title: No Doubt (No Doubt album)

text: The lack of record company support frustrated the band and led the band to self-produce their next album, "The Beacon Street Collection", in a home-made studio, causing them to abandon the slick pop sound desired by Interscope for a more punk style. Their independence shocked their record company representative Tony Ferguson and the album sold over 100,000 copies in 1995, the year of its release, over three times as many as "No Doubt" sold. To capitalize on this success, Interscope offered the band extensive help with their third album, "Tragic Kingdom", under the division Trauma Records to which the band was signed.


title: No Doubt (No Doubt album)

text: The success of their third album, "Tragic Kingdom", led to fans becoming interested in the band's earlier albums, "No Doubt" and "The Beacon Street Collection", and many more copies of them were manufactured and sold. "The Beacon Street Collection" was re-released in October 1997 as part of the band's back catalog and, by the summer of 1997, "No Doubt" had sold 250,000 copies.


title: No Doubt (No Doubt album)

text: Yahoo! Music reviewer, Bill Holdship, called the album "a rather nondescript ska-pop effort". Allmusic gave the album a mixed review, calling it "a polished production". It described the music on the album as "pop-oriented", with "new wave keyboards and punchy brass proving a foil to the basic ska framework", and complimented Gwen Stefani's "extroverted" vocals. Rhapsody also gave the album a positive review, albeit retrospectively, calling it "a far cry from the radio pop [the band] became known for". It described the music as "bright, colorful, fun" and Gwen Stefani's vocals as "strong".


title: Jörg Haider

text: Jörg Haider (; 26 January 1950 – 11 October 2008) was an Austrian politician. He was Governor of Carinthia on two occasions, the long-time leader of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) and later Chairman of the Alliance for the Future of Austria (Bündnis Zukunft Österreich, BZÖ), a breakaway party from the FPÖ.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider was a controversial figure within Austria and abroad. Several countries imposed mild diplomatic sanctions against his party's participation in government alongside Wolfgang Schüssel's Austrian People's Party (ÖVP), starting from 2000.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider died in a car accident shortly after leading the BZÖ in the 2008 Austrian Parliamentary elections.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider's parents had been early members of the Austrian Nazi Party (DNSAP, the Austrian affiliate of the NSDAP, the German Nazi Party). Haider's father, Robert Haider, was a shoemaker. His mother, Dorothea Rupp, was the daughter of a well-to-do physician and head of the gynaecology ward at the general hospital of Linz.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Robert Haider joined the DNSAP in 1929 as a fifteen-year-old boy, four years before Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany. He remained a member even after the Nazi Party was banned in Austria and after Engelbert Dollfuss had dissolved the Austrian parliament and established the "Ständestaat", a fascist dictatorship.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In 1933, Robert Haider moved to Bavaria but returned to Austria the following year after the failed Nazi attempt to overthrow the Austrian government. He was arrested and chose to move back to Germany where he joined the Austrian Legion, a division of the "Sturmabteilung".


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider senior completed a two-year military service in Germany and returned to Austria in 1938 after it was annexed by Nazi Germany (the "Anschluss"). From 1940 on, he fought as a junior officer on the Western and Eastern Fronts in Europe during the Second World War. Having been wounded several times, he was discharged from the "Wehrmacht" with the rank of lieutenant. In 1945, he married Dorothea Rupp, at that time a leader in the "Bund Deutscher Mädel" ("BDM").


title: Jörg Haider

text: Following the end of the war, Haider's parents were investigated as part of the denazification process, conducted to determine what measures should be taken against them because of their NSDAP membership (proceedings against all former Nazis—NSDAP members and collaborators—were undertaken as a matter of law in both Austria and Germany after the war ended).


title: Jörg Haider

text: They were labelled as ""Minderbelastet"" (meaning "compromised to a lesser degree", i.e. low-ranking in the NSDAP structure). Robert Haider found a job in a shoe factory. Dorothea Haider, who had been a teacher, was prohibited from teaching for a few years following the end of the war. Robert was forced to dig graves. Haider's mother eventually outlived him, turning ninety on the day he died.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider was born in the Upper Austrian town of Bad Goisern in 1950, a time when his parents' finances were rather moderate, and his elder sister, Ursula, was four years old. He performed well at primary school and attended high school in Bad Ischl despite his parents' financial situation. Haider was reportedly always at the top of his class at high school. During his time in Bad Ischl, he had first contacts with nationalist organisations, such as the "Burschenschaft Albia", a right-wing student group.


title: Jörg Haider

text: After he graduated with highest distinction in 1968, he was drafted into the Austrian Army, where he voluntarily spent more than the compulsory nine months (called "the voluntary one year"). After his discharge in 1969, he moved to Vienna and began studying Law and Political Science at the University of Vienna. He graduated in 1973 with the title of Dr iur. During his studies, he was affiliated again with a Burschenschaft: "Silvania". In 1974, he started to work at the University of Vienna law faculty in the department of constitutional law.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Throughout his career Haider had concentrated his politics on Carinthia. His personal life was heavily connected with this part of Austria: Haider became wealthy in 1983 when he inherited the estate of Wilhelm Webhofer, who had owned a large parcel of land in Carinthia commonly known as "Bärental" (bear valley). This estate has a history that came up in the 1990s in the Austrian media.


title: Jörg Haider

text: The land had been owned by an Italian Jew until 1941. At that point in time the Nazis still hesitated to take possession of property owned by non-German Jews without any compensation. Inside Italy, Jewish property was not yet open for confiscation and the Mussolini government was not inclined to allow this to happen to Jewish nationals abroad either. Thus when the estate was sold in 1941, one Josef Webhofer (a former resident of South Tyrol, Italy, and an Optant) paid 300,000 Reichsmark (equivalent to million euros) to obtain title to the land. After the war, Mathilde Roifer, the widow of the former Jewish owner of Bärental, demanded compensation.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Despite a panel finding that the property was fairly sold, Webhofer paid Roifer an additional 850,000 schillings (about $1 million today). In 1955 Josef Webhofer's son, Wilhelm, not a blood relative of Haider but rather a "Wahlonkel" or uncle-by-choice, inherited the estate and later bequeathed it to Haider. Today the land is estimated to be worth about $15 million.


title: Jörg Haider

text: The Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) was founded in 1955, and initially was a mixture of various political currents opposed both to the political Catholicism of the Austrian People's Party and the socialist views of the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ).


title: Jörg Haider

text: With its roots in the Pan-German movement, it included both German-nationalist and liberal political views. In 1970 Haider became the leader of the FPÖ youth movement and headed it until 1974. Haider rose rapidly through the party ranks. In 1972, at the age of 22, he was already a well-established leader and was made party affairs manager of the Carinthian FPÖ in 1976. In 1979 he was the youngest delegate among the 183 members of parliament, at age 29.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Beginning in 1983 his policies became more aggressive, when he rose to party head of the Carinthian FPÖ and started to criticise the leaders of the FPÖ, which at that time was still a minor political movement in Austria, usually winning only about 5–6% of the vote.


title: Jörg Haider

text: The decisive point of his career came in 1986 when he defeated Austrian Vice Chancellor Norbert Steger in the vote for party leadership at the party convention in September in Innsbruck; many delegates feared that Steger's liberal political views and his coalition with the Social Democrats threatened the party's existence.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Until 1989, the SPÖ held an absolute majority in the Austrian province of Carinthia; when it received less than 50% of seats in 1989, ÖVP and FPÖ formed a coalition and elected Haider as "Landeshauptmann" (governor) of Carinthia.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In 1991, in a debate in the regional parliament, a Socialist leader attacked Haider's plan of reducing unemployment payments for people seen as "freeloaders", calling it forced work placement reminiscent of Nazi policies. Haider replied, "No, they didn't have that in the Third Reich, because in the Third Reich they had a proper employment policy, which not even your government in Vienna can manage to bring about." Haider claimed that the legislators understood his comment as a criticism of the present Austrian government, but in the days that followed the SPÖ joined with the ÖVP in a vote of no confidence against him.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider had to resign his post as governor and the FPÖ–ÖVP coalition was replaced by an SPÖ–ÖVP coalition. Although the remark was costly both for Haider and the FPÖ, a country-wide poll reported that 42% of Austrians considered the press's treatment exaggerated, and 33% believed Haider's remarks to be based in fact.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In 1999, Haider again was elected governor of Carinthia by the Carinthian parliament, where the FPÖ now held a plurality of more than 42%. Even after the FPÖ fell to only 10% from 27% in the national elections in 2002, Haider's support in Carinthia did not diminish and he succeeded in the 2004 elections receiving a slightly higher percentage (42.5%) than in 1999.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Under Haider's leadership, the FPÖ moved to the right, reflecting Haider's nationalist, anti-immigration, and anti-EU views. Haider relied primarily on populism (see below) to advance his interests. From 1986 when Haider became the FPÖ's chairman the party's share in elections rose from 5% in the 1983 elections to almost 27% in 1999.


title: Jörg Haider

text: With Haider practically leading the FPÖ single-handedly, he was able to unite the scattered, divided extreme-right in Austria and establish a party that was not so much founded on leading personalities or an ideology but on just one leader – Haider himself, who used to change his opinions frequently. His style of governing the party became authoritarian in the following years, however his followers did not challenge his ultimate authority in the party, especially because Haider was able to gain one victory after another in elections.


title: Jörg Haider

text: An exception was the split off by the Liberal Forum in the mid-1990s headed by Heide Schmidt, a long-time political supporter of Haider and the FPÖ's candidate for presidency in 1992. The liberals initially gained the support of about 6% of the voters nationwide, but Schmidt was not able to uphold this support and the Liberal Forum subsequently dropped out of parliament in 1999.


