title: Nobody Sleeps in the Woods Tonight

text: Zosia awakens to find Julek suffering with the knife embedded in his abdomen. She tries to use Daniel's phone, but it dies. Zosia kills Julek to end his pain. She uses the knife to unchain herself and considers escaping, but takes a machete from the room instead. She goes upstairs, hearing the twin snoring on the bed. Zosia stabs the twin until he appears to be dead. She leaves the house and runs.


title: Nobody Sleeps in the Woods Tonight

text: The old man hears knocking on his door and shoots through the door with his shotgun, thinking it might be the twins, but discovers that he just murdered Bartek. Zosia notices a policeman near a forest road, who agrees to drive her back to the civilization after noticing her distress. On their way, they run over one of the twins. Seeing a body on the road and wanting to help despite Zosia's warnings, the officer is killed after failing to use his pistol against the murderer.


title: Nobody Sleeps in the Woods Tonight

text: Zosia is locked in the car in the back but breaks the window. She attempts to drive away in the car, after shifting the stick and clutch, is successful, though only after driving several times over the killer and drives away.


title: Nobody Sleeps in the Woods Tonight

text: In the end of the movie, the killer is shown to still be alive. His twin wakes up in his bed, having survived the stabbing, and stares at the police lights outside his house.


title: Nobody Sleeps in the Woods Tonight

text: "Nobody Sleeps in the Woods Tonight" was one of the most rented titles on the American Netflix soon after its premiere. A monthly magazine "" reported that the movie landed in the top 10 list of the most watched films on the platform.


title: Nobody Sleeps in the Woods Tonight

text: In March 2021, Netflix confirmed that Kowalski and his team had officially started production of the sequel, titled "Nobody Sleeps in the Woods Tonight Part 2". It was released in October 2021.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Income inequality in the United States is the extent to which income is distributed in differing amounts among the American population. It has fluctuated considerably since measurements began around 1915, moving in an arc between peaks in the 1920s and 2000s, with a 30-year period of relatively lower inequality between 1950 and 1980.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The U.S. has the highest level of income inequality among its (post-)industrialized peers. When measured for all households, U.S. income inequality is comparable to other developed countries before taxes and transfers, but is among the highest after taxes and transfers, meaning the U.S. shifts relatively less income from higher income households to lower income households. In 2016, average market income was $15,600 for the lowest quintile and $280,300 for the highest quintile. The degree of inequality accelerated within the top quintile, with the top 1% at $1.8 million, approximately 30 times the $59,300 income of the middle quintile.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The economic and political impacts of inequality may include slower GDP growth, reduced income mobility, higher poverty rates, greater usage of household debt leading to increased risk of financial crises, and political polarization. Causes of inequality may include executive compensation increasing relative to the average worker, financialization, greater industry concentration, lower unionization rates, lower effective tax rates on higher incomes, and technology changes that reward higher educational attainment.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Measurement is debated, as inequality measures vary significantly, for example, across datasets or whether the measurement is taken based on cash compensation (market income) or after taxes and transfer payments. The Gini coefficient is a widely accepted statistic that applies comparisons across jurisdictions, with a zero indicating perfect equality and 1 indicating maximum inequality. Further, various public and private data sets measure those incomes, e.g., from the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), the Internal Revenue Service, and Census. According to the Census Bureau, income inequality reached record levels in 2018, with a Gini of .49.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: US tax and transfer policies are progressive and therefore reduce effective income inequality. The 2016 US Gini coefficient was .59 based on market income, but was reduced to .42 after taxes and transfers, according to Congressional Budget Office (CBO) figures. The top 1% share of market income rose from 9.6% in 1979 to a peak of 20.7% in 2007, before falling to 17.5% by 2016. After taxes and transfers, these figures were 7.4%, 16.6%, and 12.5%, respectively.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Income distribution can be assessed using a variety of income definitions. Adjustments are applied for various reasons, particularly to better reflect the actual economic resources available to a given individual/household.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The CBO explains the Gini as "A standard composite measure of income inequality is the Gini coefficient, which summarizes an entire distribution in a single number that ranges from zero to one. A value of zero indicates complete equality (for example, if each household received the same amount of income), and a value of one indicates complete inequality (for example, if a single household received all the income). Thus, a Gini coefficient that increases over time indicates rising income inequality."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: "The Gini coefficient can also be interpreted as a measure of one-half of the average difference in income between every pair of households in the population, divided by the average income of the total population. For example, the Gini coefficient of 0.513 for 2016 indicates that the average difference in income between pairs of households in that year was equal to 102.6 percent (twice 0.513) of average household income in 2016, or about $70,700 (adjusted to account for differences in household size). Similarly, the Gini coefficient of 0.521 projected for 2021 indicates that the average difference in income between pairs of households would equal 104.2 percent (twice 0.521) of average household income in 2021, or about $77,800 (in 2016 dollars)."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Income inequality has fluctuated considerably since measurements began around 1915, declining between peaks in the 1920s and 2007 (CBO data) or 2012 (Piketty, Saez, Zucman data). Inequality steadily increased from around 1979 to 2007, with a small reduction through 2016, followed by an increase from 2016 to 2018.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: An early governmental measure that slightly reduced inequality was the enactment of the first income tax in 1913. The 1918 household Gini coefficient (excluding capital gains) was 40.8. A brief but sharp depression in 1920-1921 reduced incomes. Income inequality rose from 1913 to peaks in 1926 (1928 Gini 48.9, 1936 Gini 45.5) and 1941 (Gini 43.1), after which war-time measures of the Roosevelt administration began to equalize the income distribution. Social Security was enacted in 1935. At several points in this pre-World War II era, in which the Rockefellers and Carnegies dominated American industry, the richest 1% of Americans earned over 20% of the income share.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: From about 1937 to 1947, a period dubbed as the "Great Compression", income inequality fell dramatically. The GINI fell into the high 30s. Progressive New Deal taxation, stronger unions, strong post-war economic growth and regulation by the National War Labor Board broadly raised market incomes and lowered the after-tax incomes of top earners. In the 1950s, marginal tax rates reached 91%, although the top 1% paid only about 16% in income taxes. Tax cuts in 1964 lowered marginal rates and closed loopholes. Medicare and Medicaid were enacted in 1965. The Earned Income Tax Credit was enacted in 1975.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The income change was the product of relatively high wages for trade union workers, lack of foreign manufacturing competition and political support for redistributive government policies. By 1947 more than a third of non-farm workers were union members. Unions both raised average wages for their membership, and indirectly, and to a lesser extent, raised wages for non-union workers in similar occupations. Economist Paul Krugman claimed that political support for equalizing government policies was provided by high voter turnout from union voting drives, Southern support for the New Deal, and prestige that the massive mobilization and victory of World War II had given the government.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A 2022 study in the "Economic Journal" challenged that World War II was a great leveler in income inequality. The study points instead to a gradual decline in income inequality during the Great Depression which extended into the war years.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The return to high inequality began in the 1980s. The Gini first rose above 40 in 1983. Inequality rose almost continuously, with inconsequential dips during the economic recessions in 1990–91 (Gini 42.0), 2001 (Gini 44.6) and 2007. The lowest top 1% pre-tax income share measured between 1913 and 2016 was 10.9%, achieved in 1975, 1976 and 1980. By 1989, this figure was 14.4%, by 1999 it was 17.5% and by 2007 it was 19.6%.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Major economic events that affected incomes included the return to lower inflation and higher growth, tax cuts and increases in the early 1980s, cuts following the 1986 tax reforms, tax increases in 1990 and 1993, expansion of the Children's Health Insurance Program in 1997, welfare reform, a 2000 recession, followed by tax cuts in 2001 and 2003 and increases in 2010.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: CBO reported that for the 1979–2007 period, after-tax income (adjusted for inflation) of households in the top 1 percent of earners grew by 275%, compared to 65% for the next 19%, just under 40% for the next 60% and 18% for the bottom fifth.The share of after-tax income received by the top 1% more than doubled from about 8% in 1979 to over 17% in 2007. The share received by the other 19 percent of households in the highest quintile edged up from 35% to 36%. The major cause was an increase in investment income. Capital gains accounted for 80% of the increase in market income for the households in the top 20% (2000–2007). Over the 1991–2000 period capital gains accounted for 45% of market income for the top 20%.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: CBO reported that less progressive tax and transfer policies contributed to an increase in after tax/transfer inequality between 1979 and 2007.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Higher incomes due to a college education were a key reason middle income households gained income share relative to those in the lower part of the distribution between 1973 and 2005. This was due in part to technology changes. However, education had less impact thereafter. Further, education did not explain why the top 1% gained disproportionately starting around 1980. Causes included executive pay trends and the financialization of the economy. For example, CEO pay expanded from around 30 times the typical worker pay in 1980 to nearly 350 times by 2007. From 1978 to 2018, CEO compensation grew 940% adjusted for inflation, versus 12% for the typical worker. A 2012 study reported that the main occupational shift for the top 1% was towards finance, while in 2009 "the richest 25 hedge-fund investors earned more than $25 billion, roughly six times as much as all the chief executives of companies in the S&P 500 stock index combined."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The share of income held by the top 1 percent was as large in 2005 as in 1928. That year household Gini reached 45.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The household income Gini index for the United States was 45.6 in 2009, and 45.4 in 2015, indicating a reduction in inequality during that time. CBO reported that the share of after-tax income received by the top 1% peaked in 2007 at 16.6%. It fell to 11.3% in 2009 due in part to the impact on investment income from the Great Recession, then increased thereafter, to 14.9% by 2012 as the economy recovered. It then fell somewhat, reaching 12.5% by 2016, reflecting Obama policies including the expiration of the Bush tax cuts for top incomes, and both tax increases on top incomes and redistribution to lower income groups under the Affordable Care Act.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: CBO reported that for the 1979-2016 period, after-tax income (adjusted for inflation) of households in the top 1 percent of earners grew by 226%, compared to 65% for the 81st to 90th percentile, 47% for the 20th to 80th percentile, and 85% for the bottom fifth. The income growth for the top 1% was less than the 1979-2007 increase, while the bottom fifth was much higher, indicating a reduction in inequality from 2007 to 2016. The bottom quintile benefited from Medicaid expansion and refundable tax credits.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The top 1% earned 12% of market income in 1979, 20% in 2007 and 19% in 2016. For the bottom 50%, these figures were 20%, 14% and 13%, respectively. For the middle 40% group, a proxy for the middle class, these figures were 45%, 41% and 41%, respectively. Measured by the share captured by the top 1%, by 2012, post-Great Recession market income inequality was as high as it was during the Roaring Twenties, at just over 20%.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The Great Recession took place from December 2007 to June 2009. From 2007 to 2010 total income going to the bottom 99 percent of Americans declined by 11.6%, while the top 1% fell by 36.3%.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In 2014 Saez and Gabriel Zucman reported that more than half of those in the top 1 percent had not experienced relative gains in wealth between 1960 and 2012. In fact, those between the top 1% and top .5% had lost relative wealth. Only those in the top .1% and above had made relative wealth gains during that time. Saez reported in 2013 that, from 2009 to 2012, the incomes of the top 1% grew by 31.4%, while the incomes of the bottom 99% grew by 0.4%.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In May 2017, they reported that income shares for those in the bottom half stagnated and declined from 1980 to 2014. Their share declined from 20% in 1980 to 12% in 2014, while the top 1% share grew from 12% in 1980 to 20%. The top 1% then made on average 81 times more than the bottom 50%, while in 1981 they made 27 times more. They attributed Inequality growth during the 1970s to the 1990s to wage growth among top earners, and that the widening gap had been due to investment income.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The Great Recession lasted from 2008 to 2009, multiplying unemployment and crashing the stock market. Obama administration policies addressed inequality in three main ways, contributing to a reduction in the share of income going to the top 1% measured between 2007 and 2016, both pre-tax and after-tax:


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In 2017, the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 reduced personal and corporate income tax rates, which critics said would increase income inequality.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Also in 2017, "Forbes" found that just three individuals (Jeff Bezos, Warren Buffett and Bill Gates) held more wealth than the bottom half of the population.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In 2018, and for the first time in U.S. history, U.S. billionaires paid a lower effective tax rate than the working class. A study found that the average effective tax rate paid by the richest 400 families in the country was 23 percent, a full percentage point lower than the 24.2 percent rate paid by the bottom half of American households.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In September 2019, the Census Bureau reported that income inequality in the United States had reached its highest level in 50 years, with the GINI index increasing from 48.2 in 2017 to 48.5 in 2018.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In December 2019, CBO forecast that inequality would increase between 2016 and 2021. Their report had several conclusions: (Adjusted for inflation)


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: According to a December 2020 analysis of W-2 earnings data from the Economic Policy Institute U.S. income inequality is worsening, as the earnings of the top 1% nearly doubled from 7.3% in 1979 to 13.2% in 2019 while over the same time period the average annual wages for the bottom 90% have stayed within the $30,000 range, increasing from $30,880 to $38,923, representing 69.8% of total earnings in 1979 and 60.9% in 2019 respectively. The earnings of the top 0.1% surged from $648,725 in 1979 to nearly $2.9 million in 2019, an increase of 345%.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: According to CBO (and others), the precise reasons for the [recent] rapid growth in income at the top are not well understood", but involved multiple, possibly conflicting, factors.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Higher income households are disproportionately likely to prosper when economic times are good, and to suffer losses during downturns. More of their income comes from relatively volatile capital income. For example, in 2011 the top 1% of income earners derived 37% of their income from labor, versus 62% for the middle quintile. The top 1% derived 58% of their income from capital as opposed to 4% for the middle quintile. Government transfers represented only 1% of the income of the top 1% but 25% for the middle quintile; the dollar amounts of these transfers tend to rise in recessions.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: According to a 2018 report by the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the US has higher income inequality and a larger percentage of low income workers than almost any other advanced nation because unemployed and at-risk workers get less support from the government and a weak collective bargaining system.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Income inequality may contribute to slower economic growth, reduced income mobility, higher levels of household debt, and greater risk of financial crises and deflation.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Krueger wrote in 2012: "The rise in inequality in the United States over the last three decades has reached the point that inequality in incomes is causing an unhealthy division in opportunities, and is a threat to our economic growth. Restoring a greater degree of fairness to the U.S. job market would be good for businesses, good for the economy, and good for the country." Since the wealthy tend to save nearly 50% of their marginal income while the remainder of the population saves roughly 10%, other things equal this would reduce annual consumption (the largest component of GDP) by as much as 5%, but would increase investment, at least some of which would likely take place in the US. Krueger wrote that borrowing likely helped many households make up for this shift.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Inequality in land and income ownership is negatively correlated with subsequent economic growth. Increasing inequality harms growth in countries with high levels of urbanization.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: High unemployment rates have a significant negative effect when interacting with increases in inequality. High unemployment also has a negative effect on long-run economic growth. Unemployment may seriously harm growth because resources sit idle, because it generates redistributive pressures and distortions, because it idles human capital and deters its accumulation, because it drives people to poverty, because it results in liquidity constraints that limit labor mobility, and because it erodes individual self-esteem and promotes social dislocation, unrest and conflict. Policies to control unemployment and reduce its inequality-associated effects can strengthen long-run growth.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Economists such as David Moss, Krugman and Raghuram Rajan believe the "Great Divergence" may be connected to the 2008 financial crisis.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A December 2013 "Associated Press" survey of three dozen economists', a 2014 report by Standard and Poor's and economists Gar Alperovitz, Robert Reich, Joseph Stiglitz, Branko Milanovic and Robert Gordon agree about the harms of inequality.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The majority of the "Associated Press" survey respondents agreed that widening income disparity was harming the US economy. They argue that wealthy Americans are receiving higher pay, but they spend less per dollar earned than middle class consumers, whose incomes have largely stagnated.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The S&P report concluded that diverging income inequality had slowed the recovery and could contribute to future boom-and-bust cycles given increasing personal debt levels. Higher levels of income inequality increase political pressures, discouraging trade, investment, hiring, and social mobility.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Alperovitz and Reich argued that concentration of wealth does not leave sufficient purchasing power for the economy to function effectively.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Stiglitz argued that wealth and income concentration leads the economic elite to protect themselves from redistributive policies by weakening the state, which lessens public investments – roads, technology, education, etc. – that are essential for economic growth.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Milanovic stated that while traditionally economists thought inequality was good for growth, "When physical capital mattered most, savings and investments were key. Then it was important to have a large contingent of rich people who could save a greater proportion of their income than the poor and invest it in physical capital. But now that human capital is scarcer than machines, widespread education has become the secret to growth" and that while "broadly accessible education" is difficult to achieve under inequality, education tends to reduce income gaps.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Gordon wrote that such issues as 'rising inequality; factor price equalization stemming from the interplay between globalization and the Internet; the twin educational problems of cost inflation in higher education and poor secondary student performance; the consequences of environmental regulations and taxes ..." make economic growth harder to achieve.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In response to the Occupy movement, legal scholar Richard Epstein defended inequality in a free market society, maintaining that "taxing the top one percent even more means less wealth and fewer jobs for the rest of us." According to Epstein, "the inequalities in wealth ... pay for themselves by the vast increases in wealth", while "forced transfers of wealth through taxation ... will destroy the pools of wealth that are needed to generate new ventures".


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: According to a 2020 study by the RAND Corporation, the typical worker (defined in the study as a "Full-Year, Full-Time, Prime-Aged Worker") makes $42,000 less than he/she would have if income inequality had not increased over the last four decades. The study also shows that white working class males and rural workers who work full time have been the hardest hit, while the higher income earners captured the vast majority of economic growth over the same time period.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Income inequality was cited as one of the causes of the Great Depression by Supreme Court Justice Louis D. Brandeis in 1933. In his dissent in the "Louis K. Liggett Co. v. Lee" (288 U.S. 517) case, he wrote: "Other writers have shown that, coincident with the growth of these giant corporations, there has occurred a marked concentration of individual wealth; and that the resulting disparity in incomes is a major cause of the existing depression."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Rajan argued that "systematic economic inequalities, within the United States and around the world, have created deep financial 'fault lines' that have made [financial] crises more likely to happen than in the past".


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Greater income inequality can lead to monopolization, resulting in fewer employers requiring fewer workers. Remaining employers can consolidate and take advantage of the relative lack of competition.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Income inequality is claimed to lower aggregate demand, leading to large segments of formerly middle class consumers unable to afford as many goods and services. This pushes production and overall employment down.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The ability to move from one income group into another (income mobility) is a measure of economic opportunity. A higher probability of upward income mobility theoretically would help mitigate higher income inequality, as each generation has a better chance of achieving higher income.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Several studies indicated that higher income inequality is associated with lower income mobility. In other words, income brackets tend to be increasingly "sticky" as income inequality increases. This is described by the Great Gatsby curve. Noah summarized this as "you can't really experience ever-growing income inequality without experiencing a decline in Horatio Alger-style upward mobility because (to use a frequently-employed metaphor) it's harder to climb a ladder when the rungs are farther apart."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A 2013 Brookings Institution study claimed that income inequality was increasing and becoming permanent, sharply reducing social mobility. A 2007 study found the top population in the United States "very stable" and that income mobility had not "mitigated the dramatic increase in annual earnings concentration since the 1970s."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Krugman argued that while in any given year, some people with low incomes will be "workers on temporary layoff, small businessmen taking writeoffs, farmers hit by bad weather" – the rise in their income in succeeding years is not the same 'mobility' as poor people rising to middle class or middle income rising to high income. It's the mobility of "the guy who works in the college bookstore and has a real job by his early thirties."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Studies by the Urban Institute and the US Treasury have both found that about half of the families who start in either the top or the bottom quintile of the income distribution are still there after a decade, and that only 3 to 6% rise from bottom to top or fall from top to bottom.On the issue of whether most Americans stay in the same income bracket over time, the 2011 CBO distribution of income study reported:Household income measured over a multi-year period is more equally distributed than income measured over one year, although only modestly so. Given the fairly substantial movement of households across income groups over time, it might seem that income measured over a number of years should be significantly more equally distributed than income measured over one year. However, much of the movement of households involves changes in income that are large enough to push households into different income groups but not large enough to greatly affect the overall distribution of income. Multi-year income measures also show the same pattern of increasing inequality over time as is observed in annual measures.In other words,many people who have incomes greater than $1 million one year fall out of the category the next year – but that's typically because their income fell from, say, $1.05 million to .95 million, not because they went back to being middle class.Disagreements about the correct procedure for measuring income inequality continues to be a topic of debate among economists, including a panel discussion at the 2019 American Economic Association annual meeting.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Several studies found the ability of children from poor or middle-class families to rise to upper income – known as "upward relative intergenerational mobility" – is lower in the US than in other developed countries. Krueger and Corak found lower mobility to be linked to income inequality.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In their Great Gatsby curve, Labor economist Miles Corak found a negative correlation between inequality and social mobility. The curve plotted intergenerational income mobility, the likelihood that someone will match their parents' relative income level – and inequality for various countries.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The connection between income inequality and low mobility can be explained by the lack of access and preparation for schools that is crucial to high-paying jobs; lack of health care may lead to obesity and diabetes and limit education and employment.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Krueger estimated that "the persistence in the advantages and disadvantages of income passed from parents to the children" will "rise by about a quarter for the next generation as a result of the rise in inequality that the U.S. has seen in the last 25 years."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Greater income inequality can increase the market income poverty rate, as income shifts from lower income brackets to upper brackets. Jared Bernstein wrote, "If less of the economy's market-generated growth – i.e., before taxes and transfers kick in – ends up in the lower reaches of the income scale, either there will be more poverty for any given level of GDP growth, or there will have to be a lot more transfers to offset inequality's poverty-inducing impact." The Economic Policy Institute (EPI) estimated that greater income inequality added 5.5% to the poverty rate between 1979 and 2007, other factors equal. Income inequality was the largest driver of the change in the poverty rate, with economic growth, family structure, education and race other important factors. An estimated 11.8% of Americans lived in poverty in 2018, versus 16% in 2012 and 26% in 1967.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A rise in income disparities weakens skills development among people with a poor educational background in terms of the quantity and quality of education attained.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Income inequality may be the driving factor in growing household debt, as high earners bid up the price of real estate and middle income earners go deeper into debt trying to maintain a middle class lifestyle. Between 1983 and 2007, the top 5 percent saw their debt fall from 80 cents for every dollar of income to 65 cents, while the bottom 95 percent saw their debt rise from 60 cents for every dollar of income to $1.40. Krugman found a strong correlation between inequality and household debt during the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Twenty-first century college costs have risen much faster than income, resulting in an increase in student loan debt from $260 billion in 2004 to $1.6 trillion in 2019Q2. From 1995 to 2013, outstanding education debt grew from 26% of average yearly income to 58%, for households with net worth below the 50th percentile.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Bernstein and Krugman assessed the concentration of income as variously "unsustainable" and "incompatible" with democracy. Political scientists Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson quoted a warning by Greek-Roman historian Plutarch: "An imbalance between rich and poor is the oldest and most fatal ailment of all republics." Some academic researchers alleged that the US political system risks drifting towards oligarchy, through the influence of corporations, the wealthy and other special interest groups.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Rising income inequality has been linked to political polarization. Krugman wrote in 2014, "The basic story of political polarization over the past few decades is that, as a wealthy minority has pulled away economically from the rest of the country, it has pulled one major party along with it ... Any policy that benefits lower- and middle-income Americans at the expense of the elite – like health reform, which guarantees insurance to all and pays for that guarantee in part with taxes on higher incomes – will face bitter Republican opposition." He used environmental protection as another example, which became a partisan issue only after the 1990s. Evidence suggests the impact of national income inequality on regional economic divergence as one potential reason for the link between inequality and political polarization.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: As income inequality increased, the degree of House of Representatives polarization measured by voting record followed. Inequality increased influence by the rich on the regulatory, legislative and electoral processes. McCarty, Pool and Rosenthal wrote in 2007 that Republicans had then moved away from redistributive policies that would reduce income inequality, whereas earlier, they had supported redistributive policies such as the EITC. Polarization thus completed a feedback loop, increasing inequality.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The IMF warned in 2017 that rising income inequality within Western nations, in particular the United States, could result in further political polarization.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Several economists and political scientists argued that income inequality translates into political inequality, as when politicians have financial incentives to accommodate special interest groups. Researchers such as Larry Bartels found that politicians are significantly more responsive to the political opinions of the wealthy, even when controlling for a range of variables including educational attainment and political knowledge.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A "class system" is a society organized around the division of the population into groups having a permanent status that determines their relation to other groups. Such groups may be defined by income, religion and/or other characteristics. Class warfare is thus conflict between/among such classes.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Investor Warren Buffett said in 2006, "There's class warfare, all right, but it's my class, the rich class, that's making war, and we're winning." He advocated much higher taxes on the wealthiest Americans.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: George Packer wrote, "Inequality hardens society into a class system ... Inequality divides us from one another in schools, in neighborhoods, at work, on airplanes, in hospitals, in what we eat, in the condition of our bodies, in what we think, in our children's futures, in how we die. Inequality makes it harder to imagine the lives of others."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In recent US history, the class conflict has taken the form of the "1% versus the 99%" issue, particularly as reflected in the Occupy movement and struggles over tax policy and redistribution. The movement spread to 600 communities in 2011. Its main political slogan – "We are the 99%" – referenced its dissatisfaction with the era's income inequality.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Increasing inequality is both a cause and effect of political change, according to journalist Hedrick Smith. The result was a political landscape dominated in the 1990s and 2000s by business groups, specifically "political insiders" – former members of Congress and government officials with an inside track – working for "Wall Street banks, the oil, defense, and pharmaceutical industries; and business trade associations." In the decade or so prior to the Great Divergence, middle-class-dominated reformist grassroots efforts – such as the civil rights movement, environmental movement, consumer movement, labor movement – had considerable political impact.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: World trade significantly expanded in the 1990s and thereafter, with the creation of the World Trade Organization and the negotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement. These agreements and related policies were widely supported by business groups and economists such as Krugman. and Stiglitz One outcome was greatly expanded foreign outsourcing, which has been argued to have hollowed out the middle class.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Stiglitz later argued that inequality may explain political questions – such as why America's infrastructure (and other public investments) are deteriorating, or the country's recent relative lack of reluctance to engage in military conflicts such as the 2003 Iraq war. Top-earning families have the money to buy their own education, medical care, personal security, and parks. They showed little interest in helping pay for such things for the rest of society, and have the political influence to make sure they don't have to. The relatively few children of the wealthy who joined the military may have reduced their concern about going to war.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Milanovic argued that globalization and immigration caused US middle-class wages to stagnate, fueling the rise of populist political candidates. Piketty attributed the victory of Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election, to "the explosion in economic and geographic inequality in the United States over several decades and the inability of successive governments to deal with this."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Using statistics from 23 developed countries and the 50 states of the US, British researchers Richard G. Wilkinson and Kate Pickett found a correlation that remains after accounting for ethnicity, national culture and occupational classes or education levels. Their findings place the United States as the most unequal and ranks poorly on social and health problems among developed countries. The authors argue inequality creates psychosocial stress and status anxiety that lead to social ills.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A 2009 study attributed one in three deaths in the United States to high levels of inequality. According to The Earth Institute, life satisfaction in the US has been declining over several decades, which they attributed to increasing inequality, lack of social trust and loss of faith in government.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A 2015 study by Angus Deaton and Anne Case found that income inequality could be a driving factor in a marked increase in deaths among white males between the ages of 45 to 54 in the period 1999 to 2013. So-called "deaths of despair", including suicide and drug/alcohol related deaths, which have been pushing down life expectancy since 2014, reached record levels in 2017. Some researchers assert that income inequality, a shrinking middle class and stagnant wages have been significant factors in this development.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: According to the Health Inequality Project, the wealthiest American men live 15 years longer than the poorest. For American women the life expectancy gap is 10 years.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Krugman argues that the long-term funding problems of Social Security and Medicare can be blamed in part on the growth in inequality as well as changes such as longer life expectancy. The source of funding for these programs is payroll taxes, which are traditionally levied as a percent of salary up to a cap. Payroll taxes do not capture income from capital or income above the cap. Higher inequality thereby reduces the taxable pool.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Had inequality remained stable, increased payments would have covered about 43% of the projected Social Security shortfall over the next 75 years.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Classical liberal economists such as Friedrich Hayek maintained that because individuals are diverse and different, state intervention to redistribute income is inevitably arbitrary and incompatible with the rule of law, and that "what is called 'social' or distributive' justice is indeed meaningless within a spontaneous order". Those who would use the state to redistribute, "take freedom for granted and ignore the preconditions necessary for its survival".


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Americans are not generally aware of the extent of inequality or recent trends. In 1998 a Gallup poll found 52% of Americans agreeing that the gap between rich and the poor was a problem that needed to be fixed, while 45% regarded it as "an acceptable part of the economic system".


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A December 2011 Gallup poll found a decline in the number of Americans who rated reducing the gap in income and wealth between the rich and the poor as extremely or very important (21 percent of Republicans, 43 percent of independents, and 72 percent of Democrats). Only 45% see the gap as in need of fixing, while 52% do not. However, there was a large difference between Democrats and Republicans, with 71% of Democrats calling for a fix.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In 2012, surveys found the issue ranked below issues such as growth and equality of opportunity, and ranked relatively low in affecting voters "personally".


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A January 2014 poll found 61% of Republicans, 68% of Democrats and 67% of independents accept that income inequality in the US had grown over the last decade. The poll indicated that 69% of Americans supported the government doing "a lot" or "some" to address income inequality and that 73% of Americans supported raising the minimum wage from $7.25 to $10.10 per hour.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Surveys found that Americans matched citizens of other nations about what equality was acceptable, but more accepting of what they thought the level was. Dan Ariely and Michael Norton found in a 2011 study that US citizens significantly underestimated wealth inequality.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The US household income Gini of 46.8 in 2009 varied significantly between states: after-tax income inequality in 2009 was greatest in Texas and lowest in Maine. Income inequality grew from 2005 to 2012 in more than 2 out of 3 metropolitan areas.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The states of Utah, Alaska and Wyoming have a market income Gini coefficient that is 10% lower than the average, while Washington D.C. and Puerto Rico are 10% higher.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: After-tax, the Federal Reserve estimated that 34 states in the USA have a Gini index between 30 and 35, with Maine the lowest.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: At the county and municipality levels, the 2010 market income Gini index ranged from 21 to 65, according to Census Bureau estimates.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The United States has the highest level of income inequality in the Western world, according to a 2018 study by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights. The United States has forty million people living in poverty, and more than half of these people live in "extreme" or "absolute" poverty. Income inequality has increased in recent decades, and large tax cuts that disproportionately favor the very wealthy are predicted to further increase U.S. income inequality.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Actual income inequality and public views about the need to address the issue are directly related in most developed countries, but not in the US, where income inequality is larger but the concern is lower. Excluding retirees, US market income inequality is comparatively high (rather than moderate) and the level of redistribution is moderate (not low). These comparisons indicate Americans shift from reliance on market income to reliance on income transfers later in life, although less fully than in other developed countries.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: International comparisons vary. In 2019 the CIA ranked the US 39th-worst among 157 countries measured by Gini. While inequality increased after 1981 in two-thirds of OECD countries, most are in the more equal end of the spectrum. The European Union measured 30.8.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The US Gini rating (after taxes and transfers) puts it among those of less developed countries. The US is more unequal or on par with countries such as Mozambique, Peru, Cameroon, Guyana and Thailand.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Across Europe the ratio of post-tax income of the top 10% to that of the bottom 50% changed only slightly between the mid-1990s and 2019.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Developing country comparative data is available from databases such as the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) or the OECD Income Distribution database (OECD IDD), or, when including developing countries, from the World Bank's Povcalnet database, UN-WIDER's World Income Inequality Database, or the Standardized World Income Inequality Database.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: One 2013 study indicated that US market income inequality was comparable to other developed countries, but was the highest among 22 developed countries after taxes and transfers. This implies that public policy choices, rather than market factors, drive U.S. income inequality disparities relative to other developed nations.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Inequality may be higher than official statistics indicate in some countries because of unreported income. Europeans hold higher amounts of wealth offshore than Americans.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Leonhardt and Quealy in 2014 described three key reasons for other industrialized countries improving real median income relative to the US over the 2000-2010 period. In the US:


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In 2014 Canadian middle class incomes moved higher than those in the US and in some European nations citizens received higher raises than their American counterparts. As of that year only the wealthy had seen pay increases since the Great Recession, while average American workers had not.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Debate continues over whether a public policy response is appropriate to income inequality. For example, Federal Reserve Economist Thomas Garrett wrote in 2010: "It is important to understand that income inequality is a byproduct of a well-functioning capitalist economy. Individuals' earnings are directly related to their productivity ... A wary eye should be cast on policies that aim to shrink the income distribution by redistributing income from the more productive to the less productive simply for the sake of 'fairness.'" Alternatively, bipartisan political majorities have supported redistributive policies such as the EITC.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Economists have proposed various approaches to reducing income inequality. For example, then Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen described four "building blocks" in a 2014 speech. These included expanding resources available to children, affordable higher education, business ownership and inheritance. That year, the Center for American Progress recommended tax reform, further subsidizing healthcare and higher education and strengthening unions as appropriate responses.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Improved infrastructure could address both the causes and the effects of inequality. E.g., workers with limited mobility could use improved mass transit to reach higher-paying jobs further from home and to access beneficial services at lower cost.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Public policy responses addressing effects of income inequality include: tax incidence adjustments and strengthening social safety net provisions such as welfare, food stamps, Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Proposals that address the causes of inequality include education reform and limiting/taxing rent-seeking. Other reforms include raising the minimum wage, tax reform, and increased stock ownership at lower income levels via a deferred investment program.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Children from higher-income families often attend higher-quality private schools or are home-schooled. Better teachers raise the educational attainment and future earnings of students, but they tend to prefer school districts that educate higher income children.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Economist Richard V. Reeves and other researchers point out the "parenting gap" between high-income and low-income families. High-income families tend to have resources to pay for assistance like child care and tutors, and having had economically successful ancestors have culturally inherited the skills needed to raise economically successful children. Based on studies of economic outcomes, Reeves recommends, and many governments fund, home visiting programs which assist parents in raising healthy children who succeed in school and are later able to obtain better-paying jobs.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Increasing public funding for services such as healthcare can reduce after-tax inequality. The Affordable Care Act reduced income inequality for calendar year 2014:


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: OECD asserted that public spending is vital in reducing the wealth gap. Lane Kenworthy advocates incremental reforms in the direction of the Nordic social democratic model, claiming that this would increase economic security and opportunity.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Eliminating social safety nets can discourage entrepreneurs by exacerbating the consequences of business failure from a temporary setback to financial ruin.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Income taxes provide one mechanism for addressing after-tax inequality. Increasing the effective progressivity of income taxes reduces the gap between higher and lower incomes. However, taxes paid may not reflect statutory rates because (legal) tax avoidance strategies can offset higher rates.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Tax expenditures (i.e., exclusions, deductions, preferential tax rates, and tax credits) affect the after-tax income distribution. The benefits from tax expenditures, such as income exclusions for employer-based healthcare insurance premiums and deductions for mortgage interest, are distributed unevenly across the income spectrum.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: As of 2019, the US Treasury listed 165 federal income tax expenditures. The largest as employer health insurance deductions, followed by net imputed rental income, capital gains (except agriculture, timber, iron ore, and coal) and defined contribution employer pension plans.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Understanding how each tax expenditure is distributed across the income spectrum can inform policy choices.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A 2019 study by the economists Saez and Zucman found the effective total tax rate (including state and local taxes, and government fees) for the bottom 50% of U.S. households was 24.2% in 2018, whereas for the wealthiest 400 households it was 23%.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Economist Dean Baker argued that corporate income tax policies have multiple effects. Increased corporate profits increase inequality by distributing dividends (mostly to higher income people). Taxing profits reduces this effect, but it also may reduce investment reducing employment. It also encourages payers to (often successfully) lobby for increased tax expenditures, which offsets the inequality reduction and also pushes corporations to adjust their behavior to exploit them. Professional lobbying and accounting firms that generally pay well get more business, at the expense of other workers.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: "The Economist" states that as inequality rises, political will to help low-paid workers increases, and minimum wages may not be as bad as some believe.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: In a blog post on the Economic Policy Institute's site, they say that raising the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour would decrease income inequality.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: A public basic income provides each individual with a fixed sum from the government, without consideration of factors such as age, employment, wealth, education, etc. People who support basic income as a way to reduce income inequality include the Green Party.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Economic democracy is a socioeconomic philosophy that proposes to shift decision-making power from corporations to a larger group of public stakeholders that includes workers, customers, suppliers, neighbours and the broader public.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Monetary policy is responsible for balancing inflation and unemployment. It can be used to stimulate the economy (e.g., by lowering interest rates, which encourages borrowing and spending, additional job creation, and inflationary pressure); or tighten it, with the opposite effects. Former Fed Chair Ben Bernanke wrote in 2015 that monetary policy affects income and wealth inequality in multiple ways, but that responsibility lies primarily in other areas:


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Various methods measure income inequality. Different sources prefer Gini coefficients or ratio of percentiles, etc. Census Bureau studies on household and individual income show lower levels than some other sources, but do not break out the highest-income households (99%+) where most change has occurred.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: One review describes six possible techniques for estimating American real median income growth. Estimates for the 1979-2014 period ranged from a decline of 8% (Piketty and Saez 2003) to an increase of 51% (CBO).


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Two commonly cited estimates are the CBO and Emmanuel Saez. These differ in their sources and methods. Using IRS data for 2011 Saez claimed that the share of "market income less transfers" received by the top 1% was about 19.5%. The CBO uses both IRS data and Census data in its computations and reported a lower "pre-tax" figure for the top 1% of 14.6%.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The Census Bureau ranks all households by household income based on its surveys and then divides them into quintiles. The highest-ranked household in each quintile provides the upper income limit for that quintile. Census data reflects market income without adjustments, and is not amenable to adjustment for taxes and transfers. Because census data does not measure changes in individual households, it is not suitable for studying income mobility.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Gary Burtless noted that for this reason census data overstated the income losses that middle-income families suffered in the Great Recession.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Another approach attempts to allocate GDP to individuals, to compensate for the 40% of GDP that does not appear on tax returns. One source of the disagreement is the growth of tax-free retirement accounts, such as pension funds, IRAs and 401Ks. Another source is tax evasion, whose distribution is also disputed.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Inequality can be measured before and after the effects of taxes and transfer payments such as social security and unemployment insurance.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Measuring inequality after accounting for taxes and transfers reduces observed inequality, because both the income tax system and transfer systems are designed to do so. The impacts of those polieices varies as the policy regime changes. CBO reported in 2011 that: "The equalizing effect of transfers declined over the 1979–2007 period primarily because the distribution of transfers became less progressive. The equalizing effect of federal taxes also declined over the period, in part because the amount of federal taxes shrank as a share of market income and in part because of changes in the progressivity of the federal tax system."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: CBO income statistics show the growing importance of these items. In 1980, in-kind benefits and employer and government spending on health insurance accounted for just 6% of the after-tax incomes of households in the middle one-fifth of the distribution. By 2010 these in-kind income sources represented 17% of middle class households' after-tax income. Post-tax income items are increasing faster than pre-tax items. As a result of these programs, the spendable incomes of poor and middle-class families have been better insulated against recession-driven losses than the incomes of Americans in the top 1%. Incomes in the middle and at the bottom of the distribution have fared better since 2000 than incomes at the very top.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Continuing increases in transfers, e.g., resulting from the Affordable Care Act, reduced inequality, while tax changes in the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 had the opposite effect.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Comparisons of household income over time should control for changes in average age, family size, number of breadwinners, and other characteristics. Measuring personal income ignores dependent children, but household income also has problems – a household of ten has a lower standard of living than one of two people, though their incomes may be the same. People's earnings tend to rise over their working lifetimes, so point-in-time estimates can be misleading. (A world in which each person received a lifetime of income on their 21st birthday and no income thereafter would have an extremely high Gini, even if everyone received the exact same amount. Real-world incomes also tend to be spiky, although not to that extreme.) Some 11% of households eventually appear in the 1% at some point. The inequality of a recent college graduate and a 55-year-old at the peak of his/her career is not an issue if the graduate has the same career path.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Conservative researchers and organizations have focused on the flaws of household income as a measure for standard of living in order to refute claims that income inequality is growing, is excessive or poses a problem. According to a 2004 analysis of income quintile data by the Heritage Foundation, inequality is less after adjusting for household size. Aggregate share of income held by the upper quintile (the top earning 20 percent) decreases by 20.3% when figures are adjusted to reflect household size.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: However the Pew Research Center found household income declined less than individual income in the twenty-first century, because those no longer able to afford separate housing moved in with relatives, creating larger households with more earners. A 2011 CBO study adjusted for household size so that its quintiles contain an equal number of people, not an equal number of households. CBO found income distribution over a multi-year period "modestly" more equal than annual income, confirming earlier studies.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: According to Noah, adjusting for demographic factors such as increasing age and smaller households, indicates that income inequality is less extreme but growing faster than without the adjustment.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: The Gini coefficient was developed by Italian statistician and sociologist Corrado Gini and published in his 1912 paper "Variability and Mutability" ().


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Gini ratings can be used to compare inequality (by race, gender, employment) within and between jurisdictions, using a variety of income measures and data sources, with differing results. For example, the Census Bureau's official market Gini for the US was 47.6 in 2013, up from 45.4 in 1993. By contrast, OECD's US adjusted compensation Gini was 37 in 2012.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Income, however measured, is only one indicator of equality. Others include equality of opportunity, consumption and wealth.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Economist Thomas Sowell, and former Congressman and Speaker of the House Paul Ryan argued that more important than equality of results is equality of opportunity. This measures the degree to which individuals have the chance to succeed, despite their original circumstances.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Other researchers argued that income is less important than consumption. Two individuals (or other units) who consume the same amount have similar outcomes despite differences in their incomes. Consumption inequality is also less extreme. Will Wilkinson wrote, "the run-up in consumption inequality has been considerably less dramatic than the rise in income inequality". According to Johnson, Smeeding and Tory, consumption inequality was lower in 2001 than in 1986. Other studies have not found consumption inequality less dramatic than household income inequality. A CBO study found consumption data not capturing consumption by high-income households as well as it does their incomes, though it found that household consumption numbers are less unequal than household income.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Others dispute the importance of consumption, pointing out that if middle and lower incomes are consuming more than they earn, it is because they are saving less or going deeper into debt. Alternatively, higher income persons may be consuming less than their income, saving/investing the balance.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Wealth inequality refers to the distribution of net worth (i.e., what is owned minus what is owed) as opposed to annual income. Wealth is affected by movements in the prices of assets, such as stocks, bonds and real estate, which fluctuate over the short-term. Income inequality has significant effects over long-term shifts in wealth inequality. Wealth inequality is increasing:


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Much of the wealth gain came to those in the top 1%. Those between the top 1 percent and top 5 percent controlled a smaller percent of wealth than before.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Another form of inequality is the different level and quality of education available to students. School quality and educational results vary dramatically, depending on whether a student has access to a private or charter school or an effective public school. Many students have no choice but to attend dysfunctional public schools, where fewer achieve grade level performance.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Pundit David Brooks argued that in the 1970s, high school and college graduates had "very similar family structures", while later high school grads were much less likely to get married, and much more likely to smoke, be obese, get divorced, and/or become a single parent.The zooming wealth of the top one percent is a problem, but it's not nearly as big a problem as the tens of millions of Americans who have dropped out of high school or college. It's not nearly as big a problem as the 40 percent of children who are born out of wedlock. It's not nearly as big a problem as the nation's stagnant human capital, its stagnant social mobility and the disorganized social fabric for the bottom 50 percent.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Hollowing out of the middle class refers to its loss in income share beginning with Reaganomics. The middle class is defined as the middle 20% of the income distribution, i.e. those between the 40th and 60th percentile. In 1980 the middle class earned 17% of total income in the United States. However, by 2019 its share decreased to 14%, a drop of 3%. Another way to see this is that in 1980 the share of the middle class was the same as that of the top 5% but by 2019 the top 5% was 9 percentage points ahead of the middle class.


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Although some spoke out in favor of moderate inequality as a form of incentive, others warned against excessive levels of inequality, including Robert J. Shiller, (who called rising economic inequality "the most important problem that we are facing now today"), former Federal Reserve Board chairman Alan Greenspan, ("This is not the type of thing which a democratic society – a capitalist democratic society – can really accept without addressing"), and President Barack Obama (who referred to the widening income gap as the "defining challenge of our time").


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: United Nations special rapporteur Philip Alston, following a fact finding mission to the United States in December 2017, said in his report that "the United States already leads the developed world in income and wealth inequality, and it is now moving full steam ahead to make itself even more unequal."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Many economists claim that America's growing income inequality is "deeply worrying", unjust, a danger to democracy/social stability, or a sign of national decline. Nobelist Robert Shiller after receiving the award stated, "The most important problem that we are facing now today, I think, is rising inequality in the United States and elsewhere in the world." Piketty warned, "The egalitarian pioneer ideal has faded into oblivion, and the New World may be on the verge of becoming the Old Europe of the twenty-first century's globalized economy."


title: Income inequality in the United States

text: Others claim that the increase is not significant, that America's economic growth and/or equality of opportunity should be the primary focus, that rising inequaity is a global phenomenon that would be foolish to try to change through US domestic policy, that it "has many economic benefits and is the result of ... a well-functioning economy", and has or may become an excuse for "class-warfare rhetoric". They argue against "redistribution of wealth", instead advocating for "sound economic policy to reduce poverty [which] would lift people out of poverty (increase their productivity) while not reducing the well-being of wealthier individuals".


title: Apple headphones

text: Apple Inc. has produced and sold headphones since 2001, available for standalone purchase and bundled with iPhone (until 2020) and iPod (until 2022) products. Apple's current product line consists of EarPods (wired earbuds available with a 3.5mm headphone or Lightning connector), AirPods and AirPods Pro (wireless Bluetooth earbuds), and AirPods Max (wireless Bluetooth over-ear headphones).


title: Apple headphones

text: Apple's original earbuds shipped with the original iPod, released on October 23, 2001. They were never given a formal name and were referred to variously as "iPod headphones" and "the iPod's earbud-style headphones". They were bundled with two pairs of foam covers. The second generation added a plastic slider to allow the user to limit the gap between the wires. The third generation were redesigned with a slightly longer strain relief, a slightly smaller speaker grill, and the left/right marking being moved from the outside to the inside.


title: Apple headphones

text: The iPhone Stereo Headset was introduced in 2007 and was bundled with the original iPhone and iPhone 3G, and featured a control capsule in-line with the right earbud's wire with a microphone and a single button, actuated by squeezing the unit, which can be programmed to control calls, presentations, music and video playback, launch Siri, or take pictures with the Camera application. There have been many reports of moisture problems with the remote/mic.


title: Apple headphones

text: Apple Earphones with Remote and Mic were introduced in 2009 and were bundled with the iPhone 3GS, iPhone 4, iPhone 4S, the third-generation iPod Touch, and sold independently. They expanded on the iPhone Stereo Headset by adding two other buttons dedicated to volume control. A variant without a microphone shipped only with the third-generation iPod shuffle.


title: Apple headphones

text: EarPods were introduced on September 12, 2012 and feature a redesign with no silicone tips, less visible metal, and a plastic outer shell. They first shipped with the iPhone 5 and feature a remote control and microphone. They also shipped with the iPod Touch (5th generation) and iPod Nano (7th generation) without a remote and microphone. EarPods are also individually sold with a carrying case, while the version bundled with the iPod Touch (5th generation), iPod Touch (6th generation) and iPod Nano (7th generation) only have basic biodegradable packaging, due to their lack of a remote and mic. A microphone icon was added on the previously unmarked back side of the control capsule on EarPods with a microphone. They are compatible with iPhones from the iPhone 3GS to iPhone 6S, the iPod Touch (2nd generation) and onwards, and all models of the iPad, iPad mini, and iPad Pro, except the third and fourth generation iPad Pro. They require iOS 2.2 and onwards for iOS devices but are not compatible with the original iPhone, iPhone 3G, or iPod Touch (1st generation) due to sound problems. They are also compatible with most Android devices and computers.


title: Apple headphones

text: A second iteration, "EarPods with Lightning Connector", were introduced in 2016 along with the iPhone 7 and replaced the 3.5mm headphone jack with a Lighting connector. They work with all devices that have a Lightning port and support iOS 10 or later. The previous EarPods were rebranded as "EarPods with 3.5mm Headphone Plug". Since early 2017, both products now lack a carrying case, instead being sold in recyclable cardboard packaging.


title: Apple headphones

text: Following the release of the iPhone 12 series in 2020, EarPods are no longer bundled with iPhones in most countries except where required by law. Following the discontinuation of the iPod line in 2022, EarPods are only available as a standalone purchase.


title: Apple headphones

text: iPhone models from the iPhone 7 to the iPhone X also shipped with a Lightning-to-3.5mm headphone jack adapter, enabling customers to connect 3.5mm headphones to a Lightning port. Thanks to an iOS update (iOS 10.3), it is backwards compatible, meaning it can be used with any previous device with a Lightning port (from iPhone 5 onwards). It is no longer included as of the iPhone XS and iPhone XR, but remains available for purchase from Apple and third-party retailers.


title: Apple headphones

text: iPod In-Ear Headphones were introduced in January 2004 as premium headphones compared to those bundled with iPods, and were available for $39. They included three different sized plastic caps, and Apple claimed improved sound quality and bass response. They were discontinued in 2008.


title: Apple headphones

text: The iPhone Bluetooth Headset was introduced in 2007, priced at $129 and later reduced to $99, and discontinued in 2009. It was designed for phone calls only and could not be used for listening to music. It was bundled with a "Travel Cable" that charged it and a 30-pin iPhone simultaneously, and a docking station called the iPhone Dual Dock that could charge it and an original iPhone was also available.


title: Apple headphones

text: Apple In-Ear Headphones were introduced on September 9, 2008, intended as a premium option compared to Apple's bundled earbuds. Like the regular earbuds they have a remote control and microphone built-in. They add silicone ear tips and dual drivers advertised as "engineered for superior acoustic accuracy, balance, and clarity". The remote and protective case was redesigned on September 12, 2012, with the remote matching that of EarPods. Apple has since removed them from their online store.


title: Apple headphones

text: AirPods were announced alongside the iPhone 7 and were released on December 16, 2016. They are wireless earbud-style headphones with microphones, dual accelerometers, IR sensors used to pause music if they are not in the user's ears, and motion touch sensors that are used to activate controls. They are advertised as having a battery life of five hours, and come with a charging case that gives them a total of 24 hours of battery life. The original case is charged by Lightning, and in 2019 a second case was introduced with Qi charging. AirPods are compatible with iPhones, iPads, Apple Watches, Macs, the 6th generation iPod Touch, and the 7th generation iPod Nano, but automatic pairing with an iCloud account requires macOS Sierra, iOS 10, and watchOS. They are also compatible with devices on other platforms that support Bluetooth, but it limits the AirPods' functionality.


title: Apple headphones

text: AirPods Pro were released on October 30, 2019 as a premium option compared to AirPods. They use the same H1 chip found in second generation AirPods, and boast a slimmer design, active noise cancellation, adaptive EQ, IPX4 water resistance, a new charging case with Qi standard, and include silicone tips.


title: Apple headphones

text: AirPods Max, released on December 15, 2020, are wireless Bluetooth over-ear headphones. They feature two H1 chips, active noise cancellation and transparency mode, a Digital Crown and on-head detection.


title: Apple headphones

text: Apple's white earbuds are prominently featured in the majority of their distinctive "silhouette style" iPod advertisements. Most often as a dancing black figure in [silhouette] with a starkly contrasted white earbuds and cord while holding a white iPod. The background is usually another bright colour so the iPod and headphones clearly stand out compared to the rest of the image.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: The British conquest of Egypt (1882), also known as Anglo-Egyptian War (), occurred in 1882 between Egyptian and Sudanese forces under Ahmed ‘Urabi and the United Kingdom. It ended a nationalist uprising against the Khedive Tewfik Pasha. It established firm British influence over Egypt at the expense of the Egyptians, the French, and the Ottoman Empire, whose already weak authority became nominal.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: In 1881, an Egyptian army officer, Ahmed ‘Urabi (then known in English as Arabi Pasha), mutinied and initiated a coup against Tewfik Pasha, the Khedive of Egypt and Sudan, because of grievances over disparities in pay between Egyptians and Europeans, as well as other concerns. In January 1882 the British and French governments sent a "Joint Note" to the Egyptian government, declaring their recognition of the Khedive's authority. On 20 May, British and French warships arrived off the coast of Alexandria. On 11 June, an anti-Christian riot occurred in Alexandria that killed 50 Europeans. Colonel ‘Urabi ordered his forces to put down the riot, but Europeans fled the city and ‘Urabi's army began fortifying the town. The French fleet was recalled to France. A British ultimatum was rejected and its warships began a -hour bombardment of Alexandria on 11 July.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: The reasons why the British government sent a fleet of ships to the coast of Alexandria is a point of historical debate. In their 1961 essay "Africa and the Victorians", Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher argue that the British invasion was ordered in order to quell the perceived anarchy of the ‘Urabi Revolt, as well as to protect British control over the Suez Canal in order to maintain its shipping route to the Indian Ocean.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: A.G. Hopkins rejected Robinson and Gallagher's argument, citing original documents to claim that there was no perceived danger to the Suez Canal from the ‘Urabi movement, and that ‘Urabi and his forces were not chaotic "anarchists", but rather maintained law and order. He alternatively argues that British Prime Minister William Gladstone's cabinet was motivated by protecting the interests of British bondholders with investments in Egypt as well as by pursuit of domestic political popularity. Hopkins cites the British investments in Egypt that grew massively leading into the 1880s, partially as a result of the Khedive's debt from construction of the Suez Canal, as well as the close links that existed between the British government and the economic sector. He writes that Britain's economic interests occurred simultaneously with a desire within one element of the ruling Liberal Party for a militant foreign policy in order to gain the domestic political popularity that enabled it to compete with the Conservative Party. Hopkins cites a letter from Edward Malet, the British consul general in Egypt at the time, to a member of the Gladstone Cabinet offering his congratulations on the invasion: "You have fought the battle of all Christendom and history will acknowledge it. May I also venture to say that it has given the Liberal Party a new lease of popularity and power."


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: John Galbraith and Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid-Marsot make a similar argument to Hopkins, though their argument focuses on how individuals within the British government bureaucracy used their positions to make the invasion appear as a more favourable option. First, they describe a plot by Edward Malet in which he portrayed the Egyptian government as unstable to his superiors in the cabinet. On Galbraith and al-Sayyid-Marsot's reading, Malet naïvely expected he could convince the British to intimidate Egypt with a show of force without considering a full invasion or occupation as a possibility. They also dwell on Admiral Beauchamp Seymour, who hastened the start of the bombardment by exaggerating the danger posed to his ships by ‘Urabi's forces in his telegrams back to the British government.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: The British fleet bombarded Alexandria from 11 to 13 July and then occupied it with marines. The British did not lose a single ship, but much of the city was destroyed by fires caused by explosive shells and by ‘Urabists seeking to ruin the city that the British were taking over. Tewfik Pasha, who had moved his court to Alexandria during the unrest, declared ‘Urabi a rebel and formally deposed him from his positions within the government.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: ‘Urabi then reacted by obtaining a fatwa from Al Azhar shaykhs which condemned Tewfik as a traitor to both his country and religion, absolving those who fought against him. ‘Urabi also declared war on the United Kingdom and initiated conscription.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: The British army launched a probing attack at Kafr El Dawwar in an attempt to see if it was possible to reach Cairo through Alexandria. Afterwards, they determined it would not be possible to reach Cairo from this direction as Egyptian defences were too strong. In August, a British army of over 40,000, commanded by Garnet Wolseley, invaded the Suez Canal Zone. He was authorised to destroy 'Urabi's forces and clear the country of all other rebels.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: The engineer troops had left England for Egypt in July and August 1882. The engineers included pontoon, railway and telegraph troops.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: Wolseley saw the campaign as a logistical challenge as he did not believe the Egyptians would put up much resistance.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: This battle took place on 5 August 1882 between an Egyptian army, headed by Ahmed Orabi, and British forces headed by Sir Archibald Alison. Seeking to ascertain the strength of the Egyptian's Kafr El Dawwar position, and to test local rumours that the Egyptians were retreating, Alison ordered a probing attack on the evening of the 5th. This action was reported by Orabi as a battle, and Cairo was full of the news that the advancing British had been repulsed; however most historians describe the action merely as a reconnaissance in force which was never intended as a serious assault on the Egyptian lines. Regardless, the end result was that the British abandoned any hope they may have had of reaching Cairo from the north, and shifted their base of operations to Ismailia instead.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: Wolseley arrived at Alexandria on 15 August and immediately began to organize the movement of troops through the Suez Canal to Ismailia. This was quickly accomplished; Ismailia was occupied on 20 August without resistance.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: Ismailia was quickly reinforced with 9,000 troops, with the engineers put to work repairing the railway line from Suez. A small force was pushed along the Sweet Water Canal to the Kassassin lock arriving on 26 August. There they met the enemy. Heavily outnumbered the two battalions with 4 guns held their ground until some heavy cavalry arrived when the force went onto the offensive, forcing ‘Urabi to fall back with heavy casualties.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: The main body of the army started to move up to Kassassin and planning for the battle at Tell El Kebir was undertaken. Skirmishing took place but did not interfere with the build up. On 12 September all was ready and during that night the army marched to battle.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: 13 September – ‘Urabi redeployed to defend Cairo against Wolseley. His main force dug in at Tell El Kebir, north of the railway and the Sweet Water Canal, both of which linked Cairo to Ismailia on the canal. The defences were hastily prepared as there was little time to arrange them. ‘Urabi's forces possessed 60 pieces of artillery and breech loading rifles. Wolseley made several personal reconnaissances, and determined that the Egyptians did not man outposts in front of their main defences at night, which made it possible for an attacking force to approach the defences under cover of darkness. Wolseley sent his force to approach the position by night and attacked frontally at dawn.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: Surprise was not achieved; rifle fire and artillery from redoubts opened up when the range was . Continuing the advance, the defending troops were hampered by the smoke from their weapons blocking their vision of the advancing British. The three battalions arrived in the enemy trenches all together and with little loss, resulting in a decisive victory for the British.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: Officially losing only 57 troops while killing approximately two thousand Egyptians, the British army had more casualties due to heatstroke than enemy action. The ‘Urabi forces were routed, and British cavalry pursued them and captured Cairo, which was undefended.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: Power was then restored to the Khedive, the war was at an end and the majority of the British army went to Alexandria and took ship for home, leaving, from November, just an army of occupation.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: Lieutenant William Mordaunt Marsh Edwards was awarded a Victoria Cross for his gallantry during the battle.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: During the build up to the battle at Tell El Kebir the specially raised 8th Railway Company RE operated trains carrying stores and troops, as well as repairing track. On the day of the battle they ran a train into Tell El Kebir station between 8 and 9 am (13 September) and "found it completely blocked with trains, full of the enemy's ammunition: the line strewn with dead and wounded, and our own soldiers swarming over the place almost mad for want of water" (extract from Captain Sidney Smith's diary). Once the station was cleared they began to ferry the wounded, prisoners and troops with stores to other destinations.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: In the wake of the advancing columns, telegraph lines were laid on either side of the Sweet Water canal. At 2 am (13 September) Wolseley successfully sent a message to the Major General Sir H. Macpherson VC on the extreme left with the Indian Contingent and the Naval Brigade. At Tell El Kebir a field telegraph office was established in a saloon carriage, which Arabi Pasha had travelled in the day before. At 8:30 am (13 September) after the victory at the battle of Tell El Kebir, Wolseley used the telegram to send messages of his victory to Queen Victoria; he received a reply from her at 9.15 am the same day. Once they had got connected to the permanent line the Section also worked the Theiber sounder and the telephone.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: The forerunners of Royal Engineers (Postal Section) made their debut on this campaign. They were specially raised from the 24th Middlesex Rifle Volunteers (Post Office Rifles) and for the first time in British military history, post office clerks trained as soldiers, provided a dedicated postal service to an army in the field. During the battle of Kassassin they became the first Volunteers ever to come under enemy fire.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: Prime Minister Gladstone initially sought to put ‘Urabi on trial and execute him, portraying him as "a self-seeking tyrant whose oppression of the Egyptian people still left him enough time, in his capacity as a latter-day Saladin, to massacre Christians." After glancing through his captured diaries and various other evidence, there was little with which to "demonize" ‘Urabi in a public trial. His charges were down-graded, after which he admitted to rebellion and was sent into exile.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: British troops then occupied Egypt until the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1922 and Anglo-Egyptian treaty of 1936, giving gradual control back to the government of Egypt.


title: Anglo-Egyptian War

text: Hopkins argues that Britain continued its occupation of Egypt after 1882 in order to guarantee British investments: "Britain had important interests to defend in Egypt and she was prepared to withdraw only if conditions guaranteeing the security of those interests were met—and they never were." Consistent with this view, investment in Egypt increased during the British occupation, interest rates fell, and bond prices rose.


title: King Zhuangxiang of Qin

text: King Zhuangxiang of Qin (281– 6 July 247 BCE), personal names Yiren and Zichu, was a ruler of the Qin state during the third century BCE in the Warring States period of ancient China.


title: King Zhuangxiang of Qin

text: Yiren was born to Lord Anguo, the second son and heir apparent of King Zhaoxiang, and Lord Anguo's concubine Lady Xia. He was chosen to serve as a political hostage in the Kingdom of Zhao. In Handan (the capital of Zhao) he met a merchant, Lü Buwei, who saw Yiren as extraordinary and detected in him the potential to become the king of Qin in the future. Lü Buwei treated Yiren well and presented his concubine Lady Zhao to Yiren. Lady Zhao later bore Yiren a son, Ying Zheng.


title: King Zhuangxiang of Qin

text: In the meantime, through bribes and machinations, Lü Buwei helped Yiren return to Qin. He also successfully conditioned Lord Anguo's primary spouse, the childless Lady Huayang, to adopt Yiren as her own son, thereby making Yiren become Lord Anguo's legitimate heir apparent. As Lady Huayang was a native of the Chu state, she renamed Yiren to "Zichu" ( "son of Chu"). Upon the death of King Zhaoxiang in 251 BCE, Lord Anguo ascended the throne and became historically known as "King Xiaowen", but he died in the following year just three days after the date of his coronation. Zichu succeeded his father as the king of Qin and became historically known as "King Zhuangxiang of Qin". He named Lü Buwei as his chancellor, Lady Zhao as his queen consort, and Ying Zheng as his crown prince.


title: King Zhuangxiang of Qin

text: Zhuangxiang died in 247 BCE after reigning for three years and was succeeded by Ying Zheng. Ying Zheng unified China and founded the Qin dynasty in 221 BCE, becoming historically known as "Qin Shi Huang" (First Emperor of Qin).


title: Donna Shalala

text: Donna Edna Shalala ( ; born February 14, 1941) is an American politician and academic who served in the Carter and Clinton administrations, as well as in the U.S. House of Representatives from 2019 to 2021. Shalala is a recipient of the Presidential Medal of Freedom, which she was awarded in 2008.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Shalala earned a bachelor's degree from Western College for Women in 1962 and served in the Peace Corps. In 1970, she earned a Ph.D. from the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs. Shalala later worked as a professor at Baruch College and at Teachers College, Columbia University and was appointed as assistant secretary for policy development and research at the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development by President Jimmy Carter. Shalala became the president of Hunter College in 1980, serving until 1988 when she became chancellor of the University of Wisconsin–Madison.


title: Donna Shalala

text: From 1993 to 2001, Shalala served as the 18th United States Secretary of Health and Human Services under President Bill Clinton. Shalala served as HHS secretary for all eight years of the Clinton administration, becoming the nation's longest-serving HHS secretary. She is the first Lebanese-American to serve in a Cabinet position. Shalala served as president of the University of Miami from 2001 through 2015, and also taught at the university during that period. She was president of the Clinton Foundation from 2015 to 2017.


title: Donna Shalala

text: A member of the Democratic Party, Shalala was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives from in 2018. She served one term in the House before being defeated in the 2020 election by María Elvira Salazar in an upset.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Shalala was born in Cleveland, Ohio, of Maronite Catholic Lebanese descent. Her father sold real estate; and her mother, one of the first Lebanese-Americans to graduate from Ohio State University, was a teacher who worked two jobs and attended law school at night. She has a twin sister, Diane Fritel.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Shalala attended West Technical High School where she was the editor of the school newspaper. She received a bachelor's degree in 1962 from Western College for Women. From 1962 to 1964, she was among the first volunteers to serve in the Peace Corps. Her placement took her to Iran where she worked with other volunteers to construct an agricultural college. In 1970, she earned a Ph.D. from the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University in Syracuse, New York.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Shalala began her teaching career as a political science professor at Baruch College (part of the City University of New York), where she also was a member of the American Federation of Teachers union. In 1972, Shalala became a professor of politics and education at Teachers College, Columbia University, a post she held until 1979. Shalala became the only woman on the Municipal Assistance Corporation, a group tasked with saving the city during the 1975 New York City fiscal crisis. Concurrently, from 1977 to 1980, she served as the assistant secretary for policy development and research at the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development during the Carter Administration.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Shalala's first experience with academic administration came on October 8, 1980, when she became the tenth president of Hunter College, serving in this capacity until 1988.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Shalala next served as chancellor of the University of Wisconsin–Madison (1988–1993). At the time of her chancellorship, the university included 42,000 students, employed 16,500 people, and had an annual budget of $1 billion. She was the first woman to lead a Big Ten Conference school, and only the second woman in the country to head a major research university.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Under Shalala's chancellorship and with her support, the university adopted a broad speech code subjecting students to disciplinary action for communications that were perceived as hate speech. That speech code was later found unconstitutional by a federal judge. Also while chancellor, Shalala supported passage of a revised faculty speech code broadly restricting "harmful" speech in both "noninstructional" and "instructional" settings. The faculty speech code was abolished ten years later, after a number of professors were investigated for alleged or suspected violations. As Madison chancellor, Shalala, with then athletic director Pat Richter, interviewed and hired football coach Barry Alvarez who went on to become Wisconsin's all-time leader in football wins, with numerous appearances by Wisconsin at the Rose Bowl.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Following a year serving as chair of the Children's Defense Fund (1992–1993), Shalala was nominated in 1992 by President-elect Bill Clinton for the position of United States Secretary of Health and Human Services. "The Washington Post" labeled her "one of the most controversial Clinton Cabinet nominees". Her nomination went before the Senate Finance Committee in January 1993, and the Senate voted to confirm her on January 22, 1993. At the start of Shalala's tenure, the Department of Health and Human Services employed 125,000 people and had a budget of $539 billion.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Shalala served as HHS secretary for eight years during the Clinton administration, becoming the nation's longest-serving HHS secretary. In 1996, Shalala was the designated survivor during Clinton's State of the Union address. She is the first Lebanese-American to serve in a Cabinet position.


title: Donna Shalala

text: In 2001, Shalala joined the boards of UnitedHealth and Lennar, where over the following decade she earned millions of dollars. Shalala was paid almost a half-million dollars in 2010 to serve on the boards of three companies, two of which were run by UM trustees.


title: Donna Shalala

text: When she left Lennar in 2012, the company reported it was to avoid a "conflict of interest." Lennar's CEO, Stuart Miller, had joined the UM Board of Trustees in 2002. Shalala rejoined Lennar in 2017 after she was no longer President of the University. And she has been member of the advisory board of the Peter G. Peterson Foundation.


title: Donna Shalala

text: In 2001, Shalala became president of the University of Miami. She created a University of Miami fundraising campaign called "Momentum," designed to raise the university's endowment from approximately $750 million to $1 billion; the goal was later increased to $1.25 billion by the end of 2007.


title: Donna Shalala

text: In 2013, the University of Miami sold 88 acres of undeveloped Pine Rocklands, one of the last remnants of the imperiled habitat in Miami-Dade County outside of Everglades National Park, to Ram Realty Services, for $22 million. "The Miami New Times" described this amount as "a complete steal for the developer in light of the relative worth of nearby property." Also in 2013, Ram Realty and Lennar Corp worked on at least one project together in North Carolina. When Shalala ran for the U.S. Congress in 2018, her candidacy was opposed by local environmentalists for her part in the sale of the University of Miami pine rocklands site.


title: Donna Shalala

text: Shalala faced some criticism for her response to a nationally publicized custodial workers' strike at the University of Miami, which lasted from February 28, 2006, until May 1, 2006. Critics called the University of Miami's custodial workers among the lowest paid university-based custodians in the nation and alleged they were not earning a living wage. The strike prompted Shalala to raise wages. Shalala was also criticized for living in luxury while the custodians did not have health insurance. Shalala criticized union organizer's tactics, including a sit-in that she said prevented students from attending classes.


title: Donna Shalala

text: On September 8, 2014, Shalala announced that she would be stepping down at the end of the 2014–2015 academic year.


title: Donna Shalala

text: In 2015, Shalala took a leave of absence from her tenured professorship at the University of Miami to volunteer for the Clinton Foundation. She followed her tenure as president of the University of Miami by being named chief executive officer of the Foundation, serving in that capacity from 2015 to 2017.


title: Donna Shalala

text: According to "The New York Times", Chelsea Clinton helped persuade Shalala to leave the University of Miami, move to New York and head the foundation. Shalala maintained a home in Miami and taught part-time at UM while heading the foundation in New York.