hug. Sarita tells her that she will ask Nimmi to step aside if Shalu and Dev are really in love. Shalu stops her from doing so, saying that now she has her mother's love and acceptance, she does not want anything else.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: Nimmi is very happy that her mother has accepted Shalu, but she still feels that something is not quite right with her sister. She soon learns of the whole ruse from Samir and gladly steps aside for Shalu and Shalu and Dev are united.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: This is the second film where Preity Zinta and Kundan Shah worked together, the first being "Kya Kehna", a sleeper hit. The film was promoted as a star vehicle for Zinta.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: The soundtrack went on to be highly successful. It has nine songs composed by the duo Nadeem-Shravan, with lyrics authored by Sameer. According to the Indian trade website Box Office India, with around 20,00,000 units sold, this film's soundtrack album was the year's sixth highest-selling. The song Dil Laga Liya Maine has the same composition as of Boohay Barian by Hadiqa Kiani.


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: "Dil Hai Tumhaara" received generally mixed to positive reviews, but Preity Zinta's performance was universally praised by critics, with those critical of the film marking her presence as its main highlight. Derek Elley of "Variety" believed that Zinta's "Star-quality playing" is the main reason to watch an otherwise formulaic picture. He further noted its "respectable" production values and praised Rekha for being "quietly commanding as the powerful but conflicted mom". Khalid Mohamed gave the film 2 stars and wrote, "Clearly, this enterprise is a showcase for the hi-energy and scampering spirit of Preity Zinta. She’s fabulous but content-wise, the stuff is … empty." Ziya Us Salam of "The Hindu" believed that as far as director Shah is concerned, the film is "among the more lopsided, half-hearted films he has made in his long career" but he called Zinta "the life of this film". He concluded the review saying: "Take away Preity Zinta and "Dil Hai Tumhaara" is a tiresome film in urgent need of heavy editing. Put Zinta in there and it becomes watchable frame-to-frame. Preity is there all through, purely due to her infectious charm." Similarly, Jitesh Pillai of "The Times of India" wrote, "it's Preity Zinta, with her mixture of vulnerability and brashness, who delivers a wallop. She's the only bright spark in this dull dil drama."


title: Dil Hai Tumhaara

text: Taran Adarsh from Bollywood Hungama gave the film 2.5 out of 5 stars, calling it "a film that is sure to pull your heart strings", and noted that : "in an author-backed role... Zinta steals the show with a sterling performance", which is "sure to win accolades from the junta and critics whole-heartedly". "Mid-Day"'s S Ramachandran believed that the film "has some touching moments, but cliched dialogues mar the script", and noted Zinta for excelling in her part. Sanjeev Singh Bariana of "The Tribune" was appreciative of the film, the main performances, and noted Shah for doing "a commendable job". Manish Gajjar from the BBC described the film as engaging, and liked the "emotional story" where "Shah explores the sensitive issue of a mother-daughter relationship", and took note of the performance of the cast, calling Zinta "superb" and Choudhry "touching". Piroj Wadia of "Screen" found the film unoriginal, depending on "formulaic love triangles, sibling rivalry in love, prototype character roles and the utter absence of logic". He did appreciate, however, the performances, labelling them the film's "redemption", and noted the unusually realistic portrayal of the sister bond and the camaraderie between Shalu and Nimmi." Subhash K. Jha of "The Times of India" called the film "delightfully comic", comparing it to Bimal Roy's "Sujata" and praising Zinta, who, "in a role tailor-made for her" … displays a comic aptitude akin to Hollywood actress Goldie Hawn". Ronjita Kulkarni from Rediff.com accused the film of its "regressive thinking" and believed it might appeal particularly to Zinta's fans. She reviewed positively the performances of Rekha and Choudhry, despite the latter's underdeveloped role.


title: Auto Union

text: Auto Union AG, was an amalgamation of four German automobile manufacturers, founded in 1932 and established in 1936 in Chemnitz, Saxony. It is the immediate predecessor of Audi as it is known today.


