title: Japanese nationalism

text: Constituted over a long time by house manuals on war and warriors, it gained some official backing with the establishment of the Bakufu, which sought an ideological orthodoxy in the Neo-Confucianism of Zhu Xi tailored for military echelons that formed the basis of the new shogunal government. An important early role was played by Yamaga Sokō in theorizing a Japanese military ethos. After the abolition of the feudal system, the new military institutions of Japan were shaped along European lines, with Western instructors, and the codes themselves modeled on standard models adapted from abroad. The impeccable behavior, in terms of international criteria, displayed by the Japanese military in the Russo-Japanese War was proof that Japan finally had a modern army whose techniques, drilling, and etiquette of the war differed little from that of what prevailed among the Western imperial powers.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The "Imperial Rescript for Seamen and Soldiers" (1890), presented Japan as a "sacred nation protected by the gods". An undercurrent of traditional warrior values never wholly disappeared, and as Japan slid towards a cycle of repeated crises from the mid-Taishō to early Shōwa eras, the old samurai ideals began to assume importance among more politicized officers in the Imperial Japanese Army. Sadao Araki played an important role in adopting a doctrine of "seishin kyōiku" (spiritual training) as an ideological backbone for army personnel. As Minister of Education, he supported the integration of the samurai code into the national education system.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: In developing the modern concepts of and emperor worship, various Japanese philosophers tried to revive or purify national beliefs ("kokugaku") by removing imported foreign ideas, borrowed primarily from Chinese philosophy. This "Restoration Shintōist Movement" began with Motoori Norinaga in the 18th century. Motoori Norinaga, and later Hirata Atsutane, based their research on the "Kojiki" and other classic Shintō texts which teach the superiority of the Sun Goddess "Amaterasu". This formed the basis for State Shintōism, as the Japanese emperor claimed direct descent from "Amaterasu". The emperor himself was therefore sacred, and all proclamations of the emperor had thus a religious significance.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: After the Meiji Restoration, the new imperial government needed to rapidly modernize the polity and economy of Japan, and the Meiji oligarchy felt that those goals could only be accomplished through a strong sense of national unity and cultural identity, with State Shintōism as an essential counterweight to the imported Buddhism of the past, the Christianity and other Western philosophies of the present.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: In 1890, the Imperial Rescript on Education was issued, and students were required to ritually recite its oath to "offer yourselves courageously to the State" as well as protect the Imperial family. The practice of emperor worship was further spread by distributing imperial portraits for esoteric veneration. All of these practices used to fortify national solidarity through patriotic centralized observance at shrines are said to have given pre-war Japanese nationalism a tint of mysticism and cultural introversion.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The philosophy became popular during the Second Sino-Japanese War. This came to be regarded by militarists as a doctrine that the emperor was the center of the phenomenal world, lending religious impetus to ideas of Japanese territorial expansion.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The principal educational emphasis from the Meiji period was on the great importance of traditional national political values, religion, and morality. The Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890 promoted a return to traditional Confucian values in the hierarchal nature of human relations, with the State superior to the Individual, and the Emperor superior to the State. The Japanese state modernized organizationally but preserved its national idiosyncrasies. The attitude reinforced from 1905 was that Japan was to be a powerful nation, equal at least to the Western powers. During the Shōwa period, the educational system was used for supporting the militarized state and preparing future soldiers.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The government published official textbooks for all levels of students and reinforced that with cultural activities, seminars, etc. Emphasis on the texts such as the "Kokutai-no-shugi" in schools was intended to emphasize the "uniqueness of Japan" from ancient centuries. These cultural courses were supplemented with military and survival courses against foreign invasion.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Apart from indoctrination in nationalism and religion, children and school students received military drills (survival, first aid). These were taken further by the Imperial Youth Federation; college students were trained, and some recruited, for home defense and regular military units. Young women received first aid training. All of these actions were said to be taken to ensure Japan's safety and protect against larger and more dangerous countries.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: In 1882, the Japanese Government organized the Teiseito (Imperial Gubernative Party), one of the first nationalist parties in the country. Starting from the Russo-Japanese War, Japan adopted the moniker "Empire of Japan" ("Dai Nippon Teikoku"), acquiring a colonial empire, with the acquisition of the Ryukyus (1879), Formosa (1895), the Liaodong Peninsula and Karafuto (1905), the South Seas Mandate islands (1918–19) and Joseon (Korea) (1905–10).


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The wars against China and Russia were modern and demanded a nationalist expression of patriotic sentiment. From this period, the Yasukuni Shrine (founded in 1869) was converted into a focus for nationalist sentiment and received state patronage until the end of World War II. Yasukuni was dedicated to those Japanese and non-Japanese who had lost their lives serving Japan, and includes all war deaths from domestic and overseas conflicts from 1869–1945 (and none from any conflicts since 1945), but also civilians (women and students) and civil administration in colonies and occupied territories.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Between 1926 and 1928, the central government organized the "Peace Preservation Department" (an anti-subversive police section) and prosecuted all local Soviet-sponsored communists who proposed a socialist form of government. The Japanese Army organized the "Kempeitai" (military police service). Dissent was controlled by the usage of political and press repression, with the Peace Preservation Law permitting police to restrict freedom of expression and freedom to assemble.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: From 1925 to 1935, the (日本新聞) promoted nationalist ideology and sought to influence the Japanese political landscape. In spite of a relatively small overall circulation, it had wide readership among right-wing politicians and advocated the concept of the divine right of the emperor by vigorously attacking Tatsukichi Minobe's “emperor organ theory”.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Since the Meiji restoration, the central figure of the state was the Emperor. According to the constitution, the emperor was Head of State (article 4) and Supreme Commander of the Army and the Navy (article 11). Emperor Shōwa was also, from 1937, the commander of the Imperial General Headquarters. Japanese citizens were rallied to the "Defensive State" or "Consensus State", in which all efforts of the nation supported collective objectives, by guidance from national myths, history, and dogma — thus obtaining a "national consensus". Democratic institutions were installed in 1890 with the promulgation of a constitution and continued to acquire legitimacy until the 1920s when they fell into disrepute.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Concerns that irresponsible political parties could have too great an influence over vital military affairs introduced a rule that the Army alone should nominate the Army Minister in civilian government. This permitted the army to have a "de facto" veto over civilian governments by having the power to refuse to nominate a candidate. This policy was introduced in law in 1900 but abolished in 1913. It was reintroduced in 1936, cementing military influence over the government after that time.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The political system of Japan became subverted by the military throughout the 1930s from repeated attempted coups, and independent militarist interventions. The invasion of Manchuria after elements in the army manufactured an incident to justify a takeover was accomplished without instruction from the Tokyo government. This showed the impotence of the civilian government to have any influence over the impulses of the army. Governments become increasingly passive, allowing agency and direction of the state to fall to disparate competing elements of the army. The role of the emperor remained highly prestigious, with various factions competing to advocate their interpretation of what the emperor "truly" wanted.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: After the war, scrutiny of the emperor's role in the war and militarism intensified. For many historians such as Akira Fujiwara, Akira Yamada, Peter Wetzler, Herbert Bix and John Dower, the work done by Douglas MacArthur and SCAP during the first months of the occupation of Japan to exonerate Hirohito and all the imperial family from criminal prosecutions in the Tokyo tribunal was the predominant factor in the campaign to diminish in retrospect the role played by the emperor during the war. They argue that the post-war view focused on the imperial conferences and missed the numerous "behind the chrysanthemum curtain" meetings where the real decisions were made between Emperor Shōwa, his chiefs of staff, and the cabinet. For Fujiwara, "the thesis that the Emperor, as an organ of responsibility, could not reverse cabinet decision, is a myth fabricated after the war."


title: Japanese nationalism

text: During the 1920s, right-wing nationalist beliefs became an increasingly dominant force. State support for Shinto encouraged a belief in the mythological history of Japan and thus led to mysticism and cultural chauvinism. Some secret societies took up ultranationalism and Japan-centered radical ideas. They included: "Genyōsha" (Black Ocean Society, 1881), "Kokuryu-kai" (Amur River Society, or Black Dragon Society, 1901), movements dedicated to overseas Japanese expansion to the north; "Nihon Kokusai Kai" (Japanese Patriotic Society, 1919), founded by Tokoname Takejiro; "Sekka Boshidan" (Anti-Red League) founded at the same time as the Japanese Communist Party; and the "Kokuhonsha" (State Basis Society) founded in 1924 by Baron Hiranuma Kiichirō, for the preservation of the unique national character of Japan and its special mission in Asia.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Some of the nationalist ideas can be attributed to the ideologue Ikki Kita (1885–1937), an Amur River Society member. In his 1919 book "An Outline Plan for the Reorganization of Japan", Kita proposed a military "coup d'état" to promote the supposed true aims of the Meiji Restoration. This book was banned, but certain military circles read in it in the early 1930s. Kita's plan was phrased in terms of freeing the Emperor from weak or treasonous counselors. After suspending the constitution, and dissolving the Diet, the Emperor and his military defenders should work for a "collectivist direct voluntarism" to unify people and leaders. Harmony with the working classes would be sought by the abolition of the aristocracy and austerity for the Imperial House. Overseas, Japan would free Asia of Western influence. The Amur River Society was later instrumental in the Manchurian incident.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The Japanese Navy was in general terms more traditionalist, in defending ancient values and the sacred nature of the Emperor; the Japanese Army was more forward-looking, in the sense of valuing primarily strong leadership, as is evidenced by the use of the "coup" and direct action. The Navy typically preferred political methods. The Army, ultimately, was the vehicle for the hyper-nationalists, anti-communists, anticapitalists, antiparliamentarians, and Nationalist-Militarist ideals.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The military was considered politically "clean" in terms of political corruption, additionally assuming responsibility for 'restoring' the security of the nation. The armed forces took up criticism of the traditional democratic parties and regular government for many reasons (low funds for the armed forces, compromised national security, weakness of the leaders). They were also, by their composition, closely aware of the effects of economic depression on the middle and lower classes, and the communist threat.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Other nationalist rightist groups in the 1920s were the "Jinmu Kai" (Emperor Jimmu Society), "Tenketo Kai" (Heaven Spade Party), "Ketsumeidan" (Blood Fraternity) and "Sakura Kai" (Cherry Blossom Society). This last was founded by Dr. Shūmei Ōkawa, professor of the Colonization Academy, and radical defender of expansionism and military armed revolution at home. Amongst members were Army officers implicated in the Manchuria Affair, such as Kingoro Hashimoto, and Ishikawa Kanishi. Okawa served as a conduit by which Kita Ikki's ideas reached young nationalist officers on the right.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Violent "coups" took place, and the Kwantung Army made, in effect unilaterally, the decision to invade Manchuria. This was then treated as a "fait accompli" by Government and Emperor.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The Amau Doctrine (the "Asian Monroe Doctrine") stated that Japan assumed the total responsibility for peace in Asia. Minister Kōki Hirota proclaimed "a special zone, anti-communist, pro-Japanese and pro-Manchukuo" and that Northern China was a "fundamental part" of Japanese national existence, in announcing a "holy war" against the Soviet Union and China as the "national mission".


