title: SOMUA S35

text: The French Cavalry, however, judged their main tank to be imperfect in many respects. The one-man turret, though it is today typically mentioned as its single most important drawback, was not seen as a major flaw. A commander was supposed to acquire such a degree of dexterity that his workload did not negate the lack of need to coordinate the actions of three men in a larger turret crew or the advantage of a quicker reaction because of a superior rotation speed. In combat, the tank commander threatened to be overwhelmed with duties, since in addition to his command functions within the tank he was also responsible for aiming and firing the 47mm turret gun and co-axial 7.5mm machine gun. At first, a two-man-turret was required, but when it transpired that this would reduce the armour protection, it was abandoned in favour of thicker steel casts. The CE turret variant mitigated the workload of the commander as it constituted a "one and a half man" turret.


title: SOMUA S35

text: The Cavalry acknowledged three flaws at the tactical, the operational and the strategic levels. The main tactical flaw was the hatchless cupola, forcing the commander to fight buttoned-up. This had been caused by the need to adopt the APX-1 turret, purely for budgetary reasons. The B1 bis's APX4 turret faced similar criticism from the Infantry.


title: SOMUA S35

text: The operational flaw was its poor mechanical reliability. The suspension units were too weak and too complicated, demanding enormous maintenance efforts, especially since the cast armour modules did not allow an easy access to the suspension and engine. Repairing broken tracks in the field was well-nigh impossible. This had been caused by the fact that there was no central institution regulating French tank development. The Army branches issued very vague specifications, leaving it to private enterprise to come up with precise proposals. The French machine tool national stock was relatively outdated and tank designs reflected the limited existing production facilities. To introduce a Christie suspension — the obvious solution — demanded a thorough industrial modernisation and the raising of quality standards. It was not envisaged until September 1938, when cooperation started with the United Kingdom in order to adopt the cruiser tank suspension for French tank design, and then was limited to the development of a totally new cavalry tank, the AMX 40, without planning to introduce this feature into the S35/S40 production run.


title: SOMUA S35

text: The strategic flaw was the high unit price of the tank, 982,000 French Francs, and the limited number of large cast sections that could be produced. The tank had to be supplemented by a cheaper type and the only one available had been the Hotchkiss H35, much inferior in armour, armament and speed, even after it had been improved to the "H39" variant. The Cavalry had a very low opinion of the fighting value of this light tank. It decided to keep a large number of S35s in the core of their armoured divisions and rejected the easy method of raising more of them by dividing the S35s among the Cavalry Light Divisions — in contrast to the Germans who distributed the also low number of Panzer IIIs partly to their "Leichte Kavalleriedivisionen" — a key decision changing the Mechanised Light Divisions into true armoured divisions. It also decided against the continued mass production of even lighter vehicles like the AMR 35 and AMC 35. This again implied that the Germans would in May 1940 have a large superiority in strategically mobile large armoured units, of ten to three, because the four French armoured divisions of the Infantry did not possess sufficient organic artillery and infantry to operate effectively in an independent role. France intended to raise many more armoured divisions for use in a decisive offensive in 1941. As the French production capacity for cast armour sections was insufficient, at the time of the defeat negotiations were ongoing to employ American producers, and during the crisis caused by the German attacks in June it was even proposed to let US firms build two thousand vehicles.


title: SOMUA S35

text: Four tanks of the AC4 pre-series of the S35 entered service in January 1936 with the "4e Cuirassiers". On 15 April 1937, the first two hulls of the main series left the factory. These, produced at a planned rate of twelve per month, still had to be joined with their turrets. At the end of 1937 the SA 35 gun became available and deliveries of finished tanks of the main production series could begin. On 15 January 1938, four of these were operational. By July 1938, 128 hulls had been delivered, but only 96 tanks were completed with turrets. In the Spring of 1939 the number of operational tanks had increased to 192, the two armoured division of the Cavalry having attained their nominal strength. On 1 September 1939, the start of the war, 270 had been produced and 246 delivered. On this date 191 served with the troops, 51 were in depot and four had been sent back to the factory for overhaul. After the outbreak of war, on 21 September a sixth order of fifty was made, followed by a final order of 324 bringing the ordered total to 824. Later it was decided that from the 451st vehicle onwards the tanks would be of the improved S 40 type. Production in fact totalled around 440 by June 1940, including the prototype and the preseries.


title: SOMUA S35

text: Of these about 288 were in front-line service at the beginning of the Battle of France, with the three armoured divisions of the Cavalry, the "Divisions Légères Mécaniques" or Mechanised Light Divisions ("light" here meaning "mobile", they were not light in the sense of being lightly equipped). Each of these had an organic strength of four squadrons with twenty S35s; each squadron however had a matériel reserve of two tanks, one of them usually used by the squadron commander, resulting in a total of 88 vehicles per division; regimental and brigade commanders in practice had personal tanks too. Furthermore, 31 were present in the general matériel reserve, 49 in factory stocks and 26 were being processed for acceptance. These vehicles were later issued to several "ad hoc" units, such as the 4th DCR (commanded by Charles de Gaulle) which received 39, part of "3e Cuirassiers", the 4th DLM (10), and some "Corps-francs Motorisés" (about 25). Also the destroyed 1st, 2nd and 3rd DLM were reconstituted with a small number of tanks, the first two divisions received ten S 35s, the third twenty; S 35s further served with the "7e Cuirassiers" (25) and a platoon of three was present in the "3e RAM" of the "3e DLC".


title: SOMUA S35

text: In May 1940 during the Battle of France the DLMs were tasked with the difficult manoeuvre of carrying out a quick advance into the Low Countries, followed by a holding action to allow the infantry divisions following behind to dig themselves in. The 2nd and 3rd DLM were concentrated in the Gembloux gap between Louvain and Namur, where there were no natural obstacles to impede a German advance. They had to spread out somewhat to hold that sector against incursions by the German 3rd and 4th Panzer Divisions. This was necessitated by the local tactical situation and did not reflect some fundamental difference in doctrine between the use of the DLMs and the "Panzerdivisionen". Both types of units were very similar in equipment, training and organisation, as the German armoured divisions too were primarily intended for strategic exploitation, while the breakthrough phase was preferably left to the infantry. The resulting tank battle from 13 to 15 May, the Battle of Hannut, was—with about 1700 AFVs participating—the largest until that day and is still one of the largest of all time. The S 35s gave a good account of themselves, proving to be indeed superior to the German tanks in direct combat, but they were rather hesitantly deployed as the French High Command mistakenly supposed the gap was the German "Schwerpunkt" and tried to preserve their best tanks to block subsequent attacks by the rest of the "Panzerwaffe".


title: SOMUA S35

text: When it transpired the attack was really a feint and the forces in the north were in danger of being cut off by the German advance south of Namur, the 1st DLM that had very quickly moved two hundred kilometres to the north to help the Dutch, was hurriedly rushed south again. The resulting disorder and breakdown of most of its S 35s rendered this unit, the most powerful of all Allied divisions, impotent; it was defeated by the German 5th "Panzerdivision" on 17 May. The other DLMs fought a delaying battle, participated in the Battle of Arras and then disintegrated. Committing its only strategically mobile armour reserve early in the battle had made the French Army fatally vulnerable to a German strategic surprise.


title: SOMUA S35

text: After the June 1940 armistice, twenty-three S 35s were allowed to be sent to West Africa to bolster the hold of the Vichy regime on that region. They were issued to the "12e régiment de Chasseurs d'Afrique" that, after French forces in Africa had sided with the Allies, operated them against German and Italian forces during the Tunisia Campaign. After taking part in the Tunis victory parade, 12e RCA's S35s were replaced by M4 Shermans, but crews often affixed the SOMUA plate on their new tanks.


title: SOMUA S35

text: After the liberation of France in 1944 an armoured unit was raised, the "13e Régiment de Dragons", using French matériel, among which were seventeen S 35s.


title: SOMUA S35

text: After the fall of France a number of S 35s (297 were captured according to some sources) were taken into service with the Wehrmacht as the "Panzerkampfwagen 35-S 739(f)". The Germans modified the cupola by cutting its top off and installing a simple hatch. On 10 December 1940 the first German tank unit equipped with French "Beutepanzer" was formed: "201. Panzerregiment" with 118 tanks; 36 of these were S 35s, the rest "38Hs". On 10 February 1941, "202. Panzerregiment" was established; both regiments were united into "Panzerbrigade 100". On 27 January the independent "301. Panzerabteilung" was formed with French vehicles; total S 35 organic strength in the "Wehrmacht" was thus ninety. On 22 March this independent battalion replaced the Second Battalion of "201. Panzerregiment", which battalion was renamed Panzer-Abteilung 211 and sent to Finland in June, the only major German unit with S 35s that would fight on the Eastern Front; some were deployed by "22. Panzerdivision" near Sevastopol in 1942. The 21st and "25. Panzerdivision" in 1943 used some S 35s when reforming after having been largely destroyed. Some vehicles had their superstructure removed and were used for driver-training, while others were used for security duties. Some of these units fought in Normandy in 1944, such as "100. Panzer Ersatz und Ausbildungs-Abteilung" and "206. Panzer-Abteilung", while others were used in Yugoslavia for anti-partisan duties ("7. SS-Freiwilligen-Gebirgs-Division "Prinz Eugen"", "12. Panzer-Kompanie z.b.V." and "I./Panzer-Regiment 202"). There were still twelve S 35s listed as in German service on 30 December 1944.


title: SOMUA S35

text: Some of the captured S 35s were delivered to German allies: 32 to Italy in 1941, two to Hungary in 1942 and six to Bulgaria in 1943. They were used by the Italians to equip the "CC Tank Battalion "S35"" for the 131st Tank Infantry Regiment, before being transferred to the XIII Army Corps in Sardinia. The Bulgarian vehicles were after the war used by police units. A vehicle captured by the partisans of Tito was refitted by them with a British 6-pounder gun, and designated SO-57.


