title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: The last thing I heard was "don't worry," followed by screaming ... At first they tried to rip my bag out of my hands; I then felt hands all over my body, tearing down my trousers and long jacket; they were undoing its clips. ... They pulled my trousers and pants down, but couldn’t get them all the way down because I was wearing boots that they couldn’t manage to get off ... I felt hands touch me from all directions, and I was moved, almost carried, inside the circle as people continued saying: "don’t worry." They were saying that while violating me ...


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: Perpetrators regularly claim to be helping the women when in fact they are attacking them, which increases the difficulty for rescuers and leaves the women not knowing whom to trust. Women testify to having heard attackers say: "Do not be afraid; I'm protecting you," or "you are like my sister, do not be afraid." People genuinely trying to help find themselves being beaten and sexually assaulted too.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: Volunteer groups in Cairo, including OpAntiSH (Operation Anti Sexual Harassment), organize "extraction teams" who push into the circles wearing padded clothing, helmets and gloves, and get the women out. Other OpAntiSH teams carry spare clothes and medical supplies, operate a hotline so that the extraction teams know where to go, and offer counselling and legal and medical help. They were called to 19 incidents on 25 January 2013 alone, and were able to respond to 15 of them.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: Rescuers have described how assailants have set up makeshift tea stands in the crowd; in one case boiling water from a tea stand was thrown over rescuers who had formed a protective ring around a woman. During an attack in Cairo in 2013, the attackers allowed an ambulance to leave with the victim only when the driver told them she was dead.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: Mariz Tadros of the Institute of Development Studies notes that "social" - that is, non-politically motivated - sexual assault in Egypt is a result of diverse motives, including pleasure, a desire to dominate women, and a "perceived sense of sexual deprivation" because marriage may be financially prohibitive. Journalist Shereen El Feki, author of "Sex and the Citadel" (2013), writing about sexual harassment in general ("taharrush jinsi"), blamed unemployment, social media and a "breakdown of family surveillance" because of overworked parents.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: In one survey 60 percent of the highest educated women in Egypt blamed the victims (of general sexual harassment) and "provocative" clothing, as did 75 percent of the least educated women.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: In a 2013 UN survey, 75.7% of women who had been sexually harassed said it occurred while they were wearing conservative clothing without makeup. When asked about causes, female respondents cited "foreign pornographic programs" (97.2%), "non-enforcement of the religious principles" (95.5%) and "non-compliance of girls with religious values with regard to appearance" (94.3%). Male respondents cited "wearing tight clothes" (96.3%) and that the women "do not conform to religious ethics with regard to their appearance" (97.5%).


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: Nehad Abu Komsan, head of the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights, argues that sexual harassment is a symptom of the country's political and economic oppression, and that men are "lashing out at those next down the line in the patriarchy." Hussein el Shafie of OpAntiSH has argued that the attacks are like a "tear-gas bomb" to get women off the streets – not sexual but stemming from a sense of entitlement. According to a 2013 paper by Nazra for Feminist Studies:


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: [A] general attitude of sexual entitlement prevails, that is, a belief that the bodies of women present in the context of demonstrations are safe territories for sexual attacks underlies nearly all testimonies. With testimonies that speak of hundreds of hands persistently raping women, with hundreds more watching the brutal attacks, some while even smiling, it becomes clear that we are faced with an overwhelming challenge, namely a state and a society that have internalized sexual violence against women as the law of the land.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: According to a 2008 survey by the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights, 83% of Egyptian women said they had experienced sexual harassment, as did 98% of women from overseas while in Egypt. A 2013 study in Egypt by UN Women found that 99.3% of female respondents said they had been sexually harassed.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: The first jail sentence in Egypt for sexual harassment came in 2008 after a man molested a woman in the street from his car. Following this, two films – "Scheherazade, Tell Me a Story" (Yousry Nasrallah, 2009) and "678" (Muhammad Diyab, 2010) – brought the issue of sexual assault to cinemas.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: The mass sexual assaults have been on the increase since the fall of Hosni Mubarak on 11 February 2011, the end of the 2011 revolution, particularly during protests in Tahrir Square and religious festivals.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: According to Serena Hollmeyer Taylor and other researchers at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, the revolution saw a drop in complaints of harassment. Citing HARASSmap, which offers an interactive mapping service to which harassment can be reported, they write that 82 reports of sexual harassment were received between 7 and 25 January 2011. This is in contrast with the eight received between 25 January, the day of the first protests, and 11 February, when Mubarak stepped down. Taylor et al. call this Egypt's "liminal moment," following the anthropologist Victor Turner's idea that, during political upheaval, people are liberated from their "cultural script." During those 18 days, a protester told them, men put aside their differences with women, and everyone was simply Egyptian.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: After the fall of Mubarak, there was rapid escalation, beginning with the attacks, on the night he stepped down, on Egyptian journalist Mona Eltahawy and South African journalist Lara Logan. Logan, a correspondent for CBS, was sexually assaulted for 30 minutes by around 200 men in Tahrir Square before being rescued by a group of Egyptian women and soldiers. Several more journalists were among the hundreds of women who experienced mass sexual assault over the following few years: French journalist Caroline Sinz in November 2011; British journalist Natasha Smith in June 2012; Egyptian journalist Hania Moheeb on 25 January 2013, along with 18 other women; and a Dutch journalist in June 2013.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: Five hundred cases of mass sexual assault were documented between June 2012 and June 2014. An anti-harassment group, I Saw Harassment, reported four cases on 8 June 2014 alone, during President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi's inaugural celebrations, while Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment reported ten. The "New York Times" wrote of the celebrations:


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: At times, the prevalence of sexual violence in the crowds was hard even for the official state television network to hide. Female screams interrupted the broadcast of a nationalistic poet reciting from a stage ... when the screams grew louder, another man seized the microphone, yelling: 'Young men, please move away from the girls! Men, young men, get back!'"


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: From 2011 onwards, footage of women being assaulted began to appear regularly on social media, including one of a woman in Alexandria in 2011 being dragged along the ground and hoisted onto men's shoulders.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: The Girl in the Blue Bra video ("Sit al Banat") in December 2011 showed a woman partially covered by an "abaya" being beaten, stomped on and dragged around by the military in Tahrir Square. A man is similarly attacked during the same video. Thousands of women took to the streets to protest.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: A video taken on 8 June 2014, also in Tahrir Square, showed a naked woman being sexually assaulted during inaugural celebrations for President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. A volunteer for I Saw Harassment said hundreds of people were grabbing at the woman and that it took the police 20 minutes to get her out of the crowd. Seven men aged 15–49 were arrested. After the president visited the woman in hospital, the Egyptian government asked YouTube to remove the video; a spokesman said the request had come from the woman. YouTube responded by removing copies in which the victim could be identified.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: The period saw the growth of a counter-movement of NGOs and women's groups. After the particularly high number of assaults on 25 January 2013, women met that night at Café Riche on Talaat Harb Street, near Tahrir Square, and decided to start telling their stories. Journalist and broadcaster Lamis Elhadidy devoted an entire programme to the assaults and apologized for not having covered them sooner.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: A first attempt to change the law, supported by Amr Hamzawy, failed. The ruling party maintained that women participating in rallies were personally responsible for such incidents.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: In March 2013, the Muslim Brotherhood opposed the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, arguing that it would lead to the "disintegration of society." The law was changed after a female law student at the Cairo University College of Law was sexually assaulted by a large group of men on campus in March 2014, and had to be escorted to safety by security guards.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: "Egyptian Streets" called the attention that followed the 2014 Cairo hotel gang rape case a #MeToo moment. The 2014 Fairmont hotel gangrape concerned a young woman who had been drugged and raped by a group of young men from wealthy families. The case attracted wide social media and mainstream media attention, leading to the extradition of three of the accused men from Lebanon back to Egypt in September 2020.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: The attacks in Egypt, and the term "taharrush" ("harassment" in Arabic), came to wider attention in 2016 when women in Europe reported having been sexually assaulted by groups of North African men during New Year's Eve celebrations. German police compared the attacks to the mass sexual assaults in Egypt.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: Most of the attacks took place in Cologne, Germany, where 359 women filed sexual-assault complaints but women also filed complaints in Berlin, Düsseldorf, Frankfurt, Hamburg and Stuttgart; Salzburg, Austria; Helsinki, Finland; Kalmar and Malmö, Sweden; and Zurich, Switzerland. The news coverage prompted allegations that similar attacks had taken place in Stockholm in 2014 and 2015 during We Are Sthlm, a music festival for teenagers, but were covered up.


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: According to a German local government report, the German federal police compared the attacks to ""taharrush gamea" (collective sexual harassment in crowds)," a practice they said existed in Arab countries, as reported by the media during the Egyptian revolution. The transliteration, "taharrush gamea", followed the Egyptian pronunciation, "taḥarrush gamāʿī" (with a hard ⟨g⟩), rather than the standard pronunciation, "taḥarrush jamāʿī". On 10 January 2016 the German newspaper "Die Welt" published an article under the headline ""The phenomenon 'taharrush gamea' has arrived in Germany"".


title: Mass sexual assault in Egypt

text: The events sparked a debate about sexism, racism and the European migrant crisis. Dan Hitchens argued in the "Spectator" that mass sexual assault was a feature of Egypt, rather than of the Arab world, and that linking it to the attacks in Europe was "over-excited."


title: Seroma

text: A seroma is a pocket of clear serous fluid (filtered blood plasma). They may sometimes develop in the body after surgery, particularly after breast surgery, abdominal surgery, and reconstructive surgery. They can be diagnosed by physical signs, and with a CT scan.


title: Seroma

text: Seromas can be difficult to manage. Serous fluid may leak out naturally, and a persistent leak can cause problems. Fluid can be drained, including by inserting a drain surgically. Seromas can be prevented through careful surgery, and drains can be inserted before they form. Patient posturing and position can reduce risk, as well as breast binding after breast surgery.


title: Seroma

text: Around 16th century CE, the word originated from , meaning "watery" later the meaning changed to "of, secreting, or containing serum". It is directly derived from , meaning "watery fluid, whey".


title: Seroma

text: It was joined with a word-forming element from , with -o-, lengthened stem vowel + -ma suffix, especially taken in medical use as "tumor" or "morbid growth".


title: Seroma

text: A seroma contains serous fluid. This is composed of blood plasma that has seeped out of ruptured small blood vessels and the inflammatory fluid produced by injured and dying cells. Seromas are different from hematomas, which contain red blood cells, and abscesses, which contain pus and result from an infection. Serous fluid is also different from lymph.


title: Seroma

text: A seroma can usually be felt as a hard mass under the skin. This may cause erythema (skin redness). They can also cause significant pain.


title: Seroma

text: A seroma is usually caused by surgery. Seromas are particularly common after breast surgery (e.g., mastectomy), abdominal surgery, and reconstructive surgery. It can also be seen after neck surgery, thyroid and parathyroid surgery, and hernia repair. The larger the surgical intervention, the more likely that seromas form. Early or improper removal of sutures can sometimes lead to formation of seroma or discharge of serous fluid from operative areas. Seromas can also sometimes be caused by injury, such as when the initial swelling from a blow or fall does not fully subside. The remaining serous fluid causes a seroma that the body usually absorbs gradually over time (often taking many days or weeks), but a knot of calcified tissue sometimes remains. Large seromas take longer to resolve than small ones, and they are more likely to undergo secondary infection. A seroma may persist for several months, or even years as the surrounding tissue hardens.


title: Seroma

text: Seroma is the most common surgical complication after breast surgery. It is due to the presence of rich lymphatic system in the breast, low fibrinogen levels in lymph fluid and potential space creation in the breast after surgery, which contributes to seroma formation. Seroma is more common in older and obese people.


title: Seroma

text: A seroma may be diagnosed based on signs on the skin. On CT scans, seromas have a radiodensity of 0–20 Hounsfield units, generally in the lower part of this range, consistent with clear fluid.


title: Seroma

text: Gentle surgical technique with careful and meticulous control of bleeding helps avoid seromas. Liposuction contributes to seroma formation when it is done in conjunction with creating a "flap" and potential space is confluent with the treated area. Controversy exists in tummy tuck surgery as to whether electrosurgical dissection either contributes to serum formation or prevents it.


title: Seroma

text: Drains are traditionally used, but their use has been challenged by various authors who believe quilting sutures alone may be sufficient to reach results as good as or better than when using drains. Seromas accumulate in what is known as "dead space" where a potential place for the fluid exists. Efforts are directed at reducing or eliminating the dead space. Quilting sutures reduce the risk of the skin–fat layer's separating from the deeper muscle layer, and having the separation fill up with fluid, by physically holding those layers together. Drains suck the two layers together so the body's natural "glue" (fibrin) and wound healing have a chance for a permanent bond.


title: Seroma

text: Prevention of movement between the layers allows the tentative initial bond of fibrin to be reinforced by wound healing with a thin, strong, layer of scar. Avoiding certain positions for certain surgeries may have an effect. (In abdominoplasty, sitting upright with the knees bent and hips flexed will cause pressure across the lower abdomen and a tendency to seroma formation. The patient is best to stand or at least be semirecumbent). External pressure may help in immobilization, but also is thought to reduce the tendency of the fluid to leak out of vessels by increasing the backpressure on those fluid sources. Following breast augmentation or double mastectomy, binding the chest may be recommended for several weeks to minimize the risk of seromas.


title: Seroma

text: Seromas may be difficult to manage at times. Quilting (inserting interrupted deep stitches in the wound) after mastectomy probably significantly reduces seroma formation. Fine-needle aspiration is a common procedure. However, it is controversial: it is recommended by some for the reason that a seroma can be a culture medium for bacteria, whereas others advise it only for collection of excessive amounts of fluid, because even an aspiration carried out under aseptic conditions carries a certain risk of infection. Depending on its volume and duration, control of a leak may take up to a few weeks to resolve with aspiration of serua and the application of pressure dressings. Manual lymphatic drainage conducted by a trained professional can also assist in managing and treating seromas.


title: Seroma

text: If a serum or leak does not resolve (e.g., after a soft tissue biopsy), taking the patient back to the operating room may be necessary to place some form of closed-suction drain into the wound.


title: Seroma

text: In case of lumpectomy, the formation of a seroma at the lumpectomy site has been cited in medical literature as being beneficial, with claims that it can contribute to preserve the contour of the breast.


title: Seroma

text: Seromas are a treatment target in partial breast-radiation therapy. In some cases, a seroma may need to be drained prior to a course of radiotherapy adjuvant to surgery.


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: "C.R.E.A.M." (an acronym of "Cash Rules Everything Around Me") is a song by the American hardcore hip hop group Wu-Tang Clan, released on January 31, 1994 by Loud Records, as the second single from their debut studio album "Enter the Wu-Tang (36 Chambers)" (1993). The song was produced by the group's de facto leader RZA, and contains a sample of the Charmels' 1967 song "As Long As I've Got You" throughout. It features two verses from members Raekwon and Inspectah Deck, who discuss their upbringings while living in New York City, and Method Man, who sings its hook. Its music video, featuring all Wu-Tang Clan members in New York City, was released in 1994.


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: "C.R.E.A.M." received universal praise from music critics, many of whom described it as one of the best songs on "Enter the Wu-Tang". Despite its praise, the song did not perform as well commercially, only peaking at number 60 on the US "Billboard" Hot 100 in 1994. Since its release, the song has been called one of the greatest hip-hop songs of all time, with some who even described it as one of the greatest songs of all time. It has since been sampled by numerous artists and was certified Gold in the United States in 2009.


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: Unlike most tracks on "Enter the Wu-Tang", "C.R.E.A.M.", along with "Can It Be All So Simple" and "Tearz", contains a somber and more relaxed style, with lyrics that focus on storytelling. Wilson McBee of "PopMatters" describes the song as "a hard dose of reality," compared to the rest of the album, a "kung-fu–fueled fantasy." Although credited to the entire group, "C.R.E.A.M." only features three of the nine Wu-Tang Clan members: Raekwon, who provides the first verse, Inspectah Deck, who provides the second, longer verse, and Method Man, who provides the song's hook: "Cash rules everything around me, C.R.E.A.M./Get the money; dollar, dollar bill, y'all". According to Raekwon, Method Man wrote the hook but it was his friend Raider Ruckus who came up with the phrase 'cash rules everything around me.' In his verse, Raekwon chronicles his life, showcasing his move to Staten Island and his time living in New York City. Jeff Weiss of "Forbes" praised the rapper's ability to artfully break down the entire group's background in two sentences: "I grew up on the crime side/the New York Times side/Staying alive was no jive." Inspectah Deck, in his verse, paints a picture of his life, going from a "delinquent teen to juvenile offender to would-be mentor." The "dollar, dollar bill y'all" part is the interpolation of Jimmy Spicer's 1983 track "Money (Dollar Bill Y'all)". The track contains a sample of the Charmels' 1967 song "As Long As I've Got You", specifically the song's opening piano riff and its drums, which are looped continuously throughout.


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: "C.R.E.A.M." was released on November 9, 1993, as the eighth track on Wu-Tang Clan's debut studio album "Enter the Wu-Tang (36 Chambers)". The song was subsequently released as the third single from the album on January 31, 1994, through Loud Records on vinyl and CD formats, under the title "C.R.E.A.M. (Cash Rules Everything Around Me)"; the cassette single was released on March 15, 1994. Its release came at a time when West Coast hip hop was dominating the hip hop charts, originating with releases such as N.W.A's "Straight Outta Compton" (1989) and solidified by Dr. Dre's "The Chronic" (1992). While East coast hip hop had begun to rise once again with contemporary releases by Puff Daddy and Bad Boy Records, Black Moon, De La Soul, and Digable Planets, the release of "Enter the Wu-Tang" laid the groundwork for the hardcore hip hop genre and rebirth of the New York hip hop scene. While the album wasn't immediately commercially successful, the release of "C.R.E.A.M." solidified the group's status as a force to be reckoned with and earned the group a devoted following. The success of "C.R.E.A.M." led to five of the group's members – GZA, RZA, Raekwon, Method Man, and Ol' Dirty Bastard – earning solo contracts from Loud Records; these five went on to release solo albums over the next three years, with RZA being the primary producer for all of them.


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: The song has received universal acclaim from music critics, calling it one of the best songs on "Enter the Wu-Tang". Brody Kenny of "Consequence of Sound" called it "iconic and somber" and praised Inspectah Deck's verse, describing him as the most underrated member of the group (having never had a RZA-produced classic solo album). The song was described as a "classic" by "Classic Hip Hop Magazine" in their review of the album in 2018. When reviewing "Enter the Wu-Tang" in 2013 for its 20th anniversary, Jason Lipshultz of "Billboard" praised the production, calling it "still devastatingly layered." Lipshultz found it to be an odd choice to place the track between two less serious tracks ("Wu-Tang Clan Ain't Nothin' Ta Fuck Wit" and "Method Man") but found it to be "the beauty of the Wu: after entertaining listeners with braggadocio and jokes, they can flip the switch and deliver poignant realism."


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: Since its release, multiple publications have listed "C.R.E.A.M." among the best hip-hop songs of all time, with some even describing it as one of the greatest songs of all time. In 2011, "Time" included the song on its list of the All-Time 100 Greatest Songs. ThoughtCo. ranked the song number 20 on their list of the 100 Best Rap Songs of All Time. Their description reads "Never has there been a wildly influential hip-hop song so soothing by a group so blunt as Wu-Tang's "C.R.E.A.M." That is the genius of The RZA." In 2012, "Rolling Stone" magazine ranked the song number 11 on its list of The 50 Greatest Hip-Hop Songs of All Time, writing "Part of Wu-Tang's greatness was their messy, multitudinous sprawl, but the best song on their debut is ruthlessly efficient: just two breathless verses, plus the catchiest acronym in history, laying out the ground rules of street capitalism." The magazine would later include it in their 2021 revised list of the 500 Greatest Songs of All Time at number 107. The song was also included on "The Source" magazine's 100 Best Rap Singles list in 2015. The song was voted number 13 on VH1's 100 Greatest Hip-Hop Songs list in 2008.


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: The music video was directed by Ralph McDaniels. The video for "C.R.E.A.M." features the members of the Wu-Tang Clan starting off at the projects in Staten Island and moving on to a more lavish lifestyle of champagne and Mercedes. The video for this single also features classic early '90s urban New York styles of dress, as the majority of the people in the video are wearing goose-downs, Champion hoodies, black , and either white or black Timberlands.


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: On the US "Billboard" Hot Rap Songs chart, the song debuted at number 27 for the issue date of February 19, 1994, and entered the top 25 of the chart by climbing five places the following week to number 22. The same week as its debut on the Hot Rap Songs chart, the song entered the US Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs chart at number 84. The song debuted at number 96 on the US "Billboard" Hot 100 for the issue dated March 12. "C.R.E.A.M." eventually peaked at number 60 on the Hot 100 on April 23, 1994. That same week, it peaked at number eight and number 32 on the Hot Rap Songs and Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs charts respectively. By having reached number 60 on the Hot 100, the song stands as the highest charting Wu-Tang Clan track ever. In 2009, "C.R.E.A.M." was certified Gold in the United States by the RIAA for sales of 500,000 units, 15 years after its original release.


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: The phrase "cream" has become a slang term for money, and it has been used abundantly by other rappers since then.


title: C.R.E.A.M.

text: The song was featured in the 2002 film "8 Mile". Composer Ramin Djawadi, notable for scoring the soundtracks for HBO's series "Game of Thrones", covered the song for the HBO series "Westworld", appearing in the fifth episode of the show's second season, "Akane no Mai". Djawadi's cover was praised by Julia Alexander of "Polygon", who compared it to Djawadi's other "Westworld" covers, including "Runaway" by Kanye West and "Heart-Shaped Box" by Nirvana. Drake and Jay-Z interpolated the song's hook for their song "Pound Cake / Paris Morton Music 2" on the former's 2013 studio album, "Nothing Was the Same". For her 2019 EP "She Is Coming", American singer-songwriter Miley Cyrus sampled the song for her promotional single "D.R.E.A.M." (an acronym for "drugs rule everything around me"), which features Wu-Tang Clan member Ghostface Killah.


title: Ainu languages

text: The Ainu languages ( ), sometimes known as Ainuic, are a small language family, often regarded as a language isolate, historically spoken by the Ainu people of northern Japan and neighboring islands.


title: Ainu languages

text: The primary varieties of Ainu are alternately considered a group of closely related languages or divergent dialects of a single language isolate. The only surviving variety is Hokkaido Ainu, which UNESCO lists as critically endangered. Sakhalin Ainu and Kuril Ainu are now extinct. Toponymic evidence suggests Ainu was once spoken in northern Honshu and that much of the historically attested extent of the family was due to a relatively recent expansion northward. No genealogical relationship between Ainu and any other language family has been demonstrated, despite numerous attempts.


title: Ainu languages

text: Recognition of the different varieties of Ainu spoken throughout northern Japan and its surrounding islands in academia varies. (1990:9) and (1998:2) both speak of "Ainu languages" when comparing the varieties of language spoken in Hokkaidō and Sakhalin; however, speaks only of "dialects". Refsing (1986) says Hokkaidō and Sakhalin Ainu were not mutually intelligible. (1964) considered Ainu data from 19 regions of Hokkaidō and Sakhalin, and found the primary division to lie between the two islands.


title: Ainu languages

text: In Sakhalin Ainu, an eastern coastal dialect of Taraika (near modern Gastello (Poronaysk)) was quite divergent from the other localities. The Raychishka dialect, on the western coast near modern Uglegorsk, is the best documented and has a dedicated grammatical description. Take Asai, the last speaker of Sakhalin Ainu, died in 1994. The Sakhalin Ainu dialects had long vowels and a final -h phoneme, which was pronounced .


title: Ainu languages

text: Hokkaidō Ainu clustered into several dialects with substantial differences between them: the 'neck' of the island (Oshima County, data from and ); the "classical" Ainu of central Hokkaidō around and the southern coast ( and counties, data from and ; historical records from Ishikari County and Sapporo show that these were similar); (on the southeastern cape in , but perhaps closest to the northeastern dialect); the northeast (data from and ); the north-central dialect (Kamikawa County, data from and ) and (on the northwestern cape), which was closest of all Hokkaidō varieties to Sakhalin Ainu. Most texts and grammatical descriptions we have of Ainu cover the Central Hokkaidō dialect.


title: Ainu languages

text: Scant data from Western voyages at the turn of the 19th–20th century ( 2000) suggest there was also great diversity in northern Sakhalin, which was not sampled by .


title: Ainu languages

text: No genealogical relationship between Ainu and any other language family has been demonstrated, despite numerous attempts. Thus, it is a language isolate. Ainu is sometimes grouped with the Paleosiberian languages, but this is only a geographic blanket term for several unrelated language families that were present in Siberia before the advances of Turkic and Tungusic languages there.


title: Ainu languages

text: A study by Lee and of Waseda University found evidence that the Ainu language and the early Ainu-speakers originated from the Northeast Asian/Okhotsk population, which established themselves in northern Hokkaido and expanded into large parts of Honshu and the Kurils.


title: Ainu languages

text: The Ainu languages share a noteworthy amount of vocabulary (especially fish names) with several Northeast Asian languages, including Nivkh, Tungusic, Mongolic, and Chukotko-Kamchatkan. While linguistic evidence point to an origin of these words among the Ainu languages, its spread and how these words arrived into other languages will possibly remain a mystery.


title: Ainu languages

text: John C. Street (1962) proposed linking Ainu, Korean, and Japanese in one family and Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic in another, with the two families linked in a common "North Asiatic" family. Street's grouping was an extension of the Altaic hypothesis, which at the time linked Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic, sometimes adding Korean; today Altaic sometimes includes Korean and rarely Japanese but not Ainu (Georg et al. 1999).


title: Ainu languages

text: From a perspective more centered on Ainu, James Patrie (1982) adopted the same grouping, namely Ainu–Korean–Japanese and Turkic–Mongolic–Tungusic, with these two families linked in a common family, as in Street's "North Asiatic".


title: Ainu languages

text: Joseph Greenberg (2000–2002) likewise classified Ainu with Korean and Japanese. He regarded "Korean–Japanese-Ainu" as forming a branch of his proposed Eurasiatic language family. Greenberg did not hold Korean–Japanese–Ainu to have an especially close relationship with Turkic–Mongolic–Tungusic within this family.


title: Ainu languages

text: Shafer (1965) presented evidence suggesting a distant connection with the Austroasiatic languages, which include many of the indigenous languages of Southeast Asia. presented his reconstruction of Proto-Ainu with evidence, in the form of proposed sound changes and cognates, of a relationship with Austroasiatic. In , he still regarded this hypothesis as preliminary.


title: Ainu languages

text: The Ainu appear to have experienced intensive contact with the Nivkhs during the course of their history. It is not known to what extent this has affected the language. Linguists believe the vocabulary shared between Ainu and Nivkh (historically spoken in the northern half of Sakhalin and on the Asian mainland facing it) is due to borrowing.


title: Ainu languages

text: The Ainu came into extensive contact with the Japanese in the 14th century. Analytic grammatical constructions acquired or transformed in Ainu were probably due to contact with the Japanese language. A large number of Japanese loanwords were borrowed into Ainu and to a smaller extent vice versa. There are also a great number of loanwords from the Japanese language in various stages of its development to Hokkaidō Ainu, and a smaller number of loanwords from Ainu into Japanese, particularly animal names such as ("sea otter"; Ainu ), ("reindeer"; Ainu ), and (a fish, "Spirinchus lanceolatus"; Ainu ). Due to the low status of Ainu in Japan, many ancient loanwords may be ignored or undetected, but there is evidence of an older substrate, where older Japanese words which have no clear etymology appear related to Ainu words which do. An example is modern Japanese or , meaning "salmon", probably from the Ainu or for "salmon", literally "summer food".


title: Ainu languages

text: According to P. Elmer (2019), the Ainu languages are a contact language, i.e. have strong influences from various Japonic dialects/languages during different stages, suggesting early and intensive contact between them somewhere in the Tōhoku region, with Ainu borrowing a large amount of vocabulary and typological characteristics from early Japonic.


title: Ainu languages

text: A small number of linguists suggested a relation between Ainu and Indo-European languages, based on racial theories regarding the origin of the Ainu people. The theory of an Indo-European—Ainu relation was popular until 1960, later linguists dismissed it and did not follow the theory any more and concentrated on more local language families.


title: Ainu languages

text: Tambotsev (2008) proposes that Ainu is typologically most similar to Native American languages and suggests that further research is needed to establish a genetic relationship between these languages.


title: Ainu languages

text: Until the 20th century, Ainu languages were spoken throughout the southern half of the island of Sakhalin and by small numbers of people in the Kuril Islands. Only the Hokkaido variant survives, with the last speaker of Sakhalin Ainu having died in 1994.


title: Ainu languages

text: Some linguists noted that the Ainu language was an important lingua franca on Sakhalin. (2005) reported that the status of the Ainu language was rather high and was also used by early Russian and Japanese administrative officials to communicate with each other and with the indigenous people.


title: Ainu languages

text: It is occasionally suggested that Ainu was the language of the indigenous people of the northern part of the main Japanese island of Honshu. The main evidence for this is the presence of placenames that appear to be of Ainu origin in both locations. For example, the common to many northern Japanese place names is known to derive from the Ainu word ("river") in Hokkaidō, and the same is suspected of similar names ending in in northern Honshū and , such as the and rivers in Toyama Prefecture. Other place names in and , such as Mount Ashigara (), (modern Tokyo), Keta Shrine (), and the Noto Peninsula, have no explanation in Japanese, but do in Ainu. The traditional hunters of the mountain forests of retain Ainu words in their hunting vocabulary. However Japonic etymologies have also been suggested, which got borrowed into early Ainu and lost in contemporary Japonic dialects.


title: Ainu languages

text: The direction of influence and migration is debated. It has been proposed that at least some Jōmon period groups spoke a proto-Ainu language, and that they displaced the Okhotsk culture north from southern Hokkaido when the Ainu fled Japanese expansion into northern Honshu, with the Okhotsk ancestral to the modern Nivkh as well as a component of the modern Ainu. However, it has also been proposed that the Ainu themselves can be identified with the Okhotsk culture, and that they expanded south into northern Honshu as well as to the Kamchatka Peninsula, or that the Emishi spoke a Japonic language, most closely related to ancient Izumo dialect, rather than anything related to Ainu, with Ainu-speakers migrating later from Hokkaido to northern Tōhoku. The purported evidence for this are old-Japanese loanwords in the Ainu language, including basic vocabulary, as well as distinctive Japonic terms and toponyms found in Tōhoku and Hokkaido, that have been linked to the Izumo dialect.


title: Red onion

text: Red onions (also known as purple or blue onions in some mainland European countries, though not the UK) are cultivars of the onion ("Allium cepa"), and have purplish-red skin and white flesh tinged with red. They are most commonly used in cooking, but the skin has also been used as a dye.


title: Red onion

text: Red onions tend to be medium to large in size and have a sweeter flavor than white or yellow onions due to low levels of pyruvic acid and sulfur compounds. They are often consumed raw (and can be added to salads for color and bite), grilled, or lightly cooked with other foods. Red onions are available throughout the year and are high in flavonoids and fiber (compared to white and yellow onions). Cut red onion can be soaked in cool water for a period of time, and the water can be drained off, resulting in less "bite" and pungency.


title: Red onion

text: The red onion from Tropea, Italy, (Italian: "Cipolla Rossa di Tropea") grows in a small area of Calabria in southern Italy, Capo Vaticano, near the city of Tropea. This onion has a stronger and sweeter aroma and the inner part is juicier and whiter than other red onions and it is possible to make a jam with it. In March 2008, the European Union registered the Protected Designation of Origin mark for the red onions produced in this particular area in Italy.


title: Red onion

text: The red onion from Turda (Cluj County, Central Romania) (Romanian: "Ceapa de Turda",) is a local variety of red onion with light sweeter taste and particular aroma. The area of cultivation encompass the lower Arieș valley and the middle Mureș valley.


title: Red onion

text: Turda onion bulbs are traditionally intertwined into long strings (1–2 m) for marketing purposes and can be found at the traditional markets all over central Romania. "Turda Red Onion" is usually served fresh, as a salad or part of mixed salads and especially as a compulsory garnish for the traditional bean-and-smoked ham soups.


title: Red onion

text: In the United States, one of the most prominent cultivars of red onion was grown in Wethersfield, Connecticut, and was a major source of onions for New England until the late 1800s.


title: John Deere (inventor)

text: John Deere (February 7, 1804 – May 17, 1886) was an American blacksmith and manufacturer who founded Deere & Company, one of the largest and leading agricultural and construction-equipment manufacturers in the world. Born in Rutland, Vermont, Deere moved to Illinois and invented the first commercially successful steel plow in 1837.


title: John Deere (inventor)

text: John Deere was born on February 7, 1804, in Rutland, Vermont. After a brief educational period at Middlebury College, at age 17 in 1821, he began an apprenticeship with Captain Benjamin Lawrence, a successful Middlebury blacksmith, and entered the trade for himself in 1826. He married Demarius Lamb in 1827 and fathered nine children. Deere worked in Burlington before opening his own shops, first in Vergennes, and then in Leicester.


title: John Deere (inventor)

text: John Deere settled in Grand Detour, Illinois. At the time, Deere had no difficulty finding work due to a lack of blacksmiths working in the area. Deere found that cast-iron plows were not working very well in the tough prairie soil of Illinois and remembered the needles he had previously polished by running them through sand as he grew up in his father's tailor shop in Rutland. Deere came to the conclusion that a plow made out of highly polished steel and a correctly shaped moldboard (the self-scouring steel plow) would be better able to handle the soil conditions of the prairie, especially its sticky clay.


title: John Deere (inventor)

text: Varying versions serve as the inspiration for Deere's famous steel plow. In one version, he recalled the way the polished steel pitchfork tines moved through hay and soil and thought that same effect could be obtained for a plow. Another version is that he used an old sawblade that had been polished from years of use.


title: John Deere (inventor)

text: In 1827, Deere developed and manufactured the first commercially successful cast-steel plow. The wrought-iron framed plow had a polished steel share. This made it ideal for the tough soil of the Midwest and worked better than other plows. By early 1838, Deere completed his first steel plow and sold it to a local farmer, Lewis Crandall, who quickly spread word of his success with Deere's plow. Subsequently, two neighbors soon placed orders with Deere. By 1841, Deere was manufacturing 75–100 plows per year.


title: John Deere (inventor)

text: In 1843, Deere partnered with Leonard Andrus to produce more plows to keep up with demand, but the partnership became strained due to the two men's stubbornness. While Deere wished to sell to customers outside Grand Detour, Andrus opposed a proposed railroad through Grand Detour – and Deere's distrust of Andrus' accounting practices. In 1848, Deere dissolved the partnership with Andrus and moved to Moline, Illinois, because the city was a transportation hub on the Mississippi River. By 1855, Deere's factory sold more than 10,000 such plows. It became known as "The Plow that Broke the Plains" and is commemorated as such in a historic place marker in Vermont.


title: John Deere (inventor)

text: Deere insisted on making high-quality equipment. He once said, "I will never put my name on a product that does not have in it the best that is in me." Following the Panic of 1857, as business improved, Deere left the day-to-day operations to his son Charles. In 1868, Deere incorporated his business as Deere & Company.


title: John Deere (inventor)

text: Later in life, Deere focused most of his attention on civil and political affairs. He served as president of the National Bank of Moline, as a director of the Moline Free Public Library, and was a trustee of the First Congregational Church. Deere also served as Moline's mayor for two years but due to chest pains and dysentery Deere refused to run for a second term. He died at home (known as Red Cliff) on May 17, 1886, at the age of 82.


title: The 1

text: "The 1" (stylized in all lowercase) is a song recorded by American singer-songwriter Taylor Swift, for her eighth studio album, "Folklore" (2020), which was released on July 24, 2020, through Republic Records. The song was a released as a digital promotional single on October 9, 2020, in Germany. As the opening track of the album, the song was written by Swift and Aaron Dessner, with production from the latter.


title: The 1

text: "The 1" is a minimally produced, bouncy, soft rock tune with electronic elements, indie folk textures, and indie-pop instrumentals. Written from the perspective of one of Swift's friends, the song describes the narrator's newborn positive approach to life and past romance, in a sad but humorous tone, using numerous one-liners. Upon release, "The 1" received praise from music critics, who commended its stripped-back nature and witty lyricism.


title: The 1

text: The song debuted at number one on the United States Spotify chart with 4.175 million streams, becoming the biggest song debut by a female artist in the platform's history, and the second biggest of 2020 globally with 7.420 million streams, only behind "Cardigan", the lead single of "Folklore". On the "Billboard" Hot 100, "The 1" arrived at number four, constituting Swift's record-extending 28 top-10 entries and 18 top-10 debuts in the US; accompanied by "Cardigan" at number one and "Exile" at number six in the same week, Swift became the first ever act in history to debut two songs in the top four and three songs in the top six, simultaneously. "The 1" also reached the top 10 in Australia, Canada, Ireland, Malaysia, New Zealand, Singapore, and the United Kingdom.


title: The 1

text: In a "Vulture" interview, Aaron Dessner revealed that "The 1" was one of the two last songs Swift had written for "Folklore", the other being "Hoax"; the tracks were described as bookends of the project by her. The singer went through the files that Dessner had sent to her and wrote the song to one of the compositions, in a couple of hours in the middle of the night. Dessner worked on the music for the voice memo Swift sent back, tracked her vocals, and sent it to Bryce Dessner in France, who added the orchestration to the song.


title: The 1

text: On July 23, 2020, Swift revealed the track listing of "Folklore", where "The 1" placed first, and released the album on July 24, 2020. "The 1" was released as a promotional single in Germany on October 9, 2020.


title: The 1

text: "The 1" is a soft rock song, slowed down and danceable, with "Vox"s Allegra Frank calling it a "gray-skied stroll through [Swift's] day-to-day". The song is driven by a "trickling" piano, supported by a bouncy arrangement of minimal percussion, electronic accents, indie folk textures and orchestrations. Lyrically, written from the perspective of a friend, "The 1" sees the narrator describe their optimistic headspace, reminiscing positively on a past love, confessing that they wish they could have been soulmates, with an underlying sense of humor juxtaposed against the sadness. The song is written in the key of C major and has a fast tempo of 140 beats per minute. Swift's vocal range in the song stretches from G to C.


title: The 1

text: "The 1" received praise from music critics. "Consequence of Sound"s Katie Moulton noted this as an example of "a transgression against 'radio-' and 'family-friendly' that Swift expresses on "Folklore". Laura Snapes of "The Guardian" described the song as "a bouncy reminiscence of a lost lover from [Swift's] 'roaring twenties'. Writing for "The Line of Best Fit", Eloise Bulmer stated that its titular line offers a glimpse into the "witty and unlucky-in-love Swift". Jody Rosen of the "Los Angeles Times" called the song a "stoic look back at a fizzled romance", driven by ringing piano chords and sprightly beats.


title: The 1

text: Roisin O'Connor of "The Independent" praised the track for its lyrics, characterized by one-liners. Courteney Larocca of "Insider" dubbed the song "incredibly solid", praising the "breezy attention to rhythm" Swift brings to the song, while painting a tale of a "the-one-who-got-away romance". "Vulture"'s Craig Jenkins thought that the song sees Swift contemplating "languidly", yearning for a "storybook romance of her own or gesturing to some of the great love songs in recent history in her writing". "The Atlantic"'s Spencer Kornhaber termed "The 1" a "conversational opener", and compared it to the works by Ed Sheeran, adding that the song has Sheeran's "suspicious whiff".


title: The 1

text: "Vox"'s Allega Frank thought that "The 1" is one of the few times on the album where Swift plainly speaks about herself. Callie Ahlgrim of "Business Insider" named "The 1" one of the 16 best songs of 2020 in her mid-year list, and called it one of "the most relatable and stirring" songs Swift has ever released. Ahlgrim wrote that the song's power lies in its simple and truthful one-liners that evoke delicate moments of insecurity, citing the lyrics "It's another day waking up alone" and "But we were something, don't you think so?" as examples.


title: The 1

text: Following the release of "Folklore", "The 1" reached top-tier chart positions worldwide. On the global Spotify Top 200 songs chart, "The 1" debuted at number two with over 7.420 million streams, garnering the second biggest opening day for a song by a female artist in 2020, behind the lead single "Cardigan" (7.742 million). Seven weeks after "Folklore"s release, the "Billboard" Global 200 chart was inaugurated, on which "The 1" appeared at number 114, dated September 19, 2020.


title: The 1

text: In the United States, "The 1" debuted at number one on the US Spotify chart with 4.175 million streams, becoming the biggest opening day for a song by a female artist in the platform's history. On the "Billboard" Hot 100, "The 1" debuted at number four, increasing Swift's total of top-10 songs to 28 and top-10 debuts to 18, accompanied by "Cardigan" at number one and "Exile" at number six in the same week. This made Swift the first ever act in history to debut two songs in the top four and three songs in the top six, simultaneously.


title: The 1

text: In Australia, "The 1" reached number four on ARIA Singles chart, accompanied by four other tracks from "Folklore" in the top-10, making the album with the most top-10 songs of 2020 in the country. On the Malaysian RIM Singles chart, the song was one of the five tracks from "Folklore" to arrive in the top-10, others being "Cardigan", "Exile", "The Last Great American Dynasty" and "My Tears Ricochet"; "The 1" landed at number 5.


title: The 1

text: On the Singaporean Top 30 Singles, "The 1" debuted at number five, with four other "Folklore" songs in the top-10. Whereas, on the Canadian Hot 100, Irish Singles and New Zealand Top 40 Singles charts, the song reached number seven. In Ireland, it was one of three tracks from "Folklore" to enter the top-10, pushing Swift's total Irish top-tens to 15. In New Zealand, the song arrived along with "Cardigan" and "Exile" in the top 10, increasing Swift's sum of top-10 tracks in the country to 19. Opening at number 10 on the UK Singles Chart, "The 1" increased Swift's sum of UK top-10 singles to 16.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: The first-generation Honda Civic is an automobile that was produced by Honda in Japan from July 1972 until 1979. It was their first genuine market success, eschewing the air-cooling and expensive engineering solutions of the slow-selling Honda 1300 and being larger than the minuscule N-series. The Civic laid down the direction Honda's automobile design has followed since.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: The Civic was largely developed as a new platform, and was the result of taking the previous Honda N600 and increasing the length, width, height and wheelbase. The engine displacement was almost double the N600 at , with two more cylinders and mounted transversely while using water cooling, benefiting from lessons learned from the Honda 1300. The straight-four engine produced roughly and standard features included power front disc brakes, vinyl seating, reclining bucket seats, and a woodgrain-accented dashboard. The hatchback version added a fold-down rear seat, an AM radio, and cloth upholstery. The car had front and rear independent suspension. A four-speed manual transmission was standard. Options for the Civic were kept to a minimum, consisting of air conditioning, a two-speed semi-automatic transmission called the Hondamatic, radial tires, and a rear wiper for the hatchback. The car could achieve on the highway, and with a small wheelbase and overall length, the vehicle weighed .


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: The Civic was one of the first Honda cars to be sold in Britain when it was launched there in 1972, at a time when the sale of Japanese cars from Honda's competitors Nissan and Toyota were soaring. Its compact design and economical engine ensured that it sold well in Britain in the aftermath of the 1973 oil crisis.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: The four-door sedan version of this body style (basically identical to the hatchback but with fixed rear window and opening lower trunk lid) was never available in the United States, and the five-door hatchback did not appear until 1978, just before the introduction of the second generation model. The five-door had been presented in Japan in September 1977, with the four-door sedan being retired in June 1978.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: The Civic's smaller size allowed it to outperform American competitors such as the Chevrolet Vega and Ford Pinto. When the 1973 oil crisis struck, automobile buyers turned to economy cars. Good fuel mileage benefited the standing of the Honda Civic in the lucrative U.S. market. In the United States after 1976, the advertising campaign used to introduce the Civic was, "Honda, we make it simple." (replacing the tagline "What the world is coming to.") The tagline (also known by the WMIS acronym) was later used with other Honda motor vehicles until the 1984 model year when the company revamped its product lineup.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: For 1974, the Civic's engine size grew slightly, to 1237 cc and power went up to 52 hp (38 kW). In order to meet the new North American 5 mph (8 km/h) bumper impact standard, the Civic's bumpers grew 7.1 inches (18 cm), increasing overall length to 146.9 inches (373 cm). The CVCC (Compound Vortex Controlled Combustion) engine debuted in 1975 and was offered alongside the standard Civic engine. The optional 53 hp (39 kW) CVCC engine displaced 1488 cc and had a head design that promoted cleaner, more efficient combustion. The CVCC design eliminated the need for catalytic converters or unleaded fuel to meet changing emissions standards, unlike nearly every other U.S. market car. Due to California's stricter emissions standards, only the CVCC powered Civic was available in that state. This created a sales advantage in Honda's favor in that CVCC equipped Honda products afforded the buyer the ability to choose any type of fuel the buyer wanted, and due to emissions equipment not being damaged by using leaded fuel, the buyer could use any gasoline products available. This was also an advantage due to some regions of North America having to ration available gasoline supplies due to periodic shortages at the time.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: A five-speed manual transmission became available in 1974, as did a Civic station wagon (only with the 1500 CVCC engine), which had a wheelbase of and an overall length of . Power for this version is in the Japanese domestic market. Civic sales also increased and topped 100,000 units for this year.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: 1978 brought slight cosmetic changes: the grille was black; the rear-facing hood vents replaced the sideways vents; the tail lamps were changed from 1/3 amber signals to 1/2 amber signals of grooved lens; reverse light was doubled and mounted in the rear bumper integrated with reflectors; and turn indicators integrated with position lamps were mounted in the front bumper instead of in the grille. The CVCC engine was now rated at 60 hp (45 kW).


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: In October 1974, Civic's first sport model was added to the lineup. The Civic 1200 RS was only sold in the domestic Japanese market; its name is an abbreviation of "Road Sailing." It is powered by a 1169 cc SOHC 8-valve "EB" engine fitted with dual Keihin CV carburettors, a free-flowing intake manifold, more aggressive cam, high-compression pistons and a unique exhaust header. This modifications bumped up the power to at 5500 rpm and of torque at 4000 rpm. The transmission was also replaced with a 5-speed manual transmission and the suspension received stiffer springs and dampers for better handling. In total, about 20,000 Civic RS were built in a twelve-month production span.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: In October 1975, to meet new stricter emission regulations, the 1200 RS was replaced by the low polluting 1500 RSL/GTL with a 1488 cc CVCC SOHC 12-valve "ED" engine. The power dropped marginally, to at 5500 rpm, while the torque increased to at 3500 rpm. These outputs were 2 PS and 3 Nm more than that of the regular 1.5 L models, thanks to an increased compression ratio and other modifications.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: The first generation Honda Civics were notorious for rusting in less than three years from purchase where salt was used in the winter. The U.S. importer, American Honda Motor Company, signed a final consent decree with the Federal Trade Commission that provided owners of 1975-1979 Civics with rusted fenders the right to receive replacements or cash reimbursements. In the end, almost 1 million Honda owners were notified that their fenders could be repaired or replaced by the automaker at no charge. About 10% of all Hondas sold were to be inspected by a dealer, and the automaker had 180 days to replace front fenders and supporting parts that showed rust within the first three years of use.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: The Hondas were so vulnerable to corrosion that the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) also issued a safety recall. This was because the car's lateral suspension arms, front crossbeam, and strut coil spring lower supports could weaken with exposure to salt. A total of 936,774 vehicles built between 1 September 1972 and 1 August 1979 were subject to extensive repairs since Honda had to replace the suspension components, or the automaker bought back entire cars with serious body corrosion.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: At the time, Honda's rust recall was the largest safety action among all the brands imported into the U.S. Civics became known for their "typical Honda rust" in the used car market.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: The first generation Civic – a 1.2-litre, three-door manual, was assembled in 1976 from CKD kits in New Zealand by importer and distributor New Zealand Motor Corporation (NZMC) at its Petone plant near Wellington. This was the first time Honda cars had been assembled outside Japan. The first generation NZ Civic was also offered with optional two-speed semi-automatic 'Hondamatic' transmission. Earlier cars had, from 1973, been imported assembled by the Moller Group before NZMC took over the Honda franchise but availability was limited due to restrictions on built-up imports. All subsequent Civic generations were assembled in New Zealand until car manufacture there ceased in 1998.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: The first generation Honda Civic entered Indonesian market in 1972 and was imported from Japan through PT Imora Motor. Indonesian government issued a ban on importing fully built-up vehicles since 1974. As the result, the first generation Civic was assembled in Indonesia from 1975 until 1980 by PT Prospect Motor at Sunter, North Jakarta.


title: Honda Civic (first generation)

text: Only 4-door and 5-door body styles were assembled in Indonesia, originally with a 1.2 L engine and 4-speed manual transmission. In 1976, the 1.2 L engine was replaced with a bigger 1.5 L CVCC engine. The 4-speed manual transmission also being replaced with 5-speed manual transmission or 2-speed "Hondamatic" automatic transmission.


title: Adultery law in India

text: Adultery was a criminal offence under Chapter XX of the Indian Penal Code until it was quashed by the Supreme Court of India on 27 September 2018 as unconstitutional. The law dated from 1860.


title: Adultery law in India

text: Under Section 497 of the Indian Penal Code, which was the section dealing with adultery, a man who had consensual sexual intercourse with the wife of another man without that husband's consent or connivance could have been punished for this offence with up to five years imprisonment, a fine or both. As such, the concept of adultery targeted the act of sexual intercourse occurring between a married woman and a man other than her husband, in which case the man would be guilty whereas the wife was exempt from punishment. When a married man had sexual intercourse with an unmarried woman, no party was punishable; while if a married man had sexual intercourse with a married woman other than his wife, the married man's crime was against the husband of that married woman, not against the man's own wife towards whom he had been unfaithful. Adultery was only prosecutable upon the complaint of the aggrieved husband (or in exceptional circumstances by a party whom the husband had entrusted with the care of his wife).


title: Adultery law in India

text: The Supreme Court called the law unconstitutional because it "treats a husband as the sole master." However it is still a sufficient ground for divorce as ruled by the Supreme Court.


title: Adultery law in India

text: With regard to prosecution, the law read: "198. Prosecution for offences against marriage.—(1) No Court shall take cognizance of an offence punishable under Chapter XX of the Indian Penal Code (45 of 1860) except upon a complaint made by some person aggrieved by the offence. [...] (2) For the purposes of sub-section (1), no


title: Adultery law in India

text: person other than the husband of the woman shall be deemed to be aggrieved by any offence punishable under section 497 or section 498 of the said Code: Provided that in the absence of the husband, some person


title: Adultery law in India

text: who had care of the woman on his behalf at the time when such offence was committed may, with the leave of the Court, make a complaint on his behalf."


title: Adultery law in India

text: Because of this problematic interpretation, the Supreme Court in December 2017 decided to accept the public interest litigation, (PIL) in which it has been prayed that the Court strike down or entirely abolish Section 497 of the Indian Penal Code.


title: Adultery law in India

text: It has been argued that the section violates two articles of the Constitution of India- Article 14 and Article 15.


title: Adultery law in India

text: Article 14 reads as follows: "The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India."


title: Adultery law in India

text: Article 15 reads as follows: "The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them."


title: Adultery law in India

text: On accepting this petition, the Court in its initial observations noted that this was not the first petition challenging the section - debates and cases on this have been in motion since 1954, making it important for the Court to decide on this question without much ado. It felt that laws are supposed to be gender neutral. However, in this case, it merely makes the woman a victim and thus "creates a dent on the individual independent identity of the woman."


title: Adultery law in India

text: The arguments by the party opposing this decriminalisation- the Centre- states that the section "supports, safeguards and protects the institution of marriage... Stability of marriages is not an ideal to be scorned." It further argues that if the petition is allowed, then "adulterous relations will have more free play than now." As an alternative, it provides that the recommendations of the Committee on Reforms of Criminal Justice System (2003) be implemented. This committee recommended that the wording of the section be changed to: "Whoever has sexual intercourse with the spouse of any other person is guilty of adultery..." to tackle the problem of gender bias which arises from the reading of the current section.


title: Adultery law in India

text: The Court began to hear the arguments on this petition on 1 August 2018. The Court said that if the party challenging this section can simply prove that it violates Article 14 of the Constitution of India, then the section will be struck down.


title: Adultery law in India

text: A five-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court unanimously ruled on 27 September 2018 to repeal Section 497, thus eliminating it as an offence in India.


title: Adultery law in India

text: While reading the judgment, Chief Justice Dipak Misra said, "it (adultery) cannot be a criminal offence," however it can be a ground for civil issues like divorce.


title: Adultery law in India

text: In October 2017, Joseph Shine, a non-resident Keralite, filed public interest litigation under Article 32 of the Constitution. The petition challenged the constitutionality of the offence of adultery under Section 497 of the IPC read with Section 198(2) of the CrPC.


title: Adultery law in India

text: Section 497 IPC criminalised adultery by imposing culpability on a man who engages in sexual intercourse with another person’s wife. Adultery was punishable with a maximum imprisonment of five years. Women, including consenting parties, were exempted from prosecution. Further, a married woman could not bring forth a complaint under Section 497 IPC when her husband engaged in sexual intercourse with an unmarried woman. This was in view of Section 198(2) of CrPC which specified how a complainant can file charges for offenses committed under Sections 497 and 498 IPC.


title: Adultery law in India

text: Advocate Jayna Kothari, Executive Director of CLPR, represented the intervenor Vimochana. She assailed the provision which categorised adultery as an offence by invoking the fundamental right to privacy, as recognised by the Supreme Court in the Puttaswamy case. She argued that the right to intimate association is a facet of privacy that is protected under the Constitution.


title: Adultery law in India

text: Section 497 was unconstitutional as the very basis for criminalising adultery was the assumption that a woman is considered as property of the husband and cannot have relations outside of marriage. The same restrictions, however, did not apply in the case of the husband. Section 497 violates the right to privacy as well as the liberty of women by discriminating against married women and perpetuating gender stereotypes.


title: Adultery law in India

text: On 27.09.2018, a 5 Judge Bench of the Supreme Court unanimously struck down Section 497 of the Indian Penal Code as being violative of Articles 14. 15 & 21 of the Constitution.


title: Stacey Q

text: Stacey Lynn Swain (born November 30, 1958), known by her stage name Stacey Q, is an American pop singer, songwriter, dancer and actress. Her best-known single, John Mitchell's "Two of Hearts", released in 1986, reached number one in Canada, number three on the US "Billboard" Hot 100 and the top ten in five other countries.


title: Stacey Q

text: Swain was born on November 30, 1958, in the Orange County suburb of Fullerton, California. She is the youngest of three children. Her mother, Joyce, bred Cardigan Welsh Corgis that have appeared in Hollywood films and television. In a 1989 interview, Swain said she was three years old when she asked for dance lessons, but had to wait until she was five, when she did classical ballet. In 1969, she became the youngest member of the Dance Theater of Orange County, a local company that performed at benefit shows in Anaheim. She spent eleven years studying ballet, and also learned flamenco dancing. She performed at multiple Disneyland's Christmas "Fantasy on Parade" events. She studied at the Community Theatre of Performing Arts and the Wilshire Theatre of Arts. She also performed in costume as the "Dutch Puppet", a name she used as a publishing alias during her early recording career. She went to Loara High School during her sophomore year, but then transferred to Anaheim High School. After graduating from high school in 1976, Swain joined the Ringling Brothers and Barnum & Bailey Circus, where she performed as a showgirl in her first year, and as an elephant rider in her second year. Her first singing project was a Los Angeles radio spot where she introduced and announced programs while impersonating members of The Go-Go's.


title: Stacey Q

text: In 1981, Swain was introduced to Jon St. James, the proprietor of Fullerton's Casbah Recording Studio, which hosted recordings for the bands Berlin and Social Distortion. St. James was developing a synthpop group called Q, named after the James Bond character. The band consisted of St. James on guitars, and Dan Van Patten and John Van Tongeren on vocoder and synthesizer. She served as the assistant producer on the band's four tracks for "The Q EP" when St. James realized they needed a vocalist for their first track "Sushi", which Swain provided as she had previously recorded demos at his studio. She then became the lead singer for Q, although at that time, she still considered herself more of a dancer than a singer.


title: Stacey Q

text: "The Q EP" received little airplay except on college radio. Its success led St. James and Swain to develop more songs. In 1982, the group added drummer Karl Moet and synth player Rich West, but had to change their name because of copyright issues when producer Quincy Jones reportedly had "established use of the 'Q' moniker". They renamed the band SSQ, which was inspired partly by a fishing endeavor where St. James "was fishing in a lake 'no bigger than a bathtub' and made a joke that the boat was the 'S.S. Q,'" and also that "SS" stood for Stacey Swain. SSQ released their debut album "Playback" in 1983 under Enigma Records, which featured the single "Synthicide" that was also made into a music video.


title: Stacey Q

text: In 1985, Swain signed a recording contract with Columbia Records. Using Stacey Q as her moniker for solo works, she released her debut single "Shy Girl". Her eponymous album later was distributed in cassette format to limited release. The album contained an early version of "Two of Hearts", which originally was released and performed by Sue Gatlin. After her singles collectively sold several thousand copies, she signed with Atlantic Records with St. James as manager and the other members of SSQ as backup musicians.


title: Stacey Q

text: She recorded the album "Better Than Heaven" in three weeks. Its title track was co-written by Berlin, "He Doesn't Understand" was written by Rusty Anderson, and "We Connect" was written by Willie Wilcox of Utopia "Two of Hearts", its lead single, received substantial radio airplay, along with its music video on MTV, in the latter half of 1986. It reached number 3 on the "Billboard" Hot 100 chart, and the top 10 in several other countries. The album reached number 59 on the US album chart, and was certified gold. "Two of Hearts" briefly was considered for a "Weird Al" Yankovic parody, but the songwriters declined. She went on a U.S. and European club tour.


title: Stacey Q

text: The success of "Two of Hearts" led Swain to television appearances on talk shows as well as guest panel appearances on game shows "The Gong Show" and "The New Hollywood Squares" She appeared as the character Cinnamon in the episode "Off-Broadway Baby" of the NBC sitcom "The Facts of Life" where she performed "Two of Hearts". In a follow-up episode, "A Star Is Torn", she performed "We Connect". Cast regular George Clooney made his farewell appearance when his character decides to join Cinnamon as a roadie.


title: Stacey Q

text: Swain released "Hard Machine", the second Stacey Q album, in 1988. She changed her hair color from blond to red, and adopted a punk rock-influenced appearance. The album had other producers besides St. James, resulting in a different musical direction. The single "Don't Make a Fool of Yourself" peaked at number 66 on the US Hot 100, with a remix by Shep Pettibone making the top five on the Hot Dance Chart. The single was featured in the "Full House" episode "D.J. Tanner's Day Off", where she briefly appeared as Stacey Q. The songs "The River" and "Another Chance" were featured in the cult action film "One Man Force", where she also had an appearance.


title: Stacey Q

text: "Nights Like This" was her third and final album with Atlantic. Released in 1989, it also marked SSQ's last participation. Its first single was "Give You All My Love," and "Heartbeat", its second single, featured backing vocals by Timothy B. Schmit of the Eagles. Its title track featured backing vocals by The Weather Girls. The musical style involved more experimenting with instruments such as Kawai keyboards. She promoted the album with another national tour at various clubs. On television, she appeared in an episode of "Mama's Family" in which she was a member of an all-female band called The Bonecrushers.


title: Stacey Q

text: In 1993, Swain released the single "Too Hot for Love" under the independent label Thump Records. The single was structured toward an early-1990s dance sound and featured sexually suggestive lyrics, representing another change in direction for the artist. Thump also gathered material from her first Atlantic Records album as well as tracks from Q and SSQ that never had been released on CD into a 1995 compilation album, "Stacey Q's Greatest Hits". Most of the tracks were either remixed or re-edited entirely from their original versions in an attempt to modernize them.


title: Stacey Q

text: In the mid-1990s, Swain traveled to Tibet, where she was introduced to the monastic dance and song of the Far East. She also lived in Nepal where she studied at monasteries with Buddhist lamas and was trained in the ancient art of cham dance.


title: Stacey Q

text: In 1997, Swain released the album "Boomerang", which reflected her experiences in Tibet, as well as her conversion to Buddhism. She also released a cover of a Janis Ian tune called "Tenderness", which reached number 5 on the Jamaican charts.


title: Stacey Q

text: Swain continued to be involved in various music and acting projects. She appeared in a gay-themed art film called "Citizens of Perpetual Indulgence", and had a "special non-sexual appearance" in "Playing the Odds". She collaborated with director Geoffrey Karen Dior on the compilation album "Porn to Rock" and Dior's 2001 album "S E X". In 2000, she played the lead female character Yeshe Tsogyal in a production of "The Life of Padmasambhava" by the San Francisco-based Namsay Dorje Theater Company. In 2002, Swain appeared in the "Identity Parade" round of the VH1 game show "Never Mind the Buzzcocks". She provided vocals for "Hear The Feeling", a 2003 single by Divine Frequency (Simply Jeff), that was used for the soundtrack of a documentary on raves. She was the voice of Karin Kikuhara in the English-language version of "Stratos 4", a Japanese anime series. She provided vocals on the debut album of the Echo Junkies, a duo of former SSQ bandmates Jon St. James and Skip Hahn.


title: Stacey Q

text: Thump Records released another Stacey Q compilation in 2007. "Queen of the 80s" contained original versions of many of her solo songs as well as songs by Q and SSQ. In November 2008, she appeared on CBS's "The Early Show" as part of the show's 1980s flashback segment where she sang "Two of Hearts".


title: Stacey Q

text: In 2008, Swain provided guest vocals for Hydra Productions, a songwriting duo consisting of Shawn Winstian and Shane Condo. "Liquid", their debut album, featured appearances by dance-pop artists of the 1980s, also including Tiffany and Gioia Bruno of Exposé.


title: Stacey Q

text: In September 2022, Stacey's "Better Than Heaven" album was re-released with bonus tracks and remixes.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Major Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson (January 7, 1890 – September 21, 1965) was an American pulp magazine writer and entrepreneur who pioneered the American comic book, publishing the first such periodical consisting solely of original material rather than reprints of newspaper comic strips. Historian and author David Hajdu credits Wheeler-Nicholson as "the link between the pulps and what we know of as comics today."


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Long after his departure from the comic-book company he founded, Wheeler-Nicholson's National Allied Publications would evolve into DC Comics, one of the United States' two largest comic book publishers along with rival Marvel Comics. He was a 2008 Judges' Choice inductee into the Will Eisner Comic Book Hall of Fame.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson was born in Greeneville, Tennessee. His father, whose surname was Strain, died in 1894, after the birth of his second son, Malcolm's brother Christopher. Another sibling, a sister, died in 1894, when Malcolm was four. Their mother, Antoinette Wheeler, afterward moved to New York City, became a journalist, and later joined a start-up women's magazine in Portland, Oregon. By this time she had changed her last name to "Straham", a variant of "Strain", and upon marrying teacher T. J. B. Nicholson, who would become the boys' stepfather, reverted to her maiden name and appended her new married name. The brothers were raised in "an iconoclastic, intellectual household" where his family entertained such guests as Theodore Roosevelt and Rudyard Kipling.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Wheeler-Nicholson spent his boyhood both in Portland and on a horse ranch in Washington state. Raised riding horses, he went on to attend the military academy The Manlius School in DeWitt, New York, and in 1917 joined the U.S. Cavalry as a second lieutenant. According to differing sources, he rose to become either "the youngest major in the Army", the youngest in the Cavalry, or, as per the family, one of the youngest in the Cavalry, at age 27, By his own account, he "chased bandits on the Mexican border, fought fevers and played polo in the Philippines, led a battalion of infantry against the Bolsheviki in Siberia, helped straighten out the affairs of the army in France [and] commanded the headquarters cavalry of the American force in the Rhine". His outposts included Japan; London, England; and Germany. After World War I, Wheeler-Nicholson was sent to study at Saint-Cyr in Paris, France.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: The Major's public criticism of Army command in an open letter to President Warren G. Harding, and his accusations against senior officers, led to countercharges, hearings, and a lawsuit against West Point Superintendent General Fred W. Sladen. Wheeler-Nicholson also was a victim of a shooting that his family called an Army-sanctioned assassination attempt and the Army called the mistake of a guard who mistook Wheeler-Nicholson for an intruder at another officer's home. It left him hospitalized with a bullet wound. Following this, Wheeler-Nicholson in June 1922 was convicted in a court-martial trial of violating the 96th Article of War in publishing the open letter. Although he was not demoted, his career was dead-ended. He resigned his commission in 1923. His $100,000 lawsuit against Sladen was dismissed by the New York State Supreme Court the following year.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Wheeler-Nicholson wrote nonfiction about military topics, including the 1922 book "Modern Cavalry". He also wrote fiction, including the Western hardcover novel "Death at the Corral". By 1922 Wheeler-Nicholson had begun writing short stories for the pulps. The Major soon became a cover name, penning military and historical adventure fiction for such magazines as "Adventure" and "Argosy". He additionally ghost wrote six adventure novels about air hero Bill Barnes for Street & Smith Publications.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Concurrently, in 1925, he founded Wheeler-Nicholson, Inc. to syndicate his work, which included a daily comic-strip adaptation of Robert Louis Stevenson's novel "Treasure Island," with art by N. Brewster Morse.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: In autumn 1934, having seen the emergence of "Famous Funnies" (1933) and other oversize magazines reprinting comic strips, Wheeler-Nicholson formed the comics publishing company National Allied Publications. While contemporary comics "consisted ... of reprints of old syndicate material", Wheeler-Nicholson found that the "rights to all the popular strips ... had been sewn up". While some existing publications had included small amounts of original material, generally as filler, and while Dell Publishing had put out a proto-comic book of all original strips, "The Funnies", in 1929, Wheeler-Nicholson's premiere comic – "New Fun" #1 (Feb. 1935) – became the first comic book containing all-original material. As author Nicky Wright wrote,


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: A tabloid-sized, 10-inch by 15-inch, 36-page magazine with a card-stock, non-glossy cover, "New Fun" #1 was an anthology of "humor and adventure strips, many of which [Wheeler-Nicholson] wrote himself". The features included the talking animal comic "Pelion and Ossa" and the college-set "Jigger and Ginger", mixed with such dramatic fare as the Western strip "Jack Woods" and the "yellow peril" adventure "Barry O'Neill", featuring a Fu Manchu-styled villain, Fang Gow. While all-original material was a risky venture, the book sold well enough that National Allied Publishing continued to fill books "with new strips every month". Golden Age comics creator Sheldon Mayer quipped years later of Wheeler-Nicholson: "Not only the first man to publish comic books but also the first to stiff an artist for his check".


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: The first four issues were edited by future Funnies, Inc. founder Lloyd Jacquet, the fifth by Wheeler-Nicholson himself. Issue #6 (Oct. 1935) brought the comic-book debuts of Jerry Siegel and Joe Shuster, the future creators of Superman, who began their careers with the musketeer swashbuckler "Henri Duval" (doing the first two installments before turning it over to others) and, under the pseudonyms "Leger and Reuths", the supernatural-crimefighter adventure Doctor Occult. They would remain on the latter title through issue #32 (June 1938), following the magazine's retitling as "More Fun" (issues #7–8, Jan.–Feb. 1936), and "More Fun Comics" (#9–on).


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Wheeler-Nicholson added a second magazine, "New Comics", which premiered with a Dec. 1935 cover date and at close to what would become the standard size of Golden Age comic books, with slightly larger dimensions than today's. The title became "New Adventure Comics" with issue #12, and finally "Adventure Comics" with #32. Continuing for many decades, until issue #503 in 1983, it would become one of the longest-running comic books. In 2009, it was briefly revived with its original numbering, ultimately ending again in 2011 with issue #529, prior to DC Comics' New 52 reboot.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Despite Wheeler-Nicholson's optimism, finding a place in the market was difficult. Newsstands were reluctant to stock a magazine of untested new material from an unknown publisher, particularly as other companies' comics titles were perceived as being "successful because they featured characters everyone knew and loved". Returns were high, and cash-flow difficulties made the interval between issues unpredictable. Artist Creig Flessel recalled that at the company's office on Fourth Avenue, "The major flashed in and out of the place, doing battles with the printers, the banks, and other enemies of the struggling comics".


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Wheeler-Nicholson suffered from continual financial crises, both in his personal and professional lives. "Dick Woods" artist , whose Manhattan apartment Wheeler-Nicholson used as a rent-free "pied-à-terre", said, "His wife would call [from home on Long Island] and be in tears ... and say she didn't have money and the milkman was going to cut off the milk for the kids. I'd send out 10 bucks, just because she needed it".


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: The third and final title published under his aegis would be "Detective Comics", advertised with a cover illustration dated Dec. 1936, but eventually premiering three months late, with a March 1937 cover date.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: "Detective Comics" would become a sensation with the introduction of Batman in issue #27 (May 1939). By then, however, Wheeler-Nicholson was gone. In 1937, in debt to printing-plant owner and magazine distributor Harry Donenfeld – who was as well a pulp-magazine publisher and a principal in the magazine distributorship Independent News – Wheeler-Nicholson was compelled to take Donenfeld on as a partner in order to publish "Detective Comics" #1. Detective Comics, Inc. was formed, with Wheeler-Nicholson and Jack S. Liebowitz, Donenfeld's accountant, listed as owners.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: The major remained for a year, but cash-flow problems continued. DC's 50th-anniversary publication "Fifty Who Made DC Great" cites the Great Depression as "forc[ing] Wheeler-Nicholson to sell his publishing business to Harry Donenfeld and Jack Liebowitz in 1937". However, wrote comics historian Gerard Jones:


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Wheeler-Nicholson "gave up on the world of commerce thereafter and went back to writing war stories and critiques of the American military" in addition to straight "articles on politics and military history".


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: While studying at the École Supérieure de Guerre in Paris, France, after World War I, Wheeler-Nicholson met Elsa Sachsenhausen Björkbom. They were married in Koblenz, Germany in 1920. Their first child, Antoinette, was born in Stockholm, Sweden, his wife's home, in February 1921. Antoinette married on April 11, 1945, when Wheeler-Nicholson and his wife lived in Great Neck, New York, on Long Island.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: In 1923, their second child, daughter Marianne, was born. Son Malcolm was born in November 1926, in Rye, New York, son Douglas in 1928, and daughter Diane in 1932. Douglas married on September 2, 1955, by which time Wheeler-Nicholson and his wife were living in Bayside, Queens, New York City. The Major died in 1965 in New York City.


title: Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson

text: Actress Dana Wheeler-Nicholson (sometimes credited as Dana Wheeler Nicholson), who has appeared in movies including "Fletch" and "Tombstone", such TV series as "Sex and the City", "Friday Night Lights" and ""  and the soap opera "All My Children", is the daughter of Wheeler-Nicholson's son Douglas.


title: Advocacy group

text: Advocacy groups, also known as interest groups, special interest groups, lobbying groups or pressure groups use various forms of advocacy in order to influence public opinion and ultimately policy. They play an important role in the development of political and social systems.


title: Advocacy group

text: Motives for action may be based on political, religious, moral, or commercial positions. Groups use varied methods to try to achieve their aims, including lobbying, media campaigns, awareness raising publicity stunts, polls, research, and policy briefings. Some groups are supported or backed by powerful business or political interests and exert considerable influence on the political process, while others have few or no such resources.


title: Advocacy group

text: Some have developed into important social, political institutions or social movements. Some powerful advocacy groups have been accused of manipulating the democratic system for narrow commercial gain and in some instances have been found guilty of corruption, fraud, bribery, and other serious crimes; Some groups, generally ones with less financial resources, may use direct action and civil disobedience and in some cases are accused of being a threat to the social order or 'domestic extremists'. Research is beginning to explore how advocacy groups use social media to facilitate civic engagement and collective action.


title: Advocacy group

text: The early growth of pressure groups was connected to broad economic and political changes in England in the mid-18th century, including political representation, market capitalization, and proletarianization. The first mass social movement catalyzed around the controversial political figure, John Wilkes. As editor of the paper "The North Briton", Wilkes vigorously attacked the new administration of Lord Bute and the peace terms that the new government accepted at the 1763 Treaty of Paris at the end of the Seven Years' War. Charged with seditious libel, Wilkes was arrested after the issue of a general warrant, a move that Wilkes denounced as unlawful – the Lord Chief Justice eventually ruled in Wilkes favour. As a result of this episode, Wilkes became a figurehead to the growing movement for popular sovereignty among the middle classes – people began chanting, "Wilkes and Liberty" in the streets.


title: Advocacy group

text: After a later period of exile, brought about by further charges of libel and obscenity, Wilkes stood for the Parliamentary seat at Middlesex, where most of his support was located. When Wilkes was imprisoned in the King's Bench Prison on 10 May 1768, a mass movement of support emerged, with large demonstrations in the streets under the slogan "No liberty, no King." Stripped of the right to sit in Parliament, Wilkes became an Alderman of London in 1769, and an activist group called the "Society for the Supporters of the Bill of Rights" began aggressively promoting his policies. This was the first ever sustained social advocacy group – it involved public meetings, demonstrations, the distribution of pamphlets on an unprecedented scale and the mass petition march. However, the movement was careful not to cross the line into open rebellion – it tried to rectify the faults in governance through appeals to existing legal precedents and was conceived of as an extra-Parliamentary form of agitation to arrive at a consensual and constitutional arrangement. The force and influence of this social advocacy movement on the streets of London compelled the authorities to concede to the movement's demands. Wilkes was returned to Parliament, general warrants were declared as unconstitutional and press freedom was extended to the coverage of Parliamentary debates.


title: Advocacy group

text: Another important advocacy group that emerged in the late 18th century was the British abolitionist movement against slavery. Starting with an organised sugar boycott in 1791, it led the second great petition drive of 1806, which brought about the banning of the slave trade in 1807. In the opinion of Eugene Black (1963), "...association made possible the extension of the politically effective public. Modern extra parliamentary political organization is a product of the late eighteenth century [and] the history of the age of reform cannot be written without it.


title: Advocacy group

text: From 1815, Britain after victory in the Napoleonic Wars entered a period of social upheaval characterised by the growing maturity of the use of social movements and special-interest associations. Chartism was the first mass movement of the growing working-class in the world. It campaigned for political reform between 1838 and 1848 with the People's Charter of 1838 as its manifesto – this called for universal suffrage and the implementation of the secret ballot, amongst other things. The term "social movements" was introduced in 1848 by the German Sociologist Lorenz von Stein in his book "Socialist and Communist Movements since the Third French Revolution (1848)" in which he introduced the term "social movement" into scholarly discussions – actually depicting in this way political movements fighting for the social rights understood as welfare rights.


title: Advocacy group

text: The labor movement and socialist movement of the late 19th century are seen as the prototypical social movements, leading to the formation of communist and social democratic parties and organisations. These tendencies were seen in poorer countries as pressure for reform continued, for example in Russia with the Russian Revolution of 1905 and of 1917, resulting in the collapse of the Czarist regime around the end of the First World War.


title: Advocacy group

text: In the post-war period, women's rights, gay rights, peace, civil rights, anti-nuclear and environmental movements emerged, often dubbed the New Social Movements, some of which may be considered "general interest groups" as opposed to special interest groups. They led, among other things, to the formation of green parties and organisations influenced by the new left. Some find in the end of the 1990s the emergence of a new global social movement, the anti-globalization movement. Some social movement scholars posit that with the rapid pace of globalization, the potential for the emergence of new "type" of social movement is latent—they make the analogy to national movements of the past to describe what has been termed a global citizens movement.


title: Advocacy group

text: The Grand Army of the Republic, the largest of all Union Army veterans' organizations, was the most powerful single-issue political lobby of the late nineteenth century, securing massive pensions for veterans and helping to elect five postwar presidents from its own membership. To its members, it was also a secret fraternal order, a source of local charity, a provider of entertainment in small municipalities, and a patriotic organization.


title: Advocacy group

text: In most liberal democracies, advocacy groups tend to use the bureaucracy as the main channel of influence – because, in liberal democracies, this is where the decision-making power lies. The aim of advocacy groups here is to attempt to influence a member of the legislature to support their cause by voting a certain way in the legislature. Access to this channel is generally restricted to groups with insider status such as large corporations and trade unions – groups with outsider status are unlikely to be able to meet with ministers or other members of the bureaucracy to discuss policy. What must be understood about groups exerting influence in the bureaucracy is; "the crucial relationship here [in the bureaucracy] is usually that between the senior bureaucrats and leading business or industrial interests". This supports the view that groups with greater financial resources at their disposal will generally be better able to influence the decision-making process of government. The advantages that large businesses have is mainly due to the fact that they are key producers within their countries economy and, therefore, their interests are important to the government as their contributions are important to the economy. According to George Monbiot, the influence of big business has been strengthened by "the greater ease with which corporations can relocate production and investment in a global economy". This suggests that in the ever modernising world, big business has an increasing role in influencing the bureaucracy and in turn, the decision-making process of government.


title: Advocacy group

text: Advocacy groups can also exert influence through the assembly by lobbying. Groups with greater economic resources at their disposal can employ professional lobbyists to try and exert influence in the assembly. An example of such a group is the environmentalist group Greenpeace; Greenpeace (an organisation with income upward of $50,000,000) use lobbying to gain political support for their campaigns. They raise issues about the environment with the aim of having their issues translated into policy such as the government encouraging alternative energy and recycling.


title: Advocacy group

text: The judicial branch of government can also be used by advocacy groups to exert influence. In states where legislation cannot be challenged by the courts, like the UK, advocacy groups are limited in the amount of influence they have. In states that have codified constitutions, like the US, however, advocacy group influence is much more significant. For example, in 1954 the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) lobbied against the Topeka Board of education, arguing that segregation of education based on race was unconstitutional. As a result of group pressure from the NAACP, the supreme court unanimously ruled that racial segregation in education was indeed unconstitutional and such practices were banned. This is a novel example of how advocacy groups can exert influence in the judicial branch of government.


title: Advocacy group

text: Advocacy groups can also exert influence on political parties. The main way groups do this is through campaign finance. For instance; in the UK, the conservative parties campaigns are often funded by large corporations, as many of the conservative parties campaigns reflect the interests of businesses. For example, George W. Bush's re-election campaign in 2004 was the most expensive in American history and was financed mainly by large corporations and industrial interests that the Bush administration represented in government. Conversely, left-wing parties are often funded by organised labour – when the British Labour Party was formed, it was largely funded by trade unions. Often, political parties are actually formed as a result of group pressure, for example, the Labour Party in the UK was formed out of the new trade union movement which lobbied for the rights of workers.