title: Summer Heights High

text: According to the prologue, a production and filming team travelled to an Australian public high school and followed the daily life of the students and staff for one term. The team would film a documentary from the opinions of the students and staff, especially the three main characters: Ja'mie King, a mean girl-type perfectionist exchanged from a private school; Mr G, a drama teacher with an inflated sense of his talent; and Jonah Takalua, a stereotypical Tongan delinquent, all played by the series' writer, Chris Lilley.


title: Summer Heights High

text: The series is filmed in a documentary style, with the supporting cast drawn from the real-life students and staff of the school where the series was filmed. The program explored the facets of a typical Australian public high school such as social problems, bullying, teenage slang, stereotyping, sexism, racism, and homophobia by showcasing three different individuals: the bully; the rich private school girl; and the teacher. The three main characters' storylines never intersect. The school principal, Margaret Murray, appears in all of their stories.


title: Summer Heights High

text: The series focuses on three primary characters, all portrayed by Chris Lilley, at Summer Heights High:


title: Summer Heights High

text: "Summer Heights High" was created and written by Chris Lilley, with all eight episodes directed by Stuart McDonald. Princess Pictures produced the series, with Laura Waters and Bruce Kane serving as executive producers. The series was filmed in Melbourne at Brighton Secondary College,


title: Summer Heights High

text: The series premiered on 5 September 2007 at 9:30 pm on ABC TV and continued for eight weekly episodes until 24 October 2007. Each episode was also made available for download as a vodcast directly after its screening via the ABC website and iTunes. The third episode was accidentally made available to the ABC website a week early, leading to it also being uploaded to YouTube prior to its television broadcast.


title: Summer Heights High

text: The series was sold overseas, with Lilley embarking on a promotional tour of the United States to promote the U.S. broadcast of the series, which began to air on HBO on 9 November 2008. Lilley had previously declined proposals to remake the series for American audiences. The series also aired on BBC Three in June 2008.


title: Summer Heights High

text: "Summer Heights High" was released on DVD in Australia on 25 October 2007, and was accompanied by a signing appearance by Lilley at an ABC Shop in Melbourne's CBD. It was a new first-day sales record for an ABC release, with 3,475 copies sold. Overall, "Summer Heights High" is the highest-selling Australian comedy television series on DVD.


title: Summer Heights High

text: A soundtrack was released through ABC Shops and the Australian iTunes Store, the latter also containing audio extracts from songs in the series including Mr G's "Bummer Heights High", "Naughty Girl", "She's a Slut" and Jonah's "Being a Poly". Part 2 of the soundtrack of the "Summer Heights High" album contained songs such as "My Name Is Mr G", "This Time You're Dead" and the "Summer Heights High" theme. Most of the songs from Part 2 are from the final musical.


title: Summer Heights High

text: "Naughty Girl" was released as a single on 8 March 2008 with remixes by Paul Mac, John Paul Talbot and Stylaz Fuego, peaking at number seven on the Australian ARIA Singles Chart. There was also a new music video clip to go with the song.


title: Summer Heights High

text: When "Summer Heights High" aired in Australia, reviewers generally praised Chris Lilley's humour. Writing for TV Tonight, David Knox called the series "a treat" and stated "Lilley is the best comic to emerge from the ABC since "Kath & Kim" came into their own". "The Daily Telegraph" published a review calling the series "astonishing work that will be long remembered".


title: Summer Heights High

text: "Summer Heights High" received generally favourable reviews from American critics; it holds a Metacritic score of 67 out of 100. Robert Lloyd of the "Los Angeles Times" praised Lilley's performance of Jonah, saying the character "gives the series the heart without which it would otherwise expire". Some critics noted the humour may not translate to American audiences; David Hinckley of the New York "Daily News" said "while its outrageous characters are often amusing, their palate of jokes runs thin".


title: Summer Heights High

text: The premiere episode of "Summer Heights High" did well in the ratings as a strong lead-in from the return of "The Chaser's War on Everything". It peaked at 1.6 million viewers (5 capital cities) with an average of 1.22 million. Along with "Spicks and Specks", "Summer Heights High" helped ABC TV to achieve its strongest midweek ratings for 2007. The second episode rated stronger than the premiere with an average of 1.375 million viewers tuning in.


title: Summer Heights High

text: The third episode managed to rate very well with 1.275 million viewers while the fourth episode fared well with 1.235 against the season premiere of "Prison Break". The fifth episode only managed 1.156 million viewers, the lowest ratings for an episode of the show, although the program remained the highest-rating show in its timeslot. The sixth episode picked up slightly in viewers from the previous week with 1.192 million tuning in. The seventh episode grew in ratings as the penultimate episode, picking up to average 1.307 million viewers for the night. The eighth and final episode achieved the highest ratings for "Summer Heights High" with a total of 1.512 million viewers watching the concluding episode to the series.


title: Summer Heights High

text: "Summer Heights High" was the third most-downloaded ABC vodcast in 2007, with 1.2 million downloads in total.


title: Summer Heights High

text: The series was nominated for both Most Outstanding Comedy Program and Most Popular Light Entertainment Program at the Logie Awards of 2008, winning the former. Lilley also won Most Popular Actor, and received nominations for Most Outstanding Actor and the Gold Logie Award for Most Popular Personality on Australian Television for his work on the series. "Summer Heights High" won the award for Best Television Comedy at the 2008 Australian Film Institute Awards, with Lilley also winning Best Performance in a Television Comedy and the Byron Kennedy Award for outstanding creative enterprise. Stuart McDonald won Best Direction in a TV Comedy Series at the Australian Directors Awards in 2008.


title: Summer Heights High

text: "Summer Heights High" was nominated for Best Television Theme, as well as Best Music for a Television Series, at the 2008 Screen Music Awards; it lost in both categories to "Underbelly". The first episode of "Summer Heights High" was nominated for the Best Comedy award at the Banff World Television Festival in 2008, losing to "Extras".


title: Summer Heights High

text: The series is renowned for its controversial portrayal of such issues as mental disabilities, homosexuality, sexual abuse, and racism. Even before "Summer Heights High" aired, some community groups complained about a "rape joke" and Mr G's inappropriate "touching" of a boy with Down syndrome.


title: Summer Heights High

text: The "Herald Sun" reported that parents and some teachers have considered the possibility that the show is influencing children to misbehave at school. Students were reportedly imitating Jonah and Ja'mie, repeating lines that were bullying, racist, and homophobic. Education Union branch president Mary Bluett stated in response that the show was "clearly tongue-in-cheek".


title: Summer Heights High

text: After episode three, in which a character called Annabel dies after taking ecstasy, the family of Annabel Catt, a girl who died taking drugs at the 2007 Good Vibrations Festival in Sydney, complained that the program had been lampooning Annabel's death. ABC apologised to the family, stating that the situation was purely coincidental and assured them that the filming of the episode in question had been completed eleven days before her daughter's death. ABC thereafter began to display a message before each episode stating that there is no link between the series' characters and people in real life. However, despite this, Lilley's fans were begging to bring all the young adolescents and teenagers around Australia and all around the world to educate others not not take drugs e.g. ecstasy as the series also brings a deeper message to the viewers.


title: Summer Heights High

text: A writer for the 2000 Network Ten series "Sit Down, Shut Up" claimed that Lilley had borrowed ideas for characters and plots from the series including the school name and aspects of the Mr G character.


title: Summer Heights High

text: In response to the George Floyd protests, "Summer Heights High" was one of several of Lilley's series that Netflix removed from its streaming service due to the use of blackface and brownface in the portrayal of characters. Writing for "The Guardian", Seini F. Taumoepeau called Lilley's Jonah character a "racist construct" who did not accurately represent Tongans. The creators of the 2004 ABC TV documentary series "Our Boys" stated that Lilley drew inspiration for the Jonah character from their work. The subject of "Our Boys" recalled being "absolutely embarrassed, full of hate, angry and exploited" by the "racist" Jonah character that was based on him. The series' director, as well as a teacher at Canterbury Boys High School also felt that the character "exploited" the Tongan students who Lilley had met while visiting the school after seeing "Our Boys" on television in 2004.


