title: Dick Gephardt

text: After his election to the U.S. House in 1976, Gephardt's political views gradually moved to the left. Originally, Gephardt was strongly anti-abortion and was viewed as a social conservative. He was initially extremely critical of the Supreme Court's landmark "Roe v. Wade" ruling that legalized abortion. He wrote on the subject in 1984:


title: Dick Gephardt

text: In 1987, when Gephardt decided to run for president, he announced that he would no longer support legislation to restrict abortion rights. He told the National Right to Life Committee; "I now do not support any Constitutional amendment pertaining to the legality of abortion."


title: Dick Gephardt

text: Gephardt's views on economic policy also changed over the years. He voted for Ronald Reagan's tax cuts in 1981; in the 2000s, however, he became a staunch opponent of similar tax cuts by President George W. Bush, saying that the enormous surplus created during the administration of Bill Clinton should have been spent on health care instead. Gephardt is widely viewed as an economic populist. He supports universal health coverage, fair trade, and progressive taxation. Although he once chaired the centrist Democratic Leadership Council, Gephardt in his later years in Congress distanced himself from the organization, finding his pro-labor views at odds with the DLC's pro-business positions.


title: Dick Gephardt

text: On October 10, 2002, Gephardt was among the 81 House Democrats who voted in favor of authorizing the invasion of Iraq. He was an early supporter of the war, and cosponsor of the authorization resolution. However, three years later Gephardt said of his support for the war that "It was a mistake ... I was wrong."


title: Dick Gephardt

text: On January 3, 2005, Gephardt's three-decade political career ended with the expiration of his 14th term in the House of Representatives. That month, Gephardt started a consulting and lobbying firm, Gephardt Group, of which he is president and CEO. Gephardt also joined the international law firm DLA Piper as strategic advisor in the government affairs practice group from June 2005 to December 2009.


title: Dick Gephardt

text: In his new role as a Washington lobbyist, Gephardt, on behalf of the Republic of Turkey, has been actively lobbying against the House resolution condemning the Armenian genocide of 1915 in the Ottoman Empire. While supportive of the resolution while in Congress, he now contends that facts need to be better known before any position is taken on this historical controversy.


title: Dick Gephardt

text: Gephardt served on the board of directors of the Embarq Corporation from June 2007 to July 1, 2009, when he became a member of the board of directors of CenturyLink, Embarq's successor corporation. Gephardt also serves as a director of Centene Corporation, Ford Motor Company, Spirit Aerosystems Holdings, Inc., and United States Steel Corporation. He joined Ford's board in 2009.


title: Dick Gephardt

text: In July 2007, Gephardt endorsed Hillary Clinton for president, leading some to speculate that he was interested in running for vice president in 2008. DLA Piper become a major donor to Clinton's campaign, donating about $190,000. Gephardt was mentioned during the summer of 2008 as a possible vice-presidential choice for eventual nominee Senator Barack Obama.


title: Dick Gephardt

text: A collection of Gephardt's congressional documents, dating from 1994 to 2004, was processed from 2006 to 2007 by the Missouri Historical Society for academic use, with a grant through the Institute of Museum and Library Services. In 2005, Washington University in St. Louis inaugurated the Richard A. Gephardt Institute of Public Service, which promotes volunteerism and community activism. Since 2005, Gephardt has been a consultant to Goldman Sachs and DLA Piper. Since 2007 he has been a consultant to FTI Consulting.


title: Dick Gephardt

text: In 2007, Gephardt began serving on the advisory board of the Extend Health insurance company, and then became a member of its board of directors. In 2009, Gephardt advised UnitedHealth Group, one of America's largest private insurers, in waging a strong campaign against a public option for national health care.


title: Dick Gephardt

text: In 2010, Gephardt was elected chair of the Board of Trustees of The Scripps Research Institute, a nonprofit institute focusing on biomedical research.


title: Dick Gephardt

text: Gephardt has also been significantly involved with the pharmaceutical and healthcare industries. In addition to a large lobbying contract with the Medicines Company, he serves as chair of the Council for American Medical Innovation (CAMI), formed by and affiliated with PhRMA. In this capacity he hired his own firm to lobby for the organization, to push to extend patents and block generic drugs from the market. In 2016, Gephardt also co-founded a Direct primary care group called SolidaritUS Health, with the goal of increasing the accessibility of quality healthcare to working families.


title: Dick Gephardt

text: Gephardt has also served as a lobbyist for Boeing. He is a labor consultant for Spirit Aerosystems and sits on its board of directors. In these roles, Gephardt has presided over an aggressive anti-union campaign that has bewildered many of his traditional political allies. In July 2011, Spirit Aerosystems walked out of negotiations with the union that represents its engineering, technical and professional workforce. The union subsequently voted down the company's last contract offer, with 96.5% voting no. The company did not change its contract offer significantly after this rejection and relations with its workforce have been contentious ever since. With negotiations at a standstill, production schedules for 2011 and 2012 were threatened.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Malaysian cuisine consists of cooking traditions and practices found in Malaysia, and reflects the multi-ethnic makeup of its population. The vast majority of Malaysia's population can roughly be divided among three major ethnic groups: Malays, Chinese and Indians. The remainder consists of the indigenous peoples of Sabah and Sarawak in East Malaysia, the Orang Asli of Peninsular Malaysia, the Peranakan and Eurasian creole communities, as well as a significant number of foreign workers and expatriates.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: As a result of historical migrations, colonisation by foreign powers, and its geographical position within its wider home region, Malaysia's culinary style in the present day is primarily a melange of traditions from its Malay, Chinese, Indian, Indonesian, Filipino and indigenous Bornean and Orang Asli, with light to heavy influences from Arab, Thai, Portuguese, Dutch and British cuisines, to name a few. This resulted in a symphony of flavours, making Malaysian cuisine highly complex and diverse. The condiments, herbs and spices used in cooking vary.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Because Peninsular Malaysia shares a common history with Singapore, it is common to find versions of the same dish across both sides of the border regardless of the place of origin, such as laksa and chicken rice. The same thing can be said with Malaysian Borneo and Brunei, such as Ambuyat. Also because of their proximity, historic migration and close ethnic and cultural kinship, Malaysia shares culinary ties with Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines, as these nations often share certain dishes, such as satay and rendang.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Because the vast majority of Chinese Malaysians are descendants of immigrants from southern China, Malaysian Chinese cuisine is predominantly based on an eclectic repertoire of dishes with roots from Fujian, Teochew, Cantonese, Hakka and Hainanese cuisines. However, despite the vast majority of Indian Malaysians are descendants of immigrants from southern India, Malaysian Indian cuisine has a mixture of north-south Indian and Sri Lankan diversity that can be differentiated by drier or wetter curry dish preparation.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Malaysian cuisine has developed over the region's history. Although the modern state of Malaysia did not exist until 1963, the cuisine can claim traceable roots as far back as the 1400s during the time of the Malacca Sultanate. Malaysian cuisine is a mixture of various food cultures from around the Malay archipelago, India, China, the Middle East, and several European countries. This diverse culinary culture stems from Malaysia's diverse culture and colonial past. The cuisine was developed as a melange between local and foreign. In the 15th century, the region now known as Malaysia became an important passageway for maritime trade. Passing through Malaysia were Arab traders who brought spices from the Middle East, as well as Portuguese, Dutch, and English colonists and traders who introduced food staples such as peanuts, pineapples, avocado, tomato, squash and pumpkin. During the 19th century during the period of British colonial rule, many Indian and Chinese laborers were brought to Malaysia, contributing to the diversity of tastes in Malaysian cuisine.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Being a multicultural country, Malaysians have over the years adopted each other's dishes to suit the taste buds of their own culture. For instance, Malaysians of Chinese descent have adapted the Indian curry, and made it more dilute and less spicy to suit their taste. Chinese noodles have been crossed with Indian and Malay tastes and thus Malay fried noodles and Indian fried noodles were born. Malaysians have also adapted famous dishes from neighbouring countries, or those with strong cultural and religious ties, and in the absence of an established community from said countries have made it completely their own, a notable example being tom yam, one of Thailand's most well-known dishes.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: After migrating south of the border, Thai tom yam takes on the visual characteristics of a Malaysian Assam gravy with a flavour profile of sweet, sour and spicy. It is thickened with pounded chile paste which also turns it a vivid orange-red. Tamarind is often used instead of lime juice as its souring agent, and dried instead of fresh chillies are used to provide a fiery kick. Malay-style tom yam soup tends to be heavily seafood-based, whereas in Chinese-style eateries the broth's spiciness is toned down and usually serves as a base for noodle soup.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Across the sea from Peninsular Malaysia, on Borneo island, lie the states of Sabah and Sarawak. Traditional lifestyles and limited roads still predominate outside of the major cities, especially in Sarawak, where rivers are the only major highways for much of the inland population. The jungles of Borneo are teeming with wild plants, fungi, and fruits, and its sweeping coastlines and many large rivers provide an abundance of seafood and freshwater fish fit for the dinner table. A rich variety of traditional food has been developed by Borneo's many tribes and indigenous groups over the centuries; much of it is healthy food, consisting of foraged (now increasingly cultivated due to modernisation) and fermented foods. Because much of the region was once under the Brunei Sultanate's thalassocracy, the Bruneian Malay people have left a lasting culinary influence, particularly on the cookery of the coastal Muslim communities of East Malaysia. According to the source paper written in 2006, the Malaysian food industrial sector accounted for about 14% of the total manufacturing energy consumption.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Historically speaking, fresh produce is often scarce for hunter-gatherer nomadic tribes around the world, thus it is usually preserved out of necessity for important events and festivals. The tribal peoples of Sabah and Sarawak are no different; most of them have developed techniques for curing, fermenting or preserving their supplies of fresh meat, fruit and vegetables. For example, during festive occasions the Murut people of Sabah would serve "tamba" ("jeruk" in the Malay language) made from fresh raw wild boar or river fish, which is stuffed in bamboo tubes along with rice and salt and left to ferment for a few weeks, a technique which is also practised by the Lun Bawang people across the border in Sarawak. Fermented products are also frequently used as a cooking ingredient besides eaten on their own. Dayak households in Sarawak may saute their version of fermented meat with garlic and tapioca leaves (either fresh or pickled), and fermented "tempoyak" is a popular cooking seasoning.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: The production and consumption of traditional liquor play an important cultural role for the non-Muslim peoples of East Malaysia. Alcoholic drinks made from rice is the most common form, as well as the widely available. In Sabah, the Penampang Kadazan "lihing" is perhaps the most well known. Yet due to the historical lack of a standardised Kadazandusun language used and understood statewide, ethnic groups from other districts in Sabah have very different names for similar fermented rice-based drinks: hiing (certain Dusun languages), kinomol, segantang, kinarung, kinopi, linahas, and even tapai To add to the confusion, tapai proper as understood by most Peninsular Malaysians is a fermented sweet and sour rice paste served as a snack or dessert, although further fermentation of the tapai to produce alcoholic drinks is possible. The preferred party drink of the Murut, made from the tuber of the cassava or tapioca plant, is also called tapai. The Iban of Sarawak call their rice wine tuak, which must not be confused with Sabahan talak, which is a hard liquor made from rice. To the native peoples of Sarawak, tuak may also refer to any alcoholic drink made from fermenting any carbohydrate-rich substance besides rice.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: National cuisines are coveted constructs by tourism industries that need to serve tourists a variety of "local" or "authentic" dishes. In reality the ethnic makeup of countries often gives rise to dispute over ownership or inclusion of dishes in a respective national cuisine. The dishes that are most attractive to foreign tourists are heavily promoted as "typical" or "local". Malaysian cuisine has been promoted through Malaysian media and advertisements as inclusive of the cuisines of many Asian ethnic groups and cultures, and Malaysia as a singular location to experience the a diversity of authentic Asian foodways. When the Ministry of Culture launched a program to promote cultural tourism it was decided that Malaysia would be "promoted as a meeting point of many different dishes from various ethnic groups" living in the country.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Another goal of national cuisine is ethnic harmony in modern nation states. Malaysia saw culture as a path to cohesive national identity after the Malaysia Race Riots in 1969. In 1979 Islam was formally recognized as "an important element in the national culture."