title: Japanese nationalism

text: During 1940 Prince Konoe proclaimed the "Shintaisei" (New National Structure), making Japan into an "advanced state of National Defense", and the creation of the "Taisei Yokusankai" (Imperial Authority Assistance Association), for organizing a centralized "consensus state". Associated are the government creation of the "Tonarigumi" (residents' committees). Other ideological creations of the time were the book "Shinmin no Michi" (臣民の道), the "Imperial Way" or "War Party" ("Kodoha") Army party, the "Yamato spirit" ("Yamato-damashii"), and the idea of "hakko ichiu" (which directly translates to "8 corners under one roof", that means, "one house in which every people can live" or "everyone is family"), "Religion and Government Unity" ("Saisei itchi"), and "Kokka Sodoin Ho" (General Mobilization Right).


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The official academic texts included "Kokutai no Hongi" and "Shinmin no Michi". Both presented a view of Japan's history and the Japanese ideal to unite East and West.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The economic doctrines of the "Yen block" were in 1941 transformed to the "Great Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" Plan, as a basis for the Japanese national finances, and conquest plans. There was a history of perhaps two decades behind these moves.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The Japanese theorists, such as Saneshige Komaki, concerned with Mainland Asia, knew the geostrategic theory of Halford Mackinder, expressed in the book "Democratic Ideas and Reality". He discussed why the 'World Island' of Eurasia and Africa was dominant, and why the key to this was the 'Central Land' in Central Asia. This is protected from sea attack, by deserts and mountains, and is vulnerable only on its west side, and to advanced technology from Europe.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Mackinder declared that: "Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland; Who rules the heartland commands the World-Island; Who rules the World-Island commands the World". These central Asiatic lands included: all of the Soviet Union, except the Pacific coast, west of the Volga River; all Mongolia, Sinkiang, Tibet and Iran. This zone is vast and possesses natural resources and raw materials, does not possess major farming possibilities, and has a very little population. Mackinder thought in terms of land and sea power: the latter can outflank the former, and carry out distant logistical operations, but needs adequate bases.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: These geopolitical ideas coincided with the theories of Lieutenant Colonel Kanji Ishiwara, sent in 1928 to Manchuria to spy. The Army adopted them, in the form of the Strike North Group. The Navy, on the other hand, was interested in the southerly direction of expansion. An extended debate ensued, resolved in the end by the stern experience of Japan's armed conflicts with the Soviet Union in 1938-39. This tipped the balance towards the 'South' plan and the Pearl Harbor attack that precipitated the Pacific War in 1941.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The Showa Studies Society was another "think tank" for future leaders of a radical totalitarian Japan, led by Count Yoriyasu Arima. He was a supporter of radical political experiments. With Fumimaro Konoe and Fusanosuke Kuhara, they created a revolutionary radical-right policy.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: These revolutionary groups later had the help of several important personages, making reality to some certain ideas of the nationalist-militarist policy with practical work in Manchukuo. They included General Hideki Tōjō, chief of Kempeitai and leader of Kwantung Army; Yosuke Matsuoka, who served as president of the (South Manchuria Railway Company) and Foreign Affairs Minister; and Naoki Hoshino, an army ideologist who organized the government and political structure of Manchukuo. Tojo later became War Minister and Prime Minister in the Konoe cabinet, Matsuoka Foreign Minister, and Hoshino chief of Project departments charged with establishing a new economic structure for Japan. Some industrialists representative of this ideological strand were Ichizō Kobayashi, President of Tokio Gasu Denki, setting the structure for the Industry and Commerce ministry, and Shōzō Murata, representing the Sumitomo Group becoming Communication Minister.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Other groups created were the Government Imperial Aid Association. Involved in both was Colonel Kingoro Hashimoto, who proposed a Nationalist single party dictatorship, combined with a state-run economy. The militarists had strong support from the wealthy owners of major industries.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The "New Asia Day" celebration was to remember the sacred mission of extending influence to nearby Asian nations.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The Japanese government, possibly following the German example of a "Worker's Front" State Syndicate, ultimately organized the Nation Service Society to group all the trades unions in the country. All syndicates of the "Japanese Workers Federation" were integrated into this controlling body.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The press and other communication media were managed under the Information Department of the Home Ministry. Radio Tokyo was charged with disseminating all official information around the world. The radio was transmitted in English, Dutch, three Chinese dialects, Malay, Thai, as well Japanese to Southeast Asia; and the Islamic world had programs broadcast in Hindi, Burmese, Arabic, English, and French. In Hawaii, there were radio programs in English and Japanese. Other daily transmissions were to Europe, South and Central America, eastern areas of South America, and the USA, with Australia and New Zealand receiving broadcasts too.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The official press agency Domei Tsushin was connected with the Axis powers' press agencies such as DNB, Transoceanic, the Italian agency Stefani and others. Local and Manchukoan newspapers such as "Manchurian Daily News" (Japanese-owned) were under the control of these institutions and only published officially approved notices and information.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The "shiragiku" (lit. "white chrysanthemum") or more common chrysanthemum flower was much used as an imperial symbol. It alludes to the Chrysanthemum Throne, the traditional seat of Japanese emperors.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The traditional cheer was given to the Emperor and other dignitaries, or on special commemorations, was "Tenno Heika Banzai" (天皇陛下万歳 or 萬歲, 'long live the Emperor') or the shortened form, " Banzai".


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The latter term, which means "ten thousand years," is an expression of Chinese origin (万歳) adopted by the Japanese in the Meiji period. In its original sense, it is meant to represent an indeterminably lengthy time and is used to wish long life to a person, state, or project. As co-opted by the Japanese, it originally was simply used in this sense to wish long life to the Emperor (and by extension the Japanese state). As the war progressed, it became the typical Japanese war cry or victory shout and was used to encourage Imperial troops in combat.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: In February 1946, General Douglas MacArthur was set the task of drafting a model constitution to serve as a guide for the Japanese people. The U.S. intention was to ensure that the sources of Japanese militarism were rooted out through fundamental reforms of the Japanese government, society, and economic structure. Perhaps the most lasting effect that came out of this constitution is Article 9 that reads:


title: Japanese nationalism

text: With the renunciation of war and military power, Japan looked to the United States for security. As the Cold War began, the United States fostered a closer relationship with Japan due to the latter's strategic location in respect to the USSR. Japan became, as stated by the Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, an "unsinkable aircraft carrier" for the United States. Ensuing from this close relationship with the United States, Japan hoped that in time their country would become the "third leg in a triangle involving two superpowers." While the mainstream Japanese politics maintained a pro-American attitude because Japan's global business and US military presence for security, scholars noted that the nationalist "other" during post-war Japan was the United States. The nationalist "other" after the war was the United States as both the left pacifist nationalists resisted the United States military presence, and the conservative nationalists opposed the imposed military limitation by the United States. China has substituted the United states as the nationalist "other" in contemporary Japanese politics . In academia, some scholars argue that postwar Japanese intellects and politicians constructed the mono-ethnic identity through public discourses and education. Japanese elites' tendency towards homogeneity and ethnic nationalism is from their desire to differentiate postwar Japanese identity from pre-war imperialist identity and multi-ethnic identity that include formerly colonized ethnic groups.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Since the 1960s, economic growth in the Japanese miracle periods started to mitigate public distrust towards the central government. Japanese economic progress after World War II undermined the appeal of pre-war militarist nationalism, showing a path to prosperity was possible without colonies. The 1970s witnessed Japan's adoption of three fundamental tenets that would seek to define and direct Japanese internationalism, all concerning the need for Japanese initiatives in fostering a liberal internationalism. Some criticism points out that politicians in the 1970s selectively remembered the past, preferring narratives of Japan as atomic weapon victim to consciously and unconsciously alienate Japan from its undesired aggressive past. Some scholars note the apolitical nature of the 1964 Tokyo Olympics and the 1970 Osaka World Exposition, which allow politicians to forge Japan as peaceful and internationalist for a unified national identity.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: The rather implicit elite advocacy of conservative nationalism has become more salient since the 1990s, where regional competitions from Asian tigers, and later China, created economic anxieties which reflected in political divisions. Many scholars have pointed out that the liberal internationalism has started to turn into conservative revisionist nationalism since the 1990s. The clashes of nationalism and the contemporary rise of ultra-nationalism, accompanied by military expansions and historical revisionism, are the hot topics of current academic discussions on post-war Japanese nationalism. The illiberal turn of nationalism started with new right-wing movements that created history textbooks from revisionist perspectives, which denies Japanese imperialist atrocities, including 'comfort women' issues and Nanjing Massacre. Their emergences can be seen as a direct discontent towards pacifists' low posture to former colonized countries but also motivated by economic anxiety in globalization. Although right-wing movements surfaced in the 1990s, the Japanese public still remain largely pacific.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Since the 2000s, xenophobic online posts and nationalist claims against foreigners, mostly Chinese and Koreans, have risen due to anxieties over economic growth, regional competition, and globalization. Prime ministers Junichiro Koizumi and Shinzo Abe's visits to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine has created huge controversies and received international backlashes. Japanese top political leaders have started to adopt more explicit conservatism nationalist stances and expansionist military ambitions. Abe tended to use ambiguous terms to describe his national agenda on controversial issues such as history education and intentionally avoided backlash from the public to equate him as an imperial leader. In order to justify military expansions, Abe framed his security agenda as proactive pacifism, enabling Japan to exercise collective self-defense. Japan's remilitarization is mostly due to security concerns of North Korea's nuclear weapon program and China's rise in the East, as well as aligning with the US's aim to create alliances to contain China's global rise and deter North Korea's nuclear threat. Both the Obama administration and the Trump administration encouraged Japan's rearmament. Trump openly called for rapid Japanese rearmament, more due to discontent that the US support Japan while Japan does not have to do anything in return, less on prudence. Some scholars argue that the resurgence of ultra-nationalist tendency as solely an elite-driven process as the public remains pacifist, and overall public support is not required for politicians to achieve a nationalist agenda because of the low voter turnout.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: In 1996, the National Police Agency estimated that there were over 1,000 extremist right-wing groups in Japan, with about 100,000 members in total. These groups are known in Japanese as "Uyoku dantai". While there are political differences among the groups, they generally carry a philosophy of anti-leftism, hostility towards People's Republic of China, North Korea, South Korea and occasionally the United States of America, and justification of Japan's role in World War II. "Uyoku dantai" groups are well known for their highly visible propaganda vehicles fitted with loudspeakers and prominently marked with the name of the group and propaganda slogans. The vehicles play patriotic or wartime-era songs.


title: Japanese nationalism

text: Activists affiliated with such groups have used Molotov cocktails and time bombs to intimidate moderate politicians and public figures, including former Deputy Foreign Minister Hitoshi Tanaka and Fuji Xerox Chairman Yotaro Kobayashi. An ex-member of a right-wing group set fire to LDP politician Koichi Kato's house. Koichi Kato and Yotaro Kobayashi had spoken out against Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The Ford Sierra RS Cosworth is a high-performance version of the Ford Sierra that was built by Ford Europe from 1986 to 1992. It was the result of a Ford Motorsport project with the purpose of producing an outright winner for Group A racing in Europe.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The project was defined by Stuart Turner in the spring of 1983. He had recently been appointed head of Ford Motorsport in Europe, and he realised right away that Ford was no longer competitive in this area.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Turner got in touch with Walter Hayes, at the time the vice-president of public relations at Ford, to get support for the project. Hayes had earlier been the driving force behind the development of the Ford GT40 that won Le Mans in 1966, and the Cosworth DFV engine that brought Ford 154 victories and 12 world championships in Formula One during the 1960s and 1970s. Hayes found the project very appealing and promised his full support.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Turner then invited Ken Kohrs, vice-president of development, to visit Ford's longtime partner, the automotive engineering company Cosworth, where they were presented a project developed on Cosworth's own initiative, the YAA engine. This was a twin cam, 16-valve engine based on Ford's own T88 engine block, better known as the Pinto. This prototype proved an almost ideal basis for the engine Turner needed to power his Group A winner.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Therefore, an official request for a turbocharged version (designated Cosworth YBB) capable of 180 HP on the street and 300 HP in race trim, was placed. Cosworth answered positively, but they put up two conditions: the engine would produce not less than 150 kW (204 HP) in the street version, and Ford had to accept no fewer than 15,000 engines. Turner's project would only need about 5,000 engines, but Ford nevertheless accepted the conditions. The extra 10,000 engines would later become one of the reasons Ford also chose to develop a four-door, second generation, Sierra RS Cosworth.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: To find a suitable gearbox proved more challenging. The Borg-Warner T5, also used in the Ford Mustang, was chosen, but the higher revving nature of the Sierra caused some problems. Eventually Borg-Warner had to set up a dedicated production line for the gearboxes to be used in the Sierra RS Cosworth.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Many of the suspension differences between the standard Sierra and the Cosworth attributed their development to what was learned from racing the turbocharged Jack Roush IMSA Merkur XR4Ti in America and Andy Rouse's successful campaign of the 1985 British Saloon Car Championship. Much of Ford's external documentation for customer race preparation indicated "developed for the XR4Ti" when describing parts that were Sierra Cosworth specific. Roush's suspension and aerodynamics engineering for the IMSA cars was excellent feedback for Ford. Some production parts from the XR4Ti made their way into the Cosworth such as the speedometer with integral boost gauge and the motorsport 909 chassis stiffening plates.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: In April 1983, Turner's team decided on the Sierra as a basis for their project. The Sierra filled the requirements for rear wheel drive and decent aerodynamic drag. A racing version could also help to improve the poor, and somewhat undeserved, reputation that the Sierra had earned since its introduction in 1982.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Lothar Pinske, responsible for the car's bodywork, demanded carte blanche when it came to appearance in order to make the car stable at high speed. Experience had shown that the Sierra hatchback body generated significant aerodynamic lift even at relatively moderate speed.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: After extensive wind tunnel testing and test runs at the Nardò circuit in Italy, a prototype was presented to the project management. This was based on an XR4i body with provisional body modifications in fibreglass and aluminium. The car's appearance raised little enthusiasm. The large rear wing caused particular reluctance. Pinske insisted, however, that the modifications were necessary to make the project successful. The rear wing was essential to retain ground contact at 300 km/h, the opening between the headlights was needed to feed air to the intercooler and the wheel arch extensions had to be there to house wheels 10” wide on the racing version. Eventually, the Ford designers agreed to try to make a production version based on the prototype.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: In 1984, Walter Hayes paid visits to many European Ford dealers in order to survey the sales potential for the Sierra RS Cosworth. A requirement for participation in Group A was that 5,000 cars were built and sold. The feedback was not encouraging. The dealers estimated they could sell 1,500 cars.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Hayes did not give up, however, and continued his passionate internal marketing of the project. As prototypes started to emerge, dealers were invited to test-drive sessions, and this increased the enthusiasm for the new car. In addition, Ford took some radical measures to reduce the price on the car. As an example, the car was only offered in three exterior colours (black, white and moonstone blue) and one interior colour (grey). There were also just two equipment options: with or without central locking and electric window lifts. European models differed from UK models in their specification with a basic radio cassette and no amplifier being fitted rather than the Ford Sound 2000 head unit and amplifier.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The Ford Sierra RS Cosworth was first presented to the public at the Geneva Motor Show in March 1985, with plans to release it for sale in September and closing production of the 5,000 cars in the summer of 1986.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: In practice, it was launched in July 1986, and 5545 were manufactured in total, of which 500 were sent to Tickford for conversion to the Sierra three-door RS500 Cosworth. The vehicles were manufactured at Ford's Genk factory in Belgium in both Left and Right hand drive, with the Pre Production Prove out Process cars produced in February 1986 and the main production of the vehicle commencing summer 1986, the final cars off the production line were in December 1986. 3 colours were produced, Black, White and Moonstone Blue, with White and Moonstone Blue both seeing around 2/5th of the total number of Right Hand Drive models produced with Black cars around 1/5th. The following number of vehicles were registered in the UK:


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Mike Moreton was head of the team that planned to develop an evolution edition aimed at making the car unbeatable on the race tracks. In March 1987, Aston Martin Tickford was signed for the job of converting the 500 cars.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The main difference to the Sierra three-door Cosworth was Cosworth's uprated competition engine. Its new features were:


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Exactly 500 RS500s were produced using the 500 Sierra RS Cosworth vehicles that were produced at Genk in December 1986, all of them RHD for sale in the UK only - the biggest market for this kind of Ford car. It was originally intended that all 500 would be black, however 56 white and 52 moonstone blue cars were also produced.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Some European tuners, missing a LHD RS500 version, have set up some elaborate versions of the Sierra RS Cosworth for private customers, replicating some of the RS500's specs. A tuning business with experience of this model is Wolf Racing, which was racing with the Sierra from 1986 to 1989 in the German touring car championship Deutsche Tourenwagen Masters.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: In August 1987, the Sierra RS500 Cosworth was homologated with a larger turbo, new rear deck spoiler and an extra 100 horsepower. Fords took pole position in all the remaining six 1987 World Touring Car Championship events, and was first over the finish line in four of them. The works Eggenberger Motorsport team won the entrants' World Championship, although disqualification of the team's cars from the 1987 Bathurst 1000 in Australia for wheel arch panel irregularities deprived Klaus Ludwig and Klaus Niedzwiedz of the drivers' title. Eggenberger won the 1989 Spa 24 Hours. Robb Gravett won the 1990 British Touring Car Championship in a RS500.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Essentially the Evolution RS500 was the creation of Eggenberger who insisted the editions he proposed for the Evolution would make the Sierra a winner and dominate touring car racing around the world.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The RS500 was successful in the 1988 DTM with Klaus Ludwig in the Ford Team Grab winning the drivers championship and Wolf Racing winning the Team Championship, Both Grab and Wolf were Ford Works Teams and beat Mercedes-AMG Boss along with BMW M Sport for the honours.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The RS500 was successful in Australian touring car racing with Dick Johnson Racing dominating the 1988 and 1989 Australian Touring Car Championships, with Dick Johnson and John Bowe finishing one-two in both years. Early in 1988, the Johnson team also took the step of homologating a modified Ford nine-inch axle for the Sierra, eliminating the car's drivetrain weakness and allowing the cars to be driven harder with less fear of failure. This was also seen as essential in Australia which used standing starts compared to the rolling starts used in Europe.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The RS500 won the Bathurst 1000 twice; in 1988 with Tony Longhurst and Tomas Mezera and in 1989 with Johnson and Bowe. It also won the 1988 Sandown 500 with Allan Moffat and Gregg Hansford and the 1990 Sandown 500 with Glenn Seton and George Fury. Robbie Francevic won the New Zealand Touring Car Championship in 1989 and 1990 for Mark Petch Motorsport.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The Sierra Cosworth was also pressed into service as a rally car, and saw some success. After the abolition of the Group B formula in the World Rally Championship at the end of 1986, manufacturers had to turn to Group A cars and Ford, like most others, found itself without a fully suitable car. The Cosworth was very powerful but, with only rear-wheel-drive, lost out to the four-wheel-drive Lancias and Mazdas on loose-surface events, while the four-wheel-drive XR4x4 had an excellent chassis but an elderly engine producing only around 200 bhp, at least 100 less than the Lancia. For the 1987 season the team ran both, using the XR4x4 on loose surfaces and the Cosworth on tarmac, but the XR4x4's power disadvantage was too great and from 1988 the team concentrated on the Cosworth alone, and continued to use it until the arrival of the Sierra RS Cosworth 4x4 in 1990.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The rear-drive car never won a loose-surface World Rally Championship event, but in the hands of drivers such as Stig Blomqvist, Carlos Sainz and Ari Vatanen it frequently finished in the top five, except when conditions were particularly slippery. On tarmac it was a much more serious competitor, and a young Didier Auriol won the 1988 Corsica Rally outright, the only time that season that Lancia were beaten in a straight fight. However, as Lancia developed the Delta Integrale further and new cars such as the Toyota Celica GT-Four ST165 appeared, the Cosworth became steadily less competitive.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Thanks to strong support and readily available parts from Ford Motorsport, the Cosworth was a popular car with private teams. Moreover, below world championship level, four-wheel-drive opposition was limited at the time, and the Cosworth was as fast as any of its two-wheel-drive rivals. It lacked the fine handling of the BMW M3, for example, but on the other hand it was much more powerful. It was also very reliable. Consequently, it became a very popular car at the national championship level, and during the late 1980s Sierra drivers won many national series. For example, Jimmy McRae took the British Rally Championship in a Sierra in 1987 and 1988, whilst Carlos Sainz won the Spanish Rally Championship, and Didier Auriol won the French Rally Championship in those same years. The Cosworth was popular with spectators because it was visually dramatic, with its flame-spitting exhaust and tail-sliding, rear-drive handling; and it was popular with amateur drivers because it was competitive, robust and relatively cheap. To this day it is a fairly common sight at lower-level events.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The second generation four-door Sierra Sapphire Cosworth was assembled in Genk, Belgium, with the UK-built Ford-Cosworth YBB engine. Cylinder heads on this car were early spec two wheel drive heads and also the "later" two wheel drive head which had some improvements which made their way to the 4X4 head. Suspension was essentially the same with some minor changes in geometry to suit a less aggressive driving style and favour ride over handling. Spindles, wheel offset and other changes were responsible for this effect. Approximately 13,140 examples were produced during 1988-1989 and were the most numerous and lightest of all Sierra Cosworth models. Specifically the left hand drive models (LHD) which saved weight with a lesser trim level such as roll up rear windows, no air conditioning etc.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: In the UK, the RHD 1988-1989 Sierra Sapphire RS Cosworths are badged with small "Sapphire" badges on the rear door window trims. All 1988-1989 LHD models are badged and registered as Sierra RS Cosworths with no Sapphire nomenclature at all. "Sapphire" being viewed as a Ghia trim level that saw power rear windows, air conditioning and other minor options.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The Sapphire Cosworth, being based on a different shell to the original three-door Cosworth, along with its more discreet rear wing, recorded a drag co-efficient of 0.33, thus allowing it to register slightly better performance figures (top speed of 150 mph and 0-60 of 6.1 seconds) compared to the original Cosworth.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: In January 1990 the third generation Sierra RS Cosworth was launched, this time with four wheel drive. As early as 1987, Mike Moreton and Ford Motorsport had been talking about a four-wheel drive Sierra RS Cosworth that could make Ford competitive in the World Rally Championship. The Ferguson MT75 gearbox that was considered an essential part of the project wasn't available until late 1989 however.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Ford Motorsport's desire for a 3-door "Motorsport Special" equivalent to the original Sierra RS Cosworth was not embraced. The more discreet 4-door version was considered to have a better market potential. It was therefore decided that the new car should be a natural development of the second generation, to be launched in conjunction with the face lift scheduled for the entire Sierra line in 1990.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The waiting time gave Ford Motorsport a good opportunity to conduct extensive testing and demand improvements. One example was the return of the bonnet louvers. According to Ford's own publicity material, 80% of the engine parts were also modified. The improved engine was designated YBG for cars with a catalytic converter and YBJ for cars without. The former had the red valve cover replaced by a green one, to emphasize the environmental friendliness. Four wheel drive and an increasing amount of equipment had raised the weight by 100 kg, and the power was therefore increased to just about compensate for this.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The Sierra RS Cosworth 4x4 received, if possible, an even more flattering response than its predecessors and production continued until the end of 1992, when the Sierra was replaced by the Mondeo. The replacement for the Sierra RS Cosworth was not a Mondeo however, but the Escort RS Cosworth. Based on the Sierra Cosworth platform, the Escort went on sale in May 1992, more than a year after the first pre-production examples were shown to the public, and was homologated for Group A rally in December, just as the Sierra RS Cosworth was retired. It continued in production until 1996.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: The 4x4 Cosworth made a few appearances as a works rally car in 1990, and then tackled a full World Championship programme for 1991 and 1992. It was not a great success and never won a World Championship event, although in the hands of drivers such as Francois Delecour and Massimo Biasion it did take several second and third places. Initially it was unreliable, the gearbox being an especially weak point, and although by 1992 the reliability problems had been solved the Cosworth was never quite as effective in most conditions as some of its rivals. It was a relatively large car, slightly heavy, and less sophisticated than the latter generations of the Lancia Delta and Toyota Celica in terms of transmission systems and electronics. Biasion was reputedly strongly critical of the car on his first events for the team in 1992, but earned its best World Championship finish on that year's Rally of Portugal, where he finished second. He also brought its World Championship career to a close with fifth place on that Lombard RAC Rally. By then technical development of the Sierra had ceased, and most of the team's effort was directed towards the upcoming Escort Cosworth, which promised to be a much more competitive prospect.


title: Ford Sierra RS Cosworth

text: Like the rear-drive car, the Cosworth 4x4 was popular at lower levels of rallying and a consistent winner at national championship level, and it remains a popular car among amateur rally drivers.


title: Anglo-Normans

text: The Anglo-Normans (, ) were the medieval ruling class in England, composed mainly of a combination of ethnic Normans, French, Anglo-Saxons, Flemings and Bretons, following the Norman conquest. A small number of Normans had earlier befriended future Anglo-Saxon king of England, Edward the Confessor, during his exile in his mother's homeland of Normandy in northern France. When he returned to England some of them went with him, and so there were Normans already settled in England prior to the conquest. Edward's successor, Harold Godwinson, was defeated by Duke William the Conqueror of Normandy at the Battle of Hastings, leading to William's accession to the English throne.


title: Anglo-Normans

text: The victorious Normans formed a ruling class in Britain, distinct from (although inter-marrying with) the native populations. Over time their language evolved from the continental Old Norman to the distinct Anglo-Norman language. Anglo-Normans quickly established control over all of England, as well as parts of Wales (the Cambro-Normans). After 1130, parts of southern and eastern Scotland came under Anglo-Norman rule (the Scoto-Normans), in return for their support of David I's conquest. The Norman conquest of Ireland in 1169 saw Anglo-Normans and Cambro-Normans settle vast swaths of Ireland, becoming the Hiberno-Normans.


title: Anglo-Normans

text: The composite expression "regno Norman-Anglorum" for the Anglo-Norman kingdom that comprises Normandy and England appears contemporaneously only in the "Hyde Chronicle".


title: Anglo-Normans

text: After the Norman Conquest of 1066, many of the English nobles lost lands and titles; the lesser thegns and others found themselves dispossessed of lands and titles. A number of free "geburs" had their rights and court access much decreased, becoming unfree "villeins", despite the fact that this status did not exist in Normandy itself (compared to other "French" regions). At the same time, many of the new Norman and Northern-France magnates were distributed lands by the King that had been taken from the English nobles. Some of these magnates used their original French-derived names, with the prefix 'de,' meaning they were lords of the old fiefs in France, and some instead dropped their original names and took their names from new English holdings.


title: Anglo-Normans

text: The Norman conquest of England brought Britain and Ireland into the orbit of the European continent, especially what remained of Roman-influenced language and culture. The England emerging from the Conquest owed a debt to the Romance languages and the culture of ancient Rome. It transmitted itself in the emerging feudal world that took its place. That heritage can be discerned in language, incorporating the French language and the Roman past, and in the emerging Romanesque (Norman) architecture.