title: Summer Heights High

text: Responding to suggestions there could be a second series, Lilley stated in June 2008 that he was yet to decide what to do next as he had not considered writing further episodes as "it was always a one-off thing". Lilley has since developed two spin-offs from "Summer Heights High": "" which premiered in 2013 and focused on the character of Ja'mie King, and "Jonah from Tonga" which continued the story of Jonah Takalua and premiered in 2014.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: Palm Beach International Airport is a public airport in Palm Beach County, Florida, located just west of the city of West Palm Beach, Florida, United States, which it serves as the primary airport for. It is also the primary airport for most of Palm Beach County, serving the suburbs and cities of Wellington, Delray Beach, Boynton Beach, Jupiter, and Palm Beach Gardens. It is the third busiest airport in the Miami metropolitan area after Miami International Airport and Fort Lauderdale–Hollywood International Airport. The airport is operated by Palm Beach County's Department of Airports. Road access to the airport is direct from I-95, Southern Boulevard, and Congress Avenue. The airport is bordered on the west by Military Trail.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: Palm Beach International Airport began operations in 1936 as Morrison Field. It was named in honor of Grace Morrison, a key participant in the planning and organization of the airfield. The first flight departing the field was a New York bound DC-2 operated by Eastern Air Lines in 1936. The airport was dedicated on December 19, 1936.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: In 1937, the airport expanded beyond an airstrip and an administration building when the Palm Beach Aero Corporation obtained a lease, built hangars and the first terminal on the south side of the airport. The new terminal was known as the Eastern Air Lines Terminal.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: The field was used by the U.S. Army Air Forces during World War II. Following the attack on Pearl Harbor, Morrison Field was used for training and later as a staging base for the Allied invasion of France, with numerous aircraft departing Morrison en route to the United Kingdom to take part in the D-Day invasion of Normandy. Morrison Field was a stopover for flights to and from India, via Brazil and West Africa.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: In 1947, the newly established U.S. Air Force returned Morrison Field to Palm Beach County. The name was changed to Palm Beach International Airport in 1948.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: The airport was again used by the U.S. Air Force in 1951 and renamed Palm Beach Air Force Base under the control of the Military Air Transport Service (MATS). USAF operations occupied the north half of the airfield while civil operations and the airline terminal used the south half. MATS used the base for training with the host unit being the 1707th Air Transport Wing (Heavy), and its 1740th Heavy Transport Training Unit. The 1707 ATW was known as the "University of MATS", becoming the primary USAF training unit for all Air Force personnel supporting and flying heavy transport aircraft. These included C-124 Globemaster II, C-118 Liftmaster, C-97 Stratofreighter, and C-54 Skymaster maintenance training along with aircrew and transition pilot training. Nearly 23,000 airmen trained at Palm Beach AFB during the Korean War.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: The Air Weather Service used Palm Beach AFB as headquarters for hurricane research, flying the first WB-50D Superfortress "Hurricane Hunter" aircraft from the base in 1956.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: After several years of Palm Beach County fighting the Air Force presence in West Palm Beach, the Air Force started to close down operations there. The 1707 ATW was inactivated on June 30, 1959, and reassigned to Tinker AFB, Oklahoma. With the wing's departure, Palm Beach County took over airfield operations. The Air Force retained a small presence at the base with the 9th Weather Group becoming the main operational unit at Palm Beach AFB, performing hurricane and weather research for the Air Weather Service. The Air Photographic and Charting Service (APCS) moved its 1370th Photo-Mapping Wing to the base, performing geodetic survey flights. The Air Force finally closed Palm Beach AFB in 1962, and all property was conveyed to Palm Beach International Airport the same year.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: Delta Air Lines began scheduled flights in 1959 and Capital Airlines in 1960. The first turbine-powered flights were Eastern Airlines Lockheed L-188 Electras in 1959, and Eastern DC-8 nonstops to Idlewild started in December 1960.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: Air Force One was a frequent visitor to PBI during John F. Kennedy's presidency in the early 1960s. Local voters defeated a proposal to relocate the airport around this time, instead choosing to expand the existing facilities. In October 1966, an eight-gate Main Terminal opened on the northeast side of the airport; in 1974 Delta Air Lines moved into its own six-gate terminal with the airport's first jetways. The Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) built a new Air Traffic Control Tower on the south side of the airport during this period.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: By the mid-1970s, the airport's dominant carriers were Delta, Eastern and National. Eastern operated the airport's only widebody service at the time, daily L-1011s to New York JFK and Newark. By 1979, National operated daily DC-10 service to JFK, LaGuardia and Miami, while Eastern operated L-1011s to Atlanta and Delta operated L-1011s to Tampa. By 1985, eight widebodies a day flew between PBI and the three New York airports.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: The 25-gate David McCampbell Terminal, named for a World War II naval flying ace, was dedicated in 1988. In 2003, the terminal was voted among the finest in the nation by readers of Conde Nast Traveler Magazine. In that year, a new landscaped I-95 interchange was built to decrease traffic on Southern Boulevard (US 98) extending Turnage Boulevard (the road around the perimeter of the concourse).


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: Competition from rapidly expanding Fort Lauderdale-Hollywood International Airport cut growth at the airport in the 1990s. The 2001 recession and the September 11 terrorist attacks further inhibited growth, but development in South Florida since 2002 has finally led to a surge of passenger traffic at the airport. In addition, discount carriers such as JetBlue and Southwest Airlines began service to PBI. In 2006, the county embarked on an interim expansion program by breaking ground on a 7-story parking garage and the addition of 3 gates in Concourse C. Long range expansions include gates at Concourse B and the eventual construction of a new 14 gate Concourse D to be extended east from the present terminal.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: Following the 2016 election of Donald Trump as President of the United States, Air Force One again became a frequent visitor to PBI, typically parking on the south side of the airport near Southern Boulevard while Trump visited his nearby Mar-a-Lago estate. Until 2017, a line of school buses was used as a temporary barrier between the aircraft and onlookers. Palm Beach County stated that it would erect a more permanent barrier system in mid-2017, but the school buses were still in use as of November.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: The airport's runway designations were changed by the FAA to their current configuration on December 17, 2009. Previously, they had been 9L-27R, 9R-27L, and 13–31.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: PBI Airport has 32 gates (28 jetway gates, 4 hardstands). As of 2018, Concourse A has 4 hardstand gates and houses Bahamasair and Silver Airways. Concourse B has 13 jetway gates and houses Air Canada, American Airlines, Southwest Airlines, Sun Country Airlines, and United Airlines. Concourse C has 15 gates and holds Delta Air Lines, Frontier Airlines, JetBlue, and Spirit Airlines.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: A new Airport Traffic Control tower is active on the north side of the airport (west of concourse A, off Belvedere Rd.) along with a single-story, ATBM Base Building. The current tower lies on the southern side of the airport.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: The Palm Beach County Fire Rescue Aviation Battalion is located between runways at PBI. The fire station which is located near the center of the airport grounds, is home to 13 pieces of specialized fire fighting equipment.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: The Trauma Hawk Station, which is located at the south west corner of the airport, Palm Beach County Fire Rescue has two Sikorsky S-76C helos. The department partners with the Palm Beach County Health Care District to operate the Trauma Hawk Aero-Medical Program. The Trauma Hawk program, which was established in November 1990, replaced the use of Palm Beach County Sheriff's Office helicopters to medevac critically injured patients to area hospitals. Air ambulances are identically equipped and can carry two patients each and up to four medical attendants if needed. Each helicopter is staffed with a pilot, a registered nurse (RN) and a paramedic. The nurses and paramedics are Palm Beach County Fire Rescue employees while the pilots are Health Care District employees.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: Palm Beach International Airport is near the West Palm Beach Brightline Station served by Brightline and the West Palm Beach train station served by Amtrak intercity trains and Tri-Rail commuter trains. The latter no longer provides a shuttle bus service from the station to the airport.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: Palm Tran buses No. 40 and No. 44 serve the airport. Both provide connections to the Amtrak/Tri-Rail West Palm Beach train station. The station is also served by Greyhound buses.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: In conjunction with the slated construction of a new ATC tower at PBIA, the Federal Aviation Administration intended to transfer all of PBIA's air traffic controllers whose assigned sector is between 5 and from the airport to a remote facility at Miami International Airport. Ground traffic controllers, and approach controllers whose sector is within of the runway would have remained at PBIA. The FAA cited the move as a cost-cutting measure, but critics say that it creates a risk to South Florida air traffic if the Miami facility is damaged in a hurricane or a terrorist attack. The National Air Traffic Controllers Association opposed the move. The remote facility at Miami International Airport houses air traffic controllers for Miami and Fort Lauderdale international airports.


title: Palm Beach International Airport

text: Donald Trump sued to block the expansion of one of the runways at PBIA in 2010. In 2015, he initiated a $100 million lawsuit over the flight path that passes over his Mar-a-Lago estate. He dropped the lawsuit in 2016 after his presidential victory ensured some type of no fly zone over his property.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Spanish orthography is the orthography used in the Spanish language. The alphabet uses the Latin script. The spelling is fairly phonemic, especially in comparison to more opaque orthographies like English, having a relatively consistent mapping of graphemes to phonemes; in other words, the pronunciation of a given Spanish-language word can largely be predicted from its spelling and to a slightly lesser extent vice versa. Spanish punctuation includes the use of inverted question and exclamation marks: .


title: Spanish orthography

text: Spanish uses capital letters much less often than English; they are not used on adjectives derived from proper nouns (e.g. "francés", "español", "portugués" from "Francia", "España", and "Portugal", respectively) and book titles capitalize only the first word (e.g. "La rebelión de las masas").


title: Spanish orthography

text: Spanish uses only the acute accent, over any vowel: . This accent is used to mark the tonic (stressed) syllable, though it may also be used occasionally to distinguish homophones such as "si" ('if') and "sí" ('yes'). The only other diacritics used are the tilde on the letter , which is considered a separate letter from , and the diaeresis used in the sequences and —as in "bilingüe" ('bilingual')—to indicate that the is pronounced, , rather than having the usual silent role that it plays in unmarked and .


title: Spanish orthography

text: In contrast with English, Spanish has an official body that governs linguistic rules, orthography among them: the Royal Spanish Academy, which makes periodic changes to the orthography. The currently valid work on the orthography is the "Ortografía de la lengua española", published in 2010.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The Spanish language is written using the Spanish alphabet, which is the Latin script with one additional letter: , for a total of 27 letters. Although the letters and are part of the alphabet, they appear only in loanwords such as ', ', ' and ' (tungsten or wolfram) and in sensational spellings: "okupa", "". Each letter has a single official name according to the Real Academia Española's new 2010 Common Orthography, but in some regions alternative traditional names coexist as explained below. The digraphs and were considered single letters of the alphabet from 1754 to 2010 (and sorted separately from and from 1803 to 1994).


title: Spanish orthography

text: When acute accent and diaeresis marks are used on vowels (, , , , , and ) they are considered variants of the plain vowel letters, but is considered a separate letter from . This makes a difference when sorting alphabetically: appears in dictionaries after . For example, in a Spanish dictionary ' comes after '.


title: Spanish orthography

text: There are five digraphs: ("che" or "ce hache"), ("elle" or "doble ele"), ("doble erre"), ("ge u") and ("cu u"). While "che" and "elle" were each formerly treated as a single letter, in 1994 the tenth congress of the Association of Spanish Language Academies, by request of UNESCO and other international organizations, agreed to alphabetize and as ordinary sequences of letters.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Thus, for example, in dictionaries, "chico" is alphabetized after "centro" and before "ciudad", instead of being alphabetized after all words beginning with "cu-" as was formerly done.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Despite their former status as unitary letters of the alphabet, and have always been treated as sequences with regard to the rules of capitalization. Thus the word ' in a text written in all caps is "CHILLÓN", not *"ChILlÓN", and if it is the first word of a sentence, it is written "Chillón", not *"CHillón". Sometimes, one finds lifts with buttons marked ', but this double capitalization has always been incorrect according to RAE rules.


title: Spanish orthography

text: This is the list of letters from most to least frequent in Spanish texts: ; the vowels make up around 45% of the text.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Spanish orthography is such that the pronunciation of most words is unambiguous given their written form; the main exception is the letter , which usually represents or , but can also represent or , especially in proper nouns from times of Old Spanish, as in or "Pedro Ximénez" (both ). These orthographic rules are similar to, but not the same as, those of other Romance languages of the Iberian Peninsula, such as Portuguese, Catalan and Galician.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The converse does not always hold, i.e. for a given pronunciation there may be multiple possible spellings, as a result of decisions by the Royal Spanish Academy. The main issues are:


title: Spanish orthography

text: The use of and , and , and the silent is mostly based on etymology. In particular, using in many cases is not a living continuation of Old Spanish (which often had in place of intervocalic as a result of Vulgar Latin merger, as in other Romance languages), but an artificial restitution based on Latin: 'horse' is spelled as Latin and unlike French , Italian , Portuguese , or Catalan . The letter is used in place of Latin and (in a few words also ): <, <, <. Additionally, is a purely orthographical sign used before word-initial rising diphthongs. However, in some words RAE mandated counteretymological spellings because of established tradition of usage, e. g. <.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The "Ortografía" includes a series of "rules of thumb" on using the letters , , , , , and . For example, verbs ending in "-bir" are spelled with , except , , , and their derivatives.


title: Spanish orthography

text: In some Spanish verbs, the same stem is spelled differently before different verb endings. This is required to keep the regularity of the conjugated forms in terms of sound, when a letter represents different sounds, or to avoid unusual combinations, such as "-ze-" or "-zi-":


title: Spanish orthography

text: Likewise, words with a stem ending in "z" change this letter to "c" before "e" and "i" in their forms and derivatives: ' — ', ' — '.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The phoneme is realized as an approximant in all contexts except after a pause, a nasal, or a lateral. In these environments, it may be


title: Spanish orthography

text: realized as an affricate (). The approximant allophone differs from non-syllabic in a number of ways; it has a lower F2 amplitude, is longer, can only appear in the syllable onset (including word-initially, where non-syllabic normally never appears), is a palatal fricative in emphatic pronunciations, and is unspecified for rounding (e.g. "viuda" 'widow' vs "ayuda" 'help'). The two also overlap in distribution after and : "enyesar" ('to plaster') "aniego" ('flood'). Although there is dialectal and ideolectal variation, speakers may also exhibit other near-minimal pairs like "abyecto" ('abject') vs "abierto" ('opened'). There are some alternations between the two, prompting scholars like to postulate an archiphoneme , so that "ley" would be transcribed phonemically as and "leyes" as .


title: Spanish orthography

text: In a number of varieties, including some American ones, a process parallel to the one distinguishing non-syllabic from consonantal occurs for non-syllabic and a rare consonantal . Near-minimal pairs include "deshuesar" ('to debone') vs. "desuello" ('skinning'), "son huevos" ('they are eggs') vs "son nuevos" ('they are new'), and huaca" ('Indian grave') vs u oca" ('or goose').


title: Spanish orthography

text: Vowels in Spanish can be doubled to represent a hiatus of two identical vowels: "leer, chiita, loor, duunviro". This especially happens in prefixed and compound words: "portaaviones, sobreesfuerzo, microorganismo". However, in this case simplification of double vowels is also mostly allowed: "portaviones, sobresfuerzo, microrganismo". Simplification is not allowed when it would change the meaning: "archiilegal" ('arch-illegal') but "archilegal" ('arch-legal').


title: Spanish orthography

text: The only consonant letters that can be doubled in the Spanish orthography are , (as the digraphs and , respectively), (only when they represent different sounds: e.g. "acción, diccionario"), (e.g. "innato, perenne, connotar, dígannos"), and (in a few words with the prefix "sub-": "subbase, subbético"). Exceptions to this limitation are "gamma" (and its derivatives "gammaglobulina, gammagrafía"), "digamma, kappa, atto-", as well as unadapted foreign words (including proper names) and their derivations (see below). When a double consonant other than "nn" or "bb" would apper on a morpheme border, it is simplified: "digámoselo" for "digamos+se+lo", "exilofonista" for "ex+xilofonista". However, the combination "sal+le" is pronounced with a prolonged "l" and has no correct spelling according to the current orthography.


title: Spanish orthography

text: In some words, one of consonants in a consonant combination may optionally be omitted. This includes Greek-derived words such as /, / (mostly pronounced without consonant clusters foreign to Spanish but more commonly spelled with them) and other words such as /, /, /.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The letter is consistently used in the consonantal value. The use of the letter for a vowel or a semivowel is very restricted. The diphthongs are usually written at the end of words (e. g. "hay, ley, voy"), though exceptions may occur in loanwords (e.g. "bonsái, agnusdéi"). The spelling is used at the end of some words, where it is pronounced as a falling diphthong, such as ; the word may also be pronounced with a raising diphthong. The letter is conserved in rarely used encliticized verbal forms like , (it is more normal to say "te doy, las hay"). The letter is used for the vowel in the conjunction "y" and in some acronyms, like "pyme" (from "pequeña y mediana empresa"). Otherwise, for a vowel or semivowel occurs only in some archaically spelled proper names and their derivations: "Guaymas, guaymeño", and also "fraybentino" (from "Fray Bentos" with regular usage of in a word-final diphthong). Derivatives of foreign proper names also conserve : "taylorismo", from "Taylor".


title: Spanish orthography

text: The vowels can be marked with an acute accent——for two purposes: to mark stress if it does not follow the most common pattern, or to differentiate words that are otherwise spelled identically (called the "tilde diacrítica" in Spanish). The accented is found only in some proper names: "Aýna, Laýna, Ýñiguez".


title: Spanish orthography

text: A silent is used between and or to indicate a hard pronunciation, so that represents and represents . The letter ( with diaeresis) is used in this context to indicate that the is not silent, e.g. ' . The diaeresis may occur also in Spanish poetry, occasionally, over either vowel of a diphthong, to indicate an irregular disyllabic pronunciation required by the meter (', to be pronounced as three syllables).


title: Spanish orthography

text: Also a silent always follows a when followed by or , as in ' and ', but there is no case for the combination , with fulfilling this role (as in '). There are no native words in Spanish with the combination nor ; again, is used instead ('). When they appear, usually from Latin idioms such as ', the is not silent, so is never needed after . Prior to the introduction of the 2010 "Common Orthography" words such as ' ('quorum'), ' ('quasar') or ' ('Qatar') were spelled with ; this is no longer so.


title: Spanish orthography

text: To write Spanish on a typewriter or to set type, the special characters required are , , , , , , , , , , and . The uppercase , , , , and are also prescribed by the RAE, although occasionally dispensed with in practice.


title: Spanish orthography

text: As implemented on the mechanical typewriter, the keyboard contained a single dead key, with the acute accent in the lowercase position, and the diaeresis in the uppercase position. With these, one could write , , , , , and . A separate key provided . (A dead key "~" is used on the Spanish and Portuguese keyboards, but on the Latin American keyboard the "~" is not a dead key). The inverted marks and completed the required minimum. When an additional key was added to electro-mechanical typewriters, this was used for and , though these are not required. (These symbols are used for ordinal numbers: for "primero", for "segunda", etc.)


title: Spanish orthography

text: As implemented in the MS-DOS operating system and its successor Microsoft Windows, a / pair—not required in Spanish but needed for Catalan, Portuguese, and French—is typically added, and the use of the acute accent and diaeresis with capital letters (, , , , , ) is supported. Although not needed for Spanish, another dead key with (the grave accent) in lowercase position and (the circumflex accent) in uppercase position was included. Also available is (the "flying point", required in Catalan). To make room for these characters not on the standard English keyboard, characters used primarily in programming, science, and mathematics— and , and , and , and and —are removed, requiring special keystroke sequences to access.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Stress in Spanish is marked unequivocally through a series of orthographic rules. The default stress is on the penultimate (next-to-last) syllable on words that end in a vowel, or (not preceded by another consonant) and on the final syllable when the word ends in any consonant other than or or in a consonant group. Words that do not follow the default stress have an acute accent over the stressed vowel. The written accent may thus appear only in certain forms of a word and not others, for example "andén", plural "andenes". In many cases, the accent is essential to understanding what a word means, for example "hablo" ('I speak') as opposed to "habló" ('he/she/you spoke').


title: Spanish orthography

text: For purposes of counting syllables and assigning stress in Spanish, where an unmarked high vowel is followed by another vowel the sequence is treated as a rising diphthong, counted as a single syllable—unlike Portuguese and Catalan, which tend to treat such a sequence as two syllables. A syllable is of the form "XAXX", where "X" represents a consonant, permissible consonant cluster, or no sound at all, and "A" represents a vowel, diphthong, or triphthong. A diphthong is any sequence of an unstressed high vowel ( or ) with another vowel (as in or ), and a triphthong is any combination of three vowels beginning and ending with unstressed high vowels (as in or ). Hence Spanish writes (no accent), while Portuguese and Catalan both put an accent mark on "" (all three languages stress the first ). The letter is not considered an interruption between vowels (so that is considered to have two syllables: "ahu-mar"; this may vary in some regions, where is used as a hiatus or diphthong-broking mark for unstressed vowels, so the pronunciation would be then "a-hu-mar", though that trait is gradually disappearing).


title: Spanish orthography

text: An accent over the high vowel ( or ) of a vowel sequence prevents it from being a diphthong (i.e., it signals a hiatus): for example, and have two syllables each.


title: Spanish orthography

text: If the diphthongs are written at the end of words, the letter is considered a consonant letter for the purpose of accentuation: , .


title: Spanish orthography

text: A word with final stress is called oxytone (or in traditional Spanish grammar texts); a word with penultimate stress is called paroxytone ( or ); a word with antepenultimate stress (stress on the third-to-last syllable) is called proparoxytone (). A word with preantepenultimate stress (on the fourth last syllable) or earlier does not have a common linguistic term in English, but in Spanish receives the name . (Spanish words can be stressed only on one of the last three syllables, except in the case of a verb form with enclitic pronouns, such as .) All proparoxytones and "sobresdrújulas" have a written accent mark.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Adjectives spelled with a written accent (such as , , ) keep the written accent when they are made into adverbs with the "-mente" ending (thus , , ), and do not gain any if they do not have one (thus from ). In the pronunciation of these adverbs—as with all adverbs in —primary stress is on the ending, on the penultimate syllable. The original stress of the adjective—whether marked, as in "fácilmente", or not marked, as in "libremente"—may be manifested as a secondary stress in the adverb.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Some words which according to the general rules should be monosyllabic, such as , may also be pronounced as disyllabic. Pre-1999 orthographic rules treated such words as disyllabic, thus "guión". The orthographic rules of 1999 admitted the two accentuations "guion" and "guión", corresponding to two different pronunciations. The orthographic rules of 2010 declared that for orthographic purposes such words should be considered monosyllabic, so the correct spelling is now "guion".


title: Spanish orthography

text: The Real Academia Española indicates that accents are required on capitals (but not when the capitals are used in acronyms).


title: Spanish orthography

text: However, names of letters and musical notes are written without the accent, even if they have homonymous clitics: "a, de, e, o, te, u; mi, la, si".


title: Spanish orthography

text: The written accent is also used in the interrogative pronouns to distinguish them from relative pronouns (which are pronounced the same but unstressed):


title: Spanish orthography

text: The use of in the word (meaning 'or') is a hypercorrection. Up until 2010, was used when applied to numbers: ('7 or 9'), to avoid possible confusion with the digit 0. The tenth congress of the Association of Spanish Language Academies deemed the use of an accent unnecessary, as typewriting eliminates possible confusion due to the different shapes of (zero) and (the letter).


title: Spanish orthography

text: The differential accent is sometimes used in demonstrative pronouns (e. g. 'this one') to distinguish them from demonstrative determiners (e. g. 'this') and in the adverb 'only' to distinguish it from the adjective . However, the current position of the RAE is not to use accent in these words regardless of their meaning (as they are always stressed), except in cases of possible ambiguity (and even then it is recommended to rephrase, avoiding the accented spellings of these words entirely).


title: Spanish orthography

text: Loanwords in Spanish are usually written according to Spanish spelling conventions ("extranjerismos adaptados"): e.g. "pádel, fútbol, chófer, máster, cederrón" ('CD-ROM'). However, some foreign words ("extranjerismos crudos") are used in Spanish texts in their original forms, not conforming to Spanish orthographic conventions: e.g. "ballet, blues, jazz, jeep, lady, pizza, sheriff, software". The RAE prescribes "extranjerismos crudos" to be written in italics in a text printed in roman type, and vice versa, and in quotation marks in a manuscript text or when italics are not available:


title: Spanish orthography

text: Spanish-speakers use both English-style and angled quotation marks, so the above example could also be written as follows:


title: Spanish orthography

text: This typographical emphasis is prescribed by the RAE since 1999. In practice, this RAE prescription is not always followed.


title: Spanish orthography

text: This typographical emphasis is not used for foreign proper names and their derivations with the suffixes "-iano, -ismo, -ista"; nor is it used for some Spanish derivations of "extranjerismos crudos", such as "pizzería".


title: Spanish orthography

text: According to the current "Ortografía", Latin expressions (e. g. "curriculum vitae, grosso modo") are treated as unadapted foreign words, so they are also typographically emphasized. From 1870 to 2010, Latin expressions in Spanish texts were accentuated according to the Spanish orthographical rules (e. g. "currículum vítae") and not typographically emphasized. Some Latin expressions have become single words in Spanish: , . These words are not typographically emphasized.


title: Spanish orthography

text: For foreign names from non-Latin-script languages, using Spanish orthographic transcription is recommended: "Al-Yazira", "Menájem Beguín".


title: Spanish orthography

text: In general, only personal and place names, some abbreviations (e.g. "Sr. López", but " López"); the first word (only) in the title of a book, movie, song, etc. (except when the title contains only two words, then the second word is also sometimes capitalized); and the first word in a sentence are capitalized, as are names of companies, government bodies, celebrations, periodicals, etc. Some geographical names have a capitalized article: "El Salvador", but "los Estados Unidos". Capitalized article is also used in names of periodicals, such as "El País, El Nuevo Diario". Some nouns have capital letters when used in a special administrative sense: "Estado" 'state' (sovereign polity), but "estado" 'state' (political division; condition). Nomenclature terms in geographical names are written in lowercase: "el mar Mediterráneo" 'the Mediterranean Sea'. According to the current "Ortografía", geographical names of the type "nomenclature term + adjective from another name of the same geographical object" are not capitalized at all: "la península ibérica" 'the Iberian Peninsula', because "ibérica" comes from "Iberia", another name of the same peninsula (although mainly used in a historical context).


title: Spanish orthography

text: Adjectives from geographical names, names of nationalities or languages are not capitalized, nor (in standard style) are days of the week and months of the year.


title: Spanish orthography

text: 1. A vowel between two consonants always ends the first syllable and the second consonant begins another: "pá-ja-ro". Put differently, if a vowel follows a consonant, the consonant, not the vowel, must begin the new syllable.


title: Spanish orthography

text: 2. If a vowel is followed by two consonants, the syllables divide between the consonants: "can-tar, ver-ter, án-da-le". However, "ch, ll, rr" and combinations of "b, c, d, f, g, k, p, t" plus "r" or "l" do not divide: "pe-rro, lu-char, ca-lle, pro-gra-ma, ha-blar". Exceptionally, "r" and "l" after a consonant can begin a new syllable in prefixed or compound words: "sub-ra-yar, sub-lu-nar, ciu-dad-re-a-le-ño".


title: Spanish orthography

text: 3. Two vowels may form a hiatus or a diphthong (see the section "Stress and accentuation" above): "pa-e-lla, puen-te, ra-íz". Three vowels may sometimes form a triphthong: "es-tu-diáis".


title: Spanish orthography

text: 4. The silent "h" is not taken into account when syllabifying words. Two vowels separated by an "h" may form a hiatus or a diphthong: "ahu-mar, de-sahu-cio, bú-ho".


title: Spanish orthography

text: The combination "tl" in the middle of words may be divided into syllables in two ways: "at-le-ta" or "a-tle-ta", corresponding to the pronunciations [að̞ˈle.t̪a] (more common in Spain) and [aˈt̪le.t̪a] (more common in Latin America).


title: Spanish orthography

text: 1. One letter is not hyphenated. So, the word "abuelo" is syllabified "a-bue-lo", but the only way to hyphenate it at the end of a line is "abue-lo".


title: Spanish orthography

text: 2. Hiatuses are not divided at the end of line. So, the word "paella" is syllabified as "pa-e-lla", but the only way to hyphenate it at the end of a line is "pae-lla". This rule includes hiatuses with an intervening silent "h": "alcohol" is syllabified as "al-co-hol", but the only way to hyphenate it at the end of a line is "al-cohol". On the other hand, the name "Mohamed" contains a pronounced "h", so the hyphenation "Mo-hamed" is accepted. See also rule 3 containing an exception to this rule.


title: Spanish orthography

text: 3. Prefixed and compound words may be divided phonetically (corresponding to the above rules) or morphologically (the border between morphemes is considered a border between syllables): "bie-nestar" or "bien-estar", "inte-racción" or "inter-acción", "reins-talar" or "re-instalar". This rule is not valid for compounds in which one part is not used as an independent word or for words with unproductive prefixes: "pun-tiagudo" (not *"punti-agudo"), "arzo-bispo" (not *"arz-obispo").


title: Spanish orthography

text: 4. Unusual combinations containing the letter "h" are not permitted at the beginning of a line: "sulfhí-drico" (not *"sul-fhídrico"), "brah-mán" (not *"bra-hmán").


title: Spanish orthography

text: The letter "x" between vowels phonetically represents two consonants separated by a syllable border, but hyphenation at the end of line is permitted before the "x": "ta-xi, bo-xeo".


title: Spanish orthography

text: Words written with hyphen are hyphenated by repeating the hyphen on the following line: "teórico-/-práctico". Repeating the hyphen is not necessary if the hyphenated word is a proper name where a hyphen is followed by a capital letter.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Abbreviations are written with the period: "art." for . Contractions are written in the same way: "admón." for , or sometimes using superscript letters: "D.ª" for . Hyphenating abbreviations (including contractions) at the end of line is not allowed and putting them in separate lines with terms they accompany is not allowed. Abbreviations are not capitalized if the original word is written in lowercase, but there are some traditional exceptions: "Ud." or "Vd." for , "Sr." for . Rarely, abbreviations are written using the slash: "c/" for , "b/n" for .


title: Spanish orthography

text: One-letter abbreviations are pluralized by doubling the letter: "pp." for . More-than-one-letter abbreviations are pluralized by adding "s": "vols." for . The ending "-es" is used for contractions if it appears in the corresponding complete word: "admones." for . Traditional exceptions: the plural of "pta." () is "pts.", that of "cent." () and "cént." () is "cts.", and that of "Ud." or "Vd." () is "Uds." or "Vds."


title: Spanish orthography

text: Letter symbols such as those of chemical elements or measurement units are written following international conventions and do not require the abbreviation period: H (), kg (). For some notions, Spanish-specific symbols are used: O ( 'west'), sen ( 'sine').


title: Spanish orthography

text: Acronyms are written in all capitals and read by letters ( for "organización no gubernamental" 'non-governmental organization') or as words ( for "Organización de las Naciones Unidas"). Some acronyms read as words are written as normal words, including proper names of more than four letters such as "Unesco, Unicef" or common nouns such as . Some acronyms read by letters may also be spelled according to their pronunciation: . Acronyms written in all capitals are not pluralized in writing, but they are pluralized in speech: "las ONG" [las o.e.neˈxes] 'the non-governmental organizations'.


title: Spanish orthography

text: For the decimal separator, the comma and the point are both accepted (3,1416 or 3.1416); the decimal comma is preferred in Spain, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay, but the decimal point is preferred in Mexico, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela. Both marks are used in Bolivia, Costa Rica, Cuba, and El Salvador.


title: Spanish orthography

text: For the thousands separator, the currently standard mark is the thin space (123 456 789). Formerly, the point was sometimes used, but now it is not recommended.


title: Spanish orthography

text: When written in words, numbers up to 30 are nowadays written as a single word, e.g. ', '. The corresponding ordinal numbers may be written as a single word or separately, e.g. ' ("decimosexta, decimosextos, decimosextas") or ' ("décima sexta, décimos sextos, décimas sextas"). Numbers more than 30 (cardinal and ordinal) are usually written separately, e.g. ', ', but one-word spellings such as ', ' are also accepted by the current "Ortografía".


title: Spanish orthography

text: Daytime is written in the 24-hour format, using the colon (18:45) or the point (18.45). Dates are expressed in the day-month-year format, with the following options possible: 8 de mayo de 2015; 8-5-2015; 8-5-15; 8/5/2015; 8.5.2015; 8-V-2015. Leading zeros in the day and the month (08.05.2015) are not used, except in computerized or bank documents.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Roman numerals (I, II, III, ...) are used for centuries (e. g. "siglo ") and for regnal numbers (e. g. "Luis XIV"). Roman or Arabic numerals may be used for historical dynasties (e. g. "la dinastía" or "la 18.ª dinastía"); volumes, chapters, or other parts of books (e. g. "tomo , tomo 3.º, 3. tomo", or "tomo 3"); celebrations (e. g. "XXIII Feria del Libro de Buenos Aires", or "23.ª Feria..."). Roman numerals are typeset in small capitals if they would not be capitalized when written in words.


title: Spanish orthography

text: In Old Spanish, was used to represent the voiceless palatal sound (as in ' 'he/she said'), while represented the voiced palatal (as in ' 'son'). With the changes of sibilants in the 16th century, the two sounds merged as (later to become velar ), and the letter was chosen for the single resulting phoneme in 1815. This results in some words that originally contained now containing , most easily seen in the case of those with English cognates, such as "ejercicio", "exercise". When Cervantes wrote "Don Quixote" he spelled the name in the old way (and English preserves the ), but modern editions in Spanish spell it with . For the use of in Mexico—and in the name "México" itself—see below.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The letter (c-cedilla)—which was first used in Old Spanish—is now obsolete in Spanish, having merged with in a process similar to that of and . Old Spanish ', ', ' became modern ', ', '.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Words formerly spelled with or (such as ', ', and ') are now written with and (', ', ', respectively). The sequences and do not occur in modern Spanish except some loanwords: ', ', '; some borrowed words have double spellings: "/". A notable case is the word ' used in biochemistry, meaning "enzyme", as different from "" meaning "on", "over" or "on top of" something.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The old spellings with , , and remained in use until the eighteenth century. They were replaced by , , and , respectively in 1726. and continued to be used in some words due to their etymology (e.g. ', '), but this usage was largely reduced during the 1860—1880s, so these words became ' and '. The letter was replaced by in 1815, although word-final remained until 1832 (e.g. ', now '). The combinations and were originally used only in a few etymological cases (e.g. ', ') and also in diminutives ('); in the "Ortografía" of 1815, and were replaced by and in some words (e.g. ') but by and in other words (e. g. '); the "Diccionario" of 1817 used mostly and (e.g. ') but and word-initially (e.g. '); in the "Diccionario" of 1832, and in words that did not have "g" in Latin were changed to , (e.g. ', from Latin ', became '), but word-initial unetymological and remained; the "Diccionario" of 1837 stated explicitly that from then on, and were to be written only in words where they are justified by etymology.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Old Spanish used to distinguish /s/ and /z/ between vowels, and it distinguished them by using for the former and for the latter, e.g. ' ('bear') and ' ('I dare to'). In orthography, the distinction was suppressed in 1763.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Words spelled in modern Spanish with , (e.g. ', ', "") were written with , up until 1815. In some words, was written (e.g. → ), and was written (e.g. → ). To distinguish pronounced and , sometimes was used for the latter, e. g. , (these forms appeared in the "Ortografía", but the "Diccionario" did not put the diaeresis in these words).


title: Spanish orthography

text: In 1726, most double consonants were simplified (e.g. → , → )—but the of a prefix before the of a root was differentiated to in 1763 (e.g. " → "). And the Graeco-Latin digraphs , , and were reduced to , , and , respectively (e.g. → , → , → , → ). This was mostly done in 1754, but some exceptions persisted until 1803.


title: Spanish orthography

text: An earlier usage had as a word initial . It is only maintained in the archaic spelling of proper names like "Yglesias" or "Ybarra". Although the RAE has always used the word-initial "I" as needed, the use of "Y" is occasionally found in handwriting and inscriptions up to the middle of the 19th century. The usage of for the vowel in words of Greek origin was abolished in 1754 (e.g. → ). The usage of in non-word-final diphthongs was abolished in 1815 (e.g. → ).


title: Spanish orthography

text: In early printing, the long s was a different version of used at the beginning or in the middle of a word. In Spain, the change to use the familiar round "s" everywhere, as in the current usage, was mainly accomplished between the years 1760 and 1766; for example, the multi-volume "España Sagrada" made the switch with volume 16 (1762).


title: Spanish orthography

text: From 1741 to 1815, the circumflex was used over vowels to indicate that preceding and should be pronounced /k/ and /ks/ respectively and not /tʃ/ and /x/, e.g. ', '.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The use of accent marks in printing varies by period, due to reforms successively promulgated by the Spanish Royal Academy. In early RAE publications (RAE statutes of 1715, "Diccionario de autoridades" of 1726), the acute accent was used extensively (e. g. "Real Académia Españóla"), although it was not used in paroxytones with two or more consonants after the stressed vowel, in most two-syllable paroxytones, and in some other words. (However, the "Diccionario de autoridades", unlike the RAE statutes and later RAE publications, does not put accents on the capital letters.) In the "Orthographía" of 1741, the default stress is defined as paroxytone in words ending in , , , or , and in verbal forms ending in , and as oxytone in words ending in , , or other consonants. Since the "Ortografía" of 1754, the default stress is defined as paroxytone in words ending in vowels and oxytone in words ending in consonants, with some grammar-based exceptions, such as differential accents, plurals ending in , and verbal forms ending in or ; but other words ending in or were accented according to the general rule: "capitan, jóven, demas, mártes". In 1880, the rules were simplified: grammatical considerations were no longer taken into account, except for differential accents. As a result, many words spelled previously without the accent gained it. These include words with final stress ending in "-n" (e.g. ', ', ', ', '—but future-tense verb forms like ', ' had already been spelled with the accent); words ending in which are not plurals (e. g. ', ', '); verbs in the imperfect tense (e.g. ', '); the possessives "mío" and "mía" and the word '. On the other hand, some words lost their accent mark, e. g. → , → . Meanwhile, one-letter words other than the conjunction "y"—namely the preposition "a" and the conjunctions "e" (the form of "y" before an [i] sound), "o", and "u" (form of "o" before [o])—were written with the grave accent ("à, è, ò, ù") in early RAE publications and with the acute accent ("á, é, ó, ú") from 1741 to 1911. The accent-marked infinitives such as ', ', ' began to outnumber the unaccented form around 1920, dropped the accent mark again in 1952, and regained it in 1959. Monosyllabic preterite verb forms such as ' and ' were written with accent marks before 1952.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The "Ortografía" 1754 and later editions also stated that surnames ending in "-ez" are not accented, though pronounced as paroxytones, e. g. "Perez, Enriquez". The "Prontuario" 1853 and later editions did not mention surnames ending in "-ez" explicitly (but "Perez" occurs in capitalization rules), but stated that oxytone surnames are accented (e. g. "Ardanáz, Muñíz") except when homonymous to nouns, adjectives, geographical names, or verb infinitives (e. g. "Calderon, Leal, Teruel, Escalar"). The "Gramática" 1870 stated that surnames ending in consonant and traditionally written without the accent are sometimes pronounced as paroxytones (e. g. "Gutierrez, Aristizabal") and sometimes as oxytones (e. g. "Ortiz") and recommends following the general rule for accentuation of surnames. The "Gramática" 1880 follows the general rule for accentuation of surnames: "Enríquez, Fernández".


title: Spanish orthography

text: Since 1952, the letter is no longer considered an interruption between syllables, so the spellings such as ', ', ' became ', ', '. The spelling "" was not changed, as pronouncing this word with a diphthong (/de.ˈsau.θjo/ instead of the former pronunciation /de.sa.ˈu.θjo/) came to be considered the norm.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The names of numbers in the upper teens and the twenties were originally written as three words (e.g. " ", " y "), but nowadays they are spelled as a single word (e.g. ', '). For the numbers from 21 to 29, the "fused" forms are accepted since 1803 and became common over the second half of the 19th century. For those from 16 to 19, the one-word forms became accepted in 1925 and took the lead in the 1940s. The "Diccionario panhispánico de dudas" (2005) labeled the separate spelling as obsolete. Fusing of number-names above 30 (e.g. ', ') is rare, but accepted by the "DPD" 2005 and the "Ortografía" 2010 besides the usual separate spelling: ', '.


title: Spanish orthography

text: In the 18th century, the letter was used in a few loanwords and also in the word "kalendario" (following the Latin spelling "Kalendae"); however, the first edition of the "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1780) already spelled "calendario". The fourth edition of the "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1803) stated that may be in any case replaced by or and did not give any words beginning with , while still including the letter in the alphabet. In the eighth edition of the "Ortografía de la lengua castellana" (1815), the letter was deleted from the Spanish alphabet. However, the letter was reinstated in the fourth edition of the "Prontuario de ortografía de la lengua castellana" (1853), and its use in loanwords was reallowed.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The letter was formerly considered unneeded for writing Spanish. Previous RAE orthographies did not include in the alphabet and restricted its use to foreign proper names and Visigothic names from Spanish history (the use of in Visigothic names stems from the Middle Ages, although at that time was not considered a letter but a ligature of two s or s). However, in the "Ortografía" of 1969, RAE included into the Spanish alphabet, allowing its use in loanwords.


title: Spanish orthography

text: In 1999, the written accent was added to a few words ending on the stressed diphthong "au" or "eu": became . Before 1999, the combinations of accented verb forms with enclitic pronouns conserved the written accent, but now they do not if the general rules of accentuation do not require it: → ( + ), → ( + ).


title: Spanish orthography

text: In spite of the relatively regular orthography of Spanish, there have been several initiatives to simplify it further. Andrés Bello succeeded in making his proposal official in several South American countries, but they later returned to the standard set by the Real Academia Española.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Juan Ramón Jiménez proposed changing and to and , but this is only applied in editions of his works or those of his wife, Zenobia Camprubí.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Gabriel García Márquez raised the issue of reform during a congress at Zacatecas in 1997, most notoriously advocating for the suppression of , which is mute in Spanish, but, despite his prestige, no serious changes were adopted.


title: Spanish orthography

text: A Mexican Spanish convention is to spell certain indigenous words with rather than the that would be the standard spelling in Spanish. This is generally due to the origin of the word (or the present pronunciation) containing the voiceless postalveolar fricative sound or another sibilant that is not used in modern standard Spanish. The most noticeable word with this feature is (see Toponymy of Mexico). The Real Academia Española recommends this spelling. The American Spanish colloquial term is shortened from , which uses in place of the of rural Mexican Spanish .


title: Spanish orthography

text: Punctuation in Spanish is generally similar to punctuation in English and other European languages, but has some differences.


title: Spanish orthography

text: Spanish has the unusual feature of indicating the beginning of an interrogative or exclamatory sentence or phrase with inverted variants of the question mark and exclamation mark ([¿] and [¡]), respectively. Most languages that use the Latin alphabet (including Spanish) use question and exclamation marks at the end of sentences and clauses. These inverted forms appear additionally at the beginning of these sentences or clauses. For example, the English phrase "How old are you?" has just the final question mark, while the Spanish equivalent, begins with an inverted question mark.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The inverted question and exclamation marks were gradually adopted following the Real Academia's recommendations in the second edition of the "Ortografía de la lengua castellana" in 1754. Originally, the usage of inverted marks at the beginning was recommended only for large sentences, but the "Gramática" of 1870 made them mandatory for all interrogative or exclamatory sentences.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The inverted question and exclamation marks may be used at the beginning of a clause in the middle of a sentence, for example: ('If you cannot go with them, would you like to go with us?').


title: Spanish orthography

text: Sentences that are interrogative and exclamative at the same time may be written with two signs on each side: ¿¡...!? or ¡¿...?! or with one sign on each side: ¡...? or ¿...!


title: Spanish orthography

text: However, parenthesized signs to show doubt or surprise are written as single signs: (?) (!). Doubtful dates may be written with single or double signs: 1576? or ¿1576?


title: Spanish orthography

text: The comma is used for separating appositions, subordinate clauses, interjections, tags in tag questions, vocatives, and discursives. It is also used in enumerations, but the serial comma is not used in Spanish: ('Spain, France(,) and Portugal'). There are some cases in which the comma after a coordinating conjunction, such as complex sentences. Circumstantial complements are usually not separated by a comma.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The semicolon is used for a more significant pause then the comma. It may mean an intermediate division between the comma and the period or separate parts of a sentence which already contain commas.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The colon is used for generalizing words before enumerations, for exemplifications, before the direct speech. Sometimes it can be used for juxtaposing clauses (similar to the semicolon), after discursives, and in titles of the type "general: special". The colon is the standard mark in Spanish for addressing people in letters ("Estimado profesor:", "Querido amigo:"); using the comma in this case is considered nonstandard.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The parentheses are used to include parenthetical information. When an entire sentence is parenthesized, the period is placed after the parentheses: "(Esta es una frase parentética)".


title: Spanish orthography

text: The square brackets are used for writing editor's words inside citations and instead of parentheses inside parentheses.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The dash may be used to write direct speech in dialogues, as a quotation dash. Two dashes can sometimes introduce parenthetical constructions. The dash can also be used as a marker in enumerations. The combination "period+dash" may be used to separate the name of the topic and other information, or to separate characters' names and their lines in theatrical works.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The quotation marks (for citations, direct speech, words in unusual form or meaning) are used in three styles: angled quotation marks (« ») for the outer level, double quotation marks (“ ”) for the inner level, single quotation marks (‘ ’) for the third level. This is the system preferred in Spain, whereas Latin American publications often do not use the angled quotation marks. When a closing quotation mark occurs together with another punctuation mark, it is placed after the quotation mark.


title: Spanish orthography

text: The ellipsis is used for marking a sudden pause or suspension in thought and for incomplete citations. The combination "ellipsis+period" is simplified to the ellipsis, but the abbreviation point remains before the ellipsis. When an ellipsis occurs together with another punctuation mark, then the comma, the semicolon, and the colon are placed after the ellipsis, but other punctuation marks may be placed before or after the ellipsis depending on the structure of the sentence.


title: Spanish orthography

text: In the 15th and 16th centuries, dialectal Spanish (as well as Portuguese and Ladino) was sometimes written in the Arabic alphabet by Moriscos. This form of writing is called aljamiado.


title: Knowledge argument

text: The knowledge argument (also known as Mary's room or Mary the super-scientist) is a philosophical thought experiment proposed by Frank Jackson in his article "Epiphenomenal Qualia" (1982) and extended in "What Mary Didn't Know" (1986). The experiment describes Mary, a scientist who exists in a black and white world where she has extensive access to physical descriptions of color, but no actual human perceptual experience of color. The central question of the thought experiment is whether Mary will gain new knowledge when she goes outside the black and white world and experiences seeing in color.


title: Knowledge argument

text: The experiment is intended to argue against physicalism—the view that the universe, including all that is mental, is entirely physical. The debate that emerged following its publication became the subject of an edited volume—"There's Something About Mary" (2004)—which includes replies from such philosophers as Daniel Dennett, David Lewis, and Paul Churchland.


title: Knowledge argument

text: In other words, Jackson's Mary is a scientist who knows everything there is to know about the science of color, but has never "experienced" color. The question that Jackson raises is: once she experiences color, does she learn anything new? Jackson claims that she does.


title: Knowledge argument

text: There is disagreement about how to summarize the premises and conclusion of the argument Jackson makes in this thought experiment. Paul Churchland did so as follows:


title: Knowledge argument

text: However, Jackson objects that Churchland's formulation is not his intended argument. He especially objects to the first premise of Churchland's formulation: "The whole thrust of the knowledge argument is that Mary (before her release) does not know everything there is to know about brain states and their properties, because she does not know about certain qualia associated with them. What is complete, according to the argument, is her knowledge of matters physical." He suggests his preferred interpretation:


title: Knowledge argument

text: Most authors who discuss the knowledge argument cite the case of Mary, but Frank Jackson used a further example in his seminal article: the case of a person, Fred, who sees a color unknown to normal human perceivers.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Mary's Room is a thought experiment that attempts to establish that there are non-physical properties and attainable knowledge that can be discovered only through conscious experience. It attempts to refute the theory that all knowledge is physical knowledge. C. D. Broad, Herbert Feigl, and Thomas Nagel, over a fifty-year span, presented insight to the subject, which led to Jackson's proposed thought experiment. Broad makes the following remarks, describing a thought experiment where an archangel has unlimited mathematical competences:


title: Knowledge argument

text: Roughly thirty years later, Feigl expresses a similar notion. He concerns himself with a Martian, studying human behavior, but lacking human sentiments. Feigl says:


title: Knowledge argument

text: Nagel takes a slightly different approach. In an effort to make his argument more adaptable and relatable, he takes the stand of humans attempting to understand the sonar capabilities of bats. Even with the entire physical database at one's fingertips, humans would not be able to fully perceive or understand a bat's sonar system, namely what it is like to perceive something with a bat's sonar.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Whether Mary learns something new upon experiencing color has two major implications: the existence of qualia and the knowledge argument against physicalism.


title: Knowledge argument

text: First, if Mary does learn something new, it shows that qualia (the subjective, qualitative properties of experiences, conceived as wholly independent of behavior and disposition) exist. If Mary gains something after she leaves the room—if she acquires knowledge of a particular thing that she did not possess before—then that knowledge, Jackson argues, is knowledge of the quale of seeing red. Therefore, it must be conceded that qualia are real properties, since there is a difference between a person who has access to a particular quale and one who does not.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Jackson argues that if Mary does learn something new upon experiencing color, then physicalism is false. Specifically, the knowledge argument is an attack on the physicalist claim about the completeness of physical explanations of mental states. Mary may know everything about the science of color perception, but can she know what the experience of red is like if she has never seen red? Jackson contends that, yes, she has learned something new, via experience, and hence, physicalism is false. Jackson states:


title: Knowledge argument

text: Jackson believed in the explanatory completeness of physiology, that all behaviour is caused by physical forces of some kind. And the thought experiment seems to prove the existence of qualia, a non-physical part of the mind. Jackson argued that if both of these theses are true, then epiphenomenalism is true—the view that mental states are caused by physical states, but have no causal effects on the physical world.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Objections have been raised that have required the argument to be refined. Doubters cite various holes in the thought experiment that have arisen through critical examination.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Nemirow and Lewis present the "ability hypothesis", and Conee argues for the "acquaintance hypothesis". Both approaches attempt to demonstrate that Mary "gains no new knowledge, but instead gains something else". If she in fact gains no new propositional knowledge, they contend, then what she does gain may be accounted for within the physicalist framework. These are the two most notable objections to Jackson's thought experiment, and the claim it sets out to make.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Some have objected to Jackson's argument on the grounds that the scenario described in the thought experiment itself is not possible. For example, Evan Thompson questioned the premise that Mary, simply by being confined to a monochromatic environment, would not have any color experiences, since she may be able to see color when dreaming, after rubbing her eyes, or in afterimages from light perception. However, Graham and Horgan suggest that the thought experiment can be refined to account for this: rather than situating Mary in a black and white room, one might stipulate that she was unable to experience color from birth, but was given this ability via medical procedure later in life. Nida-Rümelin recognizes that one might question whether this scenario would be possible given the science of color vision (although Graham and Horgan suggest it is), but argues it is not clear that this matters to the efficacy of the thought experiment, provided we can at least conceive of the scenario taking place.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Objections have also been raised that, even if Mary's environment were constructed as described in the thought experiment, she would not, in fact, learn something new if she stepped out of her black and white room to see the color red. Daniel Dennett asserts that if she already truly knew "everything about color", that knowledge would necessarily include a deep understanding of why and how human neurology causes us to sense the "qualia" of color. Moreover, that knowledge would include the ability to functionally differentiate between red and other colors. Mary would therefore already know exactly what to expect of seeing red, before ever leaving the room. Dennett argues that functional knowledge is identical to the experience, with no ineffable 'qualia' left over. J. Christopher Maloney argues similarly: If, as the argument allows, Mary does understand all that there is to know regarding the physical nature of colour vision, she would be in a position to imagine what colour vision would be like. It would be like being in physical state S, and Mary knows all about such physical states. Of course, she herself has not been in S, but that is no bar to her knowing what it would be like to be in S. For she, unlike us, can describe the nomic relations between S and other states of chromatic vision...Give her a precise description in the notation of neurophysiology of a colour vision state, and she will very likely be able to imagine what such a state would be like. Surveying the literature on Jackson's argument, Nida-Rümelin identifies, however, that many simply doubt the claim that Mary would not gain new knowledge upon leaving the room, including physicalists who do not agree with Jackson's conclusions. Most cannot help but admit that "new information or knowledge comes her way after confinement," enough that this view "deserves to be described as the received physicalist view of the Knowledge Argument."


title: Knowledge argument

text: Some philosophers have also objected to Jackson's first premise by arguing that Mary could not know all the physical facts about color vision prior to leaving the room. Owen Flanagan argues that Jackson's thought experiment "is easy to defeat". He grants that "Mary knows everything about color vision that can be expressed in the vocabularies of a complete physics, chemistry, and neuroscience," and then distinguishes between "metaphysical physicalism" and "linguistic physicalism": Metaphysical physicalism simply asserts that what there is, and all there is, is physical stuff and its relations. Linguistic physicalism is the thesis that everything physical can be expressed or captured in the languages of the basic sciences…Linguistic physicalism is stronger than metaphysical physicalism and less plausible. Flanagan argues that, while Mary has all the facts that are expressible in "explicitly physical language", she can only be said to have all the facts if one accepts linguistic physicalism. A metaphysical physicalist can simply deny linguistic physicalism and hold that Mary's learning what seeing red is like, though it cannot be expressed in language, is nevertheless a fact about the physical world, since the physical is all that exists. Similarly to Flanagan, Torin Alter contends that Jackson conflates physical facts with "discursively learnable" facts, without justification: ...some facts about conscious experiences of various kinds cannot be learned through purely discursive means. This, however, does not yet license any further conclusions about the nature of the experiences that these discursively unlearnable facts are about. In particular, it does not entitle us to infer that these experiences are not physical events. Nida-Rümelin argues in response to such views that it is "hard to understand what it is for a property or a fact to be physical once we drop the assumption that physical properties and physical facts are just those properties and facts that can be expressed in physical terminology."


title: Knowledge argument

text: Several objections to Jackson have been raised on the grounds that Mary does not gain new factual knowledge when she leaves the room, but rather a new ability. Nemirow claims that "knowing what an experience is like is the same as knowing how to imagine having the experience". He argues that Mary only obtained the ability to do something, not the knowledge of something new. Lewis put forth a similar argument, claiming that Mary gained an ability to "remember, imagine and recognize." In the response to Jackson's knowledge argument, they both agree that Mary makes a genuine discovery when she sees red for the first time, but deny her discovery involves coming to know some facts of which she was not already cognizant before her release. Therefore, what she obtained is a discovery of new abilities rather than new facts; her discovery of what it is like to experience color consists merely in her gaining new ability of how to do certain things, but not gaining new factual knowledge. In light of such considerations, Churchland distinguishes between two senses of knowing, "knowing how" and "knowing that", where knowing how refers to abilities and knowing that refers to knowledge of facts. He aims to reinforce this line of objection by appealing to the different locations in which each type of knowledge is represented in the brain, arguing that there is a true, demonstratively physical distinction between them. By distinguishing that Mary does not learn new facts, simply abilities, it helps to negate the problem posed by the thought experiment to the physicalist standpoint.


title: Knowledge argument

text: In response, Levin argues that a novel color experience does in fact yield new factual knowledge, such as "information about the color's similarities and compatibilities with other colors, and its effect on other of our mental states." Tye counters that Mary could have (and would have, given the stipulations of the thought experiment) learned all such facts prior to leaving the room, without needing to experience the color firsthand. For example, Mary could know the fact "red is more like orange than green" without ever experiencing the colors in question.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Earl Conee objects that having an ability to imagine seeing a color is neither necessary nor sufficient for knowing what it is like to see that color, meaning the ability hypothesis does not capture the nature of the new knowledge Mary acquires upon leaving the room. To show that ability is not necessary, Conee cites the example of someone who is able to see colors when she is looking at them, but who lacks the capacity to imagine colors when she is not. He argues that while staring at something that looks red to her, she would have knowledge of what it is like to see red, even though she lacks the ability to imagine what it is like. In order to show precisely that imaginative abilities are not sufficient for knowing what it is like, Conee introduces the following example: Martha, "who is highly skilled at visualizing an intermediate shade that she has not experienced between pairs of shades that she has experienced...happens not to have any familiarity with the shade known as cherry red". Martha has been told that cherry red is exactly midway between burgundy red and fire red (she has experienced these two shades of red, but not cherry). With this, Martha has the ability to imagine cherry red if she so chooses, but as long as she does not exercise this ability, to imagine cherry red, she does not know what it is like to see cherry red.


title: Knowledge argument

text: One might accept Conee's arguments that imaginative ability is neither necessary nor sufficient for knowing what it is like to see a color, but preserve a version of the ability hypothesis that employs an ability other than imagination. For example, Gertler discusses the option that what Mary gains is not an ability to imagine colors, but an ability to recognize colors by their phenomenal quality.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Due to his dissatisfaction with the ability hypothesis, Earl Conee presents another variant. Conee's acquaintance hypothesis identifies a third category of knowledge, "knowledge by acquaintance of an experience," that is not reducible to factual knowledge nor to knowing-how. He argues that the knowledge Mary actually acquires post-release is acquaintance knowledge. Knowing an experience by acquaintance "requires the person to be familiar with the known entity in the most direct way that it is possible for a person to be aware of that thing". Since "experiencing a quality is the most direct way to apprehend a quality," Mary gains acquaintance with color qualia after release. Conee thus defends himself against the knowledge argument like this:


title: Knowledge argument

text: Tye also defends a version of the acquaintance hypothesis that he compares to Conee's, though he clarifies that acquaintance with a color should not be equated to applying a concept to one's color experience.


title: Knowledge argument

text: In Conee's account, one can come to know (be acquainted with) a phenomenal quality only by experiencing it, but not by knowing facts about it as Mary did. This is different from other physical objects of knowledge: one comes to know a city, for example, simply by knowing facts about it. Gertler uses this disparity to oppose Conee's account: a dualist who posits the existence of qualia has a way of explaining it, with reference to qualia as different entities than physical objects; while Conee describes the disparity, Gertler argues that his physicalist account does nothing to explain it.


title: Knowledge argument

text: V.S. Ramachandran and Edward Hubbard of the Center for Brain and Cognition at UCSD argue that Mary might do one of three things upon seeing a red apple for the first time:


title: Knowledge argument

text: They explain further: "Which of these three possible outcomes will actually occur? We believe we've learned the answer from a colorblind synesthete subject. Much like the theoretical Mary, our colorblind synesthete volunteer cannot see certain hues, because of deficient color receptors. However, when he looks at numbers, his synesthesia enables him to experience colors in his mind that he has never seen in the real world. He calls these "Martian colors." The fact that color cells (and corresponding colors) can activate in his brain helps us answer the philosophical question: we suggest that the same thing will happen to Mary."


title: Knowledge argument

text: Ramachandran and Hubbard's contribution is in terms of exploring "the neural basis of qualia" by "using pre-existing, stable differences in the conscious experiences of people who experience synaesthesia compared with those who do not" but, they note that "this still doesn't explain why these particular events are qualia laden and others are not (Chalmers' 'hard problem') but at least it narrows the scope of the problem" (p. 25).


title: Knowledge argument

text: Jackson's argument is meant to support dualism, the view that at least some aspects of the mind are non-physical. Nida-Rümelin contends that, because dualism is relatively unpopular among contemporary philosophers, there are not many examples of dualist responses to the knowledge argument; nevertheless, she points out that there are some prominent examples of dualists responding to the Knowledge Argument worth noting.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Jackson himself went on to reject epiphenomenalism, and dualism altogether. He argues that, because when Mary first sees red, she says "wow", it must be Mary's qualia that causes her to say "wow". This contradicts epiphenomenalism because it involves a conscious state causing an overt speech behavior. Since the Mary's room thought experiment seems to create this contradiction, there must be something wrong with it. Jackson now believes that the physicalist approach (from a perspective of indirect realism) provides the better explanation. In contrast to epiphenomenalism, Jackson says that the experience of red is entirely contained in the brain, and the experience immediately causes further changes in the brain (e.g. creating memories). This is more consilient with neuroscience's understanding of color vision. Jackson suggests that Mary is simply discovering a new way for her brain to represent qualities that exist in the world. In a similar argument, philosopher Philip Pettit likens the case of Mary to patients with akinetopsia, the inability to perceive the motion of objects. If someone were raised in a stroboscopic room and subsequently 'cured' of the akinetopsia, they would not be surprised to discover any new facts about the world (they do, in fact, know that objects move). Instead, their surprise would come from their brain now allowing them to "see" this motion.


title: Knowledge argument

text: Despite a lack of dualist responses overall and Jackson's own change of view, there are more recent instances of prominent dualists defending the Knowledge Argument. David Chalmers, one of the most prominent contemporary dualists, considers Jackson's thought experiment to successfully show that materialism is false. Chalmers considers responses along the lines of the "ability hypothesis" objection (described above) to be the most promising objections, but unsuccessful: even if Mary does gain a new ability to imagine or recognize colors, she would also necessarily gain factual knowledge about the colors she now sees, such as the fact of how the experience of seeing red relates to the physical brain states underlying it. He also considers arguments that knowledge of what it is like to see red and of the underlying physical mechanisms are actually knowledge of the same fact, just under a different "mode of presentation", meaning Mary did not truly gain new factual knowledge. Chalmers rejects these, arguing that Mary still necessarily gains new factual knowledge about how the experience and the physical processes relate to one another, i.e. a fact about exactly what kind of experience is caused by those processes. Nida-Rümelin defends a complex, though similar, view, involving properties of experience she calls "phenomenal properties".


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: The Saturday Evening Post is an American magazine, currently published six times a year. It was issued weekly under this title from 1897 until 1963, then every two weeks until 1969. From the 1920s to the 1960s, it was one of the most widely circulated and influential magazines within the American middle class, with fiction, non-fiction, cartoons and features that reached two million homes every week. The magazine declined in readership through the 1960s, and in 1969 "The Saturday Evening Post" folded for two years before being revived as a quarterly publication with an emphasis on medical articles in 1971. As of the late 2000s, "The Saturday Evening Post" is published six times a year by the Saturday Evening Post Society, which purchased the magazine in 1982. The magazine was redesigned in 2013.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: "The Saturday Evening Post" was first published in 1821 in the same printing shop at 53 Market Street in Philadelphia where the Benjamin Franklin-founded "Pennsylvania Gazette" had been published in the 18th century. While the "Gazette" ceased publication in 1800, ten years after Franklin's death, the "Post" links its history to the original magazine.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: The "Post" grew to become the most widely circulated weekly magazine in America. The magazine gained prominent status under the leadership of its longtime editor George Horace Lorimer (1899–1937).


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: "The Saturday Evening Post" published current event articles, editorials, human interest pieces, humor, illustrations, a letter column, poetry (with contributions submitted by readers), single-panel gag cartoons (including "Hazel" by Ted Key) and stories by the leading writers of the time. It was known for commissioning lavish illustrations and original works of fiction. Illustrations were featured on the cover and embedded in stories and advertising. Some "Post" illustrations continue to be reproduced as posters or prints, especially those by Norman Rockwell.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: The "Post" readership began to decline in the late 1950s and 1960s. In general, the decline of general interest magazines was blamed on television, which competed for advertisers and readers' attention. The "Post" had problems retaining readers: the public's taste in fiction was changing, and the "Post"s conservative politics and values appealed to a declining number of people. Content by popular writers became harder to obtain. Prominent authors drifted away to newer magazines offering more money and status. As a result, the "Post" published more articles on current events and cut costs by replacing illustrations with photographs for covers and advertisements.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: The magazine's publisher, Curtis Publishing Company, lost a landmark defamation suit, "Curtis Publishing Co. v. Butts" 388 U.S. 130 (1967), resulting from an article, and was ordered to pay U.S.$3,060,000 in damages to the plaintiff. The "Post" article implied that football coaches Paul "Bear" Bryant and Wally Butts conspired to fix a game between the University of Alabama and the University of Georgia. Both coaches sued Curtis Publishing Co. for defamation, each initially asking for $10 million. Bryant eventually settled for $300,000, while Butts' case went to the Supreme Court, which held that libel damages may be recoverable (in this instance against a news organization) when the injured party is a non-public official, if the plaintiff can prove that the defendant was guilty of a reckless lack of professional standards when examining allegations for reasonable credibility. (Butts was eventually awarded $460,000.)


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: William Emerson was promoted to editor-in-chief in 1965 and remained in the position until the magazine's demise in 1969.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: In 1968, Martin Ackerman, a specialist in troubled firms, became president of Curtis after lending it $5 million. Although at first he said there were no plans to shut down the magazine, soon he halved its circulation, purportedly in an attempt to increase the quality of the audience, and then subsequently did shut it down. In announcing that the February 8, 1969, issue would be the magazine's last, Curtis executive Martin Ackerman stated that the magazine had lost $5 million in 1968 and would lose a projected $3 million in 1969. In a meeting with employees after the magazine's closure had been announced, Emerson thanked the staff for their professional work and promised "to stay here and see that everyone finds a job".


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: At a March 1969 "post-mortem" on the magazine's closing, Emerson stated that "The Post" "was a damn good vehicle for advertising" with competitive renewal rates and readership reports and expressed what "The New York Times" called "understandable bitterness" in wishing "that all the one-eyed critics will lose their other eye". Otto Friedrich, the magazine's last managing editor, blamed the death of "The Post" on Curtis. In his "Decline and Fall" (Harper & Row, 1970), an account of the magazine's final years (1962–69), he argued that corporate management was unimaginative and incompetent. Friedrich acknowledges that "The Post" faced challenges while the tastes of American readers changed over the course of the 1960s, but he insisted that the magazine maintained a standard of good quality and was appreciated by readers.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: In 1970, control of the debilitated Curtis Publishing Company was acquired from the estate of Cyrus Curtis by Indianapolis industrialist Beurt SerVaas. SerVaas relaunched the "Post" the following year on a quarterly basis as a kind of nostalgia magazine.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: In early 1982, ownership of the "Post" was transferred to the Benjamin Franklin Literary and Medical Society, founded in 1976 by the "Post"'s then-editor, Dr. Corena "Cory" SerVaas (wife of Beurt SerVaas). The magazine's core focus was now health and medicine; indeed, the magazine's website originally noted that the "credibility of "The Saturday Evening Post" has made it a valuable asset for reaching medical consumers and for helping medical researchers obtain family histories. In the magazine, national health surveys are taken to further current research on topics such as cancer, diabetes, high blood pressure, heart disease, ulcerative colitis, spina bifida, and bipolar disorder." Ownership of the magazine was later transferred to the Saturday Evening Post Society; Dr. SerVaas headed both organizations. The range of topics covered in the magazine's articles is now wide, suitable for a general readership.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: By 1991, Curtis Publishing Company had been renamed Curtis International, a subsidiary of SerVaas Inc., and had become an importer of audiovisual equipment. Today the "Post" is published six times a year by the Saturday Evening Post Society, which claims 501(c)(3) non-profit organization status.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: With the January/February 2013 issue, the "Post" launched a major makeover of the publication, including a new cover design and efforts to increase the magazine's profile, in response to a general public misbelief that it was no longer in existence. The magazine's new logo is an update of a logo it had used beginning in 1942. As of October 2018, the complete archive of the magazine is available online.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: In 1916, "Saturday Evening Post" editor George Horace Lorimer discovered Norman Rockwell, then an unknown 22-year-old New York artist. Lorimer promptly purchased two illustrations from Rockwell, using them as covers, and commissioned three more drawings. Rockwell's illustrations of the American family and rural life of a bygone era became icons. During his 50-year career with the "Post", Rockwell painted more than 300 covers.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: The "Post" also employed Nebraska artist John Philip Falter, who became known as "a painter of Americana with an accent of the Middle West," who "brought out some of the homeliness and humor of Middle Western town life and home life." He produced 120 covers for the "Post" between 1943 and 1968, ceasing only when the magazine began displaying photographs on its covers.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: Another prominent artist was Charles R. Chickering, a freelance illustrator who went on to design numerous postage stamps for the U.S. Post Office. Other popular cover illustrators include artists George Hughes, Constantin Alajalov,


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: John Clymer, Alonzo Kimball, W. H. D. Koerner, J. C. Leyendecker, Mead Schaeffer, Charles Archibald MacLellan, John E. Sheridan, Emmett Watson, Douglass Crockwell, Amos Sewell, James R. Bingham and N. C. Wyeth.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: Cartoonists have included: Bob Barnes, Irwin Caplan, Tom Henderson, Al Johns, Clyde Lamb, Jerry Marcus, Frank O'Neal, Charles M. Schulz, B. Tobey, Pete Wyma and Bill Yates. The magazine ran Ted Key's cartoon panel series "Hazel" from 1943 to 1969.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: Each issue featured several original short stories and often included an installment of a serial appearing in successive issues. Most of the fiction was written for mainstream tastes by popular writers, but some literary writers were featured. The opening pages of stories featured paintings by the leading magazine illustrators.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: The "Post" published stories and essays by H. E. Bates, Ray Bradbury, Kay Boyle, Agatha Christie, Brian Cleeve, Eleanor Franklin Egan, William Faulkner, F. Scott Fitzgerald, C. S. Forester, Ernest Haycox, Robert A. Heinlein, Kurt Vonnegut, Paul Gallico, Normand Poirier, Hammond Innes, Louis L'Amour, Sinclair Lewis, Joseph C. Lincoln, John P. Marquand, Edgar Allan Poe, Mary Roberts Rinehart, Sax Rohmer, William Saroyan, John Steinbeck, Rex Stout, Rob Wagner, Edith Wharton, and P.G. Wodehouse.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: Poetry published came from poets including: Carl Sandburg, Ogden Nash, Dorothy Parker, and Hannah Kahn.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: Jack London's best-known novel "The Call of the Wild" was first published, in serialized form, in the "Saturday Evening Post" in 1903.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: Emblematic of the "Post's" fiction was author Clarence Budington Kelland, who first appeared in 1916–17 with stories of homespun heroes, "Efficiency Edgar" and "Scattergood Baines". Kelland was a steady presence from 1922 until 1961.


title: The Saturday Evening Post

text: For many years William Hazlett Upson contributed a very popular series of short stories about the escapades of Earthworm Tractors salesman Alexander Botts.