title: Prison rape in the United States

text: In the United States, public awareness of the phenomenon of prison rape is a relatively recent development and estimates to its prevalence have varied widely for decades. In 1974 Carl Weiss and David James Friar wrote that 46 million Americans would one day be incarcerated; of that number, they claimed, 10 million would be raped. A 1992 estimate from the Federal Bureau of Prisons conjectured that between 9 and 20 percent of inmates had been sexually assaulted. Studies in 1982 and 1996 both concluded that the rate was somewhere between 12 and 14 percent; the 1996 study, by Cindy Struckman-Johnson, concluded that 18 percent of assaults were carried out by prison staff. A 1986 study by Daniel Lockwood put the number at around 23 percent for maximum security prisons in New York. Christine Saum's 1994 survey of 101 inmates showed 5 had been sexually assaulted.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: Reported prison rape cases have drastically risen in recent years, although this may be partially attributed to an increase in counseling and reports. The threat of HIV, which affects many of those raped in prison, has also resulted in the increase of reported cases for the benefit of medical assistance.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: According to one source, female-perpetrated sexual abuse of inmates is a particularly large problem in juvenile detention centers, where 90% of victims of staff abuse say a female correctional officer was the perpetrator.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, around 80,000 women and men a year get sexually abused in American correctional facilities. The National Inmate Survey presented data that consisted of 233 state and federal prisons, 358 local jails, and fifteen special correctional facilities between the time period of February 2011 and May 2012, with a sample of 92,449 inmates ages eighteen or older, and 1,738 inmates sixteen to seventeen. The statistical information highlighted that an estimated of 4.0% of state and federal prison inmates and 3.2% of jail inmates reported experiencing one or more incidents of sexual victimization by another inmate or facility staff since their admission to the facility or in the past twelve months since the survey was executed. More specifically, around 29,300 prisoners reported an incident regarding another inmate, 34,100 prisoners reported an incident involving staff that worked at the facility, and 5,500 inmates reported an incident involving both. Rates reported by female inmates were higher than male inmates, and lower among inmates ages thirty-five or older than inmates ages twenty to twenty-four. White inmates were more likely than black or Hispanic inmates to report sexual victimization by other inmates, while blacks and Hispanics were more likely than whites to report victimization by staff.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: In addition, juvenile inmates ages sixteen to seventeen in adult prisons did not have significant higher rates of sexual victimization in comparison to adult inmates. An estimated 1.8% of juvenile inmates ages sixteen to seventeen reported being victimized by another inmate, in comparison to 2.0% of adult prisoners and 1.6% of adults in jails. Among juvenile inmates in the same age range, 3.2% juveniles reported experiencing staff sexual misconduct, in comparison to 2.4% of adults in prisons and 1.8% of adults in jails. Furthermore, inmates that reported their sexual orientation as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or other has the highest rates of sexual assault within the period of this survey (2011–12). Out of inmates who identify as non-heterosexual, 12.2% of prison inmates and 8.5% of jail inmates reported being sexually victimized by another inmate, compared to 1.2% and 2.1% for heterosexual inmates; 5.4% of non-heterosexual prison inmates and 4.3% of non-heterosexual jail inmates reported being sexually victimized by facility staff, while 1.2% and 1.7% are the corresponding numbers for heterosexual inmates.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: During 2016 and 2017, the U.S Department of Justice and the Bureau of Justice statistics updated the data collected for the Prison Rape Elimination Act (2003) through the National Survey of Youth in Custody (NSYC). The National Survey of Youth in Custody provided an estimate of youth reporting sexual victimization in juvenile facilities through computerized self-interviewing technology. This survey was first conducted in June 2008 and the third data was collected in 2017. The collected data highlighted that sexual assault in female-only juvenile facilities (5.3%) was more than three times greater than in male-only facilities (1.5%). Youth-on-youth sexual assault was lowest (1.1%) in facilities where almost all youth reported to have first learned sexual assault was not allowed within the first twenty-four hours of arrival. For facilities with a 76% greater concentration of youth with a history of psychiatric conditions, there was a 4.0% reported incidents of sexual assault by another youth. Youth reported a 5.9% of staff sexual misconduct for facilities with multiple living units, in comparison to 2.1% of youth in facilities with single units. To conclude, rates of staff sexual misconduct were highest in facilities where youth perceived the facility staff to be unfair (10.3%), youth had the fewest positive perceptions of staff (9.7%), and youth worried about physical assault by other youth (8.2%) or staff (11.2%).


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: According to the report conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics in 2011–12, inmates with serious psychological distress reported high rates of inmate-on-inmate and staff sexual assault. An estimated 6.3% of federal prison inmates with serious psychological distress reported to have been sexually victimized by another inmate, in comparison to 0.7% of inmates with no serious mental illnesses. Similar statistics were reported for non-heterosexual inmates who reported higher rates of inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization; 21% of prison inmates and 14.7% of jail inmates with serious psychological distress reported being sexually assaulted. For each measured subgroups (sex, race or Hispanic origin, body mass index, sexual orientation, and offense), inmates with serious psychological distress reported higher rates of inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization than inmates without mental health problems.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: This statistical information is very important due to the very complex repercussions that sexual assault and rape can cause to an individual. According to the data provided by the Bureau of Justice and Statistics, 36.6% of prison inmates and 43.7% of jail inmates reported being told by a mental health professional that they had a mental disorder. Inmates identified with serious psychological distress reported high overall rates of sexual victimization. Serious psychological distress was identified on inmates through the use of the K6 screening test. The test consisted of six questions on how often had the inmates felt nervous, hopeless, restless, depressed, effortless, and worthless in the past 30 days. A summary score was added to three categories: 0–7 meaning no mental illness, 8–12 meaning anxiety-mood disorder, and 13 or higher meant serious psychological distress. State and federal inmates identified with serious psychological distress that were sexually victimized by another inmate were an estimated 6.3% and sexually victimized by a facility staff member were 5.6%. Likewise, 3.6% of jail inmates identified with serious psychological distress reported being sexually victimized by another inmate and 3.6% being sexually victimized by a staff member.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: The Human Rights Watch published a book titled "No Escape: Male Rape in the U.S" on April 17, 2007 where they conducted extensive research for three years to expose the problem of male rape in United States prisons. The information provided in the book was collected from over 200 prisoners among thirty-four states. The Human Rights Watch included a specific description of the psychological effects that rape has on victims of sexual victimization, stating "Victims of prison rape commonly report nightmares, deep depression, shame, loss of self-esteem, self-hatred, and considering or attempting suicide. Some of them also describe a marked increase in anger and a tendency towards violence." Consequently, due to the severity of the act one of the most important repercussion is the fear that is instigated far beyond the initial trauma reaction. In Patricia Resick's article titled, "The Trauma of Rape and the Criminal Justice System", she addresses a therapy study of fear in rape victims and states, "it was not uncommon for women who were ten or twenty years postrape to seek help for continuing rape-related problems."


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: A prevalent issue that occurs because of prison rape is the transmission of sexually transmitted infections, including HIV. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, in December 2008, a total of 21,987 inmates in both federal and state prisons were HIV positive or were confirmed to have AIDS. Prisons and jails currently hold significantly high rates of HIV compared to the general population at large. There is evidence that rape and other forms of sexual violence assist in transmitting STDs. Violent forms of unprotected vaginal or anal intercourse have the highest risk of transmitting an STD. Especially for the receptive partner, outcomes of coerced sex tear the membrane of the anus or vagina and cause profuse bleeding. The unfortunate reality is that "prison rape incidents often involve multiple perpetrators" which aids in the spread of sexually transmitted diseases and, "unlike sexual assault in the general community, a person who is raped in prison may be unable to remove him- or herself from the vicinity of the perpetrator or perpetrators and thus may be raped repeatedly while incarcerated". Despite the increasing number of prisoners with sexually transmitted diseases, reliable statistics on prisoners who have received STDs due to prison rape are unavailable. Many reports of sexual abuse of either coerced vaginal or anal intercourse remain unreported.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: It is important to note, "racial and ethnic discrimination, low socioeconomic status, migrant status, mental illness, and housing instability can also, independently or with each other, increase the risk of detention and HIV infection". Transgender people notoriously, "face high risks of HIV transmission and incarceration as a result of criminalization, discrimination in health settings, punitive law enforcement, and social marginalization". Women that are transgender, "are [specifically] subject to high levels of police abuse, including profiling as sex workers and sexual exploitation and physical and verbal abuse from guards and male inmates while in detention".