title: Anglo-Normans

text: The Norman conquest of England also signalled a revolution in military styles and methods. The old Anglo-Saxon military elite began to emigrate, especially the generation next younger to that defeated at Hastings, who had no particular future in a country controlled by the conquerors. William (and his son, William Rufus), encouraged them to leave, as a security measure. The first to leave went mostly to Denmark and many of these moved on to join the Varangian Guard in Constantinople. The Anglo-Saxons as a whole, for practical reason, however were not demilitarised. Instead, William arranged for the Saxon infantry to be trained up by Norman cavalry in anti-cavalry tactics. This led quickly to the establishment of an Anglo-Norman army made up of Norman horsemen of noble blood, Saxon infantrymen often of equally noble blood, assimilated English freemen as rank-and-file, and foreign mercenaries and adventurers from other parts of the Continent. The younger Norman aristocracy showed a tendency towards Anglicisation, adopting such Saxon styles as long hair and moustaches, upsetting the older generation. (Note that the Anglo-Saxon "cniht" did not take the sense of the French "chevalier" before the latest period of Middle English. John Wycliffe (1380s) uses the term "knyytis" generically for men-at-arms, and only in the 15th century did the word acquire the overtones of a noble cavalryman corresponding to the meaning of "chevalier").


title: Anglo-Normans

text: The degree of subsequent Norman-Saxon conflict (as a matter of conflicting social identities) is a question disputed by historians. The 19th-century view was of intense mutual resentment, reflected in the popular legends of Robin Hood and the novel "Ivanhoe" by Sir Walter Scott. Some residual ill-feeling is suggested by contemporary historian Orderic Vitalis, who in "Ecclesiastical Historii" (1125) wrote in praise of native English resistance to "William the Bastard" (William I of England). In addition, a fine called the "murdrum", originally introduced to English law by the Danes under Canute, was revived, imposing on villages a high (46 mark/~£31) fine for the secret killing of a Norman (or an unknown person who was, under the murdrum laws, presumed to be Norman unless proven otherwise).


title: Anglo-Normans

text: In order to secure Norman loyalty during his conquest, William I rewarded his loyal followers by taking English land and redistributing it to his knights, officials, and the Norman aristocracy. In turn, the English hated him, but the king retaliated ruthlessly with his military force to subdue the rebellions and discontentment. Mike Ashley writes on this subject; ""he [William I] may have conquered them [the English], but he never ruled them"". Not all of the Anglo-Saxons immediately accepted him as their legitimate king.


title: Anglo-Normans

text: Whatever the level of dispute, over time, the two populations intermarried and merged. Eventually, even this distinction largely disappeared in the course of the Hundred Years War (1337–1453), and by the 14th century Normans identified themselves as English, having been fully assimilated into the emerging English population.


title: Anglo-Normans

text: The Normans also led excursions into Wales from England and built multiple fortifications as it was one of William's ambitions to subdue the Welsh as well as the English, however, he was not entirely successful. Afterward, however, the border area known as the Marches was set up and Norman influence increased steadily. Encouraged by the invasion, monks (usually from France or Normandy) such as the Cistercian Order also set up monasteries throughout Wales. By the 15th century a large number of Welsh gentry, including Owain Glyndŵr, had some Norman ancestry. The majority of knights who invaded Ireland were also from or based in Wales (see below).


title: Anglo-Normans

text: Anglo-Norman barons also settled in Ireland from the 12th century, initially to support Irish regional kings such as Diarmuid Mac Murchadha whose name has arrived in modern English as Dermot MacMurrough. Richard de Clare, 2nd Earl of Pembroke, known as "Strongbow", was the leader of the Anglo-Norman Knights whom MacMurrough had requested of Henry II of England to help him to re-establish himself as King of Leinster. Strongbow died a very short time after invading Ireland but the men he brought with him remained to support Henry II of England and his son John as Lord of Ireland. Chief among the early Anglo-Norman settlers was Theobald Walter (surname Butler) appointed hereditary chief Butler of Ireland in 1177 by King Henry II and founder of one of the oldest remaining British dignities. Most of these Normans came from Wales, not England, and thus the epithet 'Cambro-Normans' is used to describe them by leading late medievalists such as Seán Duffy. They increasingly integrated with the local Celtic nobility through intermarriage and some accepted aspects of Celtic culture, especially outside the Pale around Dublin. They are known as "Old English", but this term came into use to describe them only in 1580, i.e., over four centuries after the first Normans arrived in Ireland.


title: Anglo-Normans

text: The Carol was a popular Norman dance in which the leader sang and was surrounded by a circle of dancers who replied with the same song. This Norman dance was performed in conquered Irish towns.


title: Anglo-Normans

text: David I, who had spent most of his life as an English baron, became king of Scotland in 1124. His reign saw what has been characterised as a "Davidian Revolution", by which native institutions and personnel were replaced by English and French ones. Members of the Anglo-Norman nobility took up places in the Scottish aristocracy and he introduced a system of feudal land tenure, which produced knight service, castles and an available body of heavily armed cavalry. He created an Anglo-Norman style of court, introduced the office of justiciar to oversee justice, and local offices of sheriffs to administer localities. He established the first royal burghs in Scotland, granting rights to particular settlements, which led to the development of the first true Scottish towns and helped facilitate economic development as did the introduction of the first recorded Scottish coinage. He continued a process begun by his mother and brothers, of helping to establish foundations that brought the reformed monasticism based on that at Cluny. He also played a part in the organisation of diocese on lines closer to those in the rest of Western Europe. These reforms were pursued under his successors and grandchildren Malcolm IV of Scotland and William I, with the crown now passing down the main line of descent through primogeniture, leading to the first of a series of minorities.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) is the branch of a police force to which most plainclothes detectives belong in the United Kingdom and many Commonwealth nations. A force's CID is distinct from its Special Branch (though officers of both are entitled to the rank prefix "Detective"). The name derives from the CID of the Metropolitan Police, formed on 8 April 1878 by C. E. Howard Vincent as a re-formation of its Detective Branch. British colonial police forces all over the world adopted the terminology developed in the UK in the 19th and early 20th centuries, and later the police forces of those countries often retained it after independence. English-language media often use "CID" as a translation to refer to comparable organisations in other countries.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The Direction Centrale de la Police Judiciaire (DCPJ) is the national authority of the criminal division of the French National Police. Its function is to lead and co-ordinate the action of the law enforcement forces against crime.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: "Kriminalpolizei" is the standard term for the criminal investigation agency within the police forces of Germany, Austria, and the German-speaking cantons of Switzerland.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The Hong Kong Police Force's CID is a sub-branch unit within the Criminal Intelligence Bureau under the crime wing of the "B" department (crime and security).


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: Many state police forces in India possess a CID (sometimes known as the "investigation branch") as a specialised wing. Personnel attached to this wing work in plain clothes, or "mufti". A CID may contain sub-branches, for instance the CID in Uttar Pradesh includes the state crime investigation bureau, finger print bureau and scientific section.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: Like their counterparts in the law and order police, the crime branch has its own ranks up to the level of additional director general of police or special commissioner of police. The crime branch has senior officers like superintendents, inspectors and sub-inspectors. Officers and men attached to this wing generally add the prefix "detective" before their regular police rank.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The crime branch's tasks are to investigate criminal cases, which span across multiple districts or states. The CID may also take up complicated cases like communal riot cases, circulation of counterfeit currency or very complicated murder cases. A crime branch investigation is ordered either by a judicial court, by the director-general of police, or the government.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: Crime branch officers can be transferred to the law and order police, and vice versa. The crime branch is different from the crime detachment or crime squad. Crime Detachment and Crime Squads are a group of regular law and order policemen (who generally wear the uniform specifically detailed by the police inspector to work in plain clothes to keep a tab on local criminal elements, prostitutes, petty thieves, and other habitual offenders.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The criminal investigation units within the Indonesian National Police are called "sat-reskrim" ("satuan reserse kriminal") meaning "criminal investigation unit", it is under the "bareskrim" ("badan reserse kriminal") "criminal investigation agency" which is under the command of the national police headquarters. Every regional police force in Indonesia has this unit; they are concerned with conducting criminal investigations and identification activities.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) maintained a CID along British lines before the independence of most of Ireland in December 1922. After the Partition of Ireland and the establishment of the Irish Free State in the early 1920s, the Government of the Irish Free State set up a CID for the purposes of counter-insurgency during the 1922-1923 Irish Civil War. It was separate from the unarmed Civic Guard, which later became the Garda Síochána. The Garda today operates local detective squads and several specialised, national detective units, including the National Bureau of Criminal Investigation.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: In Northern Ireland, a region that came into existence in 1921 and which has remained within the United Kingdom, a new police force was formed in June 1922 called the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). This force had its own CID from the start. In November 2001, the RUC was replaced by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: Criminal investigation departments or bureaus are set up within each Prefectural police headquarters. They maintain two (third or even fourth divisions are established in some urban prefecture), a (reinforced as an independent department or headquarters in the TMPD and some prefecture), a mobile investigation unit, and a . The are first responders for initial criminal investigations, distributed among the region with unmarked cars. The are specialised detective units of the first investigation divisions, well acquainted with new technologies and special tactics including SWAT capabilities.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The CID of the Royal Malaysian Police is involved with the investigation, arrest, and prosecution of crimes that affect people (e.g. murder, robbery with firearms, rape and injury) and property crime (e.g. theft and house-breaking). Modeled on the British police, this department enforces laws regarding gambling, "sin" and the Triad in Malaysia.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The CID in Pakistan is a special unit of the provincial and metropolitan police departments, responsible for carrying out investigations into crimes, including terrorism, murders, organised crime and sectarianism.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The special branch of the CID in the Asia Division (CIDA) was a division of this department but is currently not operational. It had only 12 members, the names of which are not available because of security issues.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The Singapore Police Force's CID is the agency for premier investigation and staff authority for criminal investigation matters within the Singapore Police Force.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The CID of the Sri Lanka Police Service is responsible for carrying out investigations into crimes including murder and organised crime. It was established in 1870.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: Detectives are usually either assigned to a CID unit within a local policing command, or to a central specialised unit dealing with a specific type of crime, such as fraud or sexual offences. Most local police stations have more uniformed officers than CID officers; a smaller station might have five DCs with a Detective Sergeant (DS) in command, while a larger station would have more CID officers under a detective of higher rank. A particular case would be assigned to a Senior Investigating Officer (SIO) whose rank would depend on the seriousness of the crime and their force's policy.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: Detectives in the United Kingdom do not have a separate rank system and are not senior to uniformed officers who hold the same rank, however, a senior detective does outrank a uniformed officer of a lower rank. for example a Detective Inspector outranks a uniformed Sergeant. Before 1999, female detectives' ranks were prefixed with "Woman", as in other branches of the police. The head of the CID in most police forces is a Detective Chief Superintendent. Ranks are abbreviated as follows:


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: To join a CID in the United Kingdom, a police officer usually must have served in uniform for at least two years. From 2017 direct entry to the detective branch became possible. While training as a detective they are referred to as a "Trainee Detective Constable" (TDC) and after completing the national Initial Crime Investigators' Development Programme, typically taking around two years, they become full Detective Constables (DCs).