title: SOMUA S35

text: In 1937, SOMUA developed the SAu 40 self-propelled 75 mm gun from the S35. Its suspension featured an extra wheel to improve off-road capabilities, and the hull was wider. Only one prototype was built in this configuration; it fought in June, fitted with its 75 mm. 72 units had been ordered on 1 May 1940. The new order requested that the Sau 40 be produced as a self-propelled tank destroyer, with the powerful 47 mm SA 37 gun.


title: SOMUA S35

text: In order to address some of the shortcomings of the S35, SOMUA presented the improved AC5 type in 1939. Based on the SAu 40 chassis and its Char G1-project but with the original width, this SOMUA S40 had a welded ARL 2C turret and redesigned cast superstructure, both to lower production costs and to improve protection standards as the cast sections, delivered by eighteen subcontractors, sometimes were of inferior quality. The new suspension strongly improved the climbing capacity, of which the Cavalry had officially complained in November 1938; its greater weight was compensated by lowering the hull height by fourteen centimetres, causing a weight gain of four hundred kilogrammes. In contrast, the engine deck was raised to fit an improved 230 hp engine, increasing maximum speed to 45 km/h, although the new engine was not yet available in the summer of 1940. The armament and general nominal armour base would remain the same, but first steps to improve these, which might have naturally have evolved into a "S 41", had already been taken in the spring of 1940, when plans were made for a 60 mm welded ARL turret. A first order was on 21 September 1939 made for fifty vehicles, and it was intended to become the main production type, superseding the S 35 from the 451st vehicle with total orders having reached four hundred hulls, but none were completed at the time of the German invasion; the first vehicles were planned to be produced in July; hull sections had already been cast since November 1939. Of the first 160 vehicles, eighty had been planned to be made of an intermediate type, with the old turret.


title: SOMUA S35

text: After the armistice plans were developed to resume production, partly for the benefit of the Axis powers. On 28 May 1941, the German ambassador in France Otto Abetz concluded an agreement with the French government, the Protocols of Paris. These included the intention to produce eight hundred SOMUA S40s, two hundred for France itself and six hundred for Germany and Italy. However, Hitler, suspicious of a French rearmament, declined ratifying the agreement.


title: SOMUA S35

text: In November 1940, the Japanese government had requested Germany to allow production for Japan. When Japan became a belligerent through the Attack on Pearl Harbor, on 9 February 1942 it was decided that France would produce 250 SOMUA S40s for the Japanese Imperial Army, the first to be delivered in twelve months time, production having to reach a peak of eight vehicles per month in eighteen months. The events of November 1942 precluded both production and delivery.


title: SOMUA S35

text: In early 1942, France was finally given permission to reequip its forces with SOMUA S40s, now that the type had become obsolete and the Germans had lost interest. Two versions were considered on 24 April 1942, both fitted with the larger FCM-turret, originally developed for the Char G1. The first would have been armed with the SA 35 gun, operated by a two-man turret crew, the second with the longer SA 37 gun placed in a three-man turret. France foresaw a production of 135 vehicles, to equip three squadrons of 45 each, but the preparations were halted in November 1942 when the whole of France was occupied. However, a clandestine development continued, of a SARL 42, fitted with the ARL 3 turret and a 75 mm L/32 or L/44 gun using an optical range finder. To limit weight, its side armour was to be reduced to thirty millimetres.


title: SOMUA S35

text: In 1945 it was proposed to build a tank destroyer by refitting existing S 35 chassis with a superstructure for the British 76.2 mm 17-pounder gun.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: Châteauneuf-du-Pape (; Provençal: Castèu-Nòu-De-Papo) is a commune in the Vaucluse department in the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur region in Southeastern France. The village lies about to the east of the Rhône and north of the town of Avignon. As of 2019 the commune had a population of 2,055.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: A ruined medieval castle sits above the village and dominates the landscape to the south. It was built in the 14th century for Pope John XXII, the second of the popes to reside in Avignon. None of the subsequent Avignon popes stayed in Châteauneuf but after the schism of 1378 the antipope Clement VII sought the security of the castle. With the departure of the popes the castle passed to the archbishop of Avignon, but it was too large and too expensive to maintain and was used as a source of stone for building work in the village. At the time of the Revolution the buildings were sold off and only the donjon was preserved. During the Second World War an attempt was made to demolish the donjon with dynamite by German soldiers but only the northern half was destroyed; the southern half remained intact.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: Almost all the cultivable land is planted with grapevines. The commune is famous for the production of red wine classified as Châteauneuf-du-Pape Appellation d'origine contrôlée which is produced from grapes grown in the commune of Châteauneuf-du-Pape and in portions of four adjoining communes.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The first mention of the village is in a Latin document from 1094 that uses the name "Castro Novo". The term "castrum" or "castro" in the 11th century was used to denote a fortified village, rather than a castle ("castellum"). The current French name of "Châteauneuf" (English: "New Castle") is derived from this early Latin name and not from the ruined 14th-century castle that towers above the village. Just over a century later in 1213 the village was referred to as "Castronovum Calcernarium". Other early documents use "Castronovo Caussornerio" or "Castrum Novum Casanerii". The official French name became Châteauneuf Calcernier. The word 'Calcernier' comes from the presence of important lime kilns in the village. "Calcernarium" is derived from the Latin "calx" for lime and "cernere" means sift or sieve. From the 16th century the village was often referred to as "Châteauneuf du Pape" or "Châteauneuf Calcernier dit de Pape", because of the connection with Pope John XXII, but it was not until 1893 that the official name was changed from "Châteauneuf Calcernier" to "Châteauneuf-du-Pape". The name in the Provençal dialect of the Occitan language that was spoken in the village is "Castèu-Nòu-De-Papo".