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Rice () is the most important staple food in Malaysia. According to Indonesian-born food and cookery writer Sri Owen, there is some evidence for rice cultivation found in the state of Sarawak in Malaysian Borneo dated 2300 BC, and about 900 years of history for the state of Kelantan in West Malaysia. Today Malaysia produces about seventy percent of the amount of rice it needs to support itself and the rest is imported. This is a matter of policy as the government believes that national resources can be used more profitably instead of attempting to achieve self-sufficiency with rice production; the prevalent attitude is that revenue generated from its industries enables the country to import up to half the rice it needs. Nevertheless, the government is fully committed and involved in planning, allocating resources and managing subsidies for the rice farming industry. The state of Kedah is considered the "rice bowl" () of the country, accounting for about half of Malaysia's total production of rice.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Plain steamed white rice, to be served with side dishes of meat or vegetables, is typically prepared with an electric rice cooker at home. Some households and food establishments prefer to cook rice on a stove top with the absorption method or the rapid-boil method. Compressed rice, called "nasi himpit", is another method of preparing and cooking rice: the rice is wrapped with fronds or leaves and compressed into the form of a cylinder, which is then cooked by boiling. The rice would compress and merge during the cooking process. Compressed rice is usually eaten cold with some sort of gravy, although it may be served warm in a broth or soup. A notable variant of compressed rice prepared by the Bugis community is "burasak": rice is precooked with coconut milk before it is wrapped in banana leaves and steamed until fully cooked.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Besides the ubiquitous white rice, there are different types of locally grown and imported rice available in the market, and each type has a specific cooking method to bring out optimal results. Glutinous rice () is one example: because of its low amylose and high amylopectin content which results in a sticky texture after cooking, glutinous rice is prepared with different measurements and techniques and is not suitably interchangeable with regular rice. It is typically used for making snacks and desserts, but glutinous rice is also prepared as a savoury staple by indigenous peoples like the Orang Asli as well as the Dayak people of Borneo. "Lemang" is glutinous rice roasted in a hollowed bamboo tube, and is prepared for festive occasions like Ari Gawai, Hari Raya Aidilfitri, and Hari Raya Aidiladha.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: A popular dish based on rice in Malaysia is , rice steamed with coconut milk and pandan leaves to give it a rich fragrance. Of Malay origin, is very popular and frequently referred to as the national dish. It is customarily served with or fried anchovies, peanuts, sliced cucumber, hard-boiled eggs and "sambal". Although it is often considered a breakfast dish, it is served in a variety of ways and commonly eaten at any time of day due to its versatility. For a more substantial meal, may be served with fried chicken, curries, or a spicy meat stew called "rendang".


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Congee is a type of rice porridge or gruel popular among Malaysia's ethnic communities. It is eaten primarily as a breakfast food or late supper. It is also considered particularly suitable for the sick as a mild, easily digestible food. Congee is called in Malay; 粥 written in Chinese, pronounced as "zhou" in Mandarin Chinese and "juk" in Cantonese; and "kanji" (கஞ்சி) in Tamil. It may be served plain with little embellishment, or cooked with ingredients like fish slices, seafood, chicken, beef, pork, vegetables, and spices. The importance and popularity of congee in the Malaysian diet is such that bubur ayam or chicken congee is a permanent fixture on the menu of Malaysian McDonald's restaurants.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Noodles are another popular staple, particularly in Malaysian Chinese cuisine, but used by other groups as well. Noodles such as bi hoon (米粉, Hokkien: bí-hún, Malay: ; rice vermicelli), kuay teow (粿條, Hokkien: kóe-tiâu) or ho fun (河粉, Cantonese: ho4 fan2; flat rice noodles), mee (麵 or 面, Hokkien: mī, Malay: ; yellow noodles), mee suah (麵線 or 面线, Hokkien: mī-sòaⁿ; wheat vermicelli), yee meen (伊麵 or 伊面, Cantonese: ji1 min6; golden wheat noodles), dongfen (冬粉, Hokkien: tang-hún, Cantonese: dung1 fan2; cellophane noodles), Lao Shu Fen (老鼠粉, Cantonese: lou5 syu2 fan2; silver needle noodles), and others provide an alternative source of carbohydrate to a serving of rice that accompanies every meal. Stir-fried noodle dishes () are ubiquitous throughout Malaysia's cities, towns and villages, with numerous localised variants prepared by various ethnic communities according to their culinary traditions and preferences. MCFC OK


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Malaysia does not produce wheat, and all supplies are imported from wheat-producing countries. Nevertheless, Western-style white bread and Indian breads made with wheat flour like roti canai are fairly common foods ir is sandwiched along with a layer of between slices of untoasted white bread.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Traditional wheat-based pleated steamed bao or pao (Chinese : 包子) is a Chinese staple which has become tightly woven into Malaysia's gastronomic fabric. Pao are found in restaurants doing brunch dim sum trade, as well as specialist Chinese kopitiam (coffee shops). Sweet fillings may include tausa, lotus seed paste, , pandan, ground peanuts, and custard; savoury fillings may consist of stewed char siu (Chinese : 叉燒), chicken or pork. Malay versions () may be found in night markets () and they are always halal, with fillings of curried potato, chicken or beef. Some variants have a quail egg in the middle in addition to the curry.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Oven-baked buns are also available in specialist bakeries, , and restaurants. One local speciality in particular - a bun with a buttery core and topped with a crispy and fragrant coffee pastry crust - has achieved iconic status in Malaysia, and franchises like Rotiboy and Pappa Roti which specialise in these coffee buns have successfully expanded abroad to multiple nations and spawned hundreds of outlets. However, the popular buns that remain a favourite among Malaysians are the buns that are filled with a sweet shredded coconut filling, (coconut jam), (screwpine with coconut jam), sweet corn, chocolate, red bean paste and butter buns.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Like Peninsular Malaysia, rice is the undisputed staple food for the majority of the people of Sabah and Sarawak. Rice is central to Kadazandusun culture, and its paramount importance is reflected in the annual Kaamatan festival, as well as traditional beliefs and customs since antiquity which revolve around the veneration of rice spirits. But for other ethnic communities throughout Sabah and Sarawak, cassava or tapioca tubers as well as sago starch are also popular staples. The tapioca tuber is just as important as rice to the Bajau people of Sabah, while the Dayak peoples of Sarawak make extensive use of both the tuber and leaves of the tapioca plant in their cooking. Sago starch is derived from the pith extracted from the sago palm, and is the staple food for the Melanau and the Penan peoples of Sarawak.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Sago starch is prepared as a gooey and sticky paste by the Bisaya and Kedayan communities called ambuyat, and is called "" by the Melanau. It is eaten by rolling the paste around the prongs of a bamboo fork, and dipping it into soup, "sambal", or other varieties of gravies and dipping sauces. Aside from being the source for sago pith, the sago palm is a source of another delicacy for the indigenous peoples of Borneo: the sago grub. Called "butod" in Sabah and "ulat mulong" in Sarawak, sago grubs are typically eaten raw but also served deep fried, roasted or sauteed.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Malaysian poultry is handled according to halal standards to conform with the country's dominant and official religion, Islam. Imported poultry is available at major hypermarkets, supermarkets and speciality stores especially in affluent areas where a significant expatriate community can be found.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Fish, both freshwater and saltwater, features prominently in the Malaysian diet. Most local fish is purchased soon after it is caught, while frozen fish is generally imported. Such fish, namely salmon and cod, are well received on the Malaysian table but are not found in Malaysian waters.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Many types of seafood are consumed in Malaysia, including shrimp or prawn, crab, squid, cuttlefish, clams, cockles, snails, sea cucumber and octopus. In general, members of all ethnic communities enjoy seafood, which is considered halal by Malaysian Muslims (according to Shafi’i fiqh), though some species of crabs are not considered halal as they can live on both land and sea. Sea cucumbers are considered halal.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Beef is common in the Malaysian diet, though it is notable that the consumption of beef is proscribed by some followers of Hinduism and certain Chinese folk religious sects. Beef can be commonly found cooked in curries, stews, roasted, or eaten with noodles. Malays generally eat beef that is halal. Australian beef prepared under the Government Supervised Muslim Slaughter System (AGSMS) is imported into Malaysia and is halal.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Malaysian Malays, who form about half of Malaysia's population, are Muslim and therefore do not consume pork since Islam forbids it. This does not prohibit others from producing and consuming pork products, and thus pork can be found in wet markets, supermarkets and hypermarkets, usually displayed with a non-halal disclaimer. Pork is consumed by the Chinese communities, Indians, the Iban, the Kadazan, Murut, Lun Bawang/Lundayeh, the Orang Asli, and non-muslim expatriates.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: In Malaysia, the term "mutton" refers to goat meat; lamb, or the meat of a young sheep, is always imported from countries like Australia and New Zealand. In the past mutton was primarily associated with Malaysian Indian cuisine, and was not as widely eaten due to health concerns as well as its perceived gamey flavour. Today, dishes like whole spit roast of mutton, mutton biryani and mutton soup are now a common sight at banquets and events. Today, the demand for mutton during the fasting month and Hari Raya period has now far exceeded that for Deepavali and Christmas combined.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Locally-grown produce is available year-round as Malaysia is a tropical country and does not have four seasons. During rainy seasons, vegetable yields may decrease (which may result in an increase in market price), but rarely if ever stop altogether. Imported produce has made inroads into the market in recent years, either to supplement local demand for essential ingredients like garlic and potatoes, or to supply produce which does not grow well in Malaysia's climate and soil conditions. A few regions in Malaysia, like Cameron Highlands and the foothills adjacent to Mount Kinabalu provide the appropriate mean temperatures and soil conditions for the cultivation of temperate produce like tea.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Malaysian-grown greens, tubers and vegetables commonly found nationwide include but are not limited to amaranth (), bean sprouts (), brinjals (), bitter gourd (), bok choi (), cabbage (), choy sum"," cucumber ()", Chinese celery (")", coriander" (), ginger (), green beans, water spinach ("kangkung)", ladies' fingers (), leeks, lettuce, lotus root, maize (), napa cabbage (), sweet potatoes (), spring onions (), katuk ( or ), pumpkin (), shiitake mushrooms (), stink beans (), tapioca (), taro or yam (), tomatoes, yambean or turnip, turmeric (), and yardlong beans (), carrot (), and scallions ().