title: Auto Union

text: As well as acting as an umbrella firm for its four constituent brands (Audi, Horch, DKW, Wanderer), Auto Union is widely known for its racing team ("Auto Union Rennabteilung", based at Horch works in Zwickau/Saxony). The Silver Arrows of the two German teams (Mercedes-Benz and Auto Union) dominated not only GP car racing from 1934 onwards but set records that would take decades to beat, such as the fastest speed ever attained on a public road (at 432.7 km/h (268.9 mph), a record lasting until 2017. After being reduced to near ruin in the aftermath of World War II, Auto Union was re-founded in Ingolstadt, Bavaria, in 1949, ultimately evolving into the modern day Audi company following its takeover by Volkswagen in 1964 and later merger with NSU Motorenwerke in 1969.


title: Auto Union

text: The current corporate entity which bears the Auto Union name – "Auto Union GmbH" – was founded in 1985 and is a wholly owned subsidiary of Audi AG; its purpose is to act as owner of Auto Union's historical trademarks and intellectual property, as well as managing Audi's heritage operations. The company's distinctive logo, of four interlocking rings to represent the original four members of the Auto Union, survives as the logo of Audi.


title: Auto Union

text: In August 1928, Rasmussen, the owner of DKW, acquired a majority ownership of Audiwerke AG. In the same year, Rasmussen bought the remains of the US automobile manufacturer Rickenbacker, including the manufacturing equipment for eight- and six-cylinder engines. These engines were used in "Audi Zwickau", "Audi Imperator" and "Audi Dresden" models. At the same time, six-cylinder and four-cylinder (licensed from Peugeot) models were manufactured.


title: Auto Union

text: In 1930 the Saxony Regional Bank, which had financed Rasmussen's business expansion in the 1920s, installed Richard Bruhn on the board of Audiwerke AG, and there followed a brutal pruning and rationalization of the various auto-businesses that Rasmussen had accumulated. The outcome was the founding in Summer 1932 of Auto Union AG with just four component businesses, being Zschopauer Motorenwerke with its brand DKW, Audi, Horch and the car producing piece of Wanderer, brought together under the umbrella of single shareholder company Auto Union. Although all four brands continued to sell cars under their own names and brands, the technological development became more centralized, with some Audi models employing engines by Horch or Wanderer.


title: Auto Union

text: Auto Union chairman, Klaus, Baron von Oertzen, wanted a showpiece project to announce the new brand. At the 1933 Berlin Motor Show, German Chancellor Adolf Hitler announced two new programs:


title: Auto Union

text: At fellow director's Adolf Rosenberger insistence, von Oertzen met with Dr. Ferdinand Porsche, who had done work for him before, and developed his own P-Wagen project racing car based on the new formula.


title: Auto Union

text: German racing driver Hans Stuck Sr. had met Hitler before he became Chancellor, and not being able to gain a seat at Mercedes, accepted the invitation of Rosenberger to join him, von Oertzen, and Porsche in approaching the Chancellor. In a meeting in the Reich Chancellory, Hitler agreed with Porsche that for the glory of Germany, it would be better for two companies to develop the project, resulting in Hitler agreeing to pay £40,000 for the country's best racing car of 1934, as well as an annual stipend of (£20,000) each for Mercedes and Auto Union. (In time, this would climb to £250,000.) This highly annoyed Mercedes, who had already developed their Mercedes-Benz W25; nevertheless, Mercedes was gratified, its racing program having financial difficulties since 1931. It resulted in a heated exchange both on and off the racing track between the two companies until World War II.


title: Auto Union

text: Having garnered state funds, Auto Union bought Porsche's "Hochleistungsfahrzeugbau GmbH (HFB)" (High Performance Car Ltd.) and hence the P-Wagen Project for , relocating the company to Auto Union's Horch plant at Zwickau.


title: Auto Union

text: The Auto Union racing cars types A to D were built as "Grand Prix" racing cars from 1934 to 1939. They resembled the earlier Benz "Tropfenwagen", also built in part by Rumpler engineers, The only "Grand Prix" racers to wear Auto Union's four-ringed logo, they were particularly dominant in 1936. From 1935 to 1937, Auto Union cars car won 25 races, driven by Ernst von Delius, Bernd Rosemeyer, Hans Stuck Sr., and Achille Varzi. Much has been written about the difficult handling characteristics of this car, but its tremendous power and acceleration were undeniable – a driver could induce wheelspin at over .