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The earliest settlement is believed to have been near the Chapel Saint-Théodoric, to the east of the current village center. This Romanesque chapel was erected by the monks of the abbey of Saint-Théodoric in Avignon at the end of the 10th or the beginning of the 11th century and is the oldest building in the "commune". Although the village lay within the Comtat Venaissin, it was one of the fiefs of the bishop of Avignon and thus had a special status. The bishop of Avignon also held the fiefs of Gigognan and Bédarrides.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: In the second half of the 11th century a fortified village was built higher up the hill by the Viscount Rostaing Béranger in the fiefdom of his brother, the bishop of Avignon. The wall of the present church building formed part of the fortification and the arrowslits in the clock tower are still visible. Two towers and other vestiges of these early fortifications have survived. The new village would have contained a suitable fortified residence for the bishop which is believed to have been located between the church and the site of the later castle.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: In 1238 the bishop of Avignon obtained an important privilege from the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (r. 1195–1250). Salt that was shipped on the Rhône and landed at Châteauneuf would not be subject to tax. As a result, the trade in salt became a considerable source of revenue for the village.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: Bertrand de Got, archbishop of Bordeaux, was elected pope in 1305, and took the name of Clement V. He transferred the papacy to Avignon in 1309. The register of pontifical letters reveals that Clement V visited Châteauneuf on several occasions, sometimes for long periods. While in the village he would have been a guest at the bishop's residence. In 1312 he stayed in the village from 6–22 November. In 1313 he returned from 9 May to 1 July and again from 19 October to 4 December. The following year, 1314, he was in Châteauneuf from 24–30 March. He died in the castle of Roquemaure on the opposite bank of the Rhône on 7 April 1314.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The next pope, Jacques Duèze, was elected in 1316 and took the name John XXII. After his coronation in Lyon on 5 September 1316, he travelled down the Rhône and spent 10 days in Châteauneuf before he arrived in Avignon. He had served as the bishop of Avignon between 1310 and 1313 and while bishop had also been the seigneur of Châteauneuf-du-Pape. He had arranged for his nephew Jacques de Via to succeed him as bishop. But on the death of his nephew in 1317 he chose not to appoint a successor, so during his papacy the village belonged directly to the pope. John XXII initiated a large number of building projects, including additions to the Palais des Papes in Avignon as well as defensive castles at Barbentane, Bédarrides, Noves and Sorgues. In 1317, work began on the construction of the castle in Châteauneuf-du-Pape. John XXII derived little benefit from the new castle, which was not completed until 1333, a year before his death. The ruins of the castle are now a prominent feature of the village.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: There is no record of the next Avignon pope, Benedict XII (1334–1342) having ever stayed in this castle, but in 1335 he granted the village the right to have a ship mill on the Rhône, a market every Tuesday and two fairs during the year. He did not keep the post of bishop of Avignon and appointed a new bishop to replace himself in 1336. None of the following four popes stayed in Châteauneuf-du-Pape either, but after the schism of the Catholic Church in 1378, the Avignon antipope Clement VII frequently sought the security of the castle and from 1385 to 1387 had improvements carried out on the building.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: In the 14th century the presence of the pope in Avignon and construction of the castle brought considerable prosperity to the village. The economy was based on agriculture, but the villagers also possessed lime kilns and the local merchants supplied roof tiles for the Palais des Papes in Avignon and floor tiles for the castle being built in Barbentane. The village outgrew the mid-11th century defensive walls and houses began to be built outside. In 1381 the village obtained permission to impose a local tax to fund the construction of a new system of fortifications around the village. These defensive towers have all disappeared except for the Portalet tower in the Rue des Papes, but parts of the walls remain.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: In 1317, one year after his election, Pope John XXII ordered the construction of a castle at the top of the hill above the village. Some of the stone may have been from a local quarry but most was probably imported from Courthézon. The mortar and the roof tiles would have been manufactured in the village. To provide water, between August 1318 and July 1319, a large deep well was dug in the courtyard to the northeast of the donjon. According to the papal accounts, much of the work was completed by 1322, but in 1332 there is an entry for the purchase of timber from Liguria for four towers. The castle not only had a defensive role, but was also designed to serve as a summer residence. There was a garden on the west side and a 10 hectare park to the north enclosed by high walls in which vines, olive trees and fruit trees were cultivated.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: With the departure of the popes the castle became part of the fief of the bishop and, after 1475, the archbishop of Avignon, but it was much too big and expensive for them to maintain. The captain in charge of the village's defences lived in the castle but there was no permanent garrison, and most of the buildings were allowed to deteriorate. In the 16th century Huguenots occupied Châteauneuf for several months during the Wars of Religion. In March 1563, they pillaged the village and set fire to the church and parts of the castle including the apartments of the pope. The extent of the damage is not known.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: During the 17th century, and perhaps earlier, the ruined buildings of the castle were used as a source of stone for the construction of houses in the village. The community also used the stone to repair the walls around the village (18 to 20 cartloads in 1717) and to repair the church in 1781. At the time of the Revolution the castle had not been inhabited for a number of years. The buildings and the adjoining parkland were put up for sale and bought in July 1797 by Jean-Baptiste Establet, a farmer in the village. The following year, these were resold in 33 equal parts. By 1848 most of the castle had been destroyed by the purchasers. The mayor forbade the destruction of the donjon and in May 1892 the castle was listed as one of the French Historical Monuments. During the Second World War, the donjon was used as an observation post by German soldiers. In August 1944, just before their departure, they attempted to demolish the building with dynamite but by chance, only the northern half of the tower was destroyed, leaving the southern half as it appears today. In the 1960s the municipality constructed a meeting hall within the ancient ruined cellar of the castle.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: There are no surviving plans of the castle from the 14th century. The earliest depiction is an anonymous drawing from the Album Laincel in the collection of the Musée Calvet in Avignon that dates from the second half of the 17th century. By this time the castle had not been properly maintained for three centuries and the drawing is probably an interpretation by the artist of the surviving structure. Another source of information is a plan of the village from the 1813 cadastre which indicates the position of some of the buildings but not their original function. The appearance of the donjon before its destruction in 1944 is known from old photographs.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The main entrance to the castle was just above the village and consisted of two successive gatehouses. The first was on the path up from the church and the second was just to the east of the donjon. The vulnerable north side of the castle would have been protected by a deep ditch. The northern entrance was defended by a tower and was probably accessed by a drawbridge. Very little is known about the buildings of the castle other than the ruined donjon and papal apartments. The castle contained a chapel dedicated to Saint Catherine but the location is uncertain. The donjon had a ground floor with a low barrel vaulted ceiling and two upper levels with rib vaulted ceilings. The large roof terrace was surrounded by a machicolated battlement. The floors were connected by a stone staircase built into the thickness of the western wall. The entrance to the tower on the east side was protected by an unusually tall bretèche. A similar bretèche survives above the entrance to the Tour Philippe-le-Bel in Villeneuve-lès-Avignon.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The two large ruined walls to the west of the donjon formed part of a rectangular building reserved for the pope and his close associates. The large ground-floor room was 26 m in length, 9 m in width and 5.5 m in height. The ceiling was supported by wooden beams with three central columns. The floor was paved with large stone slabs. This room, together with a smaller room to the north, were probably used for storage. On the first floor was the great hall of the castle in which banquets would have been held. It had the same dimensions as the ground floor storeroom but with a higher ceiling (6.5 m). It was lit by four large rectangular windows providing views over the Rhône valley. There were also three smaller windows to increase the ventilation, two facing west and one facing south. The walls were decorated with frescoes and a band of large red, bistre and black roses. A door at the north end of the hall opened into a well-lit smaller room with a chimney. The main entrance to the hall was on the east side near the donjon and close to the modern steps. The top floor of the building was lit by three large windows provided with benches and three smaller rectangular windows. The irregular pattern of the windows suggests that there were several rooms, perhaps apartments for the pope. The tiled roof with two equal slopes was entirely protected by the large outer walls.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: An archaeological excavation carried out in 1960 in the basement of the ruined rectangular building recovered a number of small glazed terracotta floor tiles. They date from the first half of the 14th century and would have originally decorated the main hall on the first floor. The tiles are square, 125–130 mm on a side and 20 mm in thickness. They are decorated in a Hispano-Moresque style which is more usually associated with dishes and jugs. Many have a plain coloured glaze, either green, yellow or occasionally black but some have designs in brown or green on a white tin glazed background. The tiles are similar to those discovered in 1963 on the floor of Pope Benedict XII's "studium" in the Palais des Papes. The room was built between 1334 and 1342 and is therefore a little later. The Châteuneuf tiles are slightly larger and often have animal designs. They were almost certainly manufactured in Saint-Quentin-la-Poterie. The papal accounts record large purchases of tiles in 1317.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: In 1994, a small archaeological excavation was carried out on the terrace at the foot of the southern façade of the papal quarters. Altogether fifty tiles were recovered that had been scattered in the modern landfill. At the same time, a survey was conducted in the village to locate tiles held in private collections. A hundred more tiles were identified that had been collected by local people in the 19th and 20th centuries. These new finds enlarged the established iconography and provided more precise information on how the tiles were made.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The parish church is now called "Notre-Dame-de-l'Assomption" but over the centuries it has been "Notre-Dame" (1321), "Saint-Théodoric" (1504), "Bienheureuse-Vierge-Marie et Saint-Théodoric" (1601), "Bienheureuse-Vierge-Marie-del'Assomption" (1626) and "Saint-Théodoric" (1707).


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The church probably dates from the end of the 11th century when the village was first fortified. It certainly existed in 1155 when a papal bull issued by Adrian IV confirmed that bishop of Avignon possessed "Châteauneuf Calcernier with its churches". Almost nothing survives of the original Romanesque church. It was rectangular in plan with the entrance at the western end. The square tower at the southeast corner which now serves as the bell tower was not part of the early church but formed part of the fortifications of the village. It later housed the municipal archives and in the 16th century supported a clock. The round tower at the northeast corner of the church was also part of the village fortifications but later served as a bell tower. In 1321 Pope John XXII paid for the construction of a side chapel, dedicated to Saint Martin, on the south side of the nave abutting the square tower. A second chapel, dedicated to Saint Anne, was constructed in the 16th century near the Saint Martin chapel.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: At the end of the 18th century the church was in a bad state of repair and had become too small for the village. Beginning in 1783 the church was extended towards the west and the entrance moved to the south wall. New windows were also created in the south wall of the nave.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: In 1835 the square tower was converted into the existing bell tower. In the 19th century, before the arrival of phylloxera, the village was very prosperous. Between 1853 and 1859 it paid for a major enlargement of the church in which side aisles were created either side of the nave. The chapels of Saint-Anne and Saint-Martin were demolished to create the southern aisle. To build the northern aisle, the commune bought land and a house on the other side of the Rue Ancienne Ville and displaced the street to the north.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The ruined castle of Lhers sits on a limestone outcrop, west of the village of Châteauneuf-du-Pape on the left bank of the Rhône. Up to the 18th century there was a village of Lhers associated with this castle. It is mentioned (as "Leris") for the first time in a document dated 913 in which


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: Louis the Blind, Count of Provence, gave the castle, one (or two) churches, a port on the Rhône and the land of the parish, to Fouquier, the bishop of Avignon. In 916, Bishop Fouquier gave the churches, the port and the parish to the churches of Notre-Dame and Saint-Étienne in Avignon. Neither the castle nor the income from the tolls collected from boats using the Rhône are mentioned in this document.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The plan of the castle is approximately square (25 m x 23 m), with a round tower at the southeast corner and a square tower at the northwest corner. The north side of the outcrop drops away vertically so there was no need for a defensive wall. A deep well is in the northeast corner. A drawing by the Jesuit architect Étienne Martellange shows the appearance of the castle in 1616. The architecture of the square tower suggests that it was built after the end of the 12th century. Only the ground floor survives. The round tower is later and was probably built in the 14th century. The surviving ruins therefore do not date from the 10th century when the castle is first mentioned in written records. The limestone blocks of the earlier castle were no doubt reused to construct the actual castle.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The Rhône was liable to violent floods and the river would change position or bifurcate, creating and destroying islands. The number and the position of the islands varied over the centuries which led to a series of boundary disputes between the communities of Lhers and Châteauneuf. In the Cassini map of France, dating from the last third of the 18th century, the castle is shown sitting on an island. At the time of the Revolution, the fief of Lhers included land joined to the right bank near Roquemaure, an island near the left bank separated by a small branch of the river, another island in the middle of the Rhône on which sat the castle, several gravel banks and a farm on land that was contiguous with Châteauneuf. The land of the fief was initially considered to be part of the commune of Roquemaure, but in 1820 the castle and the land were transferred to the commune of Châteauneuf-du-Pape. In 1992 the castle was listed as one of the French historical monuments. It is privately owned.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: Almost nothing survives of the two churches mentioned in the early documents. The church of Sainte-Marie was destroyed during the Revolution. The ruins were visible until the canalization of the Rhône in the 1970s. The other church, dedicated to the Saints Cosmas and Damian, was probably the earlier of the two. It is mentioned in a papal bull issued in 1138 by Pope Adrian IV that confirmed that the bishop of Avignon possessed the fief of Lhers. The church is mentioned again in another document from 1560.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: Although viticulture must have existed in the village well before the arrival of the popes, nothing is known about it. The "Introitus et Exitus", the financial record of the Papal Treasury, shows regular purchases of small quantities of wine from the village. At the time, wine was difficult to transport and difficult to conserve so most was drunk locally when less than a year old. Wine production expanded in the 18th century with the rapid development of the wine trade. From the correspondence of the Tulle family who owned the vineyards of the La Nerthe estate, we learn that the 40 hectolitres of wine produced was exported to England, Italy, Germany and all over France. In 1923, the local wine producers led by the lawyer Pierre Le Roy de Boiseaumarié began a campaign to establish legal protection for the wine from the commune. The delimited area and the method of wine production were awarded legal recognition in 1933. Small changes to the initial regulations were made in 1936 and 1966.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The wine classified as Châteauneuf-du-Pape "Appellation d'origine contrôlée" (AOC) is produced from grapes grown in the commune of Châteauneuf-du-Pape and portions of the four adjoining communes in the Vaucluse. The vineyards cover an area of approximately 3,200 hectares. Of this total 1,659 hectares (52%) lie within the commune of Châteauneuf, 674 hectares (21.1%) within Courthézon, 391 hectares (12.3%) within Orange, 335 hectares (10.5%) within Bédarrides and remaining 129 hectares (4%) in Sorgues. Unlike its northern Rhône neighbours, Châteauneuf-du-Pape AOC permits thirteen different varieties of grape in red wine but the blend must be predominantly grenache. In 2010 there were 320 producers. The total annual production is around 100,000 hectolitres (equivalent to 13 million bottles of 0.75 litre) of which 95% is red. The remainder is white: the production of rosé is not permitted under this AOC.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: The earliest figure for the population of the village is from the census of 1344, which recorded 508 dwellings or "hearths". As there were typically 4.5 inhabitants per dwelling, this represented around 2,000 inhabitants, a very large village for the time. The figure was not surpassed until the 20th century. After 1344 there are no further records until 1500, when the population was 1,600. In the 17th century there were several epidemics of bubonic plague and by 1694 the population had dropped to 558. During the 18th century the population of the village doubled, reaching 1,471 in 1866, but when the phylloxera devastated the vineyards the population dropped by a quarter to 1,095 in 1891. The population was 2,179 in 2012.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: Châteauneuf-du-Pape has a humid subtropical climate "Cfa" in the Köppen climate classification, with moderate rainfall year-round. July and August are the hottest months with average daily maximum temperatures of around . The driest month is July when the average monthly rainfall is 37 millimeters, just a little too wet for the climate to be classified as Mediterranean (Köppen "Csa"). The village is often subject to a strong wind, the mistral, that blows from the north.