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: In some areas in Malaysia local produce is grown on a small scale, and many rural communities like the Peninsular Orang Asli and certain tribal peoples of Sarawak forage wild edible ferns or vegetables to supplement their diet. Vegetable fern, better known as , is perhaps the most widely available fern and is found in eateries and restaurants throughout the nation. "Stenochlaena palustris" is another type of wild fern popularly used for food. Endemic to East Malaysia, it is called in Sarawak and is prized for its fiddleheads by locals and visitors. It is known by the native peoples of Sabah as , or , where both the leaves and the fiddleheads of the plant are eaten. The young shoots of plants like bamboo and coconut are popularly harvested as food by communities outside urban areas.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: A popular way to cook leafy vegetables like and sweet potato leaves is stir frying with a pungent sauce made from (shrimp paste) and hot chilli peppers. Other vegetables popularly cooked this way include bean pods and fiddlehead ferns like and . Vegetables like carrots, cucumbers, onions and yardlong beans are used to make a localised variety of pickle called "acar". Vegetables and herbs are also popularly served undressed and often raw in some rural indigenous communities as ulam. An spread may include items such as banana blossoms, cucumber, winged beans, "pegaga" leaves, , and yardlong beans, typically eaten with a pungent dipping sauce like .


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: As of 2012, about one million people within Malaysia's total population were practising vegetarians, and vegetarian food is much easier to obtain when dining out today. However, because of the heavy emphasis on meat and seafood by traditional Malay cuisine as well as the common inclusion of shrimp paste and other seafood products in many local dishes, diners may find it difficult to negotiate their way around menus in search of vegetarian or vegan food in Malay cuisine restaurants.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Restaurants that display signs with the words "sayur sayuran", "vegetarian" or the Chinese characters "素" or "斎" will offer a decent variety of food for diners who abstain from meat. There are many of them across the country, particularly in urban areas. These restaurants serve only vegetarian/vegan food and absolutely no meat or animal products is used in their cooking. Even restaurants that specialise in meat and seafood will make vegetarian dishes upon request. Some meat-serving restaurants have a vegetarian section in their menu.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Over 80% of Malaysian Chinese identify themselves as Buddhists, and some follow a vegetarian diet at least some of the time. Some vegetarian Chinese cuisine restaurants offer an exclusively vegetarian menu (Chinese: 素食, 斎) featuring Chinese dishes which resemble meat dishes in look and even taste like "roast pork", fried "fish" with "skin" and "bones", and "chicken drumsticks" complete with a "bone". These restaurants are run by proprietors who abstain from consumption of animal products and strong-tasting vegetables and spices as way of life for religious reasons, and are essentially vegan. The meat analogues used are often locally produced as opposed to imported, and are made solely from ingredients like soy, gluten, mushrooms and tuber vegetables.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Organic vegetarianism has also slowly become a trendy modern vegetarian diet nowadays. Most of the organic vegetarian menu will include superfood ingredients, for example: organic quinoa, millet, chia seeds, flax seeds, avocado, egg, tofu, pine nuts, blueberry, almond milk, etc. A lot of organic fruit and vegetables are locally produced in recent years. There is even an organic version of vegetarian sambal balacan, Nasi lemak chili paste, etc.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Buddhist vegetarian restaurants are likely to be found in areas with a high concentration of Chinese and tend to be especially busy on certain festive days where many Buddhists adopt a strict vegetarian diet for at least a day. In Buddhism, some people who are full-time vegetarians are observing the Buddhist Five Precepts. They are vegetarian because they are observing the precept to abstain from killing or harming living beings intentionally. Another precept is to abstain from taking drugs or intoxicants for enjoyment, hence, alcohol is not used in most pure vegetarian shops. (This is different, however, when ordering vegetarian food off the menu of restaurants that serve meat dishes.)


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Vegetarianism has a long and revered tradition in Indian culture. Some Malaysian Indians are born-and-bred vegetarians who often hail from a family line with generations of vegetarians. Some others practice vegetarianism on auspicious festivals such as Thai Ponggal, Hindu New Year, Deepavali, Full Moon Prayers, and on certain days of the week as a symbol of respect when they visit holy temples. Abstaining from meat before fulfilling a vow is a common practice to bring the body to a neutral and focused state, physically and mentally, during Thaipusam and other holy prayer events. Dishes, of South and North Indian types, are based on the ancient concept of Ayurveda and are known to include arusuvai or six types of tastes. Some Indian vegetarian dishes may incorporate dairy products and honey (lacto vegetarian). Some others are heavily based on lavish coconut milk and nuts. There are many Indian eateries and restaurants in Malaysia that offer a pure vegetarian menu. South Indian restaurants, in particular, offer no shortage of meatless options such as Thali meal, also known as banana leaf rice, which is often vegetarian by default, and a wide array of sweets, snacks and light meals such as kesari, tose, idli, uppuma, vade, aviyal, idiyappam and paniyaram.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Malaysia's tropical climate allows for fruit to be grown all year round. A huge variety of common and obscure fruits, either locally grown or imported are available throughout the country. While the vast majority of fruits grown in Malaysia naturally thrive in the tropics, a few areas in the country like Cameron Highlands or Kundasang in Sabah have a different climate zone which enables the cultivation of temperate fruits like strawberries. Fruit is commonly served after a meal as dessert, and fruit juices are highly sought after as drinks of choice in a climate that is hot and humid all year round. Pickled fruits or are popular and widely available, whether sold from street stalls or specialist shops. Many localities are named after native fruits, most notably Alor Setar ("buah setar") and Malacca ("buah melaka").