title: Auto Union

text: The cars used supercharged piston engines; eventually producing almost , designed to provide optimum torque at low engine speeds. Rosemeyer would later drive one around the Nürburgring in a single gear, to prove the engine was flexible enough to do it. Unlike its rivals, it had a rear mid-engine, rear-wheel-drive layout. The fuel tank was located in the centre of the car, directly behind the driver (who would be placed well towards the front), so the car's front-rear weight distribution would remain unchanged as fuel was used – exactly the same location used in modern open-wheel racing cars, and for the same reason. The chassis tubes were initially used as water carriers from the radiator to the engine, but this was eventually abandoned after they often sprung small leaks.


title: Auto Union

text: The list of drivers for the initial 1934 season was headed by Stuck; he won the German, Swiss, and Czechoslovakian events, along with wins in a number of hill climbs, becoming European Mountain Champion.


title: Auto Union

text: In 1935, the engine had been enlarged to displacement, producing . Achille Varzi joined the team and won the Tunis Grand Prix and the Coppa Acerbo. Stuck won the Italian Grand Prix, plus his usual collection of hill-climb wins, again taking the European Mountain Championship. The new sensation, Rosemeyer, won the Czech Grand Prix.


title: Auto Union

text: Stuck also managed to break speed records, reaching on an Italian "autostrada" in a closed-cockpit streamliner. Lessons learned from this streamlining were later applied to the T80 land speed record car.


title: Auto Union

text: For 1936, the engine had grown to a full , and was now producing ; in the hands of Rosemeyer and his teammates, the Auto Union Type C dominated the racing world. Rosemeyer won the Eifelrennen, German, Swiss, and Italian Grands Prix, as well as the "Coppa Acerbo". He was crowned European Champion (Auto Union's only win of the driver's championship), and also took the European Mountain Championship. Varzi won the Tripoli Grand Prix, while Stuck placed second in the Tripoli and German Grands Prix, and Ernst von Delius took second in the "Coppa Acerbo".


title: Auto Union

text: In 1937, the car was basically unchanged and did surprisingly well against the new Mercedes-Benz W125, winning five races to the seven of Mercedes-Benz. Rosemeyer took the Eifel and Donington Grands Prix, the Coppa Acerbo, and the Vanderbilt Cup. Rudolf Hasse won the Belgian Grand Prix.


title: Auto Union

text: In addition to the new formula, 1938 brought other challenges, principally the death of Rosemeyer early in the year, in an attempt on the land speed record on a German "autobahn". Tazio Nuvolari joined the team, and won the Italian and Donington Grands Prix, in what was otherwise a thin year for the team, other than yet another European Mountain Championship for Stuck.


title: Auto Union

text: In 1939, as war clouds gathered over Europe, Nuvolari won the Yugoslavia Grand Prix in Belgrade, while Hermann P. Müller won the 1939 French Grand Prix.


title: Auto Union

text: The buildup and onset of World War II encouraged the development and production of special vehicles for military purposes in the 1930s. Auto Union became an important supplier of vehicles to Germany's armed forces. Following the outbreak of war, civilian production was interrupted in May 1940. After this, the company produced exclusively for military purposes.


title: Auto Union

text: For the production of Junkers aircraft engine under license, Auto Union founded in 1935 the subsidiary "Mitteldeutsche Motorenwerke" (Central German Motor Works) at Taucha, northeast of Leipzig.


title: Auto Union

text: During World War II, Auto Union/Horch supplied the chassis for the Sd.Kfz. 222 armored car. Powered by an Horch V8 engine, it reached a top speed of on the road. The all-wheel drive "Kfz. 11", or Horch/Wanderer Type 901, was used as a medium transport vehicle to shuttle German military officials. Horch works also produced the AWD heavy transport vehicle Type 801 (both named Einheits-PKW der Wehrmacht).