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: Mass overcrowding has become a serious issue within federal and state prisons, which greatly contributes to the prevalence of sexual abuse. The prison population has dramatically increased in the 2000s due to policies such as increasing sentencing laws and the War on Drugs. Prisoners thus become more vulnerable to HIV infections and other sexually transmitted diseases because of the lack of space and resources available to them. With a larger prison population to watch over, there is less supervision and protection offered to prisoners and many become subject to abuse, including prison rape. Overcrowding of prisons affects not only prison populations, but acts as a serious public health issue and can adversely affect society's health as a whole. Released individuals can easily transfer an STD to others within the larger society. Therefore, it is crucial to prevent the transmission of infectious diseases within prisons.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: There are rarely any resources available for the prevention of STD transmission. Some systems, like city and county jail systems, do not actively seek to identify and treat inmates with STDs. Despite being highly recommended by public health officials, preventative materials against the transmission of STDs, including condom distribution, HIV testing, and counseling and risk assessment, are rarely accessible to prisoners.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: In prison rape, the perpetrator and victim are almost always the same sex (due to the gender-segregated nature of prison confinement). As such, a host of issues regarding sexual orientation and gender roles are associated with the topic.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: Along with the bribe for protection, both male and female inmates sell sex for money, or additional reasons such as bribery or blackmail. According to the 2006 Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) study, in 30 percent of the inmate-on-inmate incidents, victims were talked into the sexual encounter. This finding shows that there is more behind the prison rape than simply one's sexuality. Male sexual victimization was more frequently perpetrated by the staff, whereas the perpetrator for female inmates was more frequently another inmate. This discrepancy in sexual assault between genders could be linked to lack of reporting by the inmates. A recent study found that "only approximately one quarter of the male inmates and one tenth of the female inmates reported their perceived victimization to a correctional officer or a prison official." The reports of victimization among women and men involved abusive sexual contact and some form of forced sex.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: In U.S. women prisons, there is the common notion that sexual encounters usually occur more in hopes of "love, affection, and companionship." This is somewhat true, but there is also a hypersexualization and stereotype associated with incarcerated women. Some of the society sees incarcerated women as socially deviant and overly sexual, which can translate over to the notion that the women in the prisons always have voluntary relationships. A study in 1966 noted that 21 percent of the females inmates had a voluntary homosexual relationship. However, the most recent research on women inmates indicates a change. The latest study found that only "five of the 35 women" interviewed were in a voluntary homosexual relationship, with most of the women now describing themselves as "loners." This change indicates that homosexual relationships among incarcerated women do not occur as frequently as in prior generations.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: LGBT inmates are more likely to be raped while incarcerated. Although the sexual assault reporting system is notoriously flawed because of inmate fear or pride, elaboration on this statement is found in a recent publication. All of the inmate surveys conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics confirms that LGBT inmates "report higher rates of sexual victimization than their straight counterparts." In the 2011 to 2012 Survey, the Bureau found that within the past twelve months 12.2% of non-heterosexual people in prison reported inmate-on-inmate sexual assaults and heterosexual inmates reported 1.2%. In regards to staff-on-inmate sexual assault, 5.4% of nonheterosexual inmates reported victimization, compared to 2.1% of heterosexual inmates who reported victimization. A study conducted in a California prison discovered that 67 percent of LGBTQ inmates reported sexual assault during their incarceration. Many speculate that these numbers are due to their place in the sexual hierarchy in prison, which automatically makes them targets of sexual assault. These findings illustrate that the incarcerated LGBT population faces significantly higher rates of victimization than their heterosexual counterparts.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: Some prisons separate known homosexuals, bisexuals, and transgender people from the general prison population to prevent rape and violence against them. There are, however, other methods to get oneself segregated from population, such as rule infractions or feigned suicide attempts. Other inmates have resorted to killing their rapist (or probable future rapist), particularly those who already have long sentences and are thus immune from further legal consequences.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: Shame regarding perceived homosexuality may contribute to the under-reporting of prison rape by victims. Prison rape statistics are much higher than reported, as many victims are afraid to report, being threatened with physical violence by rapists if reported, as well as staff indifference.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: "Sexual assault is [already] an underreported crime," and prison rape only increases the likelihood for individuals to not "report their assaults to law enforcement personnel." A "Crime Victimization Survey [concluded] that only 20–35% of female sexual assault victims" openly discuss and report their assault to police enforcement. Sexual assault victims deal with severe shame and fear, which plays a significant role in their decision to report the crime. Women and minorities have especially difficult circumstances when it comes to dealing with reporting sexual assault to law enforcement. "Certain communities and settings" make it more difficult to report assault; for instance college campuses are notorious for not handling rape claims appropriately.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: The Prison Rape Elimination Act "(PREA) was passed in 2003, but" unfortunately the guidelines and standards that made up the act were not executed nationally until 2014. A study conducted by five reputable scholars analyzed "what factors" are important to the decision making process of women behind reporting sexual assault in prison "in an effort to inform or enhance the implementation of PREA." The study was made up of 179 incarcerated women who experienced "almost 400 incidents of staff sexual misconduct." The study was focused on women because there is a higher volume of women sexually assaulted in prisons, making the majority of the reporting cases studied female.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: The study addressed the individual-level factors that contribute to the reporting of sexual assault in prisons. Victim gender plays a role in reporting, in "that female victims of sexual assault are more likely to report their assaults than male victims." In regards to victim race, it appeared that there was no difference in reported cases based on race in incarcerated women. Another important factor in reported cases of sexual assault can be victim age. Younger victims are more likely to report than older victims, most likely because younger victims want to take action while the older victims are more concerned with the "potential consequences with reporting." Victim's income and victim education are surprising factors in that "women of higher socioeconomic status are less likely to report sexual assault," and women with higher education tend to report less frequently than those with less formal schooling.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: In addition to these individual-level factors, the study revealed that the type of assault had adverse effects of the likelihood of reporting. "Assaults which resulted in a physical injury were 3.7 times more likely to be reported" and the "assaults that occurred on more than one occasion were only half as likely to be reported." Assaults that resulted in compensation in one form or another were much less likely to be reported. All of these factors that determine an inmate's likelihood of reporting play a major role in how prison rape should be handled. Individuals need to feel comfortable with speaking out and need to be aware of their options in regards to reporting, as well as a reassessment of correctional staff.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: In another study, Brett Garland and Gabrielle Wilson studied whether reporting sexual assault is viewed the same as snitching in prison settings. The data gathered from their scholarly journal was collected from the "EthnoMethodological Study of the Subculture of Prison Inmate Sexuality in the United States, 2004–2005, retrieved from the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research", which analyzed 409 male inmates and 155 female inmates from "30 high-security prisons". These prisons were spread throughout 10 different states within "four regions of the United States". The results of Garland and Wilson's analysis of the data were "sixty-five percent of the inmates studied" agreed that reporting sexual assault is the same as snitching. It was also found that "the odds of an inmate considering that reporting rape is synonymous with snitching increases 33% for every" increase in the months that have been served on an individual's sentencing time. But, as time goes on, an inmate's likelihood of registering reporting with snitching will eventually hit a plateau, and their sentencing time will no longer determine their view on reporting. Race and ethnicity were evaluated and the data showed that "black inmates are less likely to consider reporting rape as snitching." Several other variables were analyzed, such as "age first imprisoned, prior prison commitments, age, marital status, sexual orientation, or violent offense," but proved to be not significant with the goal of the research.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: This study shines a light on the reality of inmates' views on rape. Garland and Wilson conclude that there is "a need to address inmate socialization immediately upon inmate arrival, as the likelihood of accepting the reporting of rape as snitching increases the most during the earlier months of incarceration." The study reassures that an inmate's decision on whether or not to report sexual assault depends again on a multitude of factors.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: A journal written by four scholarly researchers, the subject of rape myth acceptance (RMA) was analyzed to see how it affects the reporting of sexual assault with women. Throughout the beginning of their study, the authors introduced the idea of the "'classic rape'" which is seen as an "abduction, the perpetrator being a stranger, severe force, and serious injury." Incarcerated women are likely to compare their own sexual assault to their own concept of what constitutes as "rape." This correlation is believed to "negatively impact women's decisions to report to the police." Rape myth is defined as "specific beliefs about rape that are widespread and persistently held, despite the fact that they are largely false."


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: The overall goal of the study was to determine "whether RMA is a true barrier for incarcerated women" in terms of reporting behaviors. The results of the study showed that women who accepted rape myths were "98.1 times less likely" to report their sexual assault to the police. It is highlighted that "rape victims' mental health" is directly affected by whether or not they decided to report their sexual assault. It is disclosed that individuals that report their assault early on "can result in higher self-esteem and fewer post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms." Since RMA is negatively correlated with a victim's reporting behavior, it can be said, "RMA is a barrier to psychological recovery and healing."


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: The US has been proven to imprison, "a larger percentage of its population than any other country in the world except the Seychelles whose population is 0.03% of the United States'. Inmates in America are, "at least three times more likely to have HIV/AIDS than the general US population". The authors of a study published in 2014 in "Health Affairs", "surveyed the medical directors of the 50 state prison systems and 40 of the largest jails in the country" and "found that only 19% of the prison systems and 35% of the jails provided opt-out HIV testing". Those are tests in which all, "inmates are tested unless they specifically decline". Timothy Flanigan, a Brown University infectious disease specialist, pointed out that "other countries have a much more proactive approach" than the US. He added that, "unfortunately, our jail and prison systems are governed largely by cities and states": they're not federal. The privatization of correctional facilities can be harmful to the public health, the incentive to screen and treat inmates at a cost is low. Condoms are, "an inexpensive way to minimize the risk of HIV transmission in jails and prisons, but few state prison systems and only some of the largest jails provide them".


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: People largely, deeply misunderstand the gravity of prison rape. There are many issues caused by rape in prison, including the fact that it, "undermines the authority structure in prison settings". Some victims, "find that sexual predators control their lives more so than...the institutional authority". The disturbingly high prevalence of rape in correctional facilities, "produces a perception in the general public that prisons are chaotic, not secure; jails and prisons should be places where crimes are paid for, not committed". It is also important to acknowledge that, "a rampant prison rape culture increases levels of violence in and out of prisons". Prison rape has, "long been recognized as a contributing factor in fights, homicides, insurrections, and other forms of institutional violence". Prison rape also creates a public health problem. Following traumatic events, "victims require physical and mental health treatment both while in prison and after they have been released". It also, "furthers the spread of communicable diseases, such as HIV, AIDS, tuberculosis, and hepatitis B and C, both in and out of prison". The, "physical and psychological problems resulting from prison rape also make it difficult for former inmates to keep steady jobs or to assimilate back into the normal routines of life".


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: One expert voiced that, "a high prevalence of prison rape results in "higher recidivism, more homeless [,] or at best individuals requiring some form of government assistance."" American society, "fails to see prison rape for the tragedy that it is, a tragedy affecting not only prisons and prisoners, but also society at large". Michael Horowitz, senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, is credited by many "as being the creative force behind the prison rape legislation": PREA. He, "was influential in initiating the idea, developing the legislative language, and coordinating a groundswell of support for the bill from a diverse coalition of public interest, religious, and policy groups". The "diverse coalition included Amnesty International, Concerned Women of America, Focus on the Family, Human Rights Watch, Justice Policy Institute, NAACP, National Association of Evangelicals, Open Society Policy Center, National Council of La Raza, Prison Fellowship, Stop Prisoner Rape, and many other organizations". The legislation was created in attempt, "to change the attitudes and perceptions of government officials and people in the corrections field toward prison rape by making the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of prison rape a top priority throughout the nation's correctional facilities". While providing the foundation, "for the gathering of solid data on the extent of the prison rape problem" and helping, "corrections officials to make informed decisions as they attempt to eliminate it".