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Fruits are used to make a popular salad dish called rojak (Chinese: 水果囉喏). It consists of pieces of fruit and vegetable bound with a viscous dark sauce made from shrimp paste, sugar, chilli, and lime juice. The Penang version is particularly popular and well regarded. The dish is usually topped with a generous sprinkling of toasted ground peanuts.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Chilli peppers are indispensable in Malaysian kitchens, and both fresh and dried forms are used. Chillies come in several sizes, shapes and colours. As a general rule, two type of chilli cultivars are the most commonly available: the bird's eye chilli (), which although small in size are extremely pungent and very hot; and longer varieties, which tend to be much milder. Green chillies are more peppery in taste, while red chillies, green chillies which have been left to ripen, have a slightly sweeter heat. If a milder flavour is preferred, the seeds and membranes are removed from the chilli pods before they are cut, or the chillies are left whole and removed prior to serving. Some common uses include grinding the chillies into a paste or sambal; chopping fresh chillies as a condiment or garnish; and pickling whole or cut chillies.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: The coconut () is another quintessential feature of Malaysian cuisine, and virtually all parts of the plant are used for culinary purposes. The white fleshy part of the coconut endosperm may be grated, shredded and used as is; dried to make desiccated coconut; or toasted until dark brown and ground to make kerisik. Grated coconut flesh is also squeezed to make coconut milk, which is used extensively in savoury dishes and desserts throughout the country. Coconut oil is used for cooking and cosmetic purposes, and may be either obtained by processing copra (dried coconut flesh) or extracted from fresh coconuts as virgin coconut oil. Coconut water, the clear liquid found inside the cavity of each coconut, is a popular cooler in Malaysia's hot and humid climate. is unrefined palm sugar produced from the sap of the coconut flower. It is the most traditional sweetener in Malaysian cooking and imbues a rich caramel-like flavour with a hint of coconut. Coconut fronds are traditionally used to wrap food, hollowed out coconut husks and shells may be used as a source of charcoal fuel for barbecued meats and traditional pastry making, and even the apical bud or growing tip of the coconut palm is a popular delicacy served in rural communities and specialty restaurants.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Soy sauce of different varieties is another important ingredient. Light soy sauce contributes its pleasantly salty flavour to a variety of stir-fries, marinades and steamed dishes. In some hawker establishments, freshly sliced or pickled chillies arrive immersed in light soy sauce to be used for dipping. Dark soy sauce is thicker, more intense in flavour and less salty. It is often used when a heartier flavour is desired, particularly with (a style of braising with a blend of soy sauce varieties) dishes, and also to darken the color of a dish. Kicap manis, sweetened soy sauce sometimes flavoured with star anise or garlic, is also a popular seasoning for cooking. The sweet and savoury taste of also functions as a substitute to approximate the combination of dark soy sauce and thick caramel sauce, which is primarily used to colour and season stewed dishes.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Common herbs include lemongrass (), a type of grass with a lemony aroma and flavour. Young, fresh stems are more desirable as older stems tend to acquire a woody texture. The tender white part closest to the base of the stem is thinly sliced and eaten raw in salads, or pounded with other aromatics to make a . It is also used whole in boiled and simmered dishes. The pandan (screwpine) leaf is the Asian equivalent of vanilla in Western cuisine. Its subtle aroma is released when the leaves are bruised by tying one or two long leaves into a knot, and used for cooking curries, rice and desserts. The leaves can also be used to wrap items like rice, chicken or fish for cooking. Pandan leaf is also available in liquid essence or powdered form to flavour and colour cakes. Turmeric () is a rhizome popular for its flavour as well as colouring properties. The leaves and flowers of the turmeric plant are also used in cooking or eaten raw.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Tofu products, specifically fried tofu, are widely used as cooking ingredients and as side accompaniments. While fried tofu can be bland in flavour on its own, its main contribution is texture and especially with tofu puffs, the ability to soak up the flavour of whatever they are cooked in. Fried tofu products are found as a versatile component ingredient for dishes like stir fried noodles, "rojak" (fruit and vegetable salad), noodle soups, and stews. A popular way of serving fried tofu on its own is a salad with bean sprouts, shredded cucumber and spring onions, covered in a thick sweet and spicy dressing and dusted with roasted ground peanuts. Fried tofu may also be stuffed with a mixture of ground meat or shredded vegetables.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Dried seafood products contribute a savoury depth of flavour to some Malaysian dishes. Small dried anchovies, known as , are very popular. It acquires a crispy texture when deep-fried, and is served as an accompaniment or prepared as a relish in this capacity. is also boiled to make fish stock; in fact, instant stock granules are a popular seasoning in modern kitchens. Dried shrimp and salted dried fish are also used in various ways.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Other essential seasoning and garnishes include tamarind (), specifically the paste-like pulp extracted from the fruit pod which contributes a tart flavour to many dishes. Candlenuts () are similar in appearance to macadamia nuts, being round, cream-coloured and having a high oil content. Candlenuts are normally ground to thicken sauces. is a type of dried Chinese sausage made from pork and spices. Mainly used by the Malaysian Chinese community, these sweet sausages are usually sliced very thinly and added for additional flavour and texture. Recent studies have shown that there are 62 commonly consumed Malaysian foods that include biogenic amines.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: There is no standard breakfast () menu due to Malaysia's multi-ethnic social fabric as well as the advent of modern influences. Western-style breakfast like breakfast cereal, cooked eggs and toast have become commonplace in homes and when dining out, but heartier traditional fare based predominantly on noodles and rice dishes are still very popular. One may choose to start the day with the ubiquitous nasi lemak or kuih; venture for Chinese-style congee, dim sum and noodle soups; or settle for Indian-influenced fare such as roti canai, idli ( "iṭli" ), thosai ( "tōcai" ), and upma. In the state of Kelantan, the term "nasi berlauk" refers to a breakfast meal which consists of a small serve of rice and complementary dishes or "lauk".


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: For lunch and dinner, food is not customarily served in courses but rather concurrently. A meal may consist of a single dish for solitary diners, or rice with many complementary dishes shared by all. At restaurants where food is cooked to order, there is often no distinction between appetizers/starters and main courses, and food will arrive at the table whenever it is ready. At some traditionally-run eateries where pre-cooked food is served, diners are meant to help themselves by starting with a plate of plain rice and choose from a buffet spread of assorted dishes. Like the Indonesian Nasi Padang, this is not an all-you-can-eat for a fixed price dining experience. The cost of the meal would depend on what the diner selects and how many different items were placed on the plate for consumption. In Malay-run "warung" (a small family-owned casual eatery or café) or restaurants ("kedai makan"), this style of dining is known as "nasi campur" which means "mixed rice". A similar concept exist at some eateries serving home-style Malaysian Chinese food, where it may be known as economy rice (Chinese: 杂饭).


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: A practice known as "open house" () is popular during festive seasons, and even as an elaborate occasion to celebrate birthdays and weddings. Open house events are traditionally held at the home of the host: well-wishers are received and that everyone, regardless of background, is invited to attend. Home-cooked or catered food is provided by the host(s) at their own expense, and while it is acceptable for guests to bring along gifts for the host, they are expected to help themselves to the food as much as they like. Open house events may also be held at restaurants and larger public venues, especially when hosted by government agencies or corporations.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: A kopitiam or kopi tiam is a traditional coffee shop patronised for meals and beverages, predominantly operated by Chinese proprietors and especially members of the Hainanese community. The word "kopi" is a Malay/Hokkien term for coffee and "tiam" is the Hokkien and Hakka term for shop (Chinese : 店). A common sight in Malaysia and neighbouring Singapore, menus often feature offerings like nasi lemak, boiled eggs, roti bakar, noodle dishes, bread and kuih. The owners of some kopitiam establishments may lease premise space to independent stallholders, who sometimes offer more specialised dishes beyond standard Chinese kopitiam fare. Typical beverages include Milo, a malted chocolate drink considered iconic to Malaysians of all ages, as well as coffee ("kopi") and tea ("teh"). Diners would use slang terms specific to kopitiam culture to order and customise drinks to their taste.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: particularly popular in urban areas, Mamak stalls and restaurants offer a wide range of food and some are open 24 hours a day. The proprietors of these establishments are members of Malaysia's Tamil Muslim community, who have developed a distinct culinary style and wield an enormous influence on Malaysian food culture disproportionate to their numbers. A type of meal served buffet-style at some Mamak eateries is called nasi kandar, which is analogous to the Malay "nasi campur" where you pay for what you have actually eaten. The diner is to choose from a variety of curried dishes made with chicken, beef, mutton, or seafood. A mixture of curry sauces is then poured on the provided rice: this is called "banjir" (literally means "flooding").