title: Auto Union

text: From the beginning of 1944, Auto Union plants (Horch and Audi plant at Zwickau, Mitteldeutsche Motorenwerke and Siegmar/Wanderer plant at Siegmar-Schönau) were heavily bombed and severely damaged. The U.S. Army occupied Zwickau on 17 April 1945 near the end of WWII. After withdrawal of the U.S. Army on 30 June from Zwickau, all Saxon plants of Auto Union were occupied by the Red Army.


title: Auto Union

text: The company exploited slave labor at Leitmeritz concentration camp. According to a 2014 report commissioned by the company, Auto Union bore "moral responsibility" for the 4,500 deaths that occurred at Leitmeritz.


title: Auto Union

text: Postwar, the Saxon plants of Auto Union were located in the Soviet-occupied zone of communist East Germany.


title: Auto Union

text: In 1945, on the orders of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, the factories were dismantled as war reparations, while the racing cars found stored in a colliery were returned to Moscow for reverse engineering. Following this, Auto Union AG assets were liquidated without compensation. On 17 August 1948, Auto Union AG of Chemnitz was deleted from the commercial register. The remains of Horch and Audi plants of Zwickau became the VEB (for "People Owned Enterprise") Automobilwerk Zwickau, or AWZ; (Automobile Factory Zwickau).


title: Auto Union

text: The former Audi factory in Zwickau, now under East German control, restarted assembly of the pre-war models in 1949. Those models were renamed IFA F8 and IFA F9 and were similar to the new West German DKW versions. In time, a lawsuit compelled the East Germans to cease using the DKW brand. The factory went on to manufacture the Trabant until the early 1990s, when it was acquired by Volkswagen, effectively re-establishing its connection with Auto Union and Audi.


title: Auto Union

text: With the Red Army quickly advancing on Zwickau immediately after the war, and faced with the prospect of trying to salvage what was left of the company, Auto Union's executives had no option but to flee and re-establish the company on the Western side of a now partitioned Germany. Thus a new Auto Union company was launched in Ingolstadt, Bavaria with loans from the Bavarian state government and Marshall Plan aid.


title: Auto Union

text: The reformed company Auto Union GmbH was launched on 3 September 1949. The Ingolstadt facility had been run purely as a spare parts operation since 1945, but eventually the directors found the funding to restart production – initially in a converted granary building in the town. With West Germany still in the early stages of rebuilding its economy after the war, the demand for cheap transport meant that only the DKW brand would survive into the postwar era. The luxury focused Audi and Horch brands were placed into dormancy, whilst Wanderer had been the property of its original parent firm. Auto Union therefore continued DKW's tradition of producing affordable front-wheel drive vehicles with two-stroke engines. This included production of the small but sturdy DKW RT 125 W motorcycle and a delivery van known as DKW Schnellaster. Many employees of the Saxony factories in Zwickau (Audi and Horch factories), Chemnitz (Siegmar plant, former Wanderer) and Zschopau (DKW Motorcycle factory) came to Ingolstadt and restarted the production.


title: Auto Union

text: In 1950, after a former Rheinmetall-Borsig factory in Düsseldorf-Derendorf was established as a second assembly facility, the company's first postwar car went into production: the DKW Meisterklasse F 89 P, available as a sedan/saloon, a station wagon and the four-seater convertible built by Karmann. The F 89 were based on the DKW F8 (motor) and the DKW F9 (coachwork) pre-war constructions.


title: Auto Union

text: From 1956 to 1968, about 46,750 DKW Munga light four-wheel drive military vehicles could be produced, mostly for the German and other militaries.


title: Auto Union

text: In response to pressure from Friedrich Flick, then its largest single shareholder, Daimler-Benz acquired 87% of Auto Union in April 1958, taking complete control in the following year. In 1958 it saw the return of the Auto Union brand, represented by the Auto Union 1000, a small saloon. At the same time the 1000 Sp, a coupé, was produced for Auto Union by the coachbuilder Baur at Stuttgart. Under Daimler-Benz ownership the company invested heavily in the Ingolstadt plant. Car production at Düsseldorf was ended, and the plant became the centre of production for Mercedes-Benz commercial vehicles like the Mercedes-Benz L 319 – a role which it continues to the present day. The DKW and Mercedes brands were able to establish a greater presence in the North American market by an agreement with the Studebaker-Packard Corporation in 1956 which through 1964 was the only distributor in the United States. Because of SPC's large network of dealers, the Auto Union and Mercedes-Benz brands were able to expand much faster in the US markets. Many dealers today can trace their origin back to being Studebaker-Packard dealerships.


title: Auto Union

text: However, as prosperity began to return to West Germany, and as West German products gained valuable currency through export to the rest of Europe and North America, Daimler became increasingly worried that Auto Union's only market for its two-stroke products, without massive investment, would be impoverished East Germany. Two-stroke engines became less popular towards the middle of the 1960s as customers were more attracted to the more refined four-stroke engines. They began selling shares, which with the agreed help of the West German Government, were acquired by Volkswagenwerk AG.


title: Auto Union

text: In 1964, Volkswagen acquired the factory in Ingolstadt and the trademark rights of Auto Union, with the exception of the dormant Horch brand which Daimler-Benz retained. A programme that Daimler had initiated at Auto Union created a range of cars that would subsequently provide the basis for Volkswagen's line of front-wheel-drive models, such as the Audi 80 and Volkswagen Passat. At the time a new model, internally designated F103, was under development. This was based on the last DKW model, the DKW F102, with a four-stroke engine implanted and some front and rear styling changes. Volkswagen abandoned the DKW brand because of association with two-stroke engines, effectively leaving Volkswagen with the Audi brand. The new model was launched in September 1965 as simply the "Audi." The name was a model designation rather than the manufacturer, which was still officially Auto Union. As more models were later added to the Audi range, this model was renamed Audi 72.


title: Auto Union

text: In 1969, Auto Union merged with NSU Motorenwerke AG, based in Neckarsulm, near Stuttgart. In the 1950s, NSU had been the world's largest manufacturer of motorcycles, but had moved on to produce small cars like the NSU Prinz, the TT and TTS versions of which are still popular as vintage race cars. NSU then focused on new rotary engines based on the ideas of Felix Wankel. In 1967, the new NSU Ro 80 was a space-age car, well ahead of its time in technical details such as aerodynamics, light weight, and safety but teething problems with the rotary engines put an end to the independence of NSU. The mid-sized car NSU had been working on, the K70, was intended to slot between the rear-engined Prinz models and the futuristic NSU Ro 80. However, Volkswagen took the K70 for its own range, spelling the end of NSU as a separate brand.


title: Auto Union

text: After being merged with Neckarsulm car maker NSU, the official name became Audi NSU Auto Union AG, which was simply shortened to Audi AG in 1985, ending both the Auto Union and NSU brands. The company's headquarters returned to Ingolstadt; at the same time Audi formed the new companies Auto Union GmbH, and NSU GmbH as wholly owned subsidiaries whose function was to own and protect the historical trademarks and intellectual property of both Auto Union and NSU.


title: Auto Union

text: In May 2009, Porsche gained majority control of Volkswagen Group and proposed a merger of the two companies. In August 2009, Volkswagen AG's supervisory board signed the agreement to create an integrated Auto group with Porsche led by Volkswagen. Volkswagen will initially take a 42% stake in Porsche AG by the end of 2009, and see the family shareholders selling the automotive trading business of Porsche Holding Salsburg to Volkswagen. Rumors began to appear in the press the name Auto Union would be revived for the new group holding company.


title: Auto Union

text: The trademark symbol of Auto Union (and present-day Audi), the four overlapping rings, symbolized the four marques forming Auto Union: Audi, DKW, Horch, and Wanderer.


title: Auto Union

text: Although Auto Union used the four ring logo, it was only used on Auto Union racing cars in that period, while the member companies used their own names and emblems.


title: Santoku

text: The Santoku bōchō (Japanese: 三徳包丁; "three virtues" or "three uses") or Bunka bōchō (文化包丁) is a general-purpose kitchen knife originating in Japan. Its blade is typically between 13 and 20 cm (5 and 8 in) long, and has a flat edge and a sheepsfoot blade that curves down an angle approaching 60 degrees at the point. The term may refer to the wide variety of ingredients that the knife can handle: meat, fish and vegetables, or to the tasks it can perform: slicing, chopping and dicing, either interpretation indicating a multi-use, general-purpose kitchen knife. The Santoku's blade and handle are designed to work in harmony by matching the blade's width and weight to the weight of the tang and the handle.