title: Châteauneuf-du-Pape

text: There are two state schools in the commune. The nursery school, École maternelle Jean Macé, is attended by around 87 children between the ages of three and six. The primary school, École primaire Albert Camus, is attended by 137 children between the ages of six and eleven. After the age of eleven most children attend the Collège Saint Exupéry in Bédarrides.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Unsafe at Any Speed: The Designed-In Dangers of the American Automobile is a non-fiction book by consumer advocate Ralph Nader, first published in 1965. Its central theme is that car manufacturers resisted the introduction of safety features (such as seat belts), and that they were generally reluctant to spend money on improving safety. This work contains substantial references and material from industry insiders. It was a best seller in non-fiction in 1966.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: The book resulted in the creation of the United States Department of Transportation in 1966 and the predecessor agencies of the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration in 1970.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: "Unsafe at Any Speed" is primarily known for its critique of the Chevrolet Corvair, although only one of the book's eight chapters covers the Corvair. It also deals with the use of tires and tire pressure being based on comfort rather than on safety, and the automobile industry disregarding technically based criticism. A 1972 N.H.T.S.A. report disputed his allegations about abnormal handling in sharp turns and suggested the Corvair's rollover rate was comparable to similar cars.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: The subject for which the book is probably most widely known, the rear-engined Chevrolet Corvair, is covered in Chapter 1—"The Sporty Corvair–The One-Car Accident". This relates to the first models (1960-1964) that had a swing-axle suspension design which was prone to "tuck under" in certain circumstances. George Caramagna, a mechanic working on the suspension system, suggested installing a stabilizer (anti-roll or "anti-sway") bar, but was overruled by GM management. To make up for the cost-cutting lack of a front stabilizer bar, Corvairs required tire pressures which were outside of the tire manufacturers' recommended tolerances. The Corvair relied on an unusually high front to rear pressure differential (15psi front, 26psi rear, when cold; 18 psi and 30psi hot), and if one inflated the tires equally, as was standard practice for all other cars at the time, the result was a dangerous oversteer. Despite proper tire pressures being more critical than for contemporaneous designs, Chevrolet salespeople and Corvair owners were not properly advised of the requirement and risk. According to the standards of the Tire and Rim Association, these recommended pressures caused the front tires to be overloaded whenever there were two or more passengers in the car.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: An unadvertised at-cost option (#696) included upgraded springs and dampers, front anti-roll bars and rear-axle-rebound straps to prevent tuck-under. Aftermarket kits were also available, such as the EMPI Camber Compensator, for the knowledgeable owner. The suspension was modified for 1964 models, with inclusion of a standard front anti-roll bar and a transverse-mounted rear spring. In 1965, the totally redesigned four-link, fully independent rear suspension maintained a constant camber angle at the wheels. A redesign for the 1965 model eliminated the tuck-under crash tendency.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: A 1972 safety commission report conducted by Texas A&M University concluded that the 1960-1963 Corvair possessed no greater potential for loss of control than its contemporary competitors in extreme situations. The U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) issued a press release in 1972 describing the findings of NHTSA testing from the previous year. NHTSA had conducted a series of comparative tests in 1971 studying the handling of the 1963 Corvair and four contemporary cars—a Ford Falcon, Plymouth Valiant, Volkswagen Beetle, and Renault Dauphine—along with a second-generation Corvair (with its completely redesigned, independent rear suspension). The 143-page report reviewed NHTSA's extreme-condition handling tests, national crash-involvement data for the cars in the test as well as General Motors' internal documentation regarding the Corvair's handling. NHTSA went on to contract an independent advisory panel of engineers to review the tests. This review panel concluded that "the 1960-1963 Corvair compares favorably with contemporary vehicles used in the tests [...] the handling and stability performance of the 1960–63 Corvair does not result in an abnormal potential for loss of control or rollover, and it is at least as good as the performance of some contemporary vehicles both foreign and domestic."


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Chapter 2 levels criticism on auto design elements such as instrument panels and dashboards that were often brightly finished with chrome and glossy enamels which could reflect sunlight or the headlights of oncoming motor vehicles into the driver's eyes. This problem, according to Nader, was well known to persons in the industry, but little was done to correct it.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Nader also offered advice about the gear shift quadrants on earlier cars fitted with automatic transmissions. Several examples are given of people being run over, or cars becoming runaways because drivers were not familiar with the shift pattern, causing them to shift into reverse when intending to shift to low gear, or vice versa. Nader made an appeal to the auto industry to standardize gearshift patterns as a safety issue.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Early automatic transmissions, including GM's Hydra-Matic, Packard's Ultramatic, and Borg Warner's automatic used by a number of independent manufacturers (Rambler, Studebaker) used a pattern of "P N D L R", which put Reverse at the bottom of the quadrant, next to Low. Because it was difficult to tell by feel whether the lever was in “Low” or in “Reverse”, drivers intending to select “Reverse” would frequently fail to move the lever far enough and shoot forwards. Alternately, drivers intending to select “Low” sometimes moved it too far into “Reverse” when intending to move forwards, and the car could ram into walls or buildings, damaging property and/or injuring people. In addition, other manufacturers, such as Chrysler, used a push-button selector to choose gear ranges.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Chevrolet's Powerglide, as used on the Corvair, used a "R N D L" pattern, which separated the Reverse from the Drive gears by Neutral in the ideal way, but which had no "P" selection, only providing a parking brake. Ford was the first to use the "P R N D L" pattern, which also separated Reverse from forward ranges by Neutral. Eventually this pattern became the standard for all automatic-shift cars.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Chapter 3 documents the history of crash science focusing on the effect on the human body (the second collision) as it collides with the interior of the car as the car hits another object (the first collision). Nader says that much knowledge was available to designers by the early 1960s but it was largely ignored within the American automotive industry. There are in-depth discussions about the steering assembly, instrument panel, windshield, passenger restraint, and the passenger compartment (which included everything from door strength to roll-over bars). Due to this, the "Nader bolt" was installed to reinforce the door and suicide doors were discontinued because of a lack of door strength.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Chapter 4 documents the automobile's impact on air pollution and its contribution to smog, with a particular focus on Los Angeles.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Chapter 5 is about Detroit automotive engineers' general unwillingness to focus on road-safety improvements for fear of alienating the buyer or making cars too expensive. Nader counters by pointing out that, at the time, annual (and unnecessary) styling changes added, on average, about $700 to the consumer cost of a new car (). This compared to an average expenditure in safety by the automotive companies of about twenty-three cents per car ().


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Chapter 6 explores the excessive ornamentation that appeared on cars, particularly in the late 1950s, and the dominance of car design over good engineering. Of the 1950s designs, Nader notes "bumpers shaped like sled-runners and sloping grille work above the bumpers, which give the effect of 'leaning into the wind', increase ... the car's potential for exerting down-and-under pressures on the pedestrian." See current practice at Pedestrian safety through vehicle design.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Subtitled "Damn the driver and spare the car," Chapter 7 discusses the way the blame for vehicular crashes and harm was placed on the driver. The book says that the road safety mantra called the "Three E's" ("Engineering, Enforcement and Education") was created by the industry in the 1920s to distract attention from the real problems of vehicle safety, such as the fact that some were sold with tires that could not bear the weight of a fully loaded vehicle. To the industry, he said "Enforcement" and "Education" meant the driver, while "Engineering" was all about the road. As late as 1965, he noted that 320 million federal dollars were allocated to highway beautification, while just $500,000 was dedicated to highway safety.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Chapter 8, the concluding chapter, suggests that the automotive industry should be forced by the government to pay greater attention to safety in the face of mounting evidence about preventable death and injury.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: "Unsafe at Any Speed" was a bestseller in nonfiction from April through July 1966. It also prompted the passage of seat-belt laws in 49 states (all but New Hampshire) and a number of other road-safety initiatives.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: U.S Senate hearings prompted by the book led to the creation of the United States Department of Transportation in 1966 and the predecessor agencies of the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration in 1970.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: The book has continuing relevance: it addressed what Nader perceived as the political lobbying of the car industry to oppose new safety features, which was later seen in the 1990s with mandatory airbags in the United States, and industry efforts by the European Automobile Manufacturers Association (ACEA) to delay the introduction of crash tests in the European Union.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: In response to Nader's criticisms, GM attempted to sabotage Nader's reputation. It "(1) conducted a series of interviews with acquaintances of the plaintiff, 'questioning them about, and casting aspersions upon [his] political, social, racial and religious views; his integrity; his sexual proclivities and inclinations; and his personal habits'; (2) kept him under surveillance in public places for an unreasonable length of time; (3) caused him to be accosted by girls for the purpose of entrapping him into illicit relationships; (4) made threatening, harassing and obnoxious telephone calls to him; (5) tapped his telephone and eavesdropped, by means of mechanical and electronic equipment, on his private conversations with others; and (6) conducted a 'continuing' and harassing investigation of him."


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: On March 22, 1966, GM President James Roche was forced to appear before a United States Senate subcommittee and apologized to Nader for the company's campaign of harassment and intimidation. Nader sued GM in November 1966 for invasion of privacy. He won the case on appeal in January 1970 and was awarded $425,000, which he used to establish the Center for Auto Safety, a non-profit advocacy group. He went on to lobby for consumer rights, helping drive the creation of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and the passage of the Clean Air Act, among others.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Former GM executive and Chevrolet's general manager John DeLorean asserted in the book "On a Clear Day You Can See General Motors" (1979) that he believed Nader's criticisms were valid in the context of the rigidity and short-sightedness of General Motors' corporate culture.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: The U.S. Department of Transportation issued a press release dated August 12, 1972, setting out the findings of 1971 NHTSA testing—after the Corvair had been out of production for more than three years. The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) had conducted a series of comparative tests in 1971 studying the handling of the 1963 Corvair and four contemporary cars, a Ford Falcon, Plymouth Valiant, Volkswagen Beetle, Renault Dauphine—along with a second generation Corvair with revised suspension design. The subsequent 143-page report (PB 211-015, available from NTIS) reviewed a series of actual handling tests designed to evaluate the handling and stability under extreme conditions; a review of national accident data compiled by insurance companies and traffic authorities for the cars in the test—and a review of related General Motors/Chevrolet internal letters, memos, tests, reports, etc. regarding the Corvair's handling. NHTSA went on to contract a three-person advisory panel of independent professional engineers to review the scope and competency of their tests. This review panel then issued its own 24-page report (PB 211-014, available from NTIS), which concluded that "the 1960–63 Corvair compares favorably with contemporary vehicles used in the tests...the handling and stability performance of the 1960–63 Corvair does not result in an abnormal potential for loss of control or rollover, and it is at least as good as the performance of some contemporary vehicles both foreign and domestic."


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Economist Thomas Sowell contended that Nader was dismissive of the trade-off between safety and affordability. According to Sowell, Nader also did not mention that motor vehicle death rates per 100 million passenger miles fell over the years from 17.9 in 1925 to 5.5 in 1965.


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: Journalist David E. Davis, in a 2009 article in "Automobile Magazine", criticized Nader for purportedly focusing on the Corvair while ignoring other contemporary vehicles with swing-axle rear suspensions, including cars from Porsche, Mercedes-Benz and Volkswagen, though just before the 1972 report Nader's Center for Auto Safety published a book critical of the Beetle, "Small - On Safety": "The designed-in dangers of the Volkswagen".


title: Unsafe at Any Speed

text: In 2005, the book received an honorable mention by conservative publication "Human Events" for its "Most Harmful Books of the 19th and 20th Centuries", meaning two or more out of fifteen conservative thinkers voted for it.


title: Coral (color)

text: The various tones of the color coral are orange, red and pink representations of the colors of those cnidarians known as precious corals.


title: Coral (color)

text: The web color coral is a shade of orange. It is displayed at the upper right. Other modern color schemes use different shades of orange or red.


title: Coral (color)

text: The complementary color of coral pink is teal. The first recorded use of "coral pink" as a color name in English was in 1892. Late in 2016, the color sample was renamed Coral Red by Pantone, as the RGB, hex and HTML color table showed the same color as being reddish, standing against popular belief of pinkish.


title: Coral (color)

text: The for coral pink are identical to Congo pink, which was first recorded as a color name in English in 1912.


title: Coral (color)

text: The web color light coral is a pinkish-light orange color as displayed to the right. It is also a HTML/CSS color name and a X11 color name.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: In ice hockey, icing is an infraction when a player shoots, bats with the hand or stick or deflects the puck over the center red line and the opposing team's red goal line, in that order, and the puck remains untouched without scoring a goal. The rule's main purpose is preventing a defending team from delaying the game by, relatively easily, sending the puck to the other side of the rink.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: While an icing call is pending, the linesman raises an arm to indicate that a potential icing call may be made. If the icing is waved off, the official lowers his arm and gives the washout signal (extending both arms sideways from the body at shoulder height, similar to the "safe" sign in baseball but typically delivered from a less-crouched or fully upright position).


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: When icing occurs, a linesman stops play. Play is resumed with a faceoff in the defending zone of the attacking team, who committed the infraction. If there is a delayed penalty, it will happen at the attacking team's neutral spot. If the linesman erred in stopping play for icing, the faceoff is at the center face-off spot (unless there is a delayed penalty).


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: In "touch icing", a player in the opposing team other than the goaltender must touch the puck to cause the stoppage of play. If the puck is first touched by the goaltender or a player on the team that iced the puck, icing is "waved off" (canceled), and play continues. The "touch icing" rule can lead to high-speed races for the puck.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: In "no-touch" or "automatic icing", play is stopped for icing as soon as the puck crosses the goal line.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: In "hybrid icing", play is stopped for icing if the player on the opposing team reaches the faceoff dot first, instead of skating all the way across the goal line to touch the puck.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: This type of icing is intended to reduce the number of collisions along the boards during touch icing, while still allowing the team that iced the puck to get to it first to wave off the icing. When the puck is shot around the end boards, travels down the ice and comes out the other end, the linesman judges who would have touched the puck first. If it's the defending player, he calls icing, but if it's the attacking player, he waves off the icing and lets the play continue.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: The National Hockey League (NHL) introduced the icing rule in September 1937 to eliminate a common delaying tactic used by teams to protect a winning margin. A November 18, 1931 game between the New York Americans and Boston Bruins is cited as one extreme example that led to the ban on the practice. The Americans, protecting a 3–2 lead over the Bruins at Boston Garden, iced the puck over 50 times. The crowd became incensed and threw debris onto the ice, causing a delay while the teams were sent to their dressing rooms. When the teams met again that December 3 in New York, the Bruins iced the puck 87 times in a scoreless draw.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: The rule was amended in June 1951 to state the icing infraction was nullified if the goaltender touched the puck. For the 1990–91 season, the league again amended the rule, stating the infraction was nullified if the puck passed through or touched the goal crease when the goaltender had been removed for an extra attacker. The NHL amended the rule a third time; icing was nullified if the goaltender moved towards the puck as it approached the goal line.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: The 1970s-era World Hockey Association (WHA) never adopted the NHL rule of allowing shorthanded teams to ice the puck. In 2009, USA Hockey considered eliminating the shorthanded icing rule, having tested its elimination in Massachusetts and Alaska in the 2007–2009 seasons.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: The IIHF adopted the no-touch icing rule after an incident in the Czechoslovak First Ice Hockey League in 1990, when Luděk Čajka, rushing to get to the puck in an icing situation, crashed into the boards, suffered severe spinal injuries, and died a few weeks later.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: After some teams in need of a line change (player substitution) began deliberately icing the puck to stop play, and as part of a group of important rule changes following the 2004–05 NHL lockout, the NHL supplemented the icing rule prior to the 2005–06 season by not allowing the offending team to substitute players before the next faceoff, except to replace an injured player, when the goaltender must return to the net following an icing call. This change was made in an effort to speed up game play by reducing icing infractions, as well as to encourage teams to work the puck up the ice rather than taking the opportunity to rest their players. In some junior leagues (such as the WHL), the offending team is permitted to substitute players after an icing only if the puck was shot from the neutral zone (between the defensive blue line and the red line). If the violation occurs in the defensive zone, substitution is prohibited. Regardless, in all situations, if icing is called, and then a penalty is assessed that changes the on-ice strength of either team (from 5 on 5 to 5 on 4, for example), the offending team may substitute.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: The NHL began using hybrid-icing rules in the 2013–14 season, after several decades of using touch icing. The IIHF also switched to hybrid after the conclusion of the 2014 World Championship.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: On June 13, 2017, USA Hockey adopted a rule change that eliminated the shorthanded icing exception. The rule change establishes that when a shorthanded team ices the puck a subsequent icing infraction will be enforced; play will stop and a face-off will occur in the offending team's zone. The rule change is effective starting with the 2017–18 regular season, impacting 14U and younger age groups.


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: Starting with the 2017–18 NHL season, offending teams are not allowed to take a timeout after an icing. In the 2019–20 NHL season a rule change allowed the offensive team to decide at which end zone dot they wished the face-off to be held following an icing (intended to grant a positional advantage to teams stronger on a certain side).


title: Icing (ice hockey)

text: Currently, most leagues (IIHF, National Hockey League, American Hockey League, Kontinental Hockey League, NCAA college hockey, European professional leagues, and several minor North American leagues ECHL, Central Hockey League and SPHL) use "hybrid icing". Most amateur leagues worldwide (such as USA Hockey) use "no-touch" or "automatic icing".


title: IBM Simon

text: The IBM Simon Personal Communicator (simply known as IBM Simon) is a handheld, touchscreen PDA designed by International Business Machines (IBM), and manufactured by Mitsubishi Electric. Although the term "smartphone" was not coined until 1995, because of Simon's features and capabilities, it has been retrospectively referred to as the first true smartphone.


title: IBM Simon

text: BellSouth Cellular Corp. distributed the IBM Simon in the United States between August 1994 and February 1995, selling 50,000 units. The Simon Personal Communicator was the first personal digital assistant or PDA to include telephony features (make phone calls). The battery lasted only an hour, and flip phones became increasingly slim which led to its demise.


title: IBM Simon

text: With advances in MOSFET (metal-oxide-semiconductor field-effect transistor, or MOS transistor) technology enabling smaller integrated circuit chips and the proliferation of wireless mobile networks, IBM engineer Frank Canova realised that chip-and-wireless technology was becoming small enough to use in handheld devices. IBM debuted a prototype device, code named "Sweetspot", on November 16, 1992, at the COMDEX computer and technology trade show in Las Vegas, Nevada, United States. The Sweetspot prototype combined a mobile phone and PDA into one device, allowing a user to make and receive telephone calls, facsimiles, emails and cellular pages. Not only did the prototype have many PDA features including a calendar, address book and notepad, but also demonstrated other digital services such as maps, stocks and news before they were widely available. COMDEX show attendees and the press showed interest in the device. The day after Sweetspot's debut, "USA Today" featured a photo on the front page of the Money section showing Frank Canova, IBM's lead architect and inventor of the smartphone, holding the Sweetspot prototype.


title: IBM Simon

text: After a very successful prototype demonstration at COMDEX, IBM began work on the commercial product, code named "Angler". The IBM device was manufactured by Mitsubishi Electric, which integrated features from its own wireless personal digital assistant (PDA) and cellular radio technologies while building the IBM device. IBM initially approached Motorola to manufacture the product, but Motorola rejected the offer, concerned that IBM could become a potential rival mobile manufacturer. IBM then approached Mitsubishi to build the device.


title: IBM Simon

text: BellSouth executives gave the finished product its final name, "Simon Personal Communicator", before its public debut at the Wireless World Conference in November 1993. BellSouth Cellular had planned to begin selling Simon in May 1994, but due to problems with the device's software, the Simon did not become available to consumers until August 16, 1994. BellSouth Cellular initially offered the Simon throughout its 15-state service area for US$899 with a two-year service contract or US$1099 without a contract. Later in the product's life, BellSouth Cellular reduced the price to US$599 with a two-year contract.


title: IBM Simon

text: In addition to its ability to make and receive cellular phone calls, Simon was also able to send and receive faxes, e-mails and cellular pages. Simon featured many applications, including an address book, calendar, appointment scheduler, calculator, world time clock, electronic notepad, handwritten annotations, and standard and predictive stylus input screen keyboards.


title: IBM Simon

text: It features a liquid-crystal display (LCD) and has PC Card support. Its internal hardware includes the Vadem VG230 (CMOS) system-on-a-chip (SoC) from NEC, MOS random-access memory (RAM) chips from Sony and Hitachi, flash memory (floating-gate MOS) chips from Intel and Hitachi, and Cirrus Logic modem chips.


title: IBM Simon

text: Each Simon was shipped with a charging base station, a nickel-cadmium battery, and a protective leather cover. Optional was a PCMCIA pager card designed by Motorola, an RS-232 adapter cable for use with PC-Link to access files from a personal computer, and an RJ11 adapter cable to allow voice and data calls to be made over POTS land-lines. The RJ11 adapter helped users reduce expensive cellular phone bills or make calls where cellular coverage didn't exist in 1994.


title: IBM Simon

text: The Simon used the file system from Datalight ROM-DOS along with file compression from Stacker. IBM created a unique touch-screen user interface for Simon; no DOS prompt existed. This user interface software layer for Simon was known as the Navigator.


title: IBM Simon

text: The Simon could be upgraded to run third party applications either by inserting a PCMCIA card or by downloading an application to the phone's internal memory.


title: IBM Simon

text: PDA Dimensions developed "DispatchIt", the only aftermarket, third-party application developed for Simon. It was an early predecessor to "Remote Desktop" software. The DispatchIt application costs were US$2,999 for the host PC software and US$299 for each Simon software client.


title: Sicko

text: Sicko is a 2007 American political documentary film by filmmaker Michael Moore. Investigating health care in the United States, it focuses on the country's health insurance and the pharmaceutical industry. The film compares the for-profit non-universal U.S. system with the non-profit universal health care systems of Canada, the United Kingdom, France and Cuba.


title: Sicko

text: Produced on a roughly $9 million budget, "Sicko" grossed $25 million theatrically in North America. This exceeded the official expectation of The Weinstein Company, which had hoped to be in line with "Bowling for Columbine"s $22 million U.S. box office gross.


title: Sicko

text: "Sicko" begins by noting that almost 50 million Americans were uninsured in 2007 while the remainder, who are covered, are often victims of insurance company fraud and red tape. "Sicko" mentions that the World Health Organization ranks U.S. health in general as 37 out of 191 countries and ranks some U.S. health measures, such as infant mortality and life expectancy, as equal to countries with much less economic wealth. Interviews are conducted with people who thought they had adequate coverage but were denied care. Former employees of insurance companies describe cost-cutting initiatives that give bonuses to insurance company physicians and others to find reasons for the company to avoid meeting the cost of medically necessary treatments for policy holders, and thus increase company profitability.


title: Sicko

text: The history of the American health care debate serves as a backdrop. Opponents of universal health care are set in the context of 1950s-style anti-communist propaganda. A 1950s record distributed by the American Medical Association, narrated by corporate spokesmodel Ronald Reagan, warns that universal health care could lead to lost freedoms and socialism. In response, Moore shows that socialized public services like police, fire service, the United States Postal Service, public education and community libraries have not led to communism in the United States.


title: Sicko

text: In Canada, a citizen describes the case of Tommy Douglas, who was voted the greatest Canadian in 2004 for his contributions to the Canadian health system. Moore also interviews a microsurgeon and people waiting in the emergency room of a Canadian public hospital.


title: Sicko

text: The origins of the Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 are presented using a taped conversation between John Ehrlichman and President Richard Nixon on February 17, 1971; Ehrlichman is heard telling Nixon that "the less care they give them, the more money they make", a plan that Nixon remarked was "fine" and "not bad". This led to the expansion of the modern health maintenance organization-based health care system. Connections are highlighted between Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), the lobbying arm of the largest drug companies in the United States, lobbying groups in Washington D.C., and the Congress. Hillary Clinton, a champion of the Clinton health care plan, is shown as a crusader for change, appointed to reform the health care system in the United States by her husband, newly elected President Bill Clinton. Her efforts are met with heavy-handed criticisms by Republicans on Capitol Hill, and right-wing media throughout the country, who characterize her plan as the harbinger of socialism. When she is defeated, her punishment is to "never speak of it again while in the White House." Seven years later, her silence is rewarded, as she becomes a Senator via healthcare industry contributions, the second largest recipient in the Senate.


title: Sicko

text: In the United Kingdom, a country whose National Health Service is a comprehensive publicly funded health care system, Moore interviews patients and inquires about in-hospital expenses incurred by patients, only to be told that there are no out-of-pocket payments. Moore visits a typical UK pharmacy, where pharmaceuticals are free of charge for all persons in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales and under 16, 16–17 in full-time education, disabled, unemployed, or over 60 in England, and subsidized in most cases for everyone else (in England); only a fixed amount of £6.65 (about $10) per item on a prescription was charged, irrespective of cost to the NHS. Further, NHS hospitals employ a cashier, part of whose job is to reimburse low-income patients for their out-of-pocket travel costs to the hospital. Interviews include an NHS general practitioner, an American woman residing in London, and British politician Tony Benn, who compares a hypothetical dismantling of the NHS to ending women's suffrage and says it would lead to a revolution.


title: Sicko

text: In France, Moore visits a hospital and interviews the head of obstetrics and gynaecology and a group of American expatriates. Moore rides with the "SOS Médecins", a 24-hour French medical service that provides house calls by physicians. Moore discovers that the French government provides many social services and rights in addition to health care, such as daycare for $1 an hour, free college education, a minimum five weeks paid vacation by law, vacation, and neonatal support that includes cooking, cleaning, and laundry services for new mothers.


title: Sicko

text: Returning to the United States, interviews disclose that 9/11 rescue workers who volunteered after the September 11, 2001 attacks were denied government funds to care for physical and psychological illnesses they subsequently developed, including respiratory disease and PTSD-induced bruxism. Unable to receive and afford medical care in the United States, the 9/11 rescue workers, as well as all of Moore's friends in the film needing medical attention, set sail from Miami to Cuba on three speedboats in order to obtain free medical care provided for the detainees at the U.S. Guantanamo Bay detainment camp.


title: Sicko

text: The group arrives at the entrance channel to "Gitmo" and Moore uses a megaphone to request access, pleading for the 9/11 victims to receive treatment that is on par with the medical attention the detainees are receiving. The attempt ceases when a siren is blown from the base, and the group moves on to Havana, where they purchase inexpensive medicine and receive free medical treatment at the elite Hermanos Ameijeiras Hospital. Providing only their names and birth dates, the rescue workers are hospitalized and receive medical attention. Before they leave, the 9/11 rescue workers are honored by a local Havana fire station.


title: Sicko

text: Finally, Moore addresses the audience, emphasizing that people should be "taking care of each other, no matter the differences." To demonstrate his personal commitment to this theme, Moore decides to help one of his biggest critics, Jim Kenefick. According to a blog posting, Kenefick feared he would have to shut down his anti-Moore website because he needed US$12,000 to cover the costs of medical treatment for his sick wife. Not wanting the U.S. health care system to limit Kenefick's ability to express his opinion, Moore sends Kenefick the money himself.


title: Sicko

text: This film ends with Moore walking towards the United States Capitol with a basket full of his clothes, sarcastically saying he will get the government to do his laundry until a better day comes for the sick and hopeless who are unable to receive health care.


title: Sicko

text: "Sicko" premiered on May 19, 2007, at the 2007 Cannes Film Festival, receiving a 17-minute standing ovation from 2,000 people at the Grand Theatre Lumiere. The North American première of "Sicko" was held in London, Ontario (where some scenes from the movie were filmed), at the Silver City movie theatre at Masonville Place on June 8, 2007, with Moore in attendance. It also had an early première in Washington DC. on June 20, two days before its U.S. release, with Moore appearing at a Capitol Hill press conference to promote the film.


title: Sicko

text: The European première was held in Great Britain on October 24, 2007, at the Odeon Leicester Square as part of the 51st London Film Festival. Moore was to introduce the film, but remained in the United States due to a 'family issue', sending a lengthy letter to be read in his absence. Part of the letter gave thanks to the Rt Hon. Tony Benn, featured in the film, who delivered a short speech before the showing.


title: Sicko

text: Made on a budget of $9 million, "Sicko" earned $4.5 million on its opening weekend. In 441 theaters, it took in an average of $10,204 per theater, the second-highest average gross of the weekend. As of February 24, 2008, "Sicko" has grossed $25 million in the United States and $11 million in foreign markets. Overall, the movie has made over $36 million. The film was also a huge success in DVD sales, in which it accumulated over $60 million in sales.


title: Sicko

text: According to the review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, the film boasts a 92% positive rating, based on 218 reviews, with an average rating of 7.71/10. The website's critical consensus reads, "Driven by Michael Moore's sincere humanism, "Sicko" is a devastating, convincing, and very entertaining documentary about the state of America's health care." Metacritic reported the film had an average score of 74 out of 100, based on 39 reviews, indicating "generally favorable reviews". After its Cannes release, "Variety" described "Sicko" as "an affecting and entertaining dissection of the American health care industry".


title: Sicko

text: In an early review a week before the premiere, Richard Roeper and Michael Phillips gave the film two thumbs up. Roger Friedman of Fox News called the film a "brilliant and uplifting new film" and praised Moore for the way in which he lets "very articulate average Americans tell their personal horror stories at the hands of insurance companies" and "criticizes both Democrats and Republicans for their inaction and in some cases their willingness to be bribed by pharmaceutical companies and insurance carriers."


title: Sicko

text: British film magazine "Empire" praised Moore's filmmaking and personal artistic vision, exclaiming ""Sicko" is the film that truly reveals Moore as an auteur."


title: Sicko

text: David Denby of the "New Yorker" called the film "feeble, even inane", but film critic Stephen Schaefer of "The Boston Globe" described "Sicko" as "a very strong and very honest film about a health system that's totally corrupt and that is without any care for its patients".


title: Sicko

text: The film was listed as the 4th best film of 2007 by Carina Chocano of "Los Angeles Times", as well as 8th best by Marjorie Baumgarten of "The Austin Chronicle".


title: Sicko

text: "Sicko" was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature and Moore was nominated for the Writers Guild of America Award for Best Documentary Screenplay. It was also commended in the Australian Film Critics Association 2007 Film Award for Best Documentary.


title: Sicko

text: Journalist and free market ideologue John Stossel wrote an article in the "Wall Street Journal" that claimed Julie Pierce's husband, Tracy, featured in "Sicko", would not have been saved by the bone marrow transplant denied by his insurer. Stossel also questioned whether this treatment would have been given in a universal health care system, citing rationing and long waiting lists in Canada and Britain. Julie Pierce claimed Stossel never contacted her or her husband's doctors, and that the insurer denied other treatments as well and questioned Stossel's assertion that Tracy would not have received this in a socialized system, arguing that they are performed more frequently in Canada than in the U.S.


title: Sicko

text: Moore insisted in the movie as well as in an interview with Stossel that the treatment provided in the Hermanos Ameijeiras Hospital was just like that given to any Cuban; but Stossel's investigations led Stossel to conclude that the hospital provided service only for the Cuban elite and that this care was not available to the average Cuban. In response to criticism that only well-to-do Cuban citizens receive a decent standard of health care, Michael Moore adduced on his website the result of an independent Gallup Poll in which "a near unanimous 96 percent of respondents say that health care in Cuba is accessible to everyone". An article in the "Miami Herald" interviewing some Cuban exiles in the United States criticized "Sicko" for painting a rosy picture of the Cuban healthcare system.


title: Sicko

text: In an article published in both "The New Yorker" and "Reason" magazine, Michael C. Moynihan called the film "touching, naïve and maddeningly mendacious, a clumsy piece of agitprop that will likely have little lasting effect on the health care debate". Surgeon and Associate Director of Brigham and Women's Hospital's Center for Surgery and Public Health Atul Gawande commented, ""Sicko" is a revelation. And what makes this especially odd to say is that the movie brings to light nothing that the media haven’t covered extensively for years."


title: Sicko

text: Kurt Loder criticized the film as presenting cherry-picked facts, manipulative interviews, and unsubstantiated assertions. While admitting that the U.S. health care system needs reform, Loder criticized Moore's advocacy of government control, arguing that many services controlled by the government are not considered efficient by the American public. Loder points to a 2005 film, "Dead Meat", by Stuart Browning and Blaine Greenberg, which documents long waiting lists for care in Canada. Loder points to calls for reform in Britain and France due to the same rationing.


title: Sicko

text: "USA Today's" Richard Wolf said, ""Sicko" uses omission, exaggeration and cinematic sleight of hand to make its points."


title: Sicko

text: WBAI Radio, part of the Pacifica Radio Network, reported that "Sicko" was revitalizing the debate for universal health care within the United States, calling the film "adrenaline for healthcare activists."


title: Sicko

text: In a letter responding to a "Wall Street Journal" op-ed by David Gratzer that was critical of the film, Robert S. Bell, M.D., President and CEO of University Health Network, Toronto, said that while Moore "exaggerated the performance of the Canadian health system", it provides universal coverage of a similar quality to that enjoyed by only some Americans. Michael Moore posted a leaked memo from a Capital Blue Cross employee about the likely consequences of the film. The memo expresses concern that the movie turns people against Capital Blue Cross by linking it to abuses by for-profit HMOs.


title: Sicko

text: A July 9, 2007 broadcast of CNN's "The Situation Room" aired a "fact check" segment by CNN's senior health correspondent Dr. Sanjay Gupta on "Sicko". Immediately following the segment, Moore was interviewed live on CNN by Wolf Blitzer. Moore stated that Gupta's report was inaccurate and biased. Moore posted a point-by-point response on his website. After a debate with Moore on "Larry King Live", Gupta posted a message about his position on "Sicko" and CNN's coverage.


title: Sicko

text: Wendell Potter admitted that while he was working as Head of Corporate Communications at CIGNA, the health insurance industry umbrella agency America's Health Insurance Plans had developed a campaign to discredit Michael Moore and the movie. When asked what he thought about the film Potter said that "I thought that he hit the nail on the head with his movie. But the industry, from the moment that the industry learned that Michael Moore was taking on the health care industry, it was really concerned ... They were afraid that people would believe Michael Moore."


title: Sicko

text: Journalist Bill Moyers reported that PBS had obtained a copy of the "game plan" that was adopted by the industry's trade association, America's Health Insurance Plans which spelled out the industry strategies to "highlight horror stories of government-run systems". Potter explained, "The industry has always tried to make Americans think that government-run systems are the worst thing that could possibly happen to them, that even if you consider that, you're heading down on the slippery slope towards socialism. So they have used scare tactics for years and years and years, to keep that from happening. If there were a broader program like our Medicare program now, it could potentially reduce the profits of these big companies. So that is their biggest concern."


title: Sicko

text: Moyers reported and Potter confirmed that there were attempts to radicalize Moore in an effort to discredit the film's message. Moore would be referred to as a "Hollywood entertainer" or "Hollywood moviemaker" to associate the film as being grounded in entertainment without any basis in objective reality. "They would want you to see this as just some fantasy that a Hollywood filmmaker had come up with. That's part of the strategy." Potter said that the strategy worked and the impact of the film was "blunted" by the public relations campaign. He agreed that "Sicko" contained "a great truth" which he said was "that we shouldn't fear government involvement in our health care system. That there is an appropriate role for government, and it's been proven in the countries that were in that movie. You know, we have more people who are uninsured in this country than the entire population of Canada. And that if you include the people who are underinsured, more people than in the United Kingdom. We have huge numbers of people who are also just a lay-off away from joining the ranks of the uninsured, or being purged by their insurance company, and winding up there."


title: Sicko

text: The free-market think tanks, such as the Manhattan Institute, say that "Sicko" misrepresented the health systems of Canada, the United Kingdom and Cuba, and criticized it for its negative portrayal of the American health insurance system compared to these countries.


title: Sicko

text: The National Center for Policy Analysis, a conservative American think tank, has also been critical of Moore's claims, focusing particularly on lengthy waiting lists and unavailability of new treatments in the publicly funded health systems of the United Kingdom and Canada, an aspect of those systems which they allege Moore failed to address.


title: Sicko

text: The left-of-center/liberal-leaning Urban Institute (UI) largely agreed with Moore regarding the need for a universal health care system and failure of the current system. Urban Institute economist Linda Blumberg stated that Moore correctly provides evidence that the current system fails and a universal system is needed, adding that any system will face budget constraints. Overall, Blumberg stated that "Americans as a whole have yet to buy the philosophy that health care is a right and not a privilege" and if Moore succeeded in popularizing the idea, he "will have done the country a tremendous service." Bradford Gary agrees with the main points made by Moore but criticizes the film for making various omissions and lacking attention to detail, stating that "though Moore is not interested in the details behind the outrages he has assembled, many of his fundamental points are nevertheless accurate."


title: Sicko

text: Regarding Moore's donation to Jim and Donna Kenefick of Moorewatch.com, while Donna Kenefick thanked Moore, saying his money "paid for our health insurance premiums and gave us the financial breathing room to both deal with our debts", Jim Kenefick disputed Moore's account of these events, saying that his insurance would have paid for his wife's needs, and that his sites were in operation again thanks to reader donations long before he ever received Moore's check. Kenefick accused Moore of presenting his words out of context in order to defame him, and both Kenefick and his onetime co-blogger, Lee, criticized Moore for claiming to make this donation anonymously, only to highlight it in his film. They accuse him of being motivated by a desire for publicity and self-aggrandizement rather than altruism.


title: Sicko

text: At a Cannes press conference, after the identity of the donor was revealed, Moore said: "I had to ask myself, 'Would you write this check if this wasn't in the film?'. I decided this is what I would do, and what I should do, and this is the way I want Americans to live."


title: Sicko

text: "Sicko" was shown in theaters throughout Cuba and on national TV. Despite this, former United States Interests Section in Havana chief Michael E. Parmly wrote a diplomatic cable on January 31, 2008, which in part read:


title: Sicko

text: "The Guardian" newspaper, which collaborated with WikiLeaks, who leaked the cable, initially reported the cable's claim as fact, then printed that Moore complained about the factual error, and finally "The Guardian" printed a correction, confirming the film was in fact shown in Cuba. Moore argued that US officials simply made up the story to discredit the film as it portrays the US healthcare system in a negative light.


title: Sicko

text: The film was leaked onto the Internet two weeks before its official release on June 29, 2007. Moore denied leaking the film for publicity, and an investigation was made into the source of the Internet leak. When asked about the leak, Moore said, "I'm just happy that people get to see my movies. I'm not a big supporter of the copyright laws in this country ... I don't understand bands or filmmakers ... who oppose sharing, having their work being shared by people, because it only increases your fanbase."


title: Sicko

text: In a May 2, 2007 letter, the Office of Foreign Assets Control informed Moore that he was the subject of a civil investigation stemming from the filmmaker's March trip to Cuba. In the letter to Moore, a Treasury official noted that the department had no record of Moore obtaining a license that authorized him to "engage in travel-related transactions involving Cuba", alleging that Moore violated the United States embargo against Cuba. A duplicate master copy of the film was being held in Canada should an attempt have been made by American authorities to seize the film as part of the investigation against Moore that arose from taking the American 9/11 rescue workers to Cuba for medical treatment. Moore has said that trips made for conducting journalism are usually covered under a general license, which does not require preauthorization by the State Department. Moore states that his intentions were to travel to the US Naval base in Guantánamo Bay. Upon Moore's arrival at Guantánamo Bay, a siren was sounded and Moore decided to turn around for safety.


title: Sicko

text: On "The Tonight Show", Moore reported that he was notified that a subpoena regarding his trip to Cuba had already been issued. According to an anonymous source reported by Reuters, Moore has not been served; rather, the government contacted his attorney, David Boies, to discuss the logistics of serving a subpoena.


title: Sicko

text: The DVD release includes deleted segments that Moore filmed but did not use in the theatrical release. Several scenes from the section about health care in the United Kingdom feature footage of a homeless shelter where people received acupuncture and foot massages. Discarded scenes in France include an interview with an employee from General Electric, who tells Moore they get benefits in France that GE employees do not receive in the United States. Scenes showing Moore's visit to Norway and depicting its healthcare system, social benefits, and rehabilitation-based prison system were removed from the film because the Norwegian healthcare system, which is supervised by the Norwegian Board of Health Supervision, possesses numerous benefits similar to the French system. Like the French health care system, Norwegian patients treated for illnesses such as psoriasis or rheumatism are shown eligible for two weeks' paid vacation at a spa in the Canary Islands. Norway hires a government ethicist to determine how to invest the windfall from the country's oil wealth, because they want to do it in an ethical manner. A scene where Moore visits Bastøy Prison, a Norwegian island prison, was also deleted. Here, inmates reside in small group homes and focus on rehabilitation through manual labor and farming.


title: Sicko

text: Deleted American health care scenes include an uninsured woman who was offered a 50% discount for treatment of spinal cancer. She still could not afford the initial consultations, so she held a fundraiser to pay for it. After the initial visit, the 50 percent discount was revoked when the hospital discovered that she had obtained the money to pay for her treatment through fundraising, which the hospital considered to be earned income. An interview with Marcia Angell was also deleted. The former editor of "The New England Journal of Medicine" criticizes various practices of pharmaceutical companies and the Food and Drug Administration. Executive producer Harvey Weinstein asked Moore to remove a scene critical of Hillary Clinton, but Moore refused. Weinstein, whose company provided financing for the film, is a friend of the Clinton family.


title: Sicko

text: In the DVD edition of the film, Moore added a segment called ""Sicko" Goes to Washington". This extra promotes the United States National Health Care Act, legislation that would create a single-payer health care system within the United States.


title: Caprivi Strip

text: The Caprivi Strip, also known simply as Caprivi, is a geographic salient protruding from the northeastern corner of Namibia. It is surrounded by Botswana to the south and Angola and Zambia to the north. Namibia, Botswana and Zambia meet at a single point at the eastern tip of the Strip, which also comes within of Zimbabwe thus nearly forming a quadripoint. Botswana and Zambia share a border at the crossing of Kazungula. The territory was acquired by then-German South West Africa in order to provide access to the Zambezi River and consequently a route to the east coast of the continent and German East Africa. The route was later found not to be navigable because about east of the Caprivi Strip is Victoria Falls, one of the world's largest waterfalls.


title: Caprivi Strip

text: Within Namibia, the Strip is divided administratively between Kavango East and Zambezi regions. It is crossed by the Okavango River. The Cuando River forms part of its border with Botswana, and the Zambezi River forms a part of its border with Zambia. The width of the strip varies from about to . Its largest settlement is Katima Mulilo, located at the point where the Zambezi reaches the Strip.


title: Caprivi Strip

text: When Namibia was a German colony, the Caprivi Strip was known in German as "Caprivizipfel". Before colonization, it was known as "Itenge". During a short-lived secession attempt around the year 2000, the name "Itenge" was used by the separatists. It is also sometimes called the "Okavango Panhandle".


title: Caprivi Strip

text: Inhabitants of the Caprivi Strip speak a number of African languages, mostly members of the Bantu language family, with speakers of Hukwe, a San language, in the northwest of the strip near the border with Angola. The Bantu languages include Yeyi (or 'Yei' or 'Yeeyi'), Mbukushu, Gciriku (or 'Dciriku'), Fwe, Totela, and Subiya. Silozi language is a lingua Franca of the Caprivi Strip, especially in Katima Mulilo, where some residents speak Lozi, a language of western Zambia. as a "lingua franca". Many also speak English, while Afrikaans has almost disappeared.


title: Caprivi Strip

text: The area is rich in natural wildlife and has mineral resources. Of particular interest to the government of Namibia is that it gives access to the Zambezi River and is thereby a potential trading route to Africa's East Coast. However, the vagaries of the river level, various rapids, the presence of the Victoria Falls downstream and continued political uncertainty in the region make this use of the Caprivi Strip unlikely, although it may be used for ecotourism in the future.


title: Caprivi Strip

text: Within Namibia the Caprivi Strip provides significant habitat for the critically endangered African wild dog ("Lycaon pictus"). It is a corridor for African elephant moving from Botswana and Namibia into Angola, Zambia and Zimbabwe. National parks found in the Caprivi Strip are Bwabwata National Park, Mudumu National Park and Nkasa Rupara National Park. Local communities have organised themselves into communal area conservancies and community forests. People work closely with the Namibian Government to jointly manage natural resources through several programmes set up between the Namibian Government and various donor parties.


title: Caprivi Strip

text: Caprivi was named after German Chancellor Leo von Caprivi (in office 1890–1894), who negotiated the acquisition of the land in an 1890 exchange with the United Kingdom. Caprivi arranged for the Caprivi strip to be annexed to German South West Africa in order to give Germany access to the Zambezi River and a route to Africa's east coast, where the colony of German East Africa (now part of Tanzania) was situated. The transfer of territory was a part of the Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty of 1890, in which Germany gave up its interest in Zanzibar in return for the Caprivi Strip and the island of Heligoland in the North Sea. The river later proved unnavigable and inaccessible to the Indian Ocean due to the Victoria Falls, a fact that was possibly already known to the British side during the negotiations. Caprivi itself was remote and inaccessible during the rainy season, and the Germans did not find use for it. After a mineral expedition in 1909 proved unsuccessful, Germany contemplated exchanging the strip for some other British territory, such as Walvis Bay. When that territory was transferred to Cape Colony by the British in 1910, Germany was stuck with Caprivi for the rest of its colonial history.


title: Caprivi Strip

text: In 1976, the South African administration established the self-governing Eastern Caprivi homeland with its own flag, national anthem, and coat of arms. It remained under direct "de facto" control of the South African government in Pretoria until 1980, when its administration was transferred to South West Africa's administration in Windhoek.


title: Caprivi Strip

text: In the late 20th century, the Caprivi Strip attracted attention when Namibia and Botswana took a long-standing dispute over its southern boundary to the International Court of Justice. The core of the territorial dispute concerned which channel of the Chobe River was the thalweg, the "bona fide" international boundary. This was important, as, depending on the decision, a large island (known as Kasikili or Sedudu, by Namibia and Botswana respectively) would fall into one or the other's national territory. The Botswana government considered the island as an integral part of the Chobe National Park, whereas the Namibian government, and many inhabitants of the eastern Caprivi Strip, held that not only was the island part of the original German–British agreement, but generations of inhabitants had used it for seasonal grazing, for reed-gathering, and as a burial site. In December 1999, the International Court of Justice ruled that the main channel, and hence the international boundary, lay to the north of the island, thus making the island part of Botswana.


title: Caprivi Strip

text: The Caprivi Strip is of politico-strategic military importance. During the Rhodesian Bush War (1964–1979), South West African People Organization's and Caprivi African National Union (CANU) liberation war against the South African occupation (1965–1994) and the Angolan Civil War (1975–2002), the Strip saw continual military action and multiple incursions by various armed forces using the Strip as a corridor to access other territories.