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: Many human rights groups, such as the Human Rights Watch and Stop Prisoner Rape, have cited documented incidents showing that prison staff tolerate rape as a means of controlling the prison population in general.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: The topic of prison rape is common in American humor. Jokes such as "don't drop the soap" seem to suggest that prison rape is an expected consequence of being sent to prison. This phenomenon is exemplified by the 2006 U.S. feature film "Let's Go to Prison" or the board game "Don't Drop the Soap" being marketed by John Sebelius, the son of Kathleen Sebelius. Songs have also been composed about the topic, e.g. the song "Prisoner of Love" by radio personalities Bob and Tom, performing as "Slam and Dave". The prevalence of this controversial humor is so widespread, that it even appears in children's media such as SpongeBob and Shrek.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: U.S. Federal law, under the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003, calls for the compilation of national prison rape statistics, annual hearings by a review panel, and the provision of grants to the states to address prison rape. A first, highly-controversial and disputed study, funded under the PREA by Mark Fleisher, concludes prison rape is rare: "Prison rape worldview doesn't interpret sexual pressure as coercion," he wrote. "Rather, sexual pressure ushers, guides or shepherds the process of sexual awakening."


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: In 2007, the US Supreme Court refused to hear the case of Khalid el-Masri, who had accused the CIA of torture, including 'forced anal penetration', due to state secrets privilege.


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: In 2012, the US Justice department issued nationally enforceable protocols to all correctional institutions to expand upon the provisions of the 2003 PREA ACT. The move is an effort to prevent, detect and respond to prison rape more effectively. The measure includes numerous provisions, such as barring juveniles from being housed with adult inmates, a ban on cross-gender pat-down searches, video monitoring and special attention to lesbian, gay, transgender or bisexual inmates vulnerable to abuse. Attorney General Eric Holder noted that "these standards are the result of a thoughtful and deliberative process – and represent a critical step forward in protecting the rights and safety of all Americans."


title: Prison rape in the United States

text: The Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003 (PREA) was a federal law that was administered to ensure protection for the inmates in the epidemic of prison rape. Many actors were included in this process of making up the act. The goal of the act was to "provide for the analysis of the incidence and effects of prison rape in Federal, State, and local institutions and to provide information, resources, recommendation and funding to protect individuals from prison rape." Some of the highlights from the prison elimination act was "requires development of standards for detection, prevention, reduction, and punishment of prison rape. Awards grants to help State and local governments implement the Act's provision. The act applies to all public and private institutions that house adult or juvenile offenders and to community-based correctional agencies." Although all these rules were put in place to combat prison rape, it ultimately did not decrease sexual assault in prison. The act did not take into consideration the overcrowding in prisons or if instruction was enforced on correctional officers to enforce these rules. Another problem that appeared is that act was a national act, which allowed states to make the decision, to follow or not to follow the act. The delegation of funds to treat inmates was tricky due to having a lack of funds to achieve the goals they planned or promised.


title: Davidoff

text: Davidoff is a Swiss premium brand of cigars, cigarettes and smoker's accessories. The Davidoff cigarette brand has been owned by Imperial Brands after purchasing it in 2006. The non-cigarette portion of the Davidoff tobacco brand is owned by Oettinger Davidoff AG, which is based in Basel, Switzerland.


title: Davidoff

text: Oettinger Davidoff AG manufactures a broad portfolio of cigars, cigarillos, pipe tobaccos and smoker's accessories under the brands Davidoff, Camacho and Zino Platinum. The cigars are produced in the Dominican Republic and Honduras, and tobacco is sourced from the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, Brazil, Peru, Mexico, Ecuador, Honduras and the United States of America.


title: Davidoff

text: The brand name Davidoff originates from the surname of its Ukrainian-Jewish-born founder, Zino Davidoff (born Sussele-Meier Davidoff; 1906, Novhorod-Siverskyi – 1994, Geneva), who ran a tobacco specialist shop in Geneva, Switzerland, from 1926 to 1994. He was known as the "King of Cigars".


title: Davidoff

text: After the Second World War, Zino Davidoff decided to acquire a license to produce his own series of cigars. As he had discerning international customers, he named the various formats of this "Château" cigar series after famous Bordeaux vineyard estates. The first in the series was the "Château Latour" in 1946.


title: Davidoff

text: In 1967, Zino Davidoff was approached by Cubatabaco, Cuba's state tobacco monopoly, about creating a line of cigars carrying the "Davidoff" name. The cigars were rolled in the newly established El Laguito factory in Havana, which had been established to roll Cuban President Fidel Castro's own personal cigars, named Cohíba.


title: Davidoff

text: In 1968, the first cigars carrying the name "Davidoff" were released. The first formats were the No. 1, the No. 2 and the Ambassadrice. In 1970, Oettinger AG, located in Basel, Switzerland, acquired the rights to the Davidoff trademark.


title: Davidoff

text: In 1971, the Davidoff "Mini Cigarillos" (short fillers made of 100% tobacco) and, in 1972, the first Davidoff pipe tobaccos were released. As of 1975, the cigars of the Château series were delivered in cabinets bearing the Davidoff logo.


title: Davidoff

text: In 1976, the "Mille Series" and, in 1977, the “Dom Pérignon” cigar, named after the champagne, were released. In 1986, a limited release of "Anniversario" cigars were produced, to celebrate Zino Davidoff's 80th birthday.


title: Davidoff

text: The Zino Davidoff Group was spun out of Davidoff in 1980 to exclusively market non-tobacco luxury goods such as watches, leather goods, pens, fragrances, eyewear, coffee, and cognac. Public health researchers have suggested that this was in order to engage in trademark diversification (also known as "brand stretching") to promote the tobacco products, because it allows for advertising the brand in the face of restrictions on the direct promotion of tobacco products.


title: Davidoff

text: After numerous disputes over quality and ownership rights, Zino Davidoff and Cubatabaco decided to end their relationship. Leading up to this, in August 1989, Zino had publicly burned over one hundred thousand cigars that he had deemed of low quality and unfit to sell. All Davidoff products produced in Cuba were officially discontinued in 1991. An agreement was signed that no more Davidoff cigars from Cuba would be sold.


title: Davidoff

text: In 1990, after discontinuing Cuban-made products, Davidoff started to produce cigars in the Dominican Republic. After numerous test runs, Zino Davidoff found a partner in the local producer “Tabadom”, owned by Hendrik Kelner.


title: Davidoff

text: In 1991, the first Dominican-made Davidoff cigars were launched, continuing the product lines and cigar formats of their Cuban predecessors. With the move to the Dominican Republic, the Château series was renamed "Grand Cru", and the individual formats were numbered instead of carrying the names of vineyard estates.


title: Davidoff

text: In 1991, the limited release called "Aniversario" became an ongoing cigar series, called the "Aniversario" series. In 1992, the "Special" cigar series was released, with the format "Special R" as the first product. In 1994, the 87 year old Zino Davidoff died in Geneva, Switzerland. In 2001, the "Millennium Blend" cigar series was launched. In 2010, Davidoff Cigars released the "Puro d'Oro" series.


title: Davidoff

text: In 2013, Davidoff Cigars released the “Nicaragua” series, which was the first product line of Davidoff to incorporate tobaccos from Nicaragua into the cigar blend, and the first series since the Davidoff Cuban products which made use of tobaccos not sourced in the Dominican Republic. Moving forward, Davidoff Cigars started to make use of tobaccos sourced from other countries than the Dominican Republic to diversify their product portfolio.


title: Davidoff

text: In 2015, Davidoff Cigars released the "Escurio" series, which contained tobaccos sourced from Brazil. In the same year, the cigar line "Winston Churchill" was launched. In 2016, Davidoff Cigars released the "Yamasa" cigar series.


title: Davidoff

text: Over the years, Davidoff Cigars made changes to its product lineup. These are the cigar series currently on the market:


title: Davidoff

text: Davidoff Cigars produces a number of smoker's accessories, including humidors, lighters, cigar cutters, ashtrays, cigar cases, pipes and pipe accessories.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: On 15 April 2019, just before 18:20 CEST, a fire broke out beneath the roof of the Notre-Dame cathedral in Paris. By the time the structure fire was extinguished, the building's spire had collapsed, most of its roof had been destroyed, and its upper walls were severely damaged. Extensive damage to the interior was prevented by its stone vaulted ceiling, which largely contained the burning roof as it collapsed. Many works of art and religious relics were moved to safety early in the emergency, but others suffered smoke damage, and some of the exterior art was damaged or destroyed. The cathedral's altar, two pipe organs, and three 13th-century rose windows suffered little or no damage. Three emergency workers were injured. The fire contaminated the site, and nearby areas of the city, with toxic dust and lead. Due to this event, the cathedral did not host Christmas Mass on 2019, marking it the first time since 1803 that a Mass had not been held.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The cathedral will be restored by 2024, French president Emmanuel Macron said in the spring of 2022, announcing that a fundraising campaign had brought in pledges of over €1billion . A complete restoration could require five years. If completed on this timeline, the cathedral could be restored in time for the 2024 Summer Olympics in Paris.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The Catholic cathedral of Notre-Dame de Paris ("Our Lady of Paris"), part of the "Paris, Banks of the Seine" UNESCO World Heritage Site, was begun in the 12th century. Its walls and interior vaulted ceiling are of stone; its roof and flèche (spire) were of wood (much of it 13th-century oak), sheathed in lead to exclude water. The spire was rebuilt several times, most recently in the 19th century.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The cathedral's stonework has been severely eroded by years of weather and pollution, and the spire had extensively rotted because fissures in its lead sheathing were admitting water. The roof timbers were dry, spongy and powdery with age. In 2014, the Ministry of Culture estimated needed renovations at €150million, and in 2016 the Archdiocese of Paris launched an appeal to raise €100million over the following five to ten years. At the time of the fire, the spire was undergoing restoration and scaffolding was being erected over the transept.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Extensive attention had been given to the risk of fire at the cathedral. The Paris Fire Brigade drilled regularly to prepare for emergencies there, including on-site exercises in 2018; a firefighter was posted to the cathedral each day; and fire wardens checked conditions beneath the roof three times daily.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Fire broke out in the attic beneath the cathedral's roof at 18:18. At 18:20 the fire alarm sounded and guards evacuated the cathedral; a guard was sent to investigate, but to the wrong the attic of the adjoining where he found no fire. About fifteen minutes later the error was discovered, but by the time guards had climbed the three hundred steps to the cathedral attic the fire was well advanced. The alarm system was not designed to automatically notify the fire brigade, which was summoned at 18:51 after the guards had returned. Firefighters arrived within ten minutes.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Police evacuated the Île de la Cité. White smoke was seen rising from the roof, which turned black before flames appeared from the spire, then turned yellow.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: More than 400 firefighters were engaged; another hundred government workers worked to move precious objects to safety via a human chain also including police and municipal workers.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The fire was primarily fought from inside the structure, which was more dangerous for personnel but reduced potential damage to the cathedral; applying water from outside risked deflecting flames and hot gases (at temperatures up to 800°C or 1500°F) inwards. Deluge guns were used at lower-than-usual pressures to minimise damage to the cathedral and its contents, with water that was supplied by pump-boat from the Seine.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Aerial firefighting was not used because water dropped from heights could have caused structural damage, and heated stone can crack if suddenly cooled. Helicopters were not used because of dangerous updrafts but drones were used for visual and thermal imaging, and robots for visual imaging and directing water streams. Molten lead falling from the roof posed a special hazard for firefighters.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: By 18:52, smoke was visible from outside; flames appeared in the next ten minutes, as firefighters arrived. The spire of the cathedral collapsed at 19:50, creating a draft that slammed all the doors and sent a fireball through the attic. Firefighters then retreated from within the attic. Shortly before the spire fell, the fire had spread to the wooden framework inside the north tower, which supported eight very large bells. Had the bells fallen, it was thought that the damage done as they fell could have collapsed the towers, and with them the entire cathedral. At 20:30, firefighters abandoned attempts to extinguish the roof and concentrated on saving the towers, fighting from within and between the towers. By 21:45 the fire was under control.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Adjacent apartment buildings were evacuated due to concern about possible collapse, but on 19 April the fire brigade ruled out that risk. One firefighter and two police officers were injured.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Most of the wood/metal roof and the spire of the cathedral was destroyed, with about one third of the roof remaining. The remnants of the roof and spire fell atop the stone vault underneath, which forms the ceiling of the cathedral's interior. Some sections of this vaulting collapsed in turn, allowing debris from the burning roof to fall to the marble floor below, but most sections remained intact due to the use of rib vaulting, greatly reducing damage to the cathedral's interior and objects within.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The cathedral contained a large number of artworks, religious relics, and other irreplaceable treasures, including a crown of thorns said to be the one Jesus wore at his crucifixion, a purported piece of the cross on which Jesus was crucified, the Tunic of St. Louis, a much-rebuilt pipe organ by Aristide Cavaillé-Coll, and the 14th-century Virgin of Paris statue.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Some artwork had been removed in preparation for the renovations, and most of the cathedral's sacred relics were held in the adjoining sacristy, which the fire did not reach; all the cathedral's relics survived. Some contents were moved by a human chain of emergency workers and civil servants. Many valuables that were not removed also survived, but the state of many others remained unknown as of 16 April.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Lead joints in some of the 19th-century stained-glass windows melted, but the three major rose windows, dating to the 13th century, were undamaged. One weakened window may need to be dismantled for safekeeping. Several pews were destroyed and the vaulted arches were blackened by smoke, though the church's main cross and altar survived, along with the statues surrounding it.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Some paintings, apparently only smoke-damaged, are expected to be transported to the Louvre for restoration. A number of statues, including those of the twelve Apostles at the base of the spire, had been removed in preparation for renovations. The rooster-shaped reliquary atop the spire was found damaged but intact among the debris. The three pipe organs were not significantly damaged. The largest of the cathedral's bells, the bourdon, was not damaged. The liturgical treasury of the cathedral and the "grands Mays" paintings were moved to safety.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Airparif said winds rapidly dispersed the smoke, carrying it away aloft along the Seine corridor. It did not find elevated levels of particulate air pollution at monitoring stations nearby. The Paris police have stated that there was no danger from breathing the air around the fire.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The burned-down roof had been covered with over 400 metric tons of lead. Settling dust substantially raised surface lead levels in some places nearby, notably the cordoned-off area and places left open during the fire. Wet cleaning for surfaces and blood tests for children and pregnant women were recommended in the immediate area. People working on the cathedral after the fire did not initially take the lead precautions required for their own protection; materials leaving the site were decontaminated, but some clothing was not, and some precautions were not correctly followed; as a result, the worksite failed some inspections and was temporarily shut down. There was also more widespread contamination; testing, cleanup, and public health advisories were delayed for months, and the neighbourhood was not decontaminated for four months, prompting widespread criticism.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Average lead levels in Paris streets are normally five times the indoor legal limit () due to historic uses of lead, principally from runoff from intact roofs. The Health Ministry rules that children should not be exposed to more than 70 micrograms/m indoors. There is no legal limit for outdoor lead levels, which are often very heterogeneous; the L'Agence régionale de santé (ARS) d'Ile-de-France is not certain if some of the elevated levels being measured are connected to the fire. This lack of clarity and threshold-linked mandatory measures may have delayed action. In mid-July, regional health officials raised their outdoor guideline from 1000 micrograms/m to 5000. Rain can redistribute the lead dust. Samples of honey collected in July 2019 revealed higher lead concentrations down wind from Notre Dame and lead isotopes tagged the lead as originating from the fire and not other potential sources of pollutants.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Macron, postponing a speech to address the yellow vests movement planned for that evening, went to Notre Dame and gave a brief address there. Major religious leaders and representatives of numerous countries and international organisations extended condolences.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Through the night of the fire and into the next day, people gathered along the Seine to hold vigils, sing and pray. Some commentators found deeper meaning in the fire, linking it with divine judgment or the decline of Western Civilisation.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The following Sunday at Saint-Eustache Church, the Archbishop of Paris, Michel Aupetit, honoured the firefighters with the presentation of a book of scriptures saved from the fire.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The fire has been compared to the similar 1992 Windsor Castle fire and the Uppark fire, among others, and has raised old questions about the safety of similar structures and the techniques used to restore them. Renovation works increase fire risk, and a police source reported they are looking into whether such work had caused this incident.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The renovations presented a fire risk from sparks, short-circuits, and heat from welding (roof repairs involved cutting, and soldering lead sheets resting on timber). Normally, no electrical installations were allowed in the roof space due to the extreme fire risk. The roof framing was of very dry timber, often powdery with age. After the fire the architect responsible for fire safety at the cathedral acknowledged that the rate at which fire might spread had been underestimated, and experts said it was well known that a fire in the roof would be almost impossible to control.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Of the firms working on the restoration, a "Europe Echafaudage" team was the only one working there on the day of the fire; the company said no soldering or welding was underway before the fire. The scaffolding was receiving electrical supply for temporary elevators and lighting. The roofers, Le Bras Frères, said it had followed procedure and that none of its personnel were on site when the fire broke out. Time-lapse images taken by a camera installed by them showed smoke first rising from the base of the spire.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: On 25 April, the structure was considered safe enough for entry of investigators, who unofficially stated that they were considering theories involving malfunction of electric bell-ringing apparatus, and cigarette butts discovered on the renovation scaffolding. Le Bras Frères confirmed its workers had smoked cigarettes, contrary to regulations, but denied that a cigarette butt could have started the fire. The Paris prosecutor's office announced on 26 June that no evidence had been found to suggest a criminal motive.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The security employee monitoring the alarm system was new on the job, and was on a second eight-hour shift that day because his relief had not arrived. Additionally, the fire security system used confusing terminology in its referencing parts of the cathedral, which contributed to the initial confusion as to the location of the fire.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: As of September, determining the exact place in which the fire started was expected to take a great deal more time and work. By 15 April 2020, investigators believed "the fire to have been started by either a cigarette or a short circuit in the electrical system".


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: On the night of the fire, Macron said that the cathedral would be rebuilt, and launched an international fundraising campaign. France's cathedrals have been owned by the state since 1905, and are not privately insured.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The heritage conservation organisation estimated the damage in the hundreds of millions of euros. Although art in the building and multiple construction companies were insured, according to President Robert Leblanc, losses from the fire are not expected to substantially impact the private insurance industry. European art insurers stated the cost would be similar to ongoing renovations of the Palace of Westminster in London, which was estimated to be around €7billion. This cost does not include damage to any of the artwork or artefacts within the cathedral; art insurers said any pieces on loan from other museums would have been insured, but the works owned by the cathedral would not have been insurable.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: While Macron hoped the cathedral could be restored in time for the 2024 Summer Olympics in Paris, architects expect the work could take from 20 to 40 years, as any new structure would need to balance restoring the look of the original building, using wood and stone sourced from the same regions used in the original construction, with the structural reinforcement required for preventing a similar disaster in the future.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: There is discussion of whether to reconstruct the cathedral in modified form. Rebuilding the roof with titanium sheets and steel trusses has been suggested; other options include rebuilding in the original lead and wood, rebuilding with modern materials not visible from the outside (like the reinforced concrete trusses at Reims Cathedral), or a combination of restored old elements and newly designed ones.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: French prime minister Édouard Philippe announced an architectural design competition for a new spire "adapted to the techniques and the challenges of our era." The spire replacement project has gathered a variety of designs and some controversy, particularly its legal exemption from environmental and heritage rules. After the design competition was announced, the French senate amended the government's restoration bill to require the roof to be restored to how it was before the fire. This amendment awaits approval by the National Assembly of France. On 16 July, 95 days after the fire that destroyed the cathedral's roof and central spire, the law that will govern the restoration of the cathedral was finally approved by the French parliament. It recognises its UNESCO World Heritage Site status and the need to respect existing international charters and practices, to "preserve the historic, artistic and architectural history of the monument", and to limit any derogations to the existing heritage, planning, environmental and construction codes to a minimum.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: On 15 April 2020, Germany offered to restore "some of the large clerestory windows located far above eye level" with three expert tradesmen who specialize in rebuilding cathedrals. Monika Grütters, Germany's Commissioner for Culture was quoted as saying "her country would shoulder the costs".