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: There is generally no pay increment on obtaining detective status in most forces. Previously paid allowances such as the detective duty allowance (a small payment intended to allow officers to purchase refreshments and other similar petty cash purposes) and the plainclothes allowance (an allowance used to purchase suitable clothing) have all been withdrawn over the past few years.


title: Criminal Investigation Department

text: The Royal Military Police (RMP), Royal Navy Police (RNP), and RAF Police all maintain a Special Investigation Branch (SIB), fulfilling much the same role as a civilian CID. The Ministry of Defence Police is a civilian force that provides policing services on military bases, and as such has a CID much like a territorial police force. The RMP SIB has regular sections and one Army Reserve section. To join the reserve section, a reservist must either have a regular army SIB or civilian CID background.


title: Cake Boss

text: Cake Boss is an American reality television series, which originally aired on the cable television network TLC. The series premiered on April 19, 2009, and has spawned four spin-offs: "Next Great Baker", "Kitchen Boss", "Bake You Rich", and "Bakery Boss".


title: Cake Boss

text: New episodes returned on May 18, 2019, with the show moving to TLC's sister network, Discovery Family until April 11, 2020.


title: Cake Boss

text: The show follows the operations of Carlo's Bake Shop, an Italian-American family-owned business in Hoboken, New Jersey owned and operated by siblings Buddy Valastro (to whom the series' title refers), Lisa Valastro (Buddy's wife), Maddalena Castano, Grace Faugno and Mary Sciarrone. The show focuses on how they make their edible art cakes and the interpersonal relationships among the various family members and other employees who work at the shop.


title: Cake Boss

text: The popularity of the show has resulted in increased business for Carlo's Bake Shop, and increased tourism to the Hoboken area. Due to the series's popularity, Carlo's Bake Shop has become a tourist attraction, with lines to enter the bakery often extending down the block and around the corner. In 2010, Hoboken renamed the corner of Washington Street and Newark Street to "Carlo's Bakery Way" in honor of the bakery's centennial.


title: Cake Boss

text: Season one averaged 2.3 million viewers while season two averaged 1.8 million viewers. In 2016, a "New York Times" study of the 50 TV shows with the most Facebook Likes found that "Cake Boss"s "audience is generally not urban; in fact, one hot spot is Appalachia".


title: Cake Boss

text: On November 2, 2010, Buddy Valastro's book, "Cake Boss: Stories and Recipes from Mia Famiglia", which is based on the series, was released. Published by Atria Books (a division of Simon & Schuster) in celebration of the 100th anniversary of Carlo's Bake Shop, the book features the history and stories of Valastro's family and the bake shop, along with recipes.


title: Cake Boss

text: Valastro's second book, "Baking with the Cake Boss: 100 of Buddy's Best Recipes and Decorating Secrets", is a cookbook, also published by Atria Books, released November 1, 2011 and featuring Valastro's cake, pastry and decorating recipes.


title: Cake Boss

text: The success of "Cake Boss" has led to a spin-off competition series hosted by Valastro, "Next Great Baker", in which people compete to win a top cash prize, other valuable prizes, and an apprenticeship at Carlo's Bakery. The program's first season was seen on TLC December 6, 2010 through January 24, 2011, with a second season televised November 28, 2011 to January 30, 2012. The competition's third season premiered on Monday, November 26, 2012.


title: Cake Boss

text: Another spinoff series, "Kitchen Boss", debuted on January 25, 2011. It featured Valastro presenting his family's recipes, as well as special guests, including members of his own family.


title: Cake Boss

text: A backdoor pilot special, "Bakery Boss", debuted on May 27, 2013. The special features Valastro traveling to a struggling bakery, Friendly Bake Shop in Frankfort, New York, and helping them reverse their fortunes, using a format similar to "Kitchen Nightmares". The program returned to TLC as a series on December 2, 2013, and was later renamed "Buddy's Bakery Rescue". Buddy's intern, Ashley Holt, served as Culinary Producer for the series. "Cake Boss" also has a product line that features baking pans and decorating accessories.


title: Cake Boss

text: In July 2010, Masters Software, Inc., of Cedar Park, Texas, obtained a preliminary injunction forbidding TLC from calling its show "Cake Boss". Since 2006, the company has operated the domain name cakeboss.com, and since 2007, it has sold a bakery management program called CakeBoss. The suit claims that Discovery Communications infringes on its trademark by causing confusion among customers and vendors. In October 2010, Masters Software and Discovery Communications reached a settlement, the details of which are not public.


title: Cake Boss

text: On June 11, 2012, transgender celebrity Carmen Carrera appeared in a "Cake Boss" episode, "Bar Mitzvah, Beads and Oh Baby!", in which she unknowingly participated in a prank involving Cousin Anthony, who was set up with a date with Carrera. The punchline of the prank had Buddy tell Anthony that Carrera is transgender. Carrera agreed to participate in the prank on the program in part to promote equality for the transgender community saying, "I'm totally cool with a prank like this, I, you know as long as it's in good fun." Following the airing of the program, Carrera was upset by an interview portion of the program where Buddy said, "And I tell him...that's a man, baby!" Carrera made a statement saying, "I made it VERY clear to the producers on how to use the correct wording before agreeing to filming this but instead they chose to poke fun and be disrespectful. That's not what I'm about! ... I may not have been born a woman, but I'm NOT a man... After taking this journey it's not fair at all to be lied to by the producers." Buddy Valastro apologized for the incident, saying, "I owe an apology to the entire LGBT community. It was absolutely not my intention to upset or offend her, or anyone within the community, and I was wrong to use the words I did. I am a supporter of gay rights and equality, and while I regret this situation and my choice of words, I am thankful to have received this feedback and the opportunity to learn from this mistake. I hope that Carmen accepts my sincere regrets." The following day, on June 12, 2012, TLC announced that "Bar Mitzvah, Beads and Oh Baby!" had been pulled from rotation indefinitely, with plans to re-edit the episode. The episode has since re-aired on July 23, 2012, but with the offending scene re-edited.


title: Cake Boss

text: Comedian Paul F. Tompkins plays a parody of "Cake Boss" host Buddy Valastro on the Comedy Bang Bang podcast and IFC TV show.


title: Dihedral group

text: In mathematics, a dihedral group is the group of symmetries of a regular polygon, which includes rotations and reflections. Dihedral groups are among the simplest examples of finite groups, and they play an important role in group theory, geometry, and chemistry.


title: Dihedral group

text: The notation for the dihedral group differs in geometry and abstract algebra. In geometry, or refers to the symmetries of the -gon, a group of order . In abstract algebra, refers to this same dihedral group. This article uses the geometric convention, .


title: Dihedral group

text: A regular polygon with formula_1 sides has formula_2 different symmetries: formula_1 rotational symmetries and formula_1 reflection symmetries. Usually, we take formula_5 here. The associated rotations and reflections make up the dihedral group formula_6. If formula_1 is odd, each axis of symmetry connects the midpoint of one side to the opposite vertex. If formula_1 is even, there are formula_9 axes of symmetry connecting the midpoints of opposite sides and formula_9 axes of symmetry connecting opposite vertices. In either case, there are formula_1 axes of symmetry and formula_2 elements in the symmetry group. Reflecting in one axis of symmetry followed by reflecting in another axis of symmetry produces a rotation through twice the angle between the axes.


title: Dihedral group

text: The first row shows the effect of the eight rotations, and the second row shows the effect of the eight reflections, in each case acting on the stop sign with the orientation as shown at the top left.


title: Dihedral group

text: As with any geometric object, the composition of two symmetries of a regular polygon is again a symmetry of this object. With composition of symmetries to produce another as the binary operation, this gives the symmetries of a polygon the algebraic structure of a finite group.


title: Dihedral group

text: The following Cayley table shows the effect of composition in the group D (the symmetries of an equilateral triangle). r denotes the identity; r and r denote counterclockwise rotations by 120° and 240° respectively, and s, s and s denote reflections across the three lines shown in the adjacent picture.


title: Dihedral group

text: For example, , because the reflection s followed by the reflection s results in a rotation of 120°. The order of elements denoting the composition is right to left, reflecting the convention that the element acts on the expression to its right. The composition operation is not commutative.


title: Dihedral group

text: In general, the group D has elements r, ..., r and s, ..., s, with composition given by the following formulae:


title: Dihedral group

text: In all cases, addition and subtraction of subscripts are to be performed using modular arithmetic with modulus "n".