title: Santoku

text: The Santoku knife design originated in Japan, where traditionally a Gyuto knife is used to cut meat, a Nakiri knife is used to cut vegetables and a Deba knife is used to cut fish. The Santoku knife was created in the 1940s.


title: Santoku

text: As a general kitchen knife, a Santoku knife in Japanese is "Three Virtues" knife. It is used in the kitchen for cutting, slicing, and chopping.


title: Santoku

text: Santoku blade geometry incorporates the sheep's foot tip. A sheep's foot design essentially draws the spine ("backstrap") down to the front, with very little clearance above the horizontal cutting plane when the blade is resting naturally from heel to forward cutting edge. Providing a more linear cutting edge, the Santoku has limited "rocking" travel (in comparison to a German/Western-style chef's knife). The Santoku may be used in a rocking motion; however, very little cutting edge makes contact with the surface due to the extreme radius of the tip and very little "tip travel" occurs due to the short cantilever span from contact landing to tip. An example of this limitation can be demonstrated in dicing an onion—a Western knife generally slices downward and then rocks the tip forward to complete a cut; the Santoku relies more on a single downward cut and even landing from heel to tip, thus using less of a rocking motion than Western style cutlery.


title: Santoku

text: The Santoku design is shorter, lighter, thinner, and more hardened steel in the tradition of Samurai sword steel (to compensate for thinness) than a traditional Western chef's knife. Standard Santoku blade length is between , in comparison to the typical home cook's knife. Most classic kitchen knives maintain a blade angle between 40 and 45 degrees (a bilateral 20 to 22.5 degree shoulder, from cutting edge); Japanese knives typically incorporate a chisel-tip (sharpened on one side), and maintain a more extreme angle (10 to 15 degree shoulder). A classic Santoku will incorporate the Western-style, bilateral cutting edge, but maintain a more extreme 12 to 15 degree shoulder, akin to Japanese cutlery. It is critical to increase the hardness of Santoku steel so edge retention is maintained and "rolling" of the thin cutting edge is mitigated. However, harder, thinner steel is more likely to chip, when pushing against a bone for example. German knives use slightly "softer" steel, but have more material behind their cutting edge. For the average user, a German-style knife is easier to sharpen, but a Santoku knife, if used as designed, will hold its edge longer. With few exceptions, Santoku knives typically have no bolster, sometimes incorporate "scalloped" sides, also known as a Granton edge, and maintain a more uniform thickness from spine to blade.


title: Santoku

text: Some of the knives employ San Mai (or "three layered") laminated steels, including the pattern known as "suminagashi" (墨流し literally, "flowing-ink"). The term refers to the similarity of the pattern formed by the blade's damascened and multi-layer steel alloys to the traditional Japanese art of "suminagashi" marbled paper. Forged laminated stainless steel cladding is employed on better Japanese Santoku knives to improve strength and rust resistance while maintaining a hard edge. Knives possessing these laminated blades are generally more expensive and of higher quality.


title: Santoku

text: There are many copies of Santoku-pattern knives made outside Japan that have substantially different edge designs, different balance, and different steels from the original Japanese Santoku. One trend in Santoku copies made of a single alloy is to include scallops or recesses, hollowed out of the side of the blade, similar to those found in meat-carving knives. These scallops create small air pockets between the blade and the material being sliced in an attempt to improve separation and reduce cutting friction.


title: Sombrero

text: A sombrero (Spanish , ) is a type of wide-brimmed Mexican men's hat used to shield the face and eyes from the sun. It usually has a high pointed crown, an extra-wide brim (broad enough to cast a shadow over the head, neck and shoulders of the wearer) that is slightly upturned at the edge, and a chin strap to hold it in place.


title: Sombrero

text: In Mexico, this hat type is known as a ("charro hat", referring to the traditional Mexican horsemen).