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: On 18 April 2020, French game developer and publisher Ubisoft offered to provide the reconstruction effort with over 5,000 hours' worth of research on the building's structure, previously used to recreate the cathedral in the 2014 video game "Assassin's Creed Unity."


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: As of 30 November 2020, all of the tangled scaffolding was removed from the spire area. It is no longer a threat to the building.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: On 15 April 2022, French president Emmanuel Macron visited the cathedral as the country marked the third anniversary of the fire. Macron toured the site where works are being carried out to restore the iconic landmark and spoke to those undertaking the project about their progress so far.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: In the spring of 2022, eight workshops of master glassmakers and locksmiths, selected across France, began the process of cleaning and restoration of the cathedral’s stained glass windows. The Cologne Cathedral workshop from Germany joined the effort by restoring a four of the stained glass windows.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: Notre Dame is currently scheduled to reopen in 2024, five years to the day of the fire and the year Paris will host the 2024 Summer Olympics.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: , donations of over €1billion have been pledged for the cathedral's reconstruction, at least €880million of that in less than a day after Macron's appeal.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: There have been many additional pledges for smaller, or undisclosed, amounts. A proposal by former minister Jean-Jacques Aillagon that corporate donations for Notre-Dame should get a 90% tax deduction (rather than the standard 60%) was retracted after public outcry. Some donors have said they will not seek tax deductions. Donors exempted of income tax (more than half of French taxpayers, including working- and middle-class) are not eligible for such deductions.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: , only €80million had been collected. The minister in charge of national museums and monuments, Franck Riester, predicted that further donations would materialise as reconstruction work progressed, though it was reported that some who made pledges have renounced them because fundraising has been so successful. A year after the fire, close to €1 billion had been received from around 320,000 contributors.


title: Notre-Dame fire

text: The current status of the restoration is posted regularly by the organisation the Friends of Notre-Dame de Paris.


title: Sarah Bäckman

text: Sarah Bäckman (born 8 December 1991) is a Swedish real estate broker, former professional wrestler and arm wrestler. She is a former eight-time World Arm Wrestling Champion. Bäckman also competed as "Spirit" on the Swedish version of MGM Television's "Gladiators" franchise. From 2013 to 2014, Bäckman was signed to WWE, working in their developmental territory NXT.<ref name="3/7/13 WO update"></ref>


title: Sarah Bäckman

text: Bäckman began arm wrestling at age 14. She is one of the most decorated women's arm wrestlers in the world. An eight-time World Arm Wrestling Champion, eight-time European Arm Wrestling Champion and 11-time Swedish Arm Wrestling Champion. She retired from arm wrestling to pursue a wrestling career in May 2013 when she decided to sign with WWE.


title: Sarah Bäckman

text: Bäckman portrays Gladiator "Spirit" on the Swedish version of Gladiators (or "Gladiatorerna" as the show, which airs on TV4, is referred to in Sweden). Bäckman replaced “Stinger”, who was portrayed by Cajsa Nilsson. In an article for a Swedish newspaper ("Aftonbladet"), Bäckman referred to being a Gladiator as "a childhood dream" of hers.


title: Sarah Bäckman

text: In March 2013, it was reported that Bäckman signed a developmental contract with WWE and would report to their developmental territory NXT. Bäckman's ring name was revealed as Shara on 10 February 2014.


title: Sarah Bäckman

text: Bäckman married Taylor Rotunda, who at the time was signed to WWE under the ring name Bo Dallas, on June 26, 2014. In 2015, Bäckman started a career as a real estate broker. Bäckman and Rotunda divorced in 2019.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Marcus Alexander Brigstocke (born 8 May 1973) is a British comedian, actor and satirist. He has worked in stand-up comedy, television, radio and musical theatre. He has appeared on many BBC television and radio shows.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Brigstocke is the son of Nick Brigstocke, a stockbroker from a Welsh landed gentry family, and Carol, daughter of senior Royal Air Force officer Air Marshal Sir Walter Pretty. He was raised in Surrey, and educated at St Edmunds School in the village of Hindhead in Surrey, at Westbourne House School in Chichester, West Sussex, King's School, Bruton in Somerset, and Hammersmith & Fulham College in west London. He then attended the University of Bristol, where he studied Drama, but did not complete his degree.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Aged 19, Brigstocke worked on a North Sea oil rig, and later as a podium dancer (being featured on Electric Circus); he used his earnings to travel, and the experiences as inspiration for a stand-up routine.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Many of the central themes of Brigstocke's work were first addressed during his time as a student at the University of Bristol. While at Bristol he often performed in the comedy trio Club Seals (with Dan Tetsell and Danny Robins), which later made the transition to television in the series of short programmes "We Are History" (2000-2001).


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In April 2008, Brigstocke and fellow comedian and snowboarder Andrew Maxwell founded a comedy and music festival in the ski resort of Meribel, in the French Alps.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In 2009, Brigstocke starred in the British tour of the American live improvisation show "Totally Looped". His second stand-up show "God Collar" toured in 2009.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In June 2010, he announced that he had signed a publishing deal with Transworld to turn the "God Collar" Tour into a book, which was released in 2011 to mixed reviews.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Brigstocke has a successful radio career including "The Now Show" (1998–present, with Steve Punt and Hugh Dennis) and "Giles Wemmbley-Hogg Goes Off" (2002–2011).


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: On 9 April 2006, Brigstocke appeared as Bertie Wooster in BBC Radio 4's adaptation of "The Code of the Woosters" (1938), with Andrew Sachs as Jeeves. Brigstocke hosted "The Late Edition" (2005–2008), which was promoted by the BBC as ""Newsnight" with jokes".


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Brigstocke has hosted talk show "I've Never Seen Star Wars" on BBC Radio 4 since 2008, transferring it to TV for one series as "I've Never Seen Star Wars" for BBC Four in 2009.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In September 2017, BBC Radio 4 broadcast his first serious drama, "The Red", drawing on his own experience of recovery. It won the Best Single Drama award in the BBC Audio Drama Awards 2018.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In December 2017, BBC Radio 4 broadcast his new 4-part sitcom "The Wilsons Save The World", where Brigstocke plays a father leading a family trying to live ethically. A second 4-part series followed in 2019.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Brigstocke plays an arts journalist named Marcus in the Neil Gaiman film "A Short Film About John Bolton" (2003) and a radio DJ in the Richard Curtis film "Love Actually" (2003) and its sequel "Red Nose Day Actually" (2017).


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Brigstocke's television work has included "Have I Got News for You" and "Live at the Apollo". He took part in the BBC Two programme "Excuse My French" (2006) with Ron Atkinson and Esther Rantzen. They were immersed in the French language by staying in a French town in Provence. Brigstocke's ultimate assignment was to perform a live stand-up comedy act in French to a French audience.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In September 2008, Brigstocke was team captain for the first series of a comedy panel show, "Argumental" (2008-2012), for British television channel Dave. He served as the Captain of the Red Team, competing against Rufus Hound with a variety of guest participants, under the chairmanship of John Sergeant.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: He has also worked for television shows aimed at children for CBBC: "Stupid!" (2004-2007) and "Sorry I've Got No Head" (2008-2011).


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Brigstocke appeared in the first series of "The Jump" in 2014. He reached the final, but had to withdraw when he snapped his cruciate ligaments, an injury that prevented him working for a year.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In 2000, he successfully claimed publishing rights after a sample of his voice was used in the song "I Don't Smoke" by DJ Dee Kline.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In 2010, Brigstocke made his musical theatre debut as King Arthur in the British tour of "Spamalot" for a limited engagement. He then starred in "The Railway Children" as Albert Perks at the Waterloo Station Theatre in 2011. He appeared in the role of Ali Hakim at two semi-staged concert performances of "Oklahoma!" at the Proms with the John Wilson Orchestra on 11 August 2017.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In late 2017, Brigstocke played the title role in a revival of "Barnum" at the Menier Chocolate Factory. For this, he acquired specialist circus skills including magic and walking a tightrope. He chronicled his motivation and progress in an article for "The Guardian".


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: In 2019, Brigstocke adapted his radio play "The Red" into a theatrical play staged at Pleasance Dome, Edinburgh. It was later adapted into an online version released during 2022.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Brigstocke married Sophie Prideaux in 2001; they have a son and a daughter. They divorced in 2013 following his affair with Hayley Tamaddon with whom he co-starred in the musical "Spamalot" in 2010. Since April 2018 he has been in a relationship with fellow comedian Rachel Parris; they were engaged on 25 December 2018 and married on 16 September 2019. Their son was born in August 2021.


title: Marcus Brigstocke

text: Brigstocke established a stand-up tour in the Alps and a comedy festival called The Altitude Festival. He has performed in beatboxing battles on stage with Shlomo and Bellatrix.


title: Sancho Panza

text: Sancho Panza () is a fictional character in the novel "Don Quixote" written by Spanish author Don Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra in 1605. Sancho acts as squire to Don Quixote and provides comments throughout the novel, known as "sanchismos", that are a combination of broad humour, ironic Spanish proverbs, and earthy wit. "Panza" in Spanish means "belly" (cf. English "paunch," Italian "pancia", several Italian dialects "panza", Portuguese "pança", French "panse", Romanian "pântec").


title: Sancho Panza

text: When the novel begins, Sancho has been married for a long time to a woman named Teresa Cascajo and has a daughter, María Sancha (also named Marisancha, Marica, María, Sancha, and Sanchica), who is said to be old enough to be married. Sancho's wife is described more or less as a feminine version of Sancho, both in looks and behaviour. When Don Quixote proposes Sancho to be his squire, neither he nor his family strongly oppose it.


title: Sancho Panza

text: Sancho is illiterate and proud of it but by influence of his new master, he develops considerable knowledge about some books.


title: Sancho Panza

text: Sancho instead provides the earthy wisdom of Spanish proverbs, surprising his master. During the travels with Don Quixote, he keeps contact with his wife by dictating letters addressed to her.


title: Sancho Panza

text: Sancho Panza offers interpolated narrative voice throughout the tale, a literary convention invented by Cervantes. Sancho Panza is precursor to "the sidekick," and is symbolic of practicality over idealism. Sancho is the everyman, who, though not sharing his master's delusional "enchantment" until late in the novel, remains his ever-faithful companion realist, and functions as the clever sidekick.


title: Sancho Panza

text: Salvador de Madariaga detected that, as the book progresses, there is a "Quixotization" of Sancho and a "Sanchification" of Don Quixote, so much that, when the knight recovers sanity on his deathbed, it is Sancho who tries to convince him to become pastoral shepherds.


title: Sancho Panza

text: In the novel, Don Quixote comments on the historical state and condition of Aragón and Castilla, which are vying for power in Europe. Sancho Panza represents, among other things, the quintessentially Spanish brand of skepticism of the period.


title: Sancho Panza

text: Sancho obediently follows his master, despite being sometimes puzzled by Quixote's actions. Riding a donkey, he helps Quixote get out of various conflicts while looking forward to rewards of "aventura" that Quixote tells him of.


title: Sancho Panza

text: Cervantes variously names Sancho in the first book Sancho Zancas (legs); however, in the second book, he standardizes Sancho's name in reply to the "false" Avellaneda Quixote sequel. At one point, Sancho alludes to the "false" Avellaneda book by addressing his wife (standardized as Teresa Panza) using the wrong name. The Sancho name does not change, but he calls his wife various names throughout the first part of the volume, and her 'true' name is not revealed until almost the end of that portion of the novel.


title: Sancho Panza

text: Don Quixote promises Sancho the governance of an "ínsula", or island. However, Sancho has never heard of this word before and does not know its meaning. Sancho has long been expecting some vague but concrete reward for this adventure and believes the word to signify the prize that will make the trouble he has been enduring worthwhile.


title: Sancho Panza

text: The two later encounter a duke and duchess who pretend to make Sancho governor of a fictional fief, "la ínsula Barataria" (roughly "Isle Come-cheaply"; see Cockaigne). He eagerly accepts and leaves his master. In a letter, Don Quixote gives Sancho provincial advice on governorship gleaned from the romances he has read, thought to have been inspired by the "Diálogo de Mercurio y Carón" attributed to Alfonso de Valdés (-1532). Quixote's simplistic and romantic understanding of government may be allegorical, with the use of "ínsula" satirising the lack of practical learning on the part of philosopher-doctors placed in positions of power.


title: Sancho Panza

text: The Duke's servants are instructed to play several pranks upon Sancho. Surprisingly, Sancho is able to rule justly (mostly), applying common (if occasionally inconsistent) sense and practical wisdom in spite of, or because of simplistic advice that Don Quixote has read about. As Sancho is abused in these staged parodies, he learns how difficult it is to rule, and "resigns" to rejoin Don Quixote and to continue the adventure.


title: Sancho Panza

text: Sancho encounters Ricote ("fat cat"), his former Morisco neighbor, who has buried a small fortune. Ricote, like all Moriscos, was expelled from Spain and has returned in disguise to retrieve the treasure he left behind. He asks Sancho for his help. Sancho, while sympathetic, refuses to betray his king.


title: Sancho Panza

text: When Don Quixote takes to his deathbed, Sancho tries to cheer him. Sancho idealistically proposes they become pastoral shepherds and thus becomes 'Quixotized'.


title: Sancho Panza

text: In addition to stage and screen adaptations of the novel itself, Sancho Panza is a major character in the play within a play in the Broadway musical "Man of La Mancha", and in the film of the same name. In "Man of La Mancha", the newly imprisoned Cervantes recruits his fellow prisoners to portray characters from his novel, with Cervantes himself playing Don Quixote and his manservant playing Sancho. Sancho sings the title song as a duet with Quixote, solos "The Missive", "I like him", and "A Little Gossip", plus ensemble numbers "Golden Helmet of Mambrino" and "The Dubbing". Actors who have played Sancho in the play include Irving Jacobson (who also sang on the original cast album), Tony Martinez (1977 and 1992 revivals), and Ernie Sabella (2002 revival). James Coco played the character in the 1972 film.


title: Sancho Panza

text: "Sancho Panza" of Boston was an 1855 medium clipper ship of 876 tons, built in Medford, MA by Samuel Lapham, and owned by John E. Lodge & Co. The ship was renamed "Nimrod" in 1863, upon sale to British owners, resold to German owners, and re-rigged as a bark. "Sancho Panza" was bound for Liverpool, having left Pictou, N.S. on Oct. 31, 1890, but was not heard from again.


title: Iñupiat

text: The Iñupiat (or Inupiat, Iñupiaq or Inupiaq;) are a group of Alaska Natives, whose traditional territory roughly spans northeast from Norton Sound on the Bering Sea to the northernmost part of the Canada–United States border. Their current communities include 34 villages across "Iñupiat Nunaat" (Iñupiaq lands) including seven Alaskan villages in the North Slope Borough, affiliated with the Arctic Slope Regional Corporation; eleven villages in Northwest Arctic Borough; and sixteen villages affiliated with the Bering Straits Regional Corporation, and often claim to be the first people of the Kauwerak.


title: Iñupiat

text: Iñupiat () is the plural form of the name for the people. The singular form is Iñupiaq (), which also sometimes refers to the language. Iñupiak () is the dual form. The roots are "iñuk" "person" and "-piaq" "real", i.e., an endonym meaning "real people".


title: Iñupiat

text: In 1971, the Alaskan Native Claims Settlement Act established thirteen Alaskan Native Regional Corporations. The purpose of the regional corporations were to create institutions in which Native Alaskans would generate venues to provide services for its members, who were incorporated as "shareholders". Alaskan Native Regional Corporations pose many challenges as participation in extractive capitalism is often in conflict with Native Alaskans subsistence lifestyles that require the health of the ecosystems. Three regional corporations are located in the lands of the Iñupiat. These are the following.


title: Iñupiat

text: Prior to colonization, Iñupiat, like all Indigenous Peoples, exercised sovereignty based on complex social structures and order. Despite the transfer of land from Russia to the U.S. and eventual annexation of Alaska, Iñupiat sovereignty continues to be articulated in various ways. A limited form of this sovereignty has been recognized by Federal Indian Law, which outlines the relationship between the federal government and American Indians. The Federal Indian Law recognized Tribal governments as having limited self-determination. In 1993, the federal government extended federal recognition to Alaskan Natives tribes. Tribal governments created avenues for tribes to contract with the federal government to manage programs that directly benefit Native peoples. Throughout Iñupiat lands, there are various regional and village tribal governments. The tribal governments vary in structure and services provided, but often are related to the social wellbeing of the communities. Services included but are not limited to education, housing, tribal services, and supporting healthy families and cultural connection to place and community.


title: Iñupiat

text: The following Alaska Native tribal entities for the Iñupiat are recognized by the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs:


title: Iñupiat

text: Inuit, the language and the people, extend borders and dialects across the Circumpolar North. Inuit are the Native inhabitants of Northern Alaska, Canada, and Greenland. Inuit languages have differing names depending on the region it is spoken in. In Northern Alaskan, the Inuit language is called Iñupiat. Within Alaskan Iñupiat, there are four major dialects: North Slope, Malimiut, Bering Straits, and Qawiaraq. Prior to western contact, the Iñupiat dialects flourished. Due to harsh assimilation efforts in Native American boarding schools, Natives were punished for speaking their language. Now only 2,000 of the approximately 24,500 Iñupiat people can speak their Native tongue.


title: Iñupiat

text: Revitalization efforts have focused on Alaskan Native languages and ways of life. Located in Kotzebue, Alaska, an Iñupiat language immersion school called Nikaitchuat Iḷisaġviat was established in 1998. The immersion school's mission is to "instill the knowledge of Iñupiaq identity, dignity, respect and to cultivate a love of lifelong learning". June Nelson Elementary school is another school in Kotzebue that is working to include more content into their curriculum about Iñupiat language and culture. Nome Elementary School in Nome, Alaska has also put in place plans to incororate an Iñupiaq language immersion program. There are many courses being offered at the various campuses a part of the University of Alaska system. University of Alaska Fairbanks offers an online course called Beginning Iñupiaq Eskimo, an introductory course to the Iñupiaq language open to both speakers and non-speakers of Iñupiaq. University of Alaska Anchorage offers multiple levels of Elementary Iñupiaq Language and Alaskan Native language apprenticeship and fluency intensive courses.


title: Iñupiat

text: Since 2017, a grassroots group of Iñupiat language learners organized Iḷisaqativut, a two-week Iñupiaq language intensive that is held throughout communities in the Iñupiat region. The first gathering was held in Utqiaġvik in 2017, Siqnasuaq (Nome) in 2018, and Qikiqtaġruk (Kotzebue) in 2019.


title: Iñupiat

text: Kawerak, a nonprofit organization from the Bering Strait region, has created a language glossary that features terms from Iñupiaq, as well as terms from English, Yup'ik, and St. Lawrence Island Yupik.