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: For a traditional Malay meal, rice is considered the centerpiece of a meal, with everything else considered as an accompaniment, relish or side for the rice. Malay cuisine bears many similarities to Indonesian cuisine, in particular some of the regional traditions from Sumatra. It has also been influenced by Chinese, Indian, Thai and many other cultures throughout history, producing a distinct cuisine of their own. Some regional Malay dishes, such as "arisa" and "kacang pool", are examples of influence from Arab cuisine due to longstanding historical and religious ties. Many Malay dishes revolve around a "rempah", which is usually sauteed in oil ("tumis") to draw out flavours to form the base of a dish. A dipping relish called sambal is an essential accompaniment for most Malay dishes.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: There are certain Malaysian dishes with overt Javanese influences or are direct adaptations from Javanese cuisine, brought to Malaysia by Javanese immigrants who have been assimilated or integrated into the wider Malay community to various degrees. Javanese cuisine is highly distinct from mainstream Malay cooking, being noted for its simplicity and sweeter flavours, as opposed to mainstream Malay cuisine which is predominantly based on the complex and spicy regional cuisines of Sumatra. A popular way of serving Javanese-influenced food in the southern part of Peninsular Malaysia is termed nasi ambang, which consists of shared platters of white rice served with accompaniments like chicken cooked in soy sauce or curried gravy, stir fried noodles, "sambal goreng", fried shredded coconut pieces, egg, vegetables and so on.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Malaysian Chinese cuisine is derived from the culinary traditions of Chinese Malaysian immigrants and their descendants, who have adapted or modified their culinary traditions under the influence of Malaysian culture as well as immigration patterns of Chinese to Malaysia. Because the vast majority of Chinese Malaysians are descendants of immigrants from southern China, Malaysian Chinese cuisine is predominantly based on an eclectic repertoire of dishes with roots from Cantonese cuisine, Hakka cuisine, Fujian cuisine and Teochew cuisine.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: As these early immigrants settled in different regions throughout what was then British Malaya and Borneo, they carried with them traditions of foods and recipes that were particularly identified with their origins in China, which gradually became infused with the characteristics of their new home locale in Malaysia while remaining distinctively Chinese. For example, Hainanese chicken rice is usually flavoured with tropical pandan leaves and served with chilli sauce for dipping, and tastes unlike the typical chicken dishes found in Hainan Island itself. Some of these foods and recipes became closely associated with a specific city, town or village, eventually developing iconic status and culminating in a proliferation of nationwide popularity in the present day.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Chinese food is especially prominent in areas with concentrated Chinese communities, at roadside stalls, hawker centres and kopitiam, as well as smart cafes and upmarket restaurants throughout the nation. Many Chinese dishes have pork as a component ingredient, but chicken is available as a substitution for Muslim customers from the wider community, and some Chinese restaurants are even halal-certified.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Malaysian Indian cuisine, or the cooking of the ethnic Indian communities in Malaysia consists of adaptations of authentic dishes from India, as well as original creations inspired by the diverse food culture of Malaysia. As the vast majority of Malaysia's Indian community are mostly ethnic Tamils who are descendants of the modern Indian state of Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka's Northern Province, much of Malaysian Indian cuisine is predominantly South Indian inspired in character and taste. A typical Malaysian Indian dish is likely to be redolent with curry leaves, whole and powdered spice, and contains fresh coconut in various forms. Ghee is still widely used for cooking, although vegetable oils and refined palm oils are now commonplace in home kitchens. Before a meal it is customary to wash hands as cutlery is often not used while eating, with the exception of a serving spoon for each respective dish.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Food served in the traditional South Indian manner is termed banana leaf rice. Plain white or parboiled rice would be served with an assortment of vegetable preparations, lentil gravy, pickles, condiments, and papadum crackers on a banana leaf, which acts as a disposable plate. Banana leaf meals are eaten to celebrate special occasions such as festivals, birthdays, marriages, or to commemorate funeral wakes. It is customary to consume banana leaf meals by hand and to show appreciation for the food by folding the banana leaf inwards, though less ritual and etiquette is observed when the meal isn't part of a formal occasion, such as the Malayalee community's elaborate Sadya feasts. Boiled eggs, meat or seafood dishes are available at banana leaf restaurants which are not exclusively vegetarian or vegan.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: The food of Sabah reflects the ethnic diversity of its population and is very eclectic. Traditional Kadazandusun cuisine involves mostly boiling or grilling and employs little use of oil. From simple appetizers of seasoned unripe mango to a variety of pickled foods collectively known as "noonsom", tangy and pungent flavours derived from souring agents or fermentation techniques is a key characteristic of traditional Kadazandusun cooking. Rice wine accompanies all Kadazandusun celebrations and rites, and at a Murut event there will be rows upon rows of jars with fermented tapioca tapai. Presently few eateries in Sabah serve traditional indigenous dishes, although it will always be found during festive occasions like weddings and funerals, as well as the Kaamatan and Kalimaran cultural festivals. Chinese-influenced dishes like northern Chinese potstickers and Hakka stuffed tofu, along with many original creations developed in Sabah's interior settlements by immigrants from both northern and southern China throughout the 20th century, feature prominently on the menus of many kopitiam establishments and upscale restaurants.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Sabah is notable for its excellent seafood, temperate produce and tea (Sabah tea has GI status) grown in the highlands of Mt. Kinabalu, and a small coffee plantation industry with Tenom coffee considered the best produce in the region. Local ingredients like freshwater fish, wild boar ("bakas" in native dialects), bamboo shoots, wild ferns, and various jungle produce still figure prominently in the daily diet of the local population. As a significant portion of rural communities still subsist on agriculture as their primary source of income, small scale festivals are even held each year at certain towns to celebrate produce vital to the livelihoods of the local people: the Pesta Jagung of Kota Marudu, the Pesta Rumbia (sago) of Kuala Penyu, and Pesta Kelapa from the town of Kudat. Sabah vegetable, also known as "cekuk manis" or "sayur manis" (Chinese : 树仔菜), can be found on the menus of many eateries and restaurants throughout the state of Sabah. It is one of the local terms used for a variety of "Sauropus albicans" developed in Lahad Datu, which yields crunchy edible shoots in addition to its leaves. The flavour is reminiscent of spinach but more complex, "as though it had been fortified with broccoli and infused with asparagus", and is typically stir-fried with eggs or seasonings like sambal belacan.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Whether grilled, cured, deep-fried, steamed, stir-fried, braised, served raw, or made into soups, Sabah's seafood is famed for its freshness, quality, and good value for money. A vast variety of fish, cephalopods, marine crustaceans, shellfish, sea cucumbers and jellyfish have become mainstays on lunch and dinner menus at kopitiam, restaurants, and humble food shacks all over Kota Kinabalu and other coastal towns like Sandakan, Tawau, Lahad Datu and Semporna. Seafood paired with noodles also figure prominently for breakfast, for each day locals flock to speciality eateries where they may be served an assortment of fish-based products to start the day. Examples include: poached patties handmade with fresh fish paste; deep-fried fish cakes wrapped in tofu skin sheets; and noodle soups with toppings like sliced fish fillet, fish or prawn balls, and fish innards. A few eateries even serve "noodles" rolled out with fresh fish paste.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Edible seaweed is a traditional food for certain seaside communities throughout Sabah and also possess GI status. Latok is similar in appearance to clusters of green-hued fish eggs or grapes, and is typically prepared as a salad by the Bajau people. Coral seaweed is another popular seaplant product; in recent times it is marketed as a gourmet health food to both locals and tourists, and is given the moniker of "sea bird's nest" (Chinese : 海底燕窝) as coral seaweed acquires a similar gelatinous texture when dissolved in water.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Sarawakian is quite distinct from the regional cuisines of the Peninsular. It is considered less spicy, lightly prepared and with more emphasis on subtle flavours. The most important spice in Sarawakian cuisine is pepper. Pepper is commercially produced on an industrial scale as a cash crop, and the preferred choice by local cooks when heat is wanted in a dish. Granted GI status by MyIPO, Sarawak black pepper is highly regarded by international culinary figures such as Alain Ducasse.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: While the Iban constitute the largest Dayak subgroup as well as the most populous ethnic group in Sarawak, much of the ethnic Iban population is still concentrated away from Sarawak's main urban areas, congregating instead within longhouse communities scattered all over the interior regions of the state. The traditional cookery of the Iban is called "pansoh" or "pansuh", which is the preparation and cooking of food in bamboo tubes. Ingredients like poultry, fish, pork, vegetables or rice are mixed with fragrant herbs like lemongrass, tapioca leaves and "bungkang" leaves (a species of myrtle from the Eugenia genus), then sealed within the bamboo tubes and placed directly over an open fire. Cooking food this way will infuse it with aroma and flavour from the bamboo tubes while keeping it moist.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: During Dayak festivals or Gawai, the Iban would slaughter locally reared pigs. The pig would be cleaned thoroughly after the slaughter, have its head and stomach removed, and the rest of the pig would be cut into smaller pieces in preparation for barbecuing. The head and stomach of a pig are usually put aside and prepared separately as they are considered the choicest parts of the animal; hence pig's heads are a common edible gift brought by visitors to an Iban longhouse, and dishes such as pork stomach cooked with pineapples are a must for Gawai.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Sarawak is notable for its rice; currently three varieties grown in Sarawak has been granted GI status by MyIPO.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Peranakan cuisine, also called Nyonya food, was developed by the Straits Chinese whose descendants reside in today's Malaysia and Singapore. The old Malay word nyonya (also spelled nonya), a term of respect and affection for women of prominent social standing (part "madame" and part "auntie"), has come to refer to the cuisine of the Peranakans. It uses mainly Chinese ingredients but blends them with Malay ingredients such as coconut milk, lemon grass, turmeric, tamarind, pandan leaves, chillies and sambal. It can be considered as a blend of Chinese and Malay cooking, with influences from Indonesian Chinese cuisine (for the Nyonya food of Malaccan and Singaporean) and Thai cuisine (for Penang Nyonya cuisine). Traditional Nyonya cooking is often very elaborate, labour-intensive and time-consuming, and the Peranakan community often consider the best Nyonya food is to be found in private homes.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Kuih (plural: ) are usually, but not always, bite-sized foods associated with the Malay and Min-speaking Chinese communities of Malaysia. In the context of the term being cultural as opposed to being physically descriptive, the concept of may refer to a selection of cakes, cookies, confections, pastries and sweetmeats. Kuih may be eaten throughout the day for light breakfast, afternoon tea (a tradition adopted from the British), as a snack and increasingly as an after-meal course.


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: More often steamed or fried and based on rice or glutinous rice, items are very different in texture, flavour and appearance from Western oven-baked cakes or puff pastries. Most items are sweet, and may be classified and eaten as desserts, but some are also savoury. is an important feature of festive occasions and is traditionally made at home, but is now available for purchase from home caterers, street vendors, market stallholders and specialist cafes, shops and restaurants. It is difficult to distinguish between of Malay or Peranakan (also known as "Straits Chinese") origin because the histories of traditional recipes have not been well-documented, and cross-cultural influences over the centuries were commonplace. Even the word itself is derived from the Hokkien/Teochew word 粿 (pronounced "kueh" or "kway").


title: Malaysian cuisine

text: Desserts and sweets in Malaysia are diverse, due to the multi-ethnic and multicultural characteristics of its society. Traditional Malay and Nyonya desserts tend to share a common feature however: generous amounts of coconut milk are used, and the finished product usually flavoured with gula melaka (palm sugar) and pandan leaves. Some notable desserts include:


title: Politically exposed person

text: In financial regulation, a politically exposed person (PEP) is one who has been entrusted with a prominent public function. A PEP generally presents a higher risk for potential involvement in bribery and corruption by virtue of their position and the influence that they may hold. The terms "politically exposed person" and senior foreign political figure are often used interchangeably, particularly in international forums.


title: Politically exposed person

text: While there is no global definition of a PEP, most countries have based their definition on the 2003 Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering (FATF) standard, as for example the Swiss financial market regulator in 2011, which quoted it as "the international standard" or the Australian government in 2015.


title: Politically exposed person

text: FATF is an international inter-governmental body, founded in 1989 on the initiative of the G7 and hosted by the OECD, to set standards and promote implementing measures against money laundering, financing of terrorism and financing of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction to preserve the integrity of the global financial system.


title: Politically exposed person

text: In February 2012, the FATF's latest definition of politically exposed persons (PEP), revised from 2003, is as follows:


title: Politically exposed person

text: Requirements for a PEP apply to family members or close associates, any individual publicly known, or known by the financial institution to be a close personal or professional associate.


title: Politically exposed person

text: A forerunner definition was by the 1997 OECD Anti-Bribery Convention aimed at reducing corruption in developing countries, which came into force February 1999; it used the term 'foreign official'.