title: Dihedral group

text: If we center the regular polygon at the origin, then elements of the dihedral group act as linear transformations of the plane. This lets us represent elements of D as matrices, with composition being matrix multiplication.


title: Dihedral group

text: r is a rotation matrix, expressing a counterclockwise rotation through an angle of . s is a reflection across a line that makes an angle of with the "x"-axis.


title: Dihedral group

text: The cycle graphs of dihedral groups consist of an "n"-element cycle and "n" 2-element cycles. The dark vertex in the cycle graphs below of various dihedral groups represents the identity element, and the other vertices are the other elements of the group. A cycle consists of successive powers of either of the elements connected to the identity element.


title: Dihedral group

text: An example of abstract group , and a common way to visualize it, is the group of Euclidean plane isometries which keep the origin fixed. These groups form one of the two series of discrete point groups in two dimensions. consists of rotations of multiples of about the origin, and reflections across lines through the origin, making angles of multiples of with each other. This is the symmetry group of a regular polygon with sides (for ; this extends to the cases and where we have a plane with respectively a point offset from the "center" of the "1-gon" and a "2-gon" or line segment).


title: Dihedral group

text: The dihedral group D is generated by the rotation r of 180 degrees, and the reflection s across the "x"-axis. The elements of D can then be represented as {e, r, s, rs}, where e is the identity or null transformation and rs is the reflection across the "y"-axis.


title: Dihedral group

text: For "n" > 2 the operations of rotation and reflection in general do not commute and D is not abelian; for example, in D, a rotation of 90 degrees followed by a reflection yields a different result from a reflection followed by a rotation of 90 degrees.


title: Dihedral group

text: Thus, beyond their obvious application to problems of symmetry in the plane, these groups are among the simplest examples of non-abelian groups, and as such arise frequently as easy counterexamples to theorems which are restricted to abelian groups.


title: Dihedral group

text: The elements of can be written as , , , ... , , , , , ... , . The first listed elements are rotations and the remaining elements are axis-reflections (all of which have order 2). The product of two rotations or two reflections is a rotation; the product of a rotation and a reflection is a reflection.


title: Dihedral group

text: So far, we have considered to be a subgroup of , i.e. the group of rotations (about the origin) and reflections (across axes through the origin) of the plane. However, notation is also used for a subgroup of SO(3) which is also of abstract group type : the proper symmetry group of a "regular polygon embedded in three-dimensional space" (if "n" ≥ 3). Such a figure may be considered as a degenerate regular solid with its face counted twice. Therefore, it is also called a "dihedron" (Greek: solid with two faces), which explains the name "dihedral group" (in analogy to "tetrahedral", "octahedral" and "icosahedral group", referring to the proper symmetry groups of a regular tetrahedron, octahedron, and icosahedron respectively).


title: Dihedral group

text: The properties of the dihedral groups with depend on whether is even or odd. For example, the center of consists only of the identity if "n" is odd, but if "n" is even the center has two elements, namely the identity and the element r (with D as a subgroup of O(2), this is inversion; since it is scalar multiplication by −1, it is clear that it commutes with any linear transformation).


title: Dihedral group

text: In the case of 2D isometries, this corresponds to adding inversion, giving rotations and mirrors in between the existing ones.


title: Dihedral group

text: Generally, if "m" divides "n", then has "n"/"m" subgroups of type , and one subgroup formula_24. Therefore, the total number of subgroups of ("n" ≥ 1), is equal to "d"("n") + σ("n"), where "d"("n") is the number of positive divisors of "n" and "σ"("n") is the sum of the positive divisors of "n". See list of small groups for the cases "n" ≤ 8.


title: Dihedral group

text: The dihedral group of order 8 (D) is the smallest example of a group that is not a T-group. Any of its two Klein four-group subgroups (which are normal in D) has as normal subgroup order-2 subgroups generated by a reflection (flip) in D, but these subgroups are not normal in D.


title: Dihedral group

text: All the reflections are conjugate to each other whenever "n" is odd, but they fall into two conjugacy classes if "n" is even. If we think of the isometries of a regular "n"-gon: for odd "n" there are rotations in the group between every pair of mirrors, while for even "n" only half of the mirrors can be reached from one by these rotations. Geometrically, in an odd polygon every axis of symmetry passes through a vertex and a side, while in an even polygon there are two sets of axes, each corresponding to a conjugacy class: those that pass through two vertices and those that pass through two sides.


title: Dihedral group

text: Algebraically, this is an instance of the conjugate Sylow theorem (for "n" odd): for "n" odd, each reflection, together with the identity, form a subgroup of order 2, which is a Sylow 2-subgroup ( is the maximum power of 2 dividing ), while for "n" even, these order 2 subgroups are not Sylow subgroups because 4 (a higher power of 2) divides the order of the group.


title: Dihedral group

text: For "n" even there is instead an outer automorphism interchanging the two types of reflections (properly, a class of outer automorphisms, which are all conjugate by an inner automorphism).


title: Dihedral group

text: The automorphism group of is isomorphic to the holomorph of formula_24/"n"formula_24, i.e., to and has order "nϕ"("n"), where "ϕ" is Euler's totient function, the number of "k" in coprime to "n".


title: Dihedral group

text: It can be understood in terms of the generators of a reflection and an elementary rotation (rotation by "k"(2"π"/"n"), for "k" coprime to "n"); which automorphisms are inner and outer depends on the parity of "n".


title: Dihedral group

text: has 18 inner automorphisms. As 2D isometry group D, the group has mirrors at 20° intervals. The 18 inner automorphisms provide rotation of the mirrors by multiples of 20°, and reflections. As isometry group these are all automorphisms. As abstract group there are in addition to these, 36 outer automorphisms; e.g., multiplying angles of rotation by 2.


title: Dihedral group

text: Compare the values 6 and 4 for Euler's totient function, the multiplicative group of integers modulo "n" for "n" = 9 and 10, respectively. This triples and doubles the number of automorphisms compared with the two automorphisms as isometries (keeping the order of the rotations the same or reversing the order).


title: Dihedral group

text: The only values of "n" for which "φ"("n") = 2 are 3, 4, and 6, and consequently, there are only three dihedral groups that are isomorphic to their own automorphism groups, namely (order 6), (order 8), and (order 12).


title: Iranian Americans

text: Iranian Americans are United States citizens or nationals who are of Iranian ancestry or who hold Iranian citizenship.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Iranian Americans are among the most highly educated people in the United States. They have historically excelled in business, academia, science, the arts, and entertainment.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Most Iranian Americans arrived in the United States after 1979, as a result of the Iranian Revolution and the fall of the Persian monarchy, with over 40% settling in California, specifically Los Angeles. Unable to return to Iran, they have created many distinct ethnic enclaves, such as the Los Angeles Tehrangeles community. The Iranian American community has become successful, with many becoming doctors, engineers, lawyers, and tech entrepreneurs.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Based on a 2012 announcement by the National Organization for Civil Registration, an organization of the Ministry of Interior of Iran, the United States has the highest number of Iranians outside the country. In 2021 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran published new statistics showing that 1,500,000 Iranians who were born in Iran are living in the U.S. according to the most recent data. However this number only represents Iranian born population who moved to the U.S. at some point and does not include the number of U.S.-born Iranians and other groups with Iranian ancestors.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Iranian-American is sometimes used interchangeably with Persian-American, partly due to the fact that, in the Western world, Iran was known as "Persia." On the Nowruz of 1935, Reza Shah Pahlavi asked foreign delegates to use the term Iran, the endonym of the country used since the Sasanian Empire, in formal correspondence. Since then the use of the word "Iran" has become more common in the Western countries. This also changed the usage of the terms for Iranian nationality, and the common adjective for citizens of Iran changed from "Persian" to "Iranian." In 1959, the government of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Reza Shah Pahlavi's son, announced that both "Persia" and "Iran" could officially be used interchangeably. The issue is still debated today.


title: Iranian Americans

text: There is a tendency among Iranian-Americans to categorize themselves as "Persian" rather than "Iranian", mainly to dissociate themselves from the negative stereotypes of Iranians in media. Some Iranian-Americans also don't prefer "Iranian" to disassociate themselves with the Islamic Republic of Iran, yet this rationale has been criticized as the term "Iran" was widely used before 1979 as well. The term "Iranian" is regarded as more inclusive than "Persian", as the term "Persian" excludes non-Persian ethnic minorities of Iran. While the majority of Iranian-Americans come from Persian backgrounds, there is a significant number of non-Persian Iranians such as Azeris and Kurds within the Iranian-American community, leading some scholars to believe that the label "Iranian" is more inclusive, since the label "Persian" excludes non-Persian minorities.


title: Iranian Americans

text: One of the first recorded Iranians to visit North America was Martin the Armenian, an Iranian-Armenian tobacco grower who settled in Jamestown, Virginia in 1618. Mirza Mohammad Ali, also known as Hajj Sayyah, was an Iranian who came to North America in the 1800s. He was inspired to travel around the world due to the contradiction between the democratic ideals he read about and how his fellow Iranians were treated by their leaders. He began his travels as a 23-year-old looking for knowledge, to experience the lives of others, and to use that knowledge to help with Iran's progress. His stay in the United States lasted 10 years, and he traveled across the country from New York to San Francisco. He met a variety of influential American figures including President Ulysses S. Grant, who met with him on several occasions. On 26 May 1875, Hajj Sayyah became the first Iranian to become an American Citizen. He was imprisoned upon his return to Iran for taking a stand against living conditions there. He looked to the United States to protect him but to no avail. During the peak period of worldwide emigration to the United States (1842–1903), only 130 Iranian nationals were known to have immigrated.