title: Iñupiat

text: Several Inupiat people developed pictographic writing systems in the early twentieth century. It is known as Alaskan Picture Writing.


title: Iñupiat

text: Along with other Inuit groups, the Iñupiaq originate from the Thule culture. Circa 300 B.C., the Thule migrated from islands in the Bering Sea to what now is Alaska.


title: Iñupiat

text: Iñupiaq groups, in common with Inuit-speaking groups, often have a name ending in "miut," which means 'a people of'. One example is the "Nunamiut," a generic term for inland Iñupiaq caribou hunters. During a period of starvation and an influenza epidemic (likely introduced by American and European whaling crews,) most of these people moved to the coast or other parts of Alaska between 1890 and 1910. A number of Nunamiut returned to the mountains in the 1930s.


title: Iñupiat

text: By 1950, most Nunamiut groups, such as the Killikmiut, had coalesced in Anaktuvuk Pass, a village in north-central Alaska. Some of the Nunamiut remained nomadic until the 1950s.


title: Iñupiat

text: The Iditarod Trail's antecedents were the native trails of the Dena'ina and Deg Hit'an Athabaskan Indians and the Iñupiaq people.


title: Iñupiat

text: Iñupiat people are hunter-gatherers, as are most Arctic peoples. Iñupiat people continue to rely heavily on subsistence hunting and fishing. Depending on their location, they harvest walrus, seal, whale, polar bears, caribou, and fish. Both the inland (Nunamiut) and coastal (Taġiumiut, i.e. Tikiġaġmiut) Iñupiat depend greatly on fish. Throughout the seasons, when they are available, food staples also include


title: Iñupiat

text: The inland Iñupiat also hunt caribou, Dall sheep, grizzly bear, and moose. The coastal Iñupiat hunt walrus, seals, beluga whales, and bowhead whales. Cautiously, polar bear also is hunted.


title: Iñupiat

text: The capture of a whale benefits each member of an Iñupiat community, as the animal is butchered and its meat and blubber are allocated according to a traditional formula. Even city-dwelling relatives, thousands of miles away, are entitled to a share of each whale killed by the hunters of their ancestral village. Maktak, which is the skin and blubber of bowhead and other whales, is rich in vitamins A and C. The vitamin C content of meats is destroyed by cooking, so consumption of raw meats and these vitamin-rich foods contributes to good health in a population with limited access to fruits and vegetables.


title: Iñupiat

text: A major value within subsistence hunting is the utilization of the whole catch or animal. This is demonstrated in the utilization of the hides to turn into clothing, as seen with seal skin, moose and caribou hides, polar bear hides. Fur from rabbits, beaver, marten, otter, and squirrels are also utilized to adorn clothing for warmth. These hides and furs are used to make parkas, mukluks, hats, gloves, and slippers. Qiviut is also gathered as Muskox shed their underlayer of fur and it is spun into wool to make scarves, hats, and gloves. The use of the animal's hides and fur have kept Iñupiat warm throughout the harsh conditions of their homelands, as many of the materials provide natural waterproof or windproof qualities. Other animal parts that have been utilized are the walrus intestines that are made into dance drums and qayaq or umiaq, traditional skin boats.


title: Iñupiat

text: The walrus tusks of ivory and the baleen of bowhead whales are also utilized as Native expressions of art. The use of these sensitive materials are inline with the practice of utilizing the gifts from the animals that are subsisted. There are protective policies on the harvesting of walrus and whales. The harvest of walrus solely for the use of ivory is highly looked down upon as well as prohibited by federal law with lengthy and costly punishments.


title: Iñupiat

text: Since the 1970s, oil and other resources have been an important revenue source for the Iñupiat. The Alaska Pipeline connects the Prudhoe Bay wells with the port of Valdez in south-central Alaska. Because of the oil drilling in Alaska's arid north, however, the traditional way of whaling is coming into conflict with one of the modern world's most pressing demands: finding more oil.


title: Iñupiat

text: The Iñupiat eat a variety of berries and when mixed with tallow, make a traditional dessert. They also mix the berries with rosehips and highbush cranberries and boil them into a syrup.


title: Iñupiat

text: Traditionally, some Iñupiat people lived in sedentary communities, while others were nomadic. Some villages in the area have been occupied by indigenous groups for more than 10,000 years.


title: Iñupiat

text: The Nalukataq is a spring whaling festival among Iñupiat. The festival celebrates traditional whale hunting and honors the whale's spirit as it gave its physical body to feed entire villages. The whale's spirit is honored by dance groups from across the North performing songs and dances.


title: Iñupiat

text: The Iñupiat Ilitqusiat is a list of values that define Iñupiat people. It was created by elders in Kotzebue, Alaska, yet the values resonate with and have been articulated similarly by other Iñupiat communities. These values include: respect for elders, hard work, hunter's success, family roles, humor, respect for nature, knowledge of family tree, respect for others, sharing, love for children, cooperation, avoid conflict, responsibility to tribe, humility, and spirituality.


title: Iñupiat

text: These values serve as guideposts of how Iñupiat are to live their lives. They inform and can be derived from Iñupiat subsistence practices.


title: Iñupiat

text: There is one Iñupiat culture-oriented institute of higher education, Iḷisaġvik College, located in Utqiaġvik.


title: Iñupiat

text: Iñupiat people have grown more concerned in recent years that climate change is threatening their traditional lifestyle. The warming trend in the Arctic affects their lifestyle in numerous ways, for example: thinning sea ice makes it more difficult to harvest bowhead whales, seals, walrus, and other traditional foods as it changes the migration patterns of marine mammals that rely on iceflows and the thinning sea ice can result in people falling through the ice; warmer winters make travel more dangerous and less predictable as more storms form; later-forming sea ice contributes to increased flooding and erosion along the coast as there is an increase in fall storms, directly imperiling many coastal villages. The Inuit Circumpolar Council, a group representing indigenous peoples of the Arctic, has made the case that climate change represents a threat to their human rights.


title: Iñupiat

text: As of the 2000 U.S. Census, the Iñupiat population in the United States numbered more than 19,000. Most of them live in Alaska.


title: Iñupiat

text: North Slope Borough: Anaktuvuk Pass (Anaqtuuvak, Naqsraq), Atqasuk (Atqasuk), Utqiaġvik (Utqiaġvik, Ukpiaġvik), Kaktovik (Qaaktuġvik), Nuiqsut (Nuiqsat), Point Hope (Tikiġaq), Point Lay (Kali), Wainwright (Ulġuniq)


title: Iñupiat

text: Northwest Arctic Borough: Ambler (Ivisaappaat), Buckland (Nunatchiaq, Kaŋiq), Deering (Ipnatchiaq), Kiana (Katyaak, Katyaaq), Kivalina (Kivalliñiq), Kobuk (Laugviik), Kotzebue (Qikiqtaġruk), Noatak (Nuataaq ), Noorvik (Nuurvik), Selawik (Siilvik, Akuligaq ), Shungnak (Isiŋnaq, Nuurviuraq)


title: Iñupiat

text: Nome Census Area: Brevig Mission (Sitaisaq, Sinauraq), Diomede (Iŋalik), Golovin (Siŋik), Koyuk (Kuuyuk), Nome (Siqnazuaq, Sitŋasuaq), Shaktoolik (Saqtuliq), Shishmaref (Qigiqtaq), Teller (Tala, Iġaluŋniaġvik), Wales (Kiŋigin), White Mountain (Natchirsvik), Unalakleet (Uŋalaqłiq)


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: Everybody Knows () is a 2018 Spanish-language mystery/crime drama film written and directed by Iranian filmmaker Asghar Farhadi, and starring Javier Bardem, Penélope Cruz and Ricardo Darín. The film was selected to open the 2018 Cannes Film Festival in competition and was released in Spain on 14 September 2018. It was released in the United States on 8 February 2019.


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: The story follows Laura, a Spanish woman living in Buenos Aires, who returns with her teenage daughter Irene and young son Diego to her small hometown just outside Madrid for her younger sister's wedding. Laura runs into her old friend Paco in the town square while Irene flirts with a local teenage boy named Felipe. After dancing with Felipe at the wedding reception, Irene complains that she does not feel well and goes upstairs to sleep. Later that night, Laura goes to check on Irene only to find she is missing. She receives a text message from kidnappers urging the family to pay a large sum or they will kill Irene.


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: The family decides not to involve the local police for Irene's safety, as the kidnappers will kill Irene if the police get close. Laura receives a text message demanding €300,000 against the release of her daughter. Chaos ensues as the family scrambles to raise the money. During a heated confrontation with Laura's father Antonio, Paco learns that some family members believe he "owes" them money, as the land Paco's vineyards were built on was sold to him by Laura at below market rate because he was the child of the family's servants. Laura's brother-in-law, Fernando, calms the situation and brings in his friend Jorge, a retired police officer, for consultation. During a private conversation, Jorge tells Laura that she should include members of her family on her suspect list, including her husband. Desperate to help, Paco considers selling his lands to a business partner so he can pay Irene's ransom but his wife Bea advises against it. She reveals that she has been receiving the same text messages as Laura on her phone.


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: Laura's husband, Alejandro, is informed of the kidnapping and arrives in town. He receives a cold welcome by Laura's family before going with Laura, Paco, and Fernando to meet Jorge, who asks to talk to Alejandro alone. Alejandro becomes very upset when Jorge mentions that Laura discussed his past problems with alcoholism and his ongoing bankruptcy. Enraged by how a stranger knows this information, Alejandro leaves with Laura and they argue about the best course of action. Laura confesses to Paco that Irene is his biological daughter, conceived sixteen years prior during Laura's trip to her hometown shortly after she and Alejandro married. Shocked by this information, Paco readies to sell his estate, but Bea angrily refutes Laura's claim. She believes Laura is lying about Irene's paternity and might be involved in the kidnapping herself in order to get money out of Paco. He leaves the house anyway and comes back hours later with a duffel bag containing the ransom money. After examining Irene's upstairs room, Jorge tells Alejandro and Laura that whoever kidnapped Irene knew that Paco was her father. During a conversation with Fernando, Alejandro learns that the whole family, along with some of the townsfolk, know that Irene is not his biological daughter because of her resemblance to Paco.


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: That night, Laura's niece Rocío sneaks out of the house and travels to an abandoned, run-down building on the outskirts of the town. Once there, she meets with her estranged husband Gabriel and his accomplice Luis. It is revealed that all three of them orchestrated Irene's kidnapping and that Gabriel has been sending the ransom messages to Laura. Luis admits that he is the one who has been sending the same ransom messages to Bea, unbeknownst to Gabriel. This angers Gabriel and prompts a crying Rocío to beg for her husband to let Irene go; their collective actions have deviated too far from the original plan and caused irreparable damage. Despite Luis's protests, Gabriel agrees to let Irene go at dawn. Rocío returns home and is questioned by her mother Mariana, Laura's older sister, as to her whereabouts. Rocío brushes her mother off, leaving Mariana suspicious.


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: At dawn, Paco receives a voice recording of Irene begging for her rescue and a text message of where to perform the exchange. He grabs the duffel bag and drives to the destination. Once he arrives, Paco gets out of his car and rushes to inspect a loud noise made by something large being tossed into a nearby river. When he returns to his car, he finds Irene tied up in the backseat and the bag missing. He delivers Irene to Laura and Alejandro, who rush Irene to a hospital. Exhausted, Paco returns home, only to find that Bea has left him.


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: Shortly afterwards, Laura and her family pack their belongings and say goodbye to the family as they will be returning to Argentina. Felipe promises to call Irene when she gets home. In the car, Irene asks Alejandro why it was Paco who rescued her. He does not answer. As the car drives off, Mariana sits by herself in the town square. She calls over her husband, Fernando, and asks him to sit down. As the two begin to converse, the screen fades to white.


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: The film is a French-Spanish-Italian co-production and received funding from Canal+, Eurimages, France Télévisions, Ciné+, ICAA, and Movistar, among others.


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: The film had its world premiere at the Cannes Film Festival on 8 May 2018. Shortly after, Focus Features acquired distribution rights to the film in various territories. It also screened at the Toronto International Film Festival on 8 September 2018.


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: On review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds an approval rating of based on reviews, and an average rating of . The "Critics Consensus" says: ""Everybody Knows" is somewhat less than the sum of its parts despite the efforts of an outstanding cast - and a disappointing step back for writer-director Asghar Farhadi." On the aggregator Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 68 out of 100, based on 16 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".


title: Everybody Knows (film)

text: Writing for "The A.V. Club", A. A. Dowd gave the film a B rating, saying that "Javier Bardem and Penélope Cruz help break Cannes' opening-night curse". Australian film site This Is Film similarly awarded the film a positive review, with contributing critic Peter Gray stating it was “an absorbing, expertly-crafted thriller that continually holds your emotions at ransom”.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Gaylord Jackson Perry (September 15, 1938 – December 1, 2022) was an American professional baseball player. He played in Major League Baseball (MLB) as a right-handed pitcher for eight different teams from 1962 to 1983. During a 22-year baseball career, Perry compiled 314 wins, 3,534 strikeouts, and a 3.11 earned run average. He was elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame in 1991.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Perry, a five-time All-Star, was the first pitcher to win the Cy Young Award in both leagues: the American League (AL) in 1972 with the Cleveland Indians, and the National League (NL) in 1978 with the San Diego Padres; his Cy Young Award announcement just as he turned the age of 40 made him the oldest to win the award, which stood as a record for 26 years. He registered his 3,000th strikeout with the San Diego Padres in 1978. While pitching for the Seattle Mariners in 1982, Perry joined the 300 win club.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Despite Perry's notoriety for doctoring baseballs (e.g. throwing spitballs), and perhaps even more so for making batters think he was throwing them on a regular basis—he went so far as to title his 1974 autobiography "Me and the Spitter"—he was not ejected for the illegal practice until his 21st season in the majors in 1982.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Gaylord Perry was born in Williamston, North Carolina, and named after a close friend of his father's, who had died while having his teeth pulled.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Gaylord was the son of Evan and Ruby Perry, who were farmers. Evan Perry had been a noted athlete. Gaylord grew up with his older brother Jim Perry and younger sister Carolyn in Williamston and the small area of Farmlife, a populated place located within the Township of Griffins, a minor division of Martin County. Gaylord assisted his father with farming on their family's land in this area. Jim and Gaylord both began playing baseball with their father during their lunch break on the farm as youths.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Gaylord attended Williamston High School, where he played football, basketball, and baseball. He was All-State as an offensive and defensive end as a sophomore and junior, before giving up football. In basketball, Gaylord and Jim helped Williamston to reach the state finals in Gaylord's first year. In his career at Williamston, Gaylord averaged nearly 30 points and 20 rebounds per game, as Williamston had a 94–8 record. He would turn down dozens of college basketball scholarship offers.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: In baseball, Perry initially was a third baseman as a freshman, and Jim was the pitcher for Williamston. However, near the end of Gaylord's first year, he began sharing pitching duties with Jim. In 1955 Williamston High won the North Carolina Class A state tournament, as the Perry brothers threw back-to-back shutouts to sweep the best-of-three finals. Gaylord had a 33–5 win-loss record in his high school career.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: As a teenager, Perry played semi-professional baseball for the Alpine Cowboys in Alpine, Texas at Kokernot Field. Perry and his brother both attended Campbell University, where they played college baseball.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Perry claims he was taught the spitball in 1964 by pitcher Bob Shaw. Perry had a reputation throughout his career for doctoring baseballs, and was inspected on the mound by umpires and monitored closely by opposing teams. On August 23, 1982, he was ejected from a game against the Boston Red Sox for doctoring the ball for the first and only time of his career; he was suspended for 10 days.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Perry reportedly approached the makers of Vaseline about endorsing the product and was allegedly rebuffed with a one-line postcard reading, "We soothe babies' backsides, not baseballs." Former manager Gene Mauch famously quipped "He should be in the Hall of Fame with a tube of K-Y Jelly attached to his plaque."


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Gene Tenace, who caught Gaylord Perry when they played for the San Diego Padres, said: "I can remember a couple of occasions when I couldn't throw the ball back to him because it was so greasy that it slipped out of my hands. I just walked out to the mound and flipped the ball back to him."


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Perry used his reputation to psyche out the hitters as well. As he looked in to his catcher for the pitch selection, Perry would touch various parts of his head, such as his eyebrows and his cap. In this manner, he may or may not have been applying a foreign substance to the ball on any particular pitch. Reggie Jackson was so upset after striking out against Perry one time that Jackson was ejected from the game. Jackson returned from the dugout with a container of Gatorade, splashing Gatorade onto the field while yelling at the umpire that Perry should be allowed to use the Gatorade on the baseball.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: The spitball was not his only method for upsetting batters. "Sports Illustrated"s Joe Posnanski wrote of Perry, "My favorite trick pitch of his was the old Puffball, where he would load up on rosin so that a puff of white smoke would release while he threw his pitches. This was made illegal somewhere along the way (because of Perry, of course), but it's so awesome—it's like the sort of thing one of the villains on the old "Batman" TV show would do."


title: Gaylord Perry

text: The San Francisco Giants signed Perry on June 3, 1958, for $90,000 per year. He made his professional debut in the 1958 season with the St. Cloud Rox team in the Class A level Northern League, compiling a 9–5 record and a 2.39 earned run average (ERA).


title: Gaylord Perry

text: In 1959, the Giants promoted Perry to the Class AA Corpus Christi Giants, where he posted a 10–11 record and 4.05 ERA. He remained with the franchise as they became the Rio Grande Valley Giants in the 1960 season, and an improved ERA of 2.82 earned him a promotion to the Class AAA Tacoma Giants for the 1961 season. At Tacoma, he led the Pacific Coast League in wins and innings pitched in 1961.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Perry made his major league debut with the Giants on April 14, 1962, against the Cincinnati Reds. He appeared in 13 games for the Giants, but had a 2–1 record and a 5.23 ERA and was sent back down to Tacoma in June. He led the PCL with a 2.44 ERA and was promoted back to the Giants in September.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: After his brief call-up in 1962, Perry joined the Giants in 1963 to work mostly as a relief pitcher that year, posting a mediocre 4.03 ERA in 31 appearances. Nevertheless, in 1964, Perry was given the opportunity to join the starting rotation, finishing with a 2.75 ERA and a 12–11 record, both second-best for the Giants that year behind Juan Marichal. In 1965, his record was 8–12, and with two full seasons as a starter, his 24–30 record attracted little national attention.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Perry's breakout season came in 1966 with a tremendous start, going 20–2 into August. Perry and Marichal became known as a "1–2 punch" to rival the famous Koufax/Drysdale combination of the Los Angeles Dodgers. While Marichal was NL Player of the Month in May, Perry was so named in June (5–0, 0.90 ERA, 31 strikeouts). He played in his first All-Star game, but after August, he slumped the rest of the season, finishing 21–8, and the Giants finished second to the Dodgers. Marichal missed much of the 1967 season with a leg injury, and Perry was thrust into the role of team ace. While he finished the season with a disappointing 15–17 record, he had a low ERA and allowed only seven hits per nine innings pitched.


title: Gaylord Perry

text: Perry had similar numbers in 1968: he posted a 16–15 record, but with a then-career-best 2.45 ERA on a Giants team that finished second to the St. Louis Cardinals. On September 17 of that year, two days after his 30th birthday, Perry threw a no-hitter against the Cardinals and Bob Gibson 1–0 at Candlestick Park. The lone run came on a first-inning home run by light-hitting Ron Hunt—the second of the only two he hit that season. The next day, Ray Washburn of the Cardinals no-hit the Giants, winning 2–0, and marking the first time in major league history that back-to-back no-hitters had been pitched in the same series.