title: Politically exposed person

text: The FATF guidance implies that if a person is a foreign PEP, it "de facto" makes them a domestic PEP in their own country. This makes sense for crime prevention, because to export proceeds of crime, the PEP must first use their own domestic financial system and thus, importance is placed on domestic, and non-foreign PEPs.


title: Politically exposed person

text: Under Australia's Anti-Money Laundering (AML) and Counter-Terrorism Financing (CTF) Rules, Politically exposed persons (PEPs) are individuals who occupy a prominent public position or functions in a government body or international organisation, both within and outside Australia. This definition also extends to their immediate family members and close associates.


title: Politically exposed person

text: A reporting entity must have procedures to identify whether any individual customer or beneficial owner is a PEP, or an associate of a PEP. The reporting entity must undertake this identification process before it provides the customer with a designated service, or as soon as practicable afterwards. A reporting entity must implement additional due diligence measures and risk management systems where the PEP is high Money Laundering / Terrorism Financing risk or is a foreign PEP.


title: Politically exposed person

text: Canada considers all foreign PEPs to pose a money laundering and terrorist financing risk. Under the amendments to the Proceeds of Crime (Money Laundering) and Terrorist Financing Act that came into effect in 2016, a politically exposed person now also includes all domestic PEPs and Heads of International Organisations (HIOs). Domestic PEPs in Canada retain their classification until 5 years after they leave office. This rule applies even if the PEP is not considered high risk.


title: Politically exposed person

text: Egypt is a member of the Middle East and North Africa Financial Action Task Force (MENAFATF) and has committed to implementing the FATF’s AML/CFT recommendations. PEP screening in Egypt is required for foreign and domestic PEPs, while international PEP screening is not required.


title: Politically exposed person

text: In Chile, financial institutions are mandated to report any transaction suspicious for potential involvement in bribery by virtue of a PEP's position and the influence that they may hold. , 2,200 to 3,000 individuals are considered PEPs, 150 of them foreign, and also their second grade relatives are under financial observation by the institutions.


title: Politically exposed person

text: The European Union has defined the term "politically exposed person" in the directive 2006/70/EC., then replaced by the directive 2015/849 (article 3, number 9)


title: Politically exposed person

text: Under Singapore's Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) Notice 626 - Prevention of money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (Banks), PEPs are persons, either domestic or foreign, who are entrusted with prominent public functions. Prominent public functions includes the roles held by a head of state, a head of government, government ministers, senior civil or public servants, senior judicial or military officials, senior executives of state owned corporations, senior political party officials, members of the legislature and senior management of international organisations. Relatives or close associates ("RCAs") to PEPs are also categorised as PEPs.


title: Politically exposed person

text: MAS requires financial institutions to apply enhanced customer due diligence on customers that are identified to be PEPs.


title: Politically exposed person

text: In South Africa, the Financial Intelligence Centre amended the Financial Intelligence Centre Act to refer to Politically Influential Persons (PIP) instead of PEP. This was done in order to include private sector officials who have business dealings with public sector officials and elected officials in the public services procurement deals.


title: Politically exposed person

text: likewise the UK's PEP definition is identical to the 2012 FATF definition, i.e. including reference to domestic PEPs; It is found in the Money Laundering Regulations 2017 Section 35(12). A politically exposed person is considered any individual who fits any of the criteria listed below:


title: Politically exposed person

text: PEP status also extends to relatives and close associates. Relatives and close associates include a spouse, a partner, children and their spouses or partners and parents. While other family members may not qualify under this definition, it may be appropriate to consider that other family members can also be used as a front for corrupt activities. Therefore, it may be appropriate to apply the definition to other extended family members that may have increased risk factors present and apply the requirements of the regulation (e.g. a PEP with material negative information may use their brother as a front for processing their proceeds of corruption). Close associates include any individual who is known to have joint beneficial ownership of a legal entity or legal arrangement, or any other close business relations. It also includes any individual who has sole beneficial ownership of a legal entity or legal arrangement which is known to have been set up for the benefit of a person referred to in regulation.


title: Politically exposed person

text: The Financial Conduct Authority and Joint Money Laundering Steering Group both publish comprehensive guidance on both PEPs and other KYC related matters to assist firms in complying with their legal obligations.


title: Politically exposed person

text: The 4th EU AML Directive is expected update the definition to include domestic PEPs, and limit relatives-status to spouse and partner only, and no longer the children and parents of PEPs.


title: Politically exposed person

text: The term foreign official has been used by US enforcement agencies relating to persons who have similar characteristics as PEPs, as referenced in the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act . It is used in all industries, not only by financial institutions. The Treasury's Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) did not use the term PEP in its regulations as of 2010. Suspicious activity requires a financial institution to submit a suspicious activity report to FinCEN. The term 'Senior Foreign Political Figure', as defined by section 312 of the USA PATRIOT Act is to a great extent similar to the definition of PEP, and also excludes middle-ranking or more junior individuals. The term PEP is recognized (and was defined) by the 'Wolfsberg Group' of eleven global banks.


title: Politically exposed person

text: In the wake of the June 2020 imposition of the Hong Kong national security law by the PRC Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, the scrutiny of PEPs at some banks "involved combing through comments made by clients and their associates in public and in media, and social media posts in the recent past." The new law "prohibits what Beijing describes broadly as secession, subversion, terrorism and collusion with foreign forces", with maximum penalties of up to life terms in prison. HSBC, Credit Suisse, Julius Baer and UBS declined to comment to the "Daily Telegraph" for a 20 July news article. Pro-democracy lawyer Albert Ho said that he feared that "people like him" may face "difficulties in the times to come... There’s not much you can do, actually, unless you cease all your financial and banking activities in Hong Kong."


title: Politically exposed person

text: The designation "politically exposed person" dates back to the late 1990s, in what was known as the "Abacha Affair." Sani Abacha was a Nigerian dictator who organized a large scale, systematic theft of assets from the Nigerian central bank for some years with his family members and associates. It is believed that several billion dollars were stolen, and that the funds were transferred to bank accounts in the United Kingdom and Switzerland. In 2001, the Nigerian Government that succeeded the Abacha Regime made an effort to recover the money. It lodged complaints with several European agencies, including the Federal Office of Police of Switzerland which investigated close to sixty Swiss banks. In this investigation, the concept of "politically exposed person" emerged, around which the UN organised a committee in December 2000, that eventually led to the October 2003 resolution of United Nations Convention against Corruption, entered into force in December 2005, with ongoing annual reviews of implementation and asset recovery. It had become European Union law in 2004.


title: Politically exposed person

text: PEP-specific compliance legislation addresses the link between government corruption, money laundering and terrorism financing. Since September 11, 2001, more than 100 countries have changed their laws related to financial services regulation, combating political corruption.


title: Politically exposed person

text: Heavy fines have been imposed on financial institutions for conducting business with PEPs without following adequate procedures, as in the case of Riggs Bank.


title: Politically exposed person

text: In spite of regulation, political leaders like Muammar Gaddafi and Hosni Mubarak have made news in 2013 for having frozen assets in US banks that did not follow due diligence.


title: Politically exposed person

text: Most financial institutions view a PEP as a potential compliance risk, and perform enhanced monitoring of accounts that fall within this category. Screening for PEPs is usually performed at the beginning of account opening, called standard due diligence or know your customer (KYC). Screening of accounts periodically is performed as part of ongoing due diligence.


title: Politically exposed person

text: There are a number of companies advertising for regulatory, financial and reputational risk screening.


title: Politically exposed person

text: Due diligence to uncover PEPs can be time-consuming and requires the checking of names, dates of birth, national identification numbers and photos of clients against a reputable database of known PEPs, which usually contains over one million profiles. No 'official' PEP list exist. The CIA and UN have lists of heads of state, which fall below the PEP definitions of FATF.


title: Politically exposed person

text: There are a number of crowd sourced lists of Politically Exposed Persons being made available utilizing public contributions.


title: W. G. Grace

text: William Gilbert Grace (18 July 1848 – 23 October 1915) was an English amateur cricketer who was important in the development of the sport and is widely considered one of its greatest players. He played first-class cricket for a record-equalling 44 seasons, from 1865 to 1908, during which he captained England, Gloucestershire, the Gentlemen, Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC), the United South of England Eleven (USEE), and several other teams.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Right-handed as both batsman and bowler, Grace dominated the sport during his career. His technical innovations and enormous influence left a lasting legacy. An outstanding all-rounder, he excelled at all the essential skills of batting, bowling and fielding, but it is for his batting that he is most renowned. He is held to have invented modern batsmanship. Usually opening the innings, he was particularly admired for his mastery of all strokes, and his level of expertise was said by contemporary reviewers to be unique. He generally captained the teams he played for at all levels because of his skill and tactical acumen.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace came from a cricketing family: E. M. Grace was one of his elder brothers and Fred Grace his younger brother. In 1880, they were members of the same England team, the first time three brothers played together in Test cricket. Grace took part in other sports also: he was a champion 440-yard hurdler as a young man and played football for the Wanderers. In later life, he developed enthusiasm for golf, lawn bowls, and curling.


title: W. G. Grace

text: He qualified as a medical practitioner in 1879. He was nominally amateur as a cricketer, but he is said to have made more money from his cricketing activities than any professional cricketer. He was an extremely competitive player and, although he was one of the most famous men in England, he was also one of the most controversial on account of his gamesmanship and moneymaking.


title: W. G. Grace

text: W. G. Grace was born in Downend, near Bristol, on 18 July 1848 at his parents' home, Downend House, and was baptised at the local church on 8 August. He was called Gilbert in the family circle, except by his mother, who apparently called him Willie, but otherwise, as "W. G.", he was universally known by his initials. His parents were Henry Mills Grace and Martha ("née" Pocock), who were married in Bristol on Thursday, 3 November 1831 and lived out their lives at Downend, where Henry Grace was the local GP. Downend is near Mangotsfield and, although it is now a suburb of Bristol, it was then "a distinct village surrounded by countryside" and about four miles from Bristol. Henry and Martha Grace had nine children in all: "the same number as Victoria and Albert – and in every respect they were the typical Victorian family". Grace was the eighth child in the family; he had three older brothers, including E. M. Grace (always known as "E. M."), and four older sisters. The ninth child was his younger brother Fred Grace, born in 1850.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace began his "Cricketing Reminiscences" (1899) by answering a question he had frequently been asked: i.e., was he "born a cricketer"? His answer was in the negative because he believed that "cricketers are made by coaching and practice", though he adds that if he was not born a cricketer, he was born "in the atmosphere of cricket". His father and mother were "full of enthusiasm for the game" and it was "a common theme of conversation at home". In 1850, when W. G. was two and Fred was expected, the family moved to a nearby house called "The Chesnuts" which had a sizeable orchard and Henry Grace organised clearance of this to establish a practice pitch. All nine children in the Grace family, including the four daughters, were encouraged to play cricket although the girls, along with the dogs, were required for fielding only. Grace claimed that he first handled a cricket bat at the age of two. It was in the Downend orchard and as members of their local cricket clubs that he and his brothers developed their skills, mainly under the tutelage of his uncle, Alfred Pocock, who was an exceptional coach. Apart from his cricket and his schooling, Grace lived the life of a country boy and roamed freely with the other village boys. One of his regular activities was stone throwing at birds in the fields and he later claimed that this was the source of his eventual skill as an outfielder.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace was "notoriously unscholarly". His first schooling was with a Miss Trotman in Downend village and then with a Mr Curtis of Winterbourne. He subsequently attended a day school called Ridgway House, run by a Mr Malpas, until he was fourteen. One of his schoolmasters, David Bernard, later married Grace's sister Alice. In 1863, Grace was taken seriously ill with pneumonia and his father removed him from Ridgway House. After this illness, Grace grew rapidly to his full height of 6 ft 2 in (1.88 m). He continued his education at home where one of his tutors was the Reverend John Dann, who was the Downend parish church curate; like Mr Bernard before him, Mr Dann became Grace's brother-in-law, marrying Blanche Grace in 1869.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace never went to university because his father wanted him to pursue a medical career. But Grace was approached by both Oxford University Cricket Club and Cambridge University Cricket Club. In 1866, when he played a match at Oxford, one of the Oxford players, Edmund Carter, tried to interest him in becoming an undergraduate. Then, in 1868, Grace received overtures from Caius College, Cambridge, which had a long medical tradition. Grace said he would have gone to either Oxford or Cambridge if his father had allowed it. Instead, he enrolled at Bristol Medical School in October 1868, when he was 20.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Henry Grace founded Mangotsfield Cricket Club in 1845 to represent several neighbouring villages including Downend. In 1846, this club merged with the West Gloucestershire Cricket Club whose name was adopted until 1867. It has been said that the Grace family ran the West Gloucestershire "almost as a private club". Henry Grace managed to organise matches against Lansdown Cricket Club in Bath, which was the premier West Country club. West Gloucestershire fared poorly in these games and, sometime in the 1850s, Henry and Alfred Pocock decided to join Lansdown, although they continued to run the West Gloucestershire and this remained their primary club.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Alfred Pocock was especially instrumental in coaching the Grace brothers and spent long hours with them on the practice pitch at Downend. E. M., who was seven years older than W. G., had always played with a full size bat and so developed a tendency, that he never lost, to hit across the line, the bat being too big for him to "play straight". Pocock recognised this problem and determined that W. G. and his youngest brother Fred should not follow suit. He therefore fashioned smaller bats for them, to suit their sizes, and they were taught to play straight and "learn defence, with the left shoulder well forward", before attempting to hit.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace recorded in his "Reminiscences" that he saw his first great cricket match in 1854 when he was barely six years old, the occasion being a game between William Clarke's All-England Eleven (the AEE) and twenty-two of West Gloucestershire. He says he himself played for the West Gloucestershire club as early as 1857, when he was nine years old, and had 11 innings in 1859. The earliest match in "CricketArchive" which involved Grace was in 1859, only a few days after his eleventh birthday, when he played for Clifton Cricket Club against the South Wales Cricket Club at Durdham Down, his team winning by 114 runs. Several members of the Grace family, including his elder brother E. M., were involved in the match. Grace batted at number 11 and scored 0 and 0 not out. The first time he made a substantial score was in July 1860 when he scored 51 for West Gloucestershire against Clifton; he wrote that none of his great innings gave him more pleasure. It was through E. M. that the family name first became famous. His mother, Martha, wrote the following in a letter to William Clarke's successor George Parr in 1860 or 1861:


title: W. G. Grace

text: I am writing to ask you to consider the inclusion of my son, E. M. Grace – a splendid hitter and most excellent catch – in your England XI. I am sure he would play very well and do the team much credit. It may interest you to learn that I have another son, now twelve years of age, who will in time be a much better player than his brother because his back stroke is sounder, and he always plays with a straight bat.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace was just short of his thirteenth birthday when, on 5 July 1861, he made his debut for Lansdown and played two matches that month. E. M. had made his debut in 1857, aged sixteen. In August 1862, aged 14, Grace played for West Gloucestershire against a Devonshire team. A year later, following his bout of pneumonia which had left him bed-ridden for several weeks, he scored 52 not out and took 5 wickets against a Somerset XI. Soon afterwards, he was one of four family members who played for Bristol and Didcot XVIII against the All-England Eleven. He bowled well and scored 32 off the bowling of John Jackson, George Tarrant and Cris Tinley. E. M. took ten wickets in the match, which Bristol and Didcot won by an innings, and as a result E. M. was invited to tour Australia a few months later with George Parr's England team.


title: W. G. Grace

text: E. M. did not return from Australia until July 1864 and his absence presented Grace with an opportunity to appear on cricket's greatest stages. He and his elder brother Henry were invited to play for the South Wales Club which had arranged a series of matches in London and Sussex, though Grace wondered humorously how they were qualified to represent South Wales. It was the first time that Grace left the West Country and he made his debut appearances at both The Oval and Lord's. It was in the match against "Gentleman of Sussex" played just before his 16th birthday that he scored his first ever century making 170 including a stand of 188 for the second wicket with his captain John Lloyd (political reformer).


title: W. G. Grace

text: Although there is controversy among cricket statisticians about the details of Grace's first-class career, it is generally agreed that its span was 44 seasons from 1865 to 1908, and one source lists 29 teams, the England national team and 28 domestic teams, represented by Grace in important or first-class matches. Most of these were "ad hoc" or guest appearances. In minor cricket, Grace represented upwards of forty teams. Besides playing for England in Test cricket (1880–1899), the key teams in Grace's first-class career were the Gentlemen (1865–1906), All-England "aka" England (i.e., non-international; 1865–1899), Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC; 1869–1904), Gloucestershire (1870–1899), the United South of England Eleven (USEE; 1870–1876) and London County (1900–1904). Apart from the London County venture in his later years, Grace had firmly committed himself to all of these by the end of the 1870 season when he was 22.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Cricket in the 1860s underwent a revolution with the legalisation of overarm bowling in June 1864 and Grace himself said it was "no exaggeration to say that, between 1860 and 1870, English cricket passed through its most critical period" with the game in transition and "it was quite a revolutionary period so far as its rules were concerned". Grace was still 15 when the 1864 season began and had turned 20 when the 1868 season ended and he began his medical career by enrolling at Bristol Medical School on 7 October 1868. In the interim, specifically in 1866, he became widely recognised as the finest cricketer in England. Just after his eighteenth birthday in July 1866, Grace confirmed his potential with an innings of 224 not out for All-England against Surrey at The Oval. It was his maiden first-class century and, according to Harry Altham, he was "thenceforward the biggest name in cricket and the main spectator attraction with the successes (coming) thick and fast".


title: W. G. Grace

text: In 1868, Grace scored two centuries in a match, only the second time in cricket history that this is known to have been done, following William Lambert in 1817. Summarising the 1868 season, Simon Rae wrote that Grace was "now indisputably the cricketer of the age, the Champion".


title: W. G. Grace

text: In 1869, Grace was made a member of MCC and scored four centuries in July, including an innings of 180 at The Oval which was achieved during the highest wicket partnership involving Grace in his entire career; he shared 283 runs for the first wicket with Bransby Cooper. Later in the month, Grace scored 122 out of 173 in difficult batting conditions during the North v South match at Bramall Lane, prompting the laconic Tom Emmett to call him a "nonsuch", and declare: "He ought to be made to play with a littler bat".


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace had another outstanding season in 1870, during which Gloucestershire acquired first-class status, and Derek Birley records that, "scorning the puny modern fashion of moustaches", he grew the enormous black beard that made him so recognisable. In addition, his "ample girth" had developed for he weighed 15 stone (95 kg) in his early twenties. Grace was a non-smoker but he enjoyed good food and wine; many years later, when discussing the overheads incurred during Lord Sheffield's profitless tour of Australia in 1891–92, Arthur Shrewsbury commented: "I told you what wine would be drunk by the amateurs; Grace himself would drink enough to swim a ship."


title: W. G. Grace

text: According to Harry Altham, 1871 was Grace's "annus mirabilis", except that he produced another outstanding year in 1895. In all first-class matches in 1871, a total of 17 centuries were scored and Grace accounted for 10 of them, including the first century in a first-class match at Trent Bridge. He averaged 78.25 and the next best average by a batsman playing more than a single innings was 39.57, barely more than half his figure. His aggregate for the season was 2,739 runs and this was the first time that anyone had scored 2,000 first-class runs in a season; Harry Jupp was next best with 1,068. Grace produced his season's highlight in the South v North match at The Oval when he made his highest career score to date of 268, having been dismissed by Jem Shaw for nought in the first innings. It was to no avail as the match was drawn. But the occasion produced a memorable and oft-quoted comment by Jem Shaw who ruefully said: "I puts the ball where I likes and he puts it where he likes".


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace had numerous nicknames during his career including "The Doctor", after he achieved his medical qualification, and "The Old Man", as he reached the veteran stage. He was most auspiciously nicknamed "The Champion". He was first acclaimed as "the Champion Cricketer" by "Lillywhite's Companion" in recognition of his exploits in 1871. However, Grace's great year was marred by the death of his father in December.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace and his younger brother Fred still lived with their mother at Downend. Their father had left just enough to maintain the family home but the onus was now on the brothers to increase their earnings from cricket to pay for their medical studies (Fred started his in the autumn of 1872). They achieved this through their involvement as match organisers of the United South of England Eleven which played six matches in the 1872 season including games in Edinburgh and Glasgow, Grace's first visit to Scotland. 1872 was a wet summer and Grace ended his season in early August so that he could join the tour of North America.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace became the first batsman to score a century before lunch in a first-class match when he made 134 for Gentlemen of the South "versus" Players of the South at The Oval in 1873. In the same season, he became the first player ever to complete the "double" of 1,000 runs and 100 wickets in a season. He went on to do the double eight times in all:


title: W. G. Grace

text: 1873 was the year that some semblance of organisation was brought into county cricket with the introduction of a residence qualification. This was aimed principally at England's outstanding bowler James Southerton who had been playing for both Surrey and Sussex, having been born in one county and living in the other. Southerton chose to play for his county of residence, Surrey, from then on but remained the country's top bowler. The counties agreed on residence but not on a means of deciding a County Championship and so the title, known as "Champion County", remained an unofficial award until 1889. Grace's Gloucestershire had a very strong claim to this unofficial title in 1873 but consensus was that they shared it with Nottinghamshire. These two did not play each other and both were unbeaten in six matches, but Nottinghamshire won five and Gloucestershire won four.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Having toured Australia in the winter of 1873–74, Grace arrived in England on 18 May 1874 and was quickly back into domestic cricket. The 1874 season was very successful for him as he completed a second successive double. Gloucestershire again had a strong claim to the Champion County title although some sources have awarded it to Derbyshire and Grace himself said that it should have gone to Yorkshire. Another good season followed in 1875 when he again completed the double with 1,498 runs and 191 wickets. This was his most successful season as a bowler.


title: W. G. Grace

text: One of the most outstanding phases of Grace's career occurred in the 1876 season, beginning with his career highest score of 344 for Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC) v Kent at the St Lawrence Ground, Canterbury, in August. Two days after his innings at Canterbury, he made 177 for Gloucestershire v Nottinghamshire; and two days after that 318 not out for Gloucestershire v Yorkshire, these two innings against counties with exceptionally strong bowling attacks. Thus, in three consecutive innings Grace scored 839 runs and was only out twice. His innings of 344 was the first triple century scored in first-class cricket and broke the record for the highest individual score in all classes of cricket, previously held by William Ward who scored 278 in 1820. Ward's record had stood for 56 years and, within a week, Grace bettered it twice. In 1877, Gloucestershire won the unofficial championship for the third and (to date) final time, largely thanks to another outstanding season by Grace who scored 1,474 runs and took 179 wickets.


title: W. G. Grace

text: There was speculation that Grace intended to retire before the 1878 season to concentrate on his medical career, but he decided to continue playing cricket and may have been influenced by the arrival of the first Australian team to tour England in May. At Lord's on 27 May, the Australians defeated a strong MCC team, including Grace, by nine wickets in a single day's play. According to Chris Harte, news of the match "spread like wildfire and created a sensation in London and throughout England". The satirical magazine "Punch" responded to it by publishing a parody of Byron's poem "The Destruction of Sennacherib" including a wry commentary on Grace's contribution:


title: W. G. Grace

text: There was bad feeling between Grace and some of the 1878 Australians, especially their manager John Conway; this came to a head on 20 June in a row over the services of Grace's friend Billy Midwinter, an Australian who had played for Gloucestershire in 1877. Midwinter was already in England before the main Australian party arrived and had joined them for their first match in May. On 20 June, Midwinter was at Lord's where he was due to play for the Australians against Middlesex. On the same day, the Gloucestershire team was at The Oval to play Surrey but arrived a man short. As a result, a group of Gloucestershire players led by W. G. and E. M. Grace went to Lord's and persuaded Midwinter to accompany them back to The Oval to make up their numbers. They were pursued by three of the Australians who caught them at The Oval gates where a furious altercation ensued in front of bystanders. At one point, Grace called the Australians "a damned lot of sneaks" (he later apologised). In the end, Grace got his way and Midwinter stayed with Gloucestershire for the rest of the season, although he did not play for the county against the Australians. Afterwards, the row was patched up and Gloucestershire invited the Australians to play the county team, minus Midwinter, at Clifton College. The Australians took a measure of revenge and won easily by 10 wickets, with Fred Spofforth taking 12 wickets and making the top score. It was Gloucestershire's first ever home defeat. The events at The Oval had a postscript during the following winter when W. G. and E. M. were called to account by the Gloucestershire membership because of the expenses they had claimed from Surrey for that match, and which Surrey had refused to authorise.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Despite his troubles in 1878, it was another good season for Grace on the field as he completed a sixth successive double. He made 24 first-class appearances in the season, scoring 1,151 runs, with a highest score of 116, at an average of 28.77 with 1 century and 5 half-centuries. In the field, he held 42 catches and took 152 wickets with a best analysis of 8/23. His bowling average was 14.50; he had 5 wickets in an innings 12 times and 10 wickets in a match 6 times.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace missed a large part of the 1879 season because he was doing the final practical for his medical qualification and, for the first time since 1869, he did not complete 1,000 runs, though he did take 105 wickets. Having qualified as a doctor in November 1879, he had to give priority to his new practice in Bristol for the next five years. As a result, his cricket sometimes had to be set aside. He had other troubles including a serious bout of mumps in 1882. He never topped the seasonal batting averages in the 1880s and from 1879 to 1882, he did not complete 1,000 runs in the season.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace was badly upset by the death of his brother Fred in 1880, soon after all three brothers played for England against Australia in what is retrospectively recognised as the inaugural Test match in England. Fred's death has been seen as a major factor in the subsequent decline of the Gloucestershire team. Grace made only 13 appearances in 1881. In 1882, he was in the England team that lost the "Ashes Match" at The Oval.


title: W. G. Grace

text: In 1883, Grace's medical priorities caused him to miss a Gentlemen v Players match for the first time since 1867. Injury problems restricted his appearances in 1884.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Grace achieved his career-best bowling analysis of 10/49 when playing for MCC against Oxford University at The Parks in 1886; and he scored 104 in his only innings to complete a rare "match double". 1886 was the last time he took 100 wickets in a season.


title: W. G. Grace

text: In 1888, Grace scored two centuries in one match v Yorkshire (148 and 153) and labelled this "my champion match". He had reduced his bowling somewhat in the last few seasons and he became an occasional bowler only from 1889. Injury problems, particularly a bad knee, took their toll in the early 1890s and Grace had his worst season in 1891 when he scored no centuries and could only average 19.76. Despite this, few doubted that he should lead the England team on its 1891–92 tour of Australia. Australia, led by Jack Blackham, won the three-match series 2–1.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Following his injury problems and loss of form in 1890 and 1891, Grace rallied somewhat during the next three seasons and reached 1,000 runs each time.


title: W. G. Grace

text: Against all expectation, Grace produced in 1895 a season that has been called his "Indian Summer". He completed his hundredth century playing for Gloucestershire against Somerset in May. Charles Townsend, his batting partner when he reached the milestone, said that as he approached his hundred: "This was the one and only time I ever saw him flustered..." Eventually Sammy Woods bowled a full toss which Grace drove for four to reach his century. He then went on to score 1,000 runs in the month, the first time this had ever been done, with scores of 13, 103, 18, 25, 288, 52, 257, 73 not out, 18 and 169 totalling 1,016 runs between 9 and 30 May. His aggregate for the whole season was 2,346 at an average of 51.00 with nine centuries. He was aged forty-six at the start of the season. Following his "Indian Summer", Grace was the sole recipient of the Wisden Cricketers of the Year award for 1896, the first of only three times that "Wisden" has restricted the award to a single player, there being normally five recipients.


title: W. G. Grace

text: By the time of his fiftieth birthday in July 1898, Grace had developed a somewhat corpulent figure and had lost his former agility, which meant he was no longer a capable fielder. He remained a very good batsman and at need a useful slow bowler, but he was clearly entering the twilight of his career and was now generally referred to as "The Old Man". As a special occasion, the MCC committee arranged the 1898 Gentlemen v Players match to coincide with his fiftieth birthday and he celebrated the event by scoring 43 and 31 not out, though handicapped by lameness and an injured hand. He terminated his association with both England and Gloucestershire in 1899 and relocated to South London where he joined the new London County club.


title: W. G. Grace

text: With the demise in 1904 of London County as a first-class team, the number of Grace's appearances dwindled over the next four seasons until he called it a day in 1908. His final appearance for the Gentlemen versus the Players was in July 1906 at The Oval. Grace made his final first-class appearance on 20–22 April 1908 for the Gentlemen of England v Surrey at The Oval, where, opening the innings, he scored 15 and 25.


title: W. G. Grace

text: In 1864, having scored 5 and 38 for the South Wales club in his first match at The Oval, Grace was outstanding in the next match and scored 170 and 56 not out against the Gentlemen of Sussex at the Royal Brunswick Ground in Hove. His innings of 170 was his first-ever century in a serious match. The third match, against Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC) was Grace's debut at Lord's and he was joined by E. M. who had just disembarked from his voyage. Grace scored 50 in the first innings only three days after his sixteenth birthday.


title: W. G. Grace

text: His name now well known in cricketing circles, Grace played for Gentlemen of the South v Players of the South in June 1865 when he was still only 16 but already tall and weighing . This match is regarded by "CricketArchive" as his first-class debut. He bowled extremely well and had match figures of 13 for 84. It was this performance that earned him his first selection for the prestigious Gentlemen v Players fixture.