title: Iranian Americans

text: The first wave of Iranian migration to the United States occurred from the late 1940s to 1977, or 1979. The United States was an attractive destination for students, as American universities offered some of the best programs in engineering and other fields, and were eager to attract students from foreign countries. Iranian students, most of whom had learned English as a second language in Iran, were highly desirable as new students at colleges and universities in the United States. By the mid-1970s, nearly half of all Iranian students who studied abroad did so in the United States. By 1975, the Institute of International Education's annual foreign student census figures listed Iranian students as the largest group of foreign students in the United States, amounting to a total of 9% of all foreign students in the country. As the Iranian economy continued to rise steadily in the 70s, it enabled many more Iranians to travel abroad freely. Consequently, the number of Iranian visitors to the United States also increased considerably, from 35,088, in 1975, to 98,018, in 1977. During the 1977–78 academic year, of about 100,000 Iranian students abroad, 36,220 were enrolled in American institutions of higher learning. During the 1978–79 academic year, on the eve of the revolution, the number of Iranian students enrolled in American institutions rose to 45,340, and in 1979–80, that number reached a peak of 51,310. At that time, according to the Institute of International Education, more students from Iran were enrolled in American universities than from any other foreign country. The pattern of Iranian migration during this phase usually only involved individuals, not whole families. Due to Iran's increasing demand for educated workers in the years before the revolution, the majority of the Iranian students in America intended to return home after graduation to work, especially those who had received financial aid from the Iranian government or from industry on condition of returning to take jobs upon graduation. Due to the drastic events of the 1979 Revolution, the students ended up staying in the United States as refugees. These several thousand visitors and students unintentionally became the basis of the cultural, economic, and social networks that would enable large-scale immigration in the years that followed.


title: Iranian Americans

text: The second phase of Iranian migration began immediately before and after the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the overthrow of the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and became significant in the early 1980s. As Ronald H. Bayor writes, "The 1979 Revolution and the 1980–88 war with Iraq transformed Iran's class structure, politically, socially, and economically." The revolution drastically changed the pattern and nature of Iranian emigration to the United States, while the Iran-Iraq War that ensued afterwards was also another factor that forced many of the best-educated and most wealthy families into exile in the United States and other countries. Once basically an issue of brain drain during the Pahlavi period, it was now predominantly an involuntary emigration of a relatively large number of middle- and upper-class families, including the movement of a considerable amount of wealth. During and after the revolution, most students did not return to Iran, and those who did were gradually purged from the newly established Islamic Republic. Many students who graduated abroad after the revolution also did not return, due to the ruling clergy's repression. As a result, the educated elite who left Iran after the revolution, and the new graduates in the United States who chose not to return home, created a large pool of highly educated and skilled Iranian professionals in the United States. By 2002, an estimated 1.5 to 2.5 million Iranians lived abroad, mainly in North America and Europe, due to the Islamic government's authoritarian practices.


title: Iranian Americans

text: A further notable aspect of the migration in this phase is that members of religious and ethnic minorities were starting to become disproportionally represented among the Iranian American community, most notably Baháʼís, Jews, Armenians, and Assyrians. According to the 1980 US Census, there were 123,000 Americans of Iranian ancestry at that time. Between 1980 and 1990, the number of foreign-born people from Iran in the United States increased by 74 percent.


title: Iranian Americans

text: The revolution caused a drastic change in the Iranian culture. Iran was no longer a thriving country. This is part of the reason so many Iranians began to flee to America.


title: Iranian Americans

text: The third phase of Iranian immigration started in 1995 and continues to the present. According to the 2000 US Census, there were 283,225 Iranian-born people in the US. According to the same 2000 US Census, there were 385,488 Americans of Iranian ancestry at that time. The 2011 American Community Survey (ACS) estimate found 470,341 Americans with full or partial Iranian ancestry. However, most experts believe that this is a problem of underrepresenting due to the fact that "many community members have been reluctant in identifying themselves as such because of the problems between Iran and the United States in the past two decades." and also because many were ethnic minorities (Jewish, Armenian, and Assyrian Iranians) who instead identify as the ethnic group they are part of rather than as Iranians. Estimates of 1,000,000 and above are given by many Iranian and non-Iranian organizations, media, and scholars. Kenneth Katzman, specialist in Middle Eastern affairs and part of the Congressional Research Service, in December 2015 estimated the number at over 1,000,000. Paul Harvey and Edward Blum of the University of Colorado and the University of San Diego in 2012 estimated their number at 1,000,000, as well as Al-Jazeera. According to the PAAIA (Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans), estimates range from 500,000 to 1,000,000, numbers backed up by Ronald H. Bayor of the Georgia Institute of Technology as well. "The Atlantic" stated that there were an estimated 1,500,000 Iranians in the United States in 2012. The Iranian interest section in Washington, D.C., in 2003 claimed to hold passport information for approximately 900,000 Iranians in the US.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Today, the United States contains the highest number of Iranians outside of Iran. The Iranian-American community has produced individuals notable in many fields, including medicine, engineering, and business.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Although Iranians have lived in the United States in relatively small numbers since the 1930s, a large number of Iranian-Americans immigrated to the United States after the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Data on this group is well documented by the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS). According to the 2000 US Census, there were 385,488 Americans of Iranian ancestry at that time. In the 2011 ACS, the number of Americans of full or partial Iranian ancestry amounted c. 470,341.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Federal data on Iranian Americans in the 2010 United States Census was not according to race, but rather ancestry, which is collected by the annual American Community Survey (ACS). Data on Iranian ancestry from the annual ACS is available on the Census Bureau's American Factfinder website. Racially, on the Census, Iranian Americans have been classified as a white American group.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Most experts believe that the underrepresented number of Iranian Americans in the ACS is a problem due to the fact that "many community members have been reluctant in identifying themselves as such because of the problems between Iran and the United States in the past two decades." Estimations of 1,000,000 and above are given by many Iranian and non-Iranian organizations, media, and scholars. Kenneth Katzman, specialist in Middle Eastern affairs and part of the Congressional Research Service, estimated their number at over 1,000,000 in published December 2015. Historians Paul Harvey and Edward Blum estimate their number at 1,000,000 in 2012, as well as Al-Jazeera. According to the PAAIA (Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans), estimates range from 500,000 to 1,000,000, numbers backed by Ronald H. Bayor of the Georgia Institute of Technology. "The Atlantic", in 2012, stated that there are an estimated 1,500,000 Iranians in the United States. The Iranian interest section in Washington D.C., in 2003, claimed to hold passport information for approximately 900,000 Iranians in the US.


title: Iranian Americans

text: According to research done by the Iranian Studies Group, an independent academic organization at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), Iranian Americans are most likely far more numerous in the United States than census data indicate. The group estimates that the number of Iranian Americans may have topped 691,000 in 2004—more than twice the figure of 338,000 cited in the 2000 U.S. census.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Roughly half of the nation's Iranians reside in the state of California alone. Other large communities include New York/New Jersey, which have 9.1% of the U.S.'s Iranian population, followed by Washington, D.C./Maryland/Virginia (8.3%) and Texas (6.7%).


title: Iranian Americans

text: Approximately 6,000–10,000 Iranian Americans reside in the city of Chicago, while up to 30,000 reside in the Chicago metropolitan area. Some of this population is Iranian Assyrian.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Kings Point, New York, a village in Great Neck, New York, is said to have the largest concentration of Iranians in the United States (nearly 30%). However, unlike the population in Los Angeles, the Great Neck population is almost exclusively Jewish.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Nashville, Tennessee has the largest Kurdish population in the United States, with many of them coming from Iran.


title: Iranian Americans

text: It is widely believed that most Iranian-Americans in the United States are clustered in the large cities of California, namely Greater Los Angeles, the San Francisco Bay Area, San Diego, Sacramento, and Fresno. According to extrapolated U.S. Census data and other independent surveys done by Iranian-Americans themselves in 2009, there were an estimated one million Iranian-Americans living in the U.S., with the largest concentration—about 300,000 people—living in the greater Los Angeles area. For this reason, the L.A. area, with its Iranian American residents, is sometimes referred to as "Tehrangeles", "Irangeles", or "Little Persia" among Iranian-Americans.


title: Iranian Americans

text: In 1985, the Los Angeles Times estimated 200,000 Iranian Americans were living in California; and by 1991 the estimate jumped to 800,000, however the accuracy of these numbers could be debated due to a lack of data. In 1990, Los Angeles had a larger population of religious minorities than Muslims, who were the religious majority in Iran.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Regarding Iranian-Americans of Armenian origin, the 1980 US Census put the number of Armenians living in Los Angeles at 52,400, of whom 71.9% were foreign born: 14.7% in Iran, 14.3% in the USSR, 11.5% in Lebanon, 9.7% in Turkey, 11.7% in other Middle Eastern countries (Egypt, Iraq, Israel, etc.), and the rest in other parts of the world. Beverly Hills, Irvine, and Glendale all have large communities of Iranian Americans (much of the Iranian population in Glendale being of Armenian descent); 26% of the total population of Beverly Hills is Iranian Jewish, making it the city's largest religious community.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Iranian Americans have formed ethnic enclaves in many affluent neighborhoods mostly in the Los Angeles metropolitan area. In Los Angeles, Iranians were concentrated in Tarzana, West Hills, Hidden Hills, Woodland Hills, Beverly Hills, Calabasas, Brentwood, and Rancho Palos Verdes. Tarzana has the highest concentration of Iranians in Los Angeles County, according to the U.S. Census in 2000.


title: Iranian Americans

text: Second generation Iranians located outside these concentrated cities showed high rates of marrying a non-Iranian and low literacy rates in Persian.


title: Iranian Americans

text: In San Diego County, La Jolla is considered a Persian enclave. Westlake village also held a large Iranian population and was the first American city to have an Iranian American mayor Iraj Broomand.