title: Jörg Haider

text: The party's mixture of populism, anti-establishment and nationalist themes steadily gained support over the years. In addition to far-right voters, the FPÖ was able to attract voters from both the Social Democrats and the Conservatives in both the national and regional elections of the 1990s, mostly those who were fed up with decades of government by the 'Great Coalition' (see also: Proporz).


title: Jörg Haider

text: In 2000, Haider's Freedom Party unexpectedly came in second after the Social Democrats (SPÖ) in the 1999 parliamentary elections. After efforts to renew the grand coalition failed, the ÖVP reached an agreement with the FPÖ. In the normal course of events, Haider would have become chancellor. However, it soon became apparent that he was too controversial to be part of the government, let alone lead it. Haider thus stepped aside in favour of ÖVP leader Wolfgang Schüssel.


title: Jörg Haider

text: The coalition caused widespread outrage both in Austria and the rest of Europe. The heads of government of the other fourteen EU members decided to cease cooperation with the Austrian government, as it was felt in many countries that the cordon sanitaire against coalitions with parties considered as right-wing extremists, which had mostly held in Western Europe since 1945, had been breached. For several months, other national leaders shunned diplomatic contacts with members of the Schüssel government. Supporters of the government often blamed social democrats and President Thomas Klestil for these sanctions, and questioned their loyalty to the country.


title: Jörg Haider

text: At the end of February 2000, Haider stepped down from the leadership of the Freedom Party. Susanne Riess-Passer succeeded him, and thus became Vice-Chancellor when the coalition agreement was formally signed on 4 February. This was widely regarded as a cynical move to appease foreign criticism, as he appeared to continue to control the party from behind the scenes. Riess-Passer was widely viewed as being only pro forma in charge. Haider proclaimed that his move was just the fulfillment of his promise to Carinthian FPÖ voters that he had given prior to the election that had been held that same year.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Following analyses of the diplomatic sanctions, EU leaders came to believe that the measures were counterproductive and returned to normality in September 2000, even though the coalition remained unchanged.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In September 2002, after a special party convention in Knittelfeld (Styria), the so-called Knittelfeld Putsch, Riess-Passer lost the support of many party members. This meeting is also sometimes considered as a rebellion against the members which are currently involved in the government, which was thought to be started or at least supported by Haider. Thus Riess-Passer resigned as Vice Chancellor and Party Chairwoman. With her, Karl-Heinz Grasser, the finance minister, and Peter Westenthaler, the head of the Freedom Party's Parliament Club, also resigned.


title: Jörg Haider

text: This triggered general elections in November, which resulted in a victory with 42.3% of the vote for the conservative Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) led by Federal Chancellor Wolfgang Schüssel. Haider's Freedom Party, which in 1999 was slightly stronger than Schüssel's party, was reduced to 10.16% of the vote.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In response, Haider stated that he had demanded that the leader of the FPÖ must step down to allow him to be leader, and on being refused, stated that he would leave federal politics permanently.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In October 2003, in a cabinet reshuffle instigated by Haider, Herbert Haupt stepped down as Vice Chancellor and was replaced by Hubert Gorbach.


title: Jörg Haider

text: On 7 March 2004, the FPÖ won a plurality (42.5%) of the vote in the elections for the Carinthian parliament. On 31 March 2004, Haider was re-elected Governor of Carinthia by the FPÖ and SPÖ members of the state parliament.


title: Jörg Haider

text: However, outside Carinthia, Haider's charisma seemed to have largely lost its appeal among voters. The FPÖ incurred devastating losses in several regional elections, the 2004 European elections and in elections for the Austrian Chamber of Commerce. In each of those elections, it lost between one half to two thirds of their previous voters.


title: Jörg Haider

text: As a consequence, the FPÖ, whose chair was Haider's sister, Ursula Haubner, was riven with internal strife. On 4 April 2005, Haider, Haubner, Vice Chancellor Hubert Gorbach and other leading figures of the FPÖ announced the creation of a new party called Alliance for the Future of Austria (Bündnis Zukunft Österreich, BZÖ) with Haider as leader. In effect, this split the FPÖ into two parties.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In the following months, the BZÖ tried to establish itself within the Austrian political landscape, but met little success. Haider and his new party remained in the coalition with the People's party, leading to fierce fights between the FPÖ and BZÖ following the split-up. Subsequent polls showed that both parties were losing voter approval and in danger of failing to reach the critical 4% of the national vote barrier required for representation in parliament.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In the 2006 general elections, the BZÖ received 4.1% of votes, thus narrowly securing its representation of 7 seats in parliament. The FPÖ, now led by Heinz-Christian Strache surpassed initial expectations, receiving 11.0% of the vote, 532 votes behind the Greens.


title: Jörg Haider

text: From June 2006 to August 2008, the BZÖ was led by Peter Westenthaler. On 30 August 2008, shortly before the legislative election, Haider re-assumed the party chairmanship. Subsequently, the BZÖ received 10.7% of votes, and the FPÖ 17.5% of votes.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Stefan Petzner, Haider's designated successor as party chairman, stated in an ORF radio interview on 19 October 2008, that at the time of Haider's death he and the politician were in a relationship which "went far beyond friendship" with the full knowledge of the latter's wife. Petzner also said that "Jörg and I were connected by something truly special. He was the man of my life ()." The term "Lebensmensch" can imply an intimate relationship but can also be interpreted as "icon" or "mentor". Associated Press reported Petzner's comments as "Jörg and I were connected by something truly special. He was the man of my life ... I loved him as a best friend." Haider had neither confirmed nor denied the widespread rumours about his sexuality, but he was often criticised for surrounding himself with young men in his political movement, which was nicknamed 'Haider's boys' party'.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Since beginning his political career in the 1970s, Haider was critical of mainstream Austrian politics. He used simple slogans to raise his popularity by exploiting issues where he saw the general public perceived injustice or the self-interest of big party politics (specifically the SPÖ and the Austrian People's Party).


title: Jörg Haider

text: In a 27 September 2008 talk show on ORF television, Haider described the boards of directors of numerous world banks as "mafia". Haider also advocated the creation of heavier punishments for banking managers and proposed the creation of a special Legal Court against financial crimes, in one of his last interviews to the Austrian "Kleine Zeitung" daily.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider supported fighting against inflation, and paying a minimum salary of €1000 per month, as well as €1000 per month for mothers. He also supported reforming the Austrian social insurance system with one insurance company per profession. Until 2005 Haider was for the entry of Turkey into the European Union. Later, he urged that decisions like the treaty for the European Union, or the entrance of Turkey into the European Union should be decided by a referendum.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Throughout his career, Haider vigorously opposed immigration and Islam. In the early 1990s, Haider proclaimed:


title: Jörg Haider

text: One of Haider's main political struggles was the one against bilingualism in southern Carinthia, where an indigenous Slovene ethnic-linguistic community, known as the Carinthian Slovenes, lives. Already in the 1980s, Haider pursued a policy of segregation in schools, insisting on physically dividing the Slovene and German-speaking pupils in elementary schools in southern Carinthia. In December 2001, the Austrian Constitutional Court ruled that topographic road signs in all settlements in Carinthia which have had more than 10% of Slovene-speaking inhabitants over a longer period of time, should be written both in German and Slovene. Haider refused to carry out this decision, which has been reiterated by the Court several times thereafter, and publicly threatened to sue the president of the Constitutional Court. Instead of erecting hundreds of new bilingual signs, as ruled by the court, Haider ordered the removal of several existing ones, which triggered a wave of protest among the local Slovene minority, including acts of civil disobedience.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In May 2006, Haider personally moved the road sign of the town of Bleiburg () in south-eastern Carinthia for several meters (yards) as the response to the decision of the Constitutional Court which ruled the sign was unconstitutional because it was written only in German. He compared himself to Jesus Christ who moved the stone over his tomb, provoking indignation by the local Roman Catholic clergy. After the Court condemned his action as illegal, Haider threatened to call a regional referendum on the issue, for which he was publicly admonished by the Federal President Heinz Fischer. The referendum was blocked by the decision of the Federal institutions which found it unconstitutional. In December 2006, Haider tried to bypass the ruling of the Constitutional Court by attaching less prominent plaques with Slovene placenames to German road signs, which was again found unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court. Haider nevertheless disregarded the Court's decision and pursued his action.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In his last speech, delivered on the celebration of the 88th anniversary of the Carinthian Plebiscite only a few hours before his death, Haider reiterated his opposition to any kind of visual bilingualism in the region and warned the Slovene politicians "not to play with fire".


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider was also known to have visited Iraq to meet Saddam Hussein on the eve of the 2003 Iraq War, as well as having had a friendship with Muammar Gaddafi when Libya was an international pariah.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In 2000, Austrian-American politician Arnold Schwarzenegger criticised anti-immigrant remarks made by Haider: "As an immigrant myself, I am offended by anyone who makes anti-immigrant statements, and it is my opinion that someone who makes statements like Haider’s has no place in government. I have never supported him in the past and do not now. I am hopeful that Austria will find a way through this. As an Austrian-born, I am so saddened that, with all the progress we have made working for an open and tolerant society, one man’s statements can taint world opinion of an entire country. I know that there are many tolerant people in Austria. It is my hope that their voices can and will be heard.”


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider was frequently criticized for statements in praise of Nazi policies, or considered antisemitic. International reports on Haider often referred to his remark that the Nazi government had produced a "proper employment policy" as compared to the SPÖ government. He was forced to resign as governor of the Carinthia province in 1991 because of the incident. Haider years later apologized. On one occasion during a parliamentary debate, Haider described World War II concentration camps as "punishment camps".


title: Jörg Haider

text: On several occasions Haider made remarks about Austrian World War II veterans that were represented as broad endorsement of the war and of the Nazi SS. Speaking to a gathering of veterans from several countries in 1990, he said that the veterans were "decent people of good character" and "remain true to their convictions". Haider stated that he did not specifically address Waffen-SS veterans with his remarks. On another occasion, he said, "the Waffen-SS was part of the Wehrmacht (German military) and because of that it deserves every honour and recognition". The Waffen-SS was in fact not part of the Wehrmacht.


title: Jörg Haider

text: In 2000, at a gathering of Wehrmacht veterans in Ulrichsberg, including Waffen-SS veterans, he said, "Those who come to Ulrichsberg are not the old Nazis. They are not neo-Nazis, they are not criminals."


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider also compared the deportation of Jews by the Nazis to the expulsion of Sudeten Germans from Czechoslovakia after World War II. His detractors pointed to a punning reference to the leader of the Jewish community of Vienna, Ariel Muzicant; Haider indicated that he did not understand how someone named Ariel (also the name of a popular laundry detergent) could have gathered so much filth, implying the real estate agent's business methods were crooked. Haider's critics characterized the remark as antisemitic.


title: Jörg Haider

text: He maintained that Muzicant faked antisemitic hate letters to himself. He later withdrew this and other accusations, and apologized for his "derogatory remarks".


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider was closely watched by Mossad, the Israeli secret service; FPÖ secretary general Peter Sichrovsky – a Jewish-Austrian politician and formerly one of Haider's closest aides – had gathered inside information on Haider's controversial contacts with prominent "Arab dictators".


title: Jörg Haider

text: Due to Haider's perceived contacts to Holocaust deniers, the Israeli Foreign Ministry on 29 September 2008 declared it was heavily concerned about the 2008 Austrian elections; a spokesman of the ministry said that Israeli officials were "very worried about the rise to power of people who promote hatred, Holocaust denial, and befriend Neo-Nazis. We see it as a disturbing development and are following the matter very closely."


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider died of injuries from a car crash at Lambichl in Köttmannsdorf near Klagenfurt, in the state of Carinthia, in the early hours of 11 October 2008. He had been on his way to celebrate his mother's 90th birthday. Police reported that the Volkswagen Phaeton that Haider had been driving came off the road, rolled down an embankment, and overturned, causing him "severe head and chest injuries". He had also allegedly been meeting with a young man after having previously quarreled with Stefan Petzner that same evening. He was alone in the government car and no other vehicles were involved. At the time of the crash, Haider's car was travelling at 142 km/h (88 mph) or faster, more than twice the legal speed limit of 70 km/h (43 mph) for that part of the Loiblpass road. An initial investigation uncovered no signs of foul play, and conspiracy theories about the death have been strongly rejected by the Austrian police. Haider's widow denies that her husband was gay and questions the official account of the accident. Haider's blood alcohol level at the time of the crash was 1.8 mg/L, more than three times the legal limit of 0.5 mg/L. This fact was noted by both Haider's spokesman and the state prosecutor. The director general of the Carinthian administration declared that in case the Governor had been intoxicated, the state would have the right to recourse for the damaged car against Haider's descendants.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Austrian President Heinz Fischer said of Haider's death that it was a "human tragedy". Reactions in the press were mixed. Wolfgang Fellner, publisher of "Österreich", wrote: "I have fought bitterly" with Jörg Haider, but "finally, Haider became a gentle, considerate, almost wise politician ... Alas, he was once again too fast." Haider "died as he lived: always full throttle, always over the limit", Fellner concluded. But Ernst Trost pointed out in the "Kronen Zeitung" that while Haider had enjoyed a "comet-like rise" in politics, he also had "ever again embarked on self-destructive actions and provoked opposition." The Chief Editor of "Kurier", Christoph Kotanko, wrote that "however much his brown tones, xenophobia and aggressive populism were to be rejected ... Haider's criticism of the dominant conditions of the 1980s and 90s was partly also justified", and he had "named, fought and in part also changed" those conditions.


title: Jörg Haider

text: On 25 January 2009, the Lippitzbachbrücke, a motorway bridge in Carinthia, was renamed to "Jörg-Haider-Brücke".


title: Jörg Haider

text: In 2009, the consequences of Haider's financial policies became apparent when the Bavarian-Carinthian Hypo Alpe-Adria-Bank International got into serious difficulties, later leading to the bank's nationalization. Swiss paper "Tagesanzeiger" wrote about "Haider's money destruction machine". Carinthia now has the highest per-capita debt in Austria.


title: Jörg Haider

text: Haider's widow, Claudia, sued the German newspaper "Bild-Zeitung" for publishing interviews with a man claiming to have been Jörg Haider's lover for many years. In October 2009, an Austrian court ruled it illegal for media to call Jörg Haider a homosexual because it would be a "breach of personal and privacy rights". In its ruling the court threatened a fine of up to €100,000 for anybody "who claims or distributes the claim that Jörg Haider was a homosexual and/or bisexual and/or that he has had a male lover". The Graz provincial court also issued same preliminary injunctions against "Bild-Zeitung", the Austrian paper "Österreich" and the Austrian magazine "NEWS".


title: Jörg Haider

text: According to a confiscated black booklet handwritten by Walter Meischberger, a former Freedom Party politician, Austrian authorities said they would examine a diary that allegedly detailed money transfers from Saddam Hussein and Muammar Gaddafi. The diary reportedly mentions a US$58.7m transfer from Gaddafi, as well as more than US$13.3m that unidentified individuals brought back from Iraq. It also references an anonymous confidant who supposedly brought a suitcase filled with $6.6m from Switzerland to Munich for investment purposes; the money was supposed to have come from a Swiss account belonging to the deceased Uday Hussein and Qusay Hussein.


title: Rebel Foods

text: Rebel Foods is an Indian online restaurant company which operates 11 cloud kitchen brands including Faasos, Behrouz Biryani and Oven Story. It is the largest cloud kitchen restaurant chain in the world, operating more than 450 cloud kitchens in 10 countries, as of April 2022.


title: Rebel Foods

text: Among the company's biggest stakeholders are Sequoia Capital, Coatue Management, Lightbox Ventures, and Qatar Investment Authority. After its Series F round of funding in 2021, the company's valuation was reported at 1.4 billion.


title: Rebel Foods

text: Rebel Foods was founded in 2011 by Jaydeep Barman and Kallol Banerjee as a physical restaurant chain with online ordering facility. It launched its first cloud kitchen in 2015 and became a cloud kitchen-only business in 2016.


title: Rebel Foods

text: In 2018, the company started the Rebel Launcher Program for outsourcing its cloud kitchen platform to other restaurant chains.


title: Rebel Foods

text: In 2020, Rebel Foods launched EatSure, a consolidated food delivery service for its brands and partner restaurant chains. It also started operating food trucks known as EatSure Express.


title: Rebel Foods

text: In December 2020, Rebel Foods entered into a partnership with American fast food restaurant chain Wendy's, under which Rebel Foods will start and operate 250 cloud kitchens for the latter in India.


title: Rebel Foods

text: Rebel Foods owns and operates over 450 cloud kitchens in 75 cities in India, Indonesia, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Bangladesh, Hong Kong, and the Philippines. It also outsources its cloud kitchen facility to third-party food and beverage chains such as Wendy's, Natural Ice Cream, Slay Coffee and Anand Sweets through the Rebel Launcher Program, along with its technology stack called the Rebel Operating System. The company processes orders on its online food ordering platform called EatSure, as well as other online food aggregator and ordering services. It also sells at its cafeterias, lounges and kiosks.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: Baler, officially the Municipality of Baler (; ), is a 3rd class municipality and capital of the province of Aurora, Philippines. According to the 2020 census, it has a population of 43,785 people.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: Baler is located north-east of Manila via a mountain pass accessible by bus and private vehicles. It is host to spectacular geographic formations and is situated on a vast plain at the south end of Baler Bay, a contiguous segment of the Philippine Sea.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: It became the capital of Aurora on 14 June 1951 under Republic Act No. 648 signed by President Elpidio Quirino. It remained the seat of government of Aurora on 21 November 1978 under "Batas Pambansa Blg. 7" signed by President Ferdinand Marcos.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: In 1609, seven Franciscan missionaries, led by Fray Blas Palomino, founded the settlement of Baler, which was later converted into a "pueblo" (town) by the Augustinians and the Recollects in 1658. Due to scarcity of religious missionaries, the Franciscans again took over the administration of the settlement in 1703.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: On 27 December 1735, a great storm came and a huge wave called "tromba marina" devastated the old town settlement, then located in Barrio Sabang. Among the survivors were the Angaras, Bijasas, Bitongs, Lumasacs, Carrascos, and Pobletes who swam toward the nearby Ermita Hill. A new community sprang into what is now the Poblacion of Baler, leaving "Kinagunasan," the place of devastation. A mural depicting this wave can be found in the Museo de Baler in town.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: On 27 June 1898, 15 days after the Philippine Declaration of Independence, 54 Spanish soldiers of the Baler garrison, under the command of Captain Enrique de las Morenas y Fossi, made San Luis Obispo de Tolosa Church, named in Spanish for Louis of Toulouse, their barracks. When de las Morenas died on 22 November 1898, Lieutenant Saturnino Martín Cerezo replaced him. On 2 June 1899, the last Spanish garrison in the Philippines surrendered after the Siege of Baler, effectively ending over 300 years of Spanish rule in the country.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: In 1901, the Americans incorporated the town into the province of Tayabas. Before the Americans came, Baler was under the district of El Príncipe.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: The "Comedia de Baler" of Aurora mounted its first production in 1927. It was supported by then President Manuel L. Quezon and enjoyed the collaboration of artists Fortunato Esoreña and Alejandro Ferreras and arnis expert Antonino Ramos. Still alive until today, it features a group of colorfully attired performers using authentic weapons, like swords and knives, in their plays.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: In 1942, the Imperial Japanese Army entered Baler, where they made the Baler Elementary School building as their garrison under the command of a certain Captain Hattori. The general headquarters and camp base of the Philippine Commonwealth Army from 3 January 1942 to 30 June 1946 and the Philippine Constabulary from 28 October 1944 to 30 June 1946 were stationed in Baler. In 1945, Filipino and American troops landed in Baler, including Filipino troops of the 3rd Infantry Division, the 5th Infantry Division, the 51st Infantry Division, and the 52nd Infantry Division of the Philippine Commonwealth Army, the 5th Constabulary Regiment of the Philippine Constabulary, the local recognized guerrilla unit, and the American troops of the 6th Infantry Division of the United States Army. The retreating Japanese troops destroyed the San Luis Obispo de Tolosa Church in Baler.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: On 14 June 1951, by virtue of "Republic Act No. 648", Baler became the capital town of the sub-province (and later, province) of Aurora.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: In 1956, the "barrio" of Dingalan was converted into a municipal district within Baler and later became a town in its right.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: In 1976-7 the helicopter attack and surfing sequences of the film "Apocalypse Now" were filmed at Baler. The film is credited with having created the Philippine surfing culture and the headland at Baler is known as "Charlie's Point" from a line in the film.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: According to the Philippine Statistics Authority, the municipality has a land area of constituting of the total area of Aurora.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: People with connections to the town are referred to as Balerenos. Prior to the arrival of Spanish missionaries in Baler in 1609, settlements by Aeta people and Ilongot in Baler's coast and mountain areas already exists. Tagalogs, some originating from Palanan and Infanta, Quezon, came in to the area to trade by boat. Some Tagalogs settled in Baler and married with the Aeta and Ilongots.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: The Spanish brought in Filipino acolytes from other areas of Luzon from 1609 to 1899. During this period, Baler can only be access by sea though the town saw increase migration from other parts of Luzon such as Laguna, Tayabas, and Bicol from the south. The opening of the Baler-Bongabon Road allowed easier migration of people from Ilocos and Isabela areas from the north. The road also allowed Igorot people and Batangueños to settle in Baler. In 1896, a group of Ilocanos from Aringay, La Union came to settle in San Jose. In 1906, another group of Ilocanos arrived from La Union and Pangasinan.


title: Baler, Aurora

text: Baler annually observes the Philippine–Spanish Friendship Day which commemorates the end of the Siege of Baler and celebrates the bilateral relations that have developed since then. It is held every June 30 and the rites which was first done in the provincial capital are also observed in other parts of the country, as well as parts of Spain.


title: Jennifer Savidge

text: Jennifer Savidge is an American actress, best known for her role as Nurse Lucy Papandrao in the NBC medical drama series, "St. Elsewhere". She is married to actor Robert Fuller.


title: Jennifer Savidge

text: Savidge has appeared in a number of television shows. From 1982 to 1988, she was regular cast member in the NBC medical drama series, "St. Elsewhere". She played the role of Nurse Lucy Papandrao. During 1990s, Savidge has appeared in several made for television movies, and guest starred on "L.A. Law", "", "Sisters", "" and "Beverly Hills, 90210". Her film credits include "Clifford" (1994), "Magic Kid 2" (1994), "True Crime" (1996), "Evolution" (2001), "Searching for Sonny" (2011), and "Rudderless" (2014).


title: Jennifer Savidge

text: From 2000 to 2005, Savidge had the recurring role as Commander Amy Helfman in the CBS procedural, "JAG". In 2015, she played Ruth Taylor in the first season of ABC critically acclaimed drama series, "American Crime".


title: Jennifer Savidge

text: Savidge studied acting under Milton Katselas. Her work on Broadway included portraying Hilda in "The Night of the Iguana" (1976) and Lady of Verona in "Romeo and Juliet" (1977). She also performed on stage in regional theater productions. Between plays she found other employment, including managing a restaurant and managing an art gallery.


title: Jennifer Savidge

text: Savidge was born in Alameda County, California. She married actor Robert Fuller in Los Angeles on May 19, 2001. They began living on a ranch in Dallas, Texas, in 2004.


title: The Hill School

text: The Hill School (commonly known as The Hill) is a coeducational preparatory boarding school located on a campus in Pottstown, Pennsylvania, about northwest of Philadelphia. The Hill is part of the Ten Schools Admissions Organization (TSAO).


title: The Hill School

text: The school is accredited by the Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Elementary and Secondary Schools.


title: The Hill School

text: The Hill School was founded in 1851 by the Rev. Matthew Meigs as the Family Boarding School for Boys and Young Men. However, it has been known as the Hill School since 1874.


title: The Hill School

text: The school opened on May 1, 1851, enrolling 25 boys for the first year. According to Paul Chancellor's "The History of The Hill School: 1851-1976", “He [Meigs] wanted to stress that he was not founding still another academy, but a type of school quite new and rare in America. There is a tendency to think that the boys' boarding school as we know it existed as long as there have been private schools. It has not... The Hill was the first to be founded as a "family boarding school" (a school where the students lived on campus), as opposed to boarding with families in the town."


title: The Hill School

text: In the early 20th century, The Hill was a feeder school for Princeton University; a prominent "The Hill School Club" operated at Princeton for the benefit of alumni. The prevalence of Hill alumni, as well as those of Lawrenceville, Hotchkiss, Exeter and Phillips Academy, at Princeton led F. Scott Fitzgerald to lament that it was those of 'lesser' preparatory schools which were more prepared for the fray. The admissions process was relaxed for Hill School students, with cases including George Garrett, Princeton 1952, who was admitted when he confessed that he liked the striped football uniforms. At one point, Lawrenceville and Hill sent more students to Princeton than all public schools combined. Today, Hill alumni attend a wide variety of colleges.


title: The Hill School

text: The Hill School offers classes in each of its nine academic departments and offers 28 Advanced Placement courses.


title: The Hill School

text: The Hill School has had a relationship with Charterhouse School in the United Kingdom since 1994 that includes instructional trips, along with exchanges of extracurricular programs and teachers. It is linked with the Maru a Pula School in Botswana. As well, the Hill hosts a Thai King's Scholar every year. The Hill School is a participating school in the Naval Academy Foundation Prep Program.


title: The Hill School

text: In the early days of the school, boys played shinney, town ball, football and cricket. Matthew Meigs was not an athlete yet allowed sporting pursuits, unlike his contemporaries such as Samuel Taylor of Phillips Academy. During John Meigs' tenure as headmaster, organized and interscholastic sports began at The Hill. Tennis became the dominant sport during this period, unlike baseball at other schools.


title: The Hill School

text: The Hill School is a member of the Mid-Atlantic Prep League (MAPL), which the School joined in 1998. The Hill School was a charter member of the Pennsylvania Independent Schools Athletic Association (PAISAA), which became an officially sanctioned organization in 2011. In 2014, The Hill School received associate membership in the New England Preparatory School Athletic Council (NEPSAC).


title: The Hill School

text: The Hill School's rivalry with Lawrenceville dates back to 1887. It is the fifth-oldest high school rivalry in the United States. Originally an annual football game, the schools compete against each other in all of the fall sports on either the first or second weekend in November.


title: The Hill School

text: Participation in athletics is considered a vital part of a Hill education. All third and fourth form students must participate in at least two seasons of interscholastic sports, and all fifth and sixth formers must play at least one interscholastic season. Students may fulfill a season requirement by serving as a student athletic trainer or team manager.


title: The Hill School

text: The Hill School has been described as different in style and spirit from its counterparts in New England, and has been described as strict and demanding. It has also been described as conservative.


title: The Hill School

text: Alumnus Oliver Stone described his experience at The Hill School: "I hated the Hill School at the time. It was monastic. Horrible food, no girls. It was truly one of those Charles Dickens' types of experiences. And I really hated it. Years later I came to appreciate it. I think the inquiry and above all the discipline, of studying and concentrating and sitting down and doing it." The Hill has been criticized, alongside other East Coast Protestant schools, for promoting "snobbish", undemocratic, and "un-American values".


title: The Hill School

text: E. Digby Baltzell's book "The Protestant Establishment" identified the Hill School as one of the "select sixteen" best boarding schools in the United States.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The Socialist Left Party (, , SV) is a democratic socialist political party in Norway. Positioned on the left-wing of the political spectrum, it is opposed to European Union and the European Economic Area membership. SV supports a strong public sector, stronger social welfare programs, environmentalism, and republicanism. As of 2018, the party has 11,385 members; the number has steadily increased since a low point in 2015. The party leader is Audun Lysbakken, who was elected on 11 March 2012.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party was founded in 1973 as the Socialist Electoral League, an electoral coalition with the Communist Party of Norway, Socialist People's Party, Democratic Socialists – AIK, and independent socialists. In 1975, the coalition was turned into a unified political party. The party was largely founded as a result of the foreign policies prevalent at the time, with the socialists being opposed to Norwegian membership of the European Union (then known as the European Economic Community) and NATO. SV calls for a stronger public sector, a mixed economy, and a strengthening of the social welfare net. While advocating democratic socialism, the party also increasingly profiles itself as a supporter of feminism and environmentalism through eco-socialism.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: In the 2005 Norwegian parliamentary election, SV became a governing party for the first time, participating in the red–green coalition with the Labour Party and the Centre Party; before that, it was frequently turned down by the Labour Party. SV was reduced to the seventh-largest party following the 2013 Norwegian parliamentary election, in its worst election on record, but bounced back in the 2017 and 2021 parliamentary elections, although it remained both times at the opposition.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: Like its predecessors, the Socialist People's Party and the Information Committee of the Labour Movement against Norwegian membership in the European Community, the Socialist Left is a left-wing party which favours a welfare state and taxation of the wealthy. Finn Gustavsen, former leader of the Socialist People's Party, believed that the Labour Party were not socialists, and the only socialist force in parliament were members from the Socialist Electoral League. He was one of the main opponents of Norwegian membership in the European Community, saying the organisation showed how "evil and stupid" capitalism really was. According to a 2002 poll, one out of four members in the Socialist Left wanted Norway to join the European Union.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party's election program for the 2001 Norwegian parliamentary election stated that the party was a "socialist party" with a vision of a Norway without social injustice. Since its inception, the party has promoted itself as socialist. In later years, the party has been portrayed as social democratic by some in the Norwegian media, and as democratic socialist, and has been categorised as eco-socialist. The incumbent leader Audun Lysbakken has been a self-proclaimed revolutionary, socialist, and Marxist. He believes the party to be a democratic socialist one.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: Education has been one of main campaign issues since Kristin Halvorsen became party leader. Øystein Djupedal was elected Minister of Education and Research, and held that position for two years. He was replaced by fellow Socialist Left politician Bård Vegar Solhjell. Halvorsen took over the ministry in late 2009. Djupedal's first assignment in office was granting to "even out social differences" between ethnic minorities. The party believes that everyone has the right to free access to kindergarten. Anders Folkestad, leader of the Confederation of Unions for Professionals, was not pleased with Djupedal's efforts during his term in office, saying that "Djupedal has created much uncertainty and a mess after he became Minister of Education and Research. Many had great expectations, but he is sure lagging behind from the time when he was a sideliner." Djupedal was heavily criticised by the Norwegian media for his controversial and bizarre statements. In late 2005, it was estimated that students studying general, business, and administrative studies would save up to under the red–green coalition; school books became free when the coalition took power.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party wants to reduce the number of private schools, and Djupedal said they are of no use. Bård Vegar Solhjell stated he believed government-funded schools helped "smoothing social inequality", commenting: "Many of those who remain outside the labor market have received lack of training from school. It prevents them from contributing to the community. Parties on the right often confuse social security and welfare schemes as the problem; however, we tend to look at why they are struggling. There are systematic connections between social background and lack of training - it is a class question where something is needed to be done." Others believe that the party should nationalise non-public schools. Torbjørn Urfjell, former leader of the Socialist Youth chapter in Vest-Agder, said: "School and adolescence is too important to be left to the market. Therefore, they should be taken back." During the 2005 Norwegian parliamentary election, the party promised to increase resources to public schools, believing that more money would lead to fewer pupils per teacher, and more individualised and personal instructions.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party has held the office of Minister of the Environment since 2005, first by Helen Bjørnøy, followed by Erik Solheim and since 2012 by Bård Vegar Solhjell. During the 2009 Norwegian parliamentary election, the party promoted itself as the biggest and strongest green party in Norway. The party was highly vocal against oil drilling in Lofoten and Vesterålen during the election campaign. A large minority within the party are opposed to the conservation plan, with the majority of them coming from Nordland, the county where the drilling is taking place. The party struggled, despite the public's strong focus on the green movement and global warming. They failed to gather new voters and experienced one of their worst elections in years. By August 2009, various opinion polls gave the party 10% support but lost most of their voters to the Labour Party during the last days of the election.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party's strong emphasis on green politics, and its failure to capture new voters, has led to debate among electoral researchers. Frank Aarebrot commented: "It is interesting that both the Socialist Left and the Liberals has this bad turnout, when the environmental conference is taking place in Copenhagen." Halvorsen felt the environmental policies of the second Soria Moria declaration showed a clear level of commitment from the party's coalition partners.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party has promoted itself as a feminist party. In one of the Socialist Left's brochures published in 2005, it said, "The Socialist Left is a feminist party. We are fighting for a society where women and men have equal opportunities. This means that women should earn as much as men, that there must be more women in the top positions, and that there are welfare schemes that provide equality in the workplace." During the 2005 parliamentary election, one of the four main issues raised by party's youth wing was fighting against sexual harassment. In January 2005, "Klassekampen" asked 150 of the 169 representatives in parliament if they considered themselves feminist. According to the survey, the Socialist Left and the Liberal Party were the two most feminist, while The Progress Party was the least feminist party in parliament.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: Audun Lysbakken was Minister of Children and Equality from 2009 to 2012. Arild Stokkan-Grande claimed equality amongst men and women has been a major issue in government mainly because of the activities of the Socialist Left. He claimed that there were more women than men serving in the departments the party controlled.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: SV supports the 2008 Sex Purchase Law that criminalises purchasing sex, and the party wants to ban public strip shows.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party supports the conscription to military services to also include women, which was enacted into legislation in 2015.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: In 1992, Carl I. Hagen of the Progress Party accused the party of supporting free immigration to Norway, after Lisbeth Holand proposed that immigrants from non-European countries should have the same immigration opportunities as immigrants who have their origins from countries who are members of the European Economic Area. While Hagen was highly critical, she felt that the policy would offer housing and jobs for non-Europeans who needed them. An opinion poll showed that 82.9% of the Socialist Left members were open to more immigration, making the party the most immigration-friendly party in parliament, but still less than the non-parliamentary Red Electoral Alliance. In a measurement done in late 2009, the Socialist Left became again the party least hostile to immigrants, this time behind the newly established party Red.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: Another poll showed that almost one-third of Socialist Left voters would not want to live in an area with a high number of immigrants. Social geographer Karl Fredrik Tangen responded that it is easy for the typical intellectual Socialist Left voter, living in upper class areas, to agree to what was for them hypothetical question. Recent surveys show that support for the party by immigrants plummeted from 25% in 2005 to 6% in 2009. Norwegian-Somali writer Amal Aden explained that "we do not earn anything from the policies of the Socialist Left. They say that everyone is okay, and that does not work".


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party is open to more immigration, believing Norway will evolve into a more multicultural society. The party believes the only way to create social equality is to create ethnic equality in Norway. By 2009, Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg said his government would tighten the then prevailing immigration policy, which would make it harder for immigrants to be granted asylum in Norway. The Socialist Left, along with the Liberal Party and the Christian Democrats, felt the new policy was too strict. and the party took a formal dissent in government regarding the asylum policy. The party in particular wants more liberal regulations for asylum cases that involve children.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: In 2012, the party leader Audun Lysbakken strongly warned against Islamist extremists like Profetens Ummah, and vowed to fight them. The party is in favour of lifting the ban against religious headwear like hijab and turban for police employees, but has been split over the issue, and a substantial minority, including the youth fraction, voted against allowing religious headwear at the party's convention in 2013.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The military action in Kosovo was a controversial issue within the party; the party leadership supported the military intervention, saying the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo had to be stopped. Supporters included Kristin Halvorsen, who favored NATO's air strikes, but a large group within the party vehemently opposed such support, arguing that violence would only lead to more violence. The party's chapter in Akershus called the attack a "NATO-led terrorist bombing", and believed the bombing marked the first time that Norway had declared war on another nation. They wanted the United Nations to find a peaceful solution to the conflict. Stein Ørnhøi, leader of the Socialist People's Party, said the party's representatives in parliament acted preposterously; he felt they made the wrong decision in supporting NATO's actions in Kosovo when the majority of the party was against it. During the national convention, Halvorsen threatened to resign as party leader unless the factional fighting within the party stopped. This led to a split within the party, with the first group supporting her resignation and the larger second faction concluding that the NATO bombing was to be immediately terminated if the Serbs stopped the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, if Halvorsen continued as party leader.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: In most foreign policy issues, the party has opposed military action. They were against the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan and were very much against the War in Iraq. After joining the red–green coalition in 2005, the party stopped their strong opposition to the two wars, and in 2008 the party proposed creating a "new strategy" for the Norwegian armed forces located in Afghanistan. In 2007, Erik Solheim from the Ministry of International Development visited Norwegian troops in Afghanistan. The policy regarding Afghanistan has led to much unrest within the party, most notably with the party's chapter in Bergen. By early 2008, the party chapters of Hordaland and Rogaland criticised Kristin Halvorsen and the government regarding their Afghanistan policies, and demanded an immediate withdrawal by October 2009. The Oslo chapter asked for drastic changes in the military strategy created by NATO.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: Thorbjørn Jagland, then President of the Storting, requested the government should send more soldiers to Afghanistan, if NATO requested it. The Socialist Left supported the war, but was against sending more soldiers to the region, and denied access for the Norwegian Special Forces. Their main reason was that Norway, along with the Netherlands, "clearly had the most soldiers located in Afghanistan", in relation to population in the respective countries, and Afghanistan was "the largest military commitment Norway currently has abroad".


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party is split into five organs: the first national convention, which held every second year, the National Board, the Central Committee, Municipal and Local Chapters, and the Party Representatives. The national convention works as a democratic body for the party, where members representing their county or municipal can elect new national representatives for the party. One example of this is the party leader, who stands for election every second year.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The National Board is the party's highest decision-making body between the national conventions. The Board consists of 19 members. Members are elected by each county, plus six members are directly elected during the national convention; some of these are permanent members. In total, there are 36 members. The board meets approximately six times a year to deal with current political and organisational issues. Its task is to adopt the party's budget and to select the party's permanent political representatives. The Central Committee manages the party in the interim period between National Board meetings. Members of the committee are elected by the national convention. the Committee consists of the party leader, the two deputy leaders, the party secretary, the parliamentary leader, the leader of the Socialist Youth, and five other members. The board holds a meeting almost every Monday. The Municipal and Local Chapters organ works as "communication" body between the chapters and the national party.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The last body, the Party's Representative organ, consists of nine national party offices. These offices serves as advisory bodies for the party. The officeholders work alongside the party's parliamentary group, the government apparatus, and the rest of the party organisation on their specialised offices. They also have contact with organisations and communities in their local area. The Party's Representatives normally meet four to six times a year; the group consists of party members from all over the nation who have any special expertise. Party's Representatives are elected by the national convention.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: After losing all its parliamentary seats in the 1969 parliamentary election, the Socialist People's Party sought to create an election coalition between various left-wing parties. While previously being sceptical of working with the Communist Party of Norway, the party eventually became a member of the coalition, along with the Information Committee of the Labour Movement against Norwegian membership in the European Community and various non-party-aligned independent socialists. Reidar T. Larsen, leader of the Communist Party, said the members at the party's national convention unanimously agreed to join the coalition, which would later go by the name of the Socialist Electoral League.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: It took 16 days to negotiate a settlement between the groups. Members agreed that this coalition would be the only way to get a "socialist government" in Norway. By 1973, the Labour Party had suffered a decrease in popular support, which at that time was estimated to around 100,000 voters. Speculation arose that voters had left the Labour Party for the newly created Socialist Electoral League. Early Labour Party predictions were that the Electoral League would dissolve because of internal strife. Reiulf Steen later stated that he had more "respect" for the Maoist Red Electoral Alliance party than the Electoral League. The coalition gained 11.2% of the popular vote and 16 seats in parliament in the 1973 parliamentary election.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The party now known as the Socialist Left was founded in 1975. The Communist Party did not want to dissolve to become a member of the Socialist Left Party, and voted against membership. This led to an internal struggle within the party, with the party's official newspaper, "Friheten", strongly suggesting the party could not dissolve, because that would mean the death of the revolutionary movement. The official newspaper of the Socialist People's Party, "Orientering", attacked what they called the "hard-core" leaders of the Communist Party. Without the Communist Party, the other parties voted to dissolve the coalition and to replace it with a political party.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The first years were not successful, as the party lost many of its seats in Parliament, but under Berge Furre's leadership during the 1980s, the party's popularity rose again. Internal conflicts within the party escalated; there were rumours that then sitting deputy leader Steinar Stjernø was trying to throw out the social democratic wing of the party. A more serious problem for the party was that two of the party's MPs had been convicted of betrayal of the country in the aftermath of World War II, the most notable being Hanna Kvanmo. Later, Kvanmo became one of the leading and most-liked politicians in Norway. Under the leadership of Theo Koritzinsky later in the 1980s, the party became prominent in their efforts for peace, disarmament, employment, green politics, and economic equality.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: At the beginning of the 1990s under Erik Solheim, party popularity again declined. They lost most of their "no to EU" voters to the Centre Party, when the party fought actively against Norwegian membership in the European Union, and when Norwegians again voted against membership in a referendum. Solheim's tenure as leader - while praised by some - was seen as very controversial. The socialist wing of the party, the "Museum Guardians", as they were called, were worried that Solheim was moving the party too much to the center. Outside critics of Solheim said his policies had led to a "grey-blue social democratic" party, with little or no differences from the Labour Party. Solheim tried to get the party to change direction and form a coalition government with the Labour and the Centre Party. Solheim was forced to resign in 1997, with the party seeing him as the main reason for the new power struggle between the left- and right-wing factions of the party.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: With the election of Kristin Halvorsen as new party leader in 1997, the party's popularity rose again. Under her leadership, the main focus became education, and the slogan "children and youth first" was coined. The party steadily built up its voter base during the Labour Stoltenberg's First Cabinet, which moved the Labour Party more to center, while privatising government-held assets. This led to a historic high voter turnout for the Socialist Left; they earned 12.5% of the national vote in the 2001 Norwegian parliamentary election. The Labour Party earned a record-low turnout, with only 24.3% of the vote. The turnout only worsened the inner struggle within the party, with party leader Thorbjørn Jagland and Jens Stoltenberg accusing each other. The right-wing faction of the party wanted to continue to move the party further to the center, while the left-wing faction wanted to move the party closer to the Socialist Left. By early 2005, polls showed that over 20% of Norwegian voters would vote for the Socialist Left.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: Prime minister Kjell Magne Bondevik from the Christian Democratic Party believed the three parties were "unclear" and "vague" when talking about the red–green coalition ideological and political position. After discussing the state budget of Norway with the Socialist Left and the Centre Party, Jens Stoltenberg agreed with Halvorsen that they needed to create a universal free day care service. By February 2005, an opinion poll gave the coalition 96 of 169 seats in parliament, with the Socialist Left increasing with 3.9%. Later in February, a small faction within the party called the future coalition the Red-Grey Coalition, believing the environmental policies of the Labour and the Centre Party were not "radical enough".


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: Before the 2005 Norwegian parliamentary election, Deputy Leader Øystein Djupedal said that the Socialist Left would not contribute to any radical changes if they earned a position within the government. Erna Solberg, leader of the Conservative Party, accused the party of being "communist", because some of its present and earlier connections to communist organisations around Europe. By early August, the Socialist Left was the party having the most progress in the opinion polls, but 17% of the people who voted for the Socialist Left previously were unsure what party they would vote for in the 2005 election. By late August, the party was labelled one of the "big losers" in the election, along with the Conservative Party. Many election researchers believed that the Socialist Left had lost voter's interest when they entered the coalition and worked alongside the Labour Party. The bad election results led to internal struggles within the party, with Djupedal claiming it to be the hardest election in the party history. The party had 5 of 19 ministers in the government, one more than the Centre Party.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: In the 2009 Norwegian parliamentary election, the party lost four seats and was left with 11, but a three-seat gain by the Labour Party secured the red–green coalition an 86–83 majority. The shift of power within the coalition resulted in the loss of one Socialist Left cabinet minister, leaving them with four, the same as the Centre Party. The Socialist Left and Halvorsen conceded the influential Ministry of Finance to the Labour Party in order to keep control of the Ministry of Education and Research.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: Halvorsen announced her resignation following the 2011 Norwegian local elections. The new leader was to be chosen on an extraordinary party congress in 2012. Audun Lysbakken, Heikki Holmås, and Bård Vegar Solhjell have announced their candidature for the leader position. Lysbakken was elected the party's leader on 11 March 2012. The Red Party has criticised the SV for forming a government with the Labour Party, which is regarded by many on the Norwegian Left to be neoliberal, and opening the Barents Sea to oil drilling as well as supporting the NATO-led 2011 military intervention in Libya.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: Under the leadership of Audun Lysbakken, the party had strong gains in its vote share in elections and membership. In the 2017 Norwegian parliamentary election, the party gained four seats but the incumbent right-wing government led by Erna Solberg was renowned. The 2021 Norwegian parliamentary election was a big win for the left-wing opposition in an election fought on climate change, inequality, and oil. Jonas Gahr Støre's Labour Party was aiming to form a majority government with the Centre Party and the Socialist Left Party, but the latter stated they would remain in opposition, citing disagreements over climate and welfare policies, while remaining open for future negotiations and to support the government on common grounds. To the press, Lysbakken said the party was open for future negotiations, commenting that it was a good and friendly negotiation, and would be going into opposition for the time being. Centre Party leader Trygve Slagsvold Vedum said: "I think it is the responsibility of the Labour Party and the Socialist Left Party to keep a good tone and see if we can lay the groundwork for a new government." While disappointed for not forming his favoured government, Støre described the talks as friendly and respectful.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: In the parliamentary elections in Norway, the Socialist Left Party holds the position as the seventh-largest party in Norway, behind the Labour Party, the Conservative Party, the Progress Party, the Christian Democratic Party, the Centre Party, and the Liberal Party. Their popularity initially declined from levels achieved by the Socialist Electoral League. Their seat count rose to its peak after the 2001 Norwegian parliamentary election; this election also marked the Socialist Left's largest voter count, with 12.5% of the national vote.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: When the Socialist Electoral League was founded in the early 1970s, the party won voters from the Labour Party, which ruled as a majority government. Early speculation said that the Labour Party had lost 100,000 votes to the Socialist Electoral League. In the 1973 Norwegian parliamentary election, the party gained 16 seats in Storting. After the unification process was finished, the party's voter base collapsed, falling to 4.2% of the national vote in the 1977 Norwegian parliamentary election, and earned only two seats in parliament. In the 1989 Norwegian parliamentary election, the Socialist Left gathered 10.1% of the national vote, falling back again after the 1997 Norwegian parliamentary election.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: After having what many described as a bad election, the Labour Party lost many of its voters to the Socialist Left in 2001, with the Socialist Left increasing from 6% to 12.5% of the national vote, again becoming the fourth largest party in the country. In the 2005 Norwegian parliamentary election, the party gathered 8.8% of the vote; this further decreased in the 2009 Norwegian parliamentary election, when the Socialist Left gathered 6.2% of the vote; and again in the 2013 Norwegian parliamentary election, when it gathered 4.1%, 1,600 votes away from falling under the election threshold. The Socialist Left Party bounced back in the mid-2010s, making gains in the 2017 Norwegian parliamentary election, and contributing to the big left-wing opposition win in the 2021 Norwegian parliamentary election.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The 1975 Norwegian local elections were met with a sharp decrease in voters, with the party earning a disappointing voter turnout of 5.5% in the municipal election and 5.7% in the county election. In an opinion poll done before election day in 1975, it was estimated that half of the voters who voted for the Socialist Electoral League would not vote for the party again. The decrease in voters was due to the Labour Party's election surge during the 1973 Norwegian parliamentary election. The party further decreased in popular support by the 1979 Norwegian local elections, earning 4.1% in the municipal and 4.4% in the county respectively.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: By the 1983 Norwegian local elections, the party increased by 1% in the municipal and 0.9% in the county election. According to an opinion poll done in early September, the Labour Party would lose four of its Oslo representatives in parliament to the Progress Party, the Conservative Party, and the Socialist Left. If the 1983 local election had been a parliamentary election, the Socialist Left would have received 8 seats in parliament. The party earned 5.5% and 5.7% in the 1987 Norwegian local elections, respectively at the municipal and county level. The party's strongest county was Nordland, where the party gained 21.9% of the popular vote.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: The 1991 Norwegian local elections marked a large increase in voters for the party, earning 11.6 in the municipalities and 12.2% in the counties, making the party the third-largest party in Norway. The Socialist Left, along with the Centre Party, was named the election's "big winners" by the Norwegian press. In the 1995 Norwegian local elections, the party gathered 5.9% in the municipalities and 6.1% in counties. Before the 1999 Norwegian local elections, polls showed an increase in popular support for the Socialist Left in Oslo. The reason for the increase was that the party was again able to win votes from the Labour Party. The party gained 7.8% of the votes in the municipalities and 8.5% in the counties.


title: Socialist Left Party (Norway)

text: By 2003, the party's voter based had increased dramatically over the 1999 local elections. The party had what many described as a "record election", winning most of its voters from the Labour Party. The 2007 Norwegian local elections resulted in their voter base to reduced by half. In the 2011 Norwegian local elections, the party got just slightly above 4% of all votes on a nationwide basis. After this, party leader Kristin Halvorsen announced her resignation on the election night. A similar result repeated in the 2015 Norwegian local elections, despite gains for left-leaning parties, but the Socialist Left was able to form a majority coalition with the Labour Party and Red Party in Tromsø. In the 2019 Norwegian local election, the Socialist Left Party returned to its 2007 levels and made further gains, alongside the Green and Red parties.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Industry Standard Architecture (ISA) is the 16-bit internal bus of IBM PC/AT and similar computers based on the Intel 80286 and its immediate successors during the 1980s. The bus was (largely) backward compatible with the 8-bit bus of the 8088-based IBM PC, including the IBM PC/XT as well as IBM PC compatibles.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Originally referred to as the PC bus (8-bit) or AT bus (16-bit), it was also termed "I/O Channel" by IBM. The ISA term was coined as a retronym by competing PC-clone manufacturers in the late 1980s or early 1990s as a reaction to IBM attempts to replace the AT-bus with its new and incompatible Micro Channel architecture.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: The 16-bit ISA bus was also used with 32-bit processors for several years. An attempt to extend it to 32 bits, called Extended Industry Standard Architecture (EISA), was not very successful, however. Later buses such as VESA Local Bus and PCI were used instead, often along with ISA slots on the same mainboard. Derivatives of the AT bus structure were and still are used in ATA/IDE, the PCMCIA standard, Compact Flash, the PC/104 bus, and internally within Super I/O chips.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Even though ISA disappeared from consumer desktops many years ago, it is still used in industrial PCs, where certain specialized expansion cards that never transitioned to PCI and PCI Express are used.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: The original PC bus was developed by a team led by Mark Dean at IBM as part of the IBM PC project in 1981. It was an 8-bit bus based on the I/O bus of the IBM System/23 Datamaster system - it used the same physical connector, and a similar signal protocol and pinout. A 16-bit version, the IBM AT bus, was introduced with the release of the IBM PC/AT in 1984. The AT bus was a mostly backward compatible extension of the PC bus—the AT bus connector was a superset of the PC bus connector. In 1988, the 32-bit EISA standard was proposed by the "Gang of Nine" group of PC-compatible manufacturers that included Compaq. Compaq created the term "Industry Standard Architecture" (ISA) to replace "PC compatible". In the process, they retroactively renamed the AT bus to "ISA" to avoid infringing IBM's trademark on its PC and PC/AT systems (and to avoid giving their major competitor, IBM, free advertisement).


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: IBM designed the 8-bit version as a buffered interface to the motherboard buses of the Intel 8088 (16/8 bit) CPU in the IBM PC and PC/XT, augmented with prioritized interrupts and DMA channels. The 16-bit version was an upgrade for the motherboard buses of the Intel 80286 CPU (and expanded interrupt and DMA facilities) used in the IBM AT, with improved support for bus mastering. The ISA bus was therefore synchronous with the CPU clock, until sophisticated buffering methods were implemented by chipsets to interface ISA to much faster CPUs.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: ISA was designed to connect peripheral cards to the motherboard and allows for bus mastering. Only the first 16 MB of main memory is addressable. The original 8-bit bus ran from the 4.77 MHz clock of the 8088 CPU in the IBM PC and PC/XT. The original 16-bit bus ran from the CPU clock of the 80286 in IBM PC/AT computers, which was 6 MHz in the first models and 8 MHz in later models. The IBM RT PC also used the 16-bit bus. ISA was also used in some non-IBM compatible machines such as Motorola 68k-based Apollo (68020) and Amiga 3000 (68030) workstations, the short-lived AT&T Hobbit and the later PowerPC-based BeBox.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Companies like Dell improved the AT bus's performance but in 1987, IBM replaced the AT bus with its proprietary Micro Channel Architecture (MCA). MCA overcame many of the limitations then apparent in ISA but was also an effort by IBM to regain control of the PC architecture and the PC market. MCA was far more advanced than ISA and had many features that would later appear in PCI. However, MCA was also a closed standard whereas IBM had released full specifications and circuit schematics for ISA. Computer manufacturers responded to MCA by developing the Extended Industry Standard Architecture (EISA) and the later VESA Local Bus (VLB). VLB used some electronic parts originally intended for MCA because component manufacturers already were equipped to manufacture them. Both EISA and VLB were backwards-compatible expansions of the AT (ISA) bus.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Users of ISA-based machines had to know special information about the hardware they were adding to the system. While a handful of devices were essentially "plug-n-play", this was rare. Users frequently had to configure parameters when adding a new device, such as the IRQ line, I/O address, or DMA channel. MCA had done away with this complication and PCI actually incorporated many of the ideas first explored with MCA, though it was more directly descended from EISA.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: This trouble with configuration eventually led to the creation of ISA PnP, a plug-n-play system that used a combination of modifications to hardware, the system BIOS, and operating system software to automatically manage resource allocations. In reality, ISA PnP could be troublesome and did not become well-supported until the architecture was in its final days.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: PCI slots were the first physically-incompatible expansion ports to directly squeeze ISA off the motherboard. At first, motherboards were largely ISA, including a few PCI slots. By the mid-1990s, the two slot types were roughly balanced, and ISA slots soon were in the minority of consumer systems. Microsoft's PC 99 specification recommended that ISA slots be removed entirely, though the system architecture still required ISA to be present in some vestigial way internally to handle the floppy drive, serial ports, etc., which was why the software compatible LPC bus was created. ISA slots remained for a few more years, and towards the turn of the century it was common to see systems with an Accelerated Graphics Port (AGP) sitting near the central processing unit, an array of PCI slots, and one or two ISA slots near the end. In late 2008, even floppy disk drives and serial ports were disappearing, and the extinction of vestigial ISA (by then the LPC bus) from chipsets was on the horizon.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: PCI slots are "rotated" compared to their ISA counterparts—PCI cards were essentially inserted "upside-down," allowing ISA and PCI connectors to squeeze together on the motherboard. Only one of the two connectors can be used in each slot at a time, but this allowed for greater flexibility.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: The AT Attachment (ATA) hard disk interface is directly descended from the 16-bit ISA of the PC/AT. ATA has its origins in the IBM Personal Computer Fixed Disk and Diskette Adapter, the standard dual-function floppy disk controller and hard disk controller card for the IBM PC AT; the fixed disk controller on this card implemented the register set and the basic command set which became the basis of the ATA interface (and which differed greatly from the interface of IBM's fixed disk controller card for the PC XT). Direct precursors to ATA were third-party ISA hardcards that integrated a hard disk drive (HDD) and a hard disk controller (HDC) onto one card. This was at best awkward and at worst damaging to the motherboard, as ISA slots were not designed to support such heavy devices as HDDs. The next generation of Integrated Drive Electronics drives moved both the drive and controller to a drive bay and used a ribbon cable and a very simple interface board to connect it to an ISA slot. ATA is basically a standardization of this arrangement plus a uniform command structure for software to interface with the HDC within the drive. ATA has since been separated from the ISA bus and connected directly to the local bus, usually by integration into the chipset, for much higher clock rates and data throughput than ISA could support. ATA has clear characteristics of 16-bit ISA, such as a 16-bit transfer size, signal timing in the PIO modes and the interrupt and DMA mechanisms.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: The PC/XT-bus is an eight-bit ISA bus used by Intel 8086 and Intel 8088 systems in the IBM PC and IBM PC XT in the 1980s. Among its 62 pins were demultiplexed and electrically buffered versions of the 8 data and 20 address lines of the 8088 processor, along with power lines, clocks, read/write strobes, interrupt lines, etc. Power lines included −5 V and ±12 V in order to directly support pMOS and enhancement mode nMOS circuits such as dynamic RAMs among other things. The XT bus architecture uses a single Intel 8259 PIC, giving eight vectorized and prioritized interrupt lines. It has four DMA channels originally provided by the Intel 8237. Three of the DMA channels are brought out to the XT bus expansion slots; of these, 2 are normally already allocated to machine functions (diskette drive and hard disk controller):


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: The PC/AT-bus, a 16-bit (or 80286-) version of the PC/XT bus, was introduced with the IBM PC/AT. This bus was officially termed "I/O Channel" by IBM. It extends the XT-bus by adding a second shorter edge connector in-line with the eight-bit XT-bus connector, which is unchanged, retaining compatibility with most 8-bit cards. The second connector adds four additional address lines for a total of 24, and 8 additional data lines for a total of 16. It also adds new interrupt lines connected to a second 8259 PIC (connected to one of the lines of the first) and 4 × 16-bit DMA channels, as well as control lines to select 8- or 16-bit transfers.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: The 16-bit AT bus slot originally used two standard edge connector sockets in early IBM PC/AT machines. However, with the popularity of the AT-architecture and the 16-bit ISA bus, manufacturers introduced specialized 98-pin connectors that integrated the two sockets into one unit. These can be found in almost every AT-class PC manufactured after the mid-1980s. The ISA slot connector is typically black (distinguishing it from the brown EISA connectors and white PCI connectors).


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Motherboard devices have dedicated IRQs (not present in the slots). 16-bit devices can use either PC-bus or PC/AT-bus IRQs. It is therefore possible to connect up to 6 devices that use one 8-bit IRQ each and up to 5 devices that use one 16-bit IRQ each. At the same time, up to 4 devices may use one 8-bit DMA channel each, while up to 3 devices can use one 16-bit DMA channel each.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Originally, the bus clock was synchronous with the CPU clock, resulting in varying bus clock frequencies among the many different IBM "clones" on the market (sometimes as high as 16 or 20 MHz), leading to software or electrical timing problems for certain ISA cards at bus speeds they were not designed for. Later motherboards or integrated chipsets used a separate clock generator, or a clock divider which either fixed the ISA bus frequency at 4, 6, or 8 MHz or allowed the user to adjust the frequency via the BIOS setup. When used at a higher bus frequency, some ISA cards (certain Hercules-compatible video cards, for instance), could show significant performance improvements.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Memory address decoding for the selection of 8 or 16-bit transfer mode was limited to 128 KiB sections, leading to problems when mixing 8- and 16-bit cards as they could not co-exist in the same 128 KiB area. This is because the MEMCS16 line is required to be set based on the value of LA17-23 only.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: ISA is still used today for specialized industrial purposes. In 2008 IEI Technologies released a modern motherboard for Intel Core 2 Duo processors which, in addition to other special I/O features, is equipped with two ISA slots. It is marketed to industrial and military users who have invested in expensive specialized ISA bus adaptors, which are not available in PCI bus versions.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Similarly, ADEK Industrial Computers is releasing a motherboard in early 2013 for Intel Core i3/i5/i7 processors, which contains one (non-DMA) ISA slot.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: The PC/104 bus, used in industrial and embedded applications, is a derivative of the ISA bus, utilizing the same signal lines with different connectors. The LPC bus has replaced the ISA bus as the connection to the legacy I/O devices on recent motherboards; while physically quite different, LPC looks just like ISA to software, so that the peculiarities of ISA such as the 16 MiB DMA limit (which corresponds to the full address space of the Intel 80286 CPU used in the original IBM AT) are likely to stick around for a while.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: As explained in the "History" section, ISA was the basis for development of the ATA interface, used for ATA (a.k.a. IDE) hard disks. Physically, ATA is essentially a simple subset of ISA, with 16 data bits, support for exactly one IRQ and one DMA channel, and 3 address bits. To this ISA subset, ATA adds two IDE address select ("chip select") lines (i.e. address decodes, effectively equivalent to address bits) and a few unique signal lines specific to ATA/IDE hard disks (such as the Cable Select/Spindle Sync. line.) In addition to the physical interface channel, ATA goes beyond and far outside the scope of ISA by also specifying a set of physical device registers to be implemented on every ATA (IDE) drive and a full set of protocols and device commands for controlling fixed disk drives using these registers. The ATA device registers are accessed using the address bits and address select signals in the ATA physical interface channel, and all operations of ATA hard disks are performed using the ATA-specified protocols through the ATA command set. The earliest versions of the ATA standard featured a few simple protocols and a basic command set comparable to the command sets of MFM and RLL controllers (which preceded ATA controllers), but the latest ATA standards have much more complex protocols and instruction sets that include optional commands and protocols providing such advanced optional-use features as sizable hidden system storage areas, password security locking, and programmable geometry translation.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: A further deviation between ISA and ATA is that while the ISA bus remained locked into a single standard clock rate (for backward hardware compatibility), the ATA interface offered many different speed modes, could select among them to match the maximum speed supported by the attached drives, and kept adding faster speeds with later versions of the ATA standard (up to 133 MB/s for ATA-6, the latest.) In most forms, ATA ran much faster than ISA, provided it was connected directly to a local bus (e.g. southbridge-integrated IDE interfaces) faster than the ISA bus.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Before the 16-bit ATA/IDE interface, there was an 8-bit XT-IDE (also known as XTA) interface for hard disks. It was not nearly as popular as ATA has become, and XT-IDE hardware is now fairly hard to find. Some XT-IDE adapters were available as 8-bit ISA cards, and XTA sockets were also present on the motherboards of Amstrad's later XT clones as well as a short-lived line of Philips units. The XTA pinout was very similar to ATA, but only eight data lines and two address lines were used, and the physical device registers had completely different meanings. A few hard drives (such as the Seagate ST351A/X) could support either type of interface, selected with a jumper.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Many later AT (and AT successor) motherboards had no integrated hard drive interface but relied on a separate hard drive interface plugged into an ISA/EISA/VLB slot. There were even a few 80486 based units shipped with MFM/RLL interfaces and drives instead of the increasingly common AT-IDE.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Commodore built the XT-IDE based peripheral hard drive / memory expansion unit A590 for their Amiga 500 and 500+ computers that also supported a SCSI drive. Later models – the A600, A1200, and the Amiga 4000 series – use AT-IDE drives.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: The PCMCIA specification can be seen as a superset of ATA. The standard for PCMCIA hard disk interfaces, which included PCMCIA flash drives, allows for the mutual configuration of the port and the drive in an ATA mode. As a de facto extension, most PCMCIA flash drives additionally allow for a simple ATA mode that is enabled by pulling a single pin low, so that PCMCIA hardware and firmware are unnecessary to use them as an ATA drive connected to an ATA port. PCMCIA flash drive to ATA adapters are thus simple and inexpensive, but are not guaranteed to work with any and every standard PCMCIA flash drive. Further, such adapters cannot be used as generic PCMCIA ports, as the PCMCIA interface is much more complex than ATA.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: Although most modern computers do not have physical ISA buses, almost all PCs — x86-32, and x86-64 — have ISA buses allocated in physical address space. some Southbridges and some CPUs themselves provide services such as temperature monitoring and voltage readings through ISA buses as ISA devices.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: IEEE started a standardization of the ISA bus in 1985, called the P996 specification. However, despite there even having been books published on the P996 specification, it never officially progressed past draft status.


title: Industry Standard Architecture

text: There still is an existing user base with old computers, so some ISA cards are still manufactured, e.g. with USB ports or complete single-board computers based on modern processors, USB 3.0, and SATA.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: Johnson County is a county in the U.S. state of Kansas, on the border with Missouri. As of the 2020 census, the population was 609,863, making it the most populous county in Kansas. Its county seat is Olathe. Largely suburban, the county contains a number of suburbs of Kansas City, Missouri, including Overland Park, a principal city of and second most populous city in the Kansas City Metropolitan Area.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: This was part of the large territory of the Osage people, who occupied lands up to present-day Saint Louis, Missouri. After Indian Removal, the United States government reserved much of this area as Indian territory for a reservation for the Shawnee people, who were relocated from east of the Mississippi River in the upper Midwest.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: The Santa Fe Trail and Oregon–California Trail, which pass through nearby Independence, Missouri, also passed through the county. Johnson County was established in 1855 as one of the first counties in the newly organized Kansas Territory; it was named for American missionary Thomas Johnson. The renowned gunfighter Wild Bill Hickok settled for a time in the county, becoming constable of Monticello Township in 1858.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: Johnson County was the site of many battles between abolitionists and pro-slavery advocates during the period of Bleeding Kansas, prior to the residents voting on whether slavery would be allowed in the territory. In 1862 during the American Civil War, Confederate guerrillas from nearby Missouri, led by William Quantrill, raided the Johnson County communities of Olathe and Spring Hill. They killed half a dozen men and destroyed numerous homes and businesses.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: The county was largely rural until the early 20th century, when housing subdivisions were developed in the northeastern portion of the county adjacent to Kansas City, Missouri. Developer J. C. Nichols spurred the boom in 1914 when he built the Mission Hills Country Club to lure upscale residents who previously had been reluctant to move from Missouri to Kansas. Suburban development continued at a steady pace until the close of World War II.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: Following the war, the pace of development exploded, triggered by the return of veterans in need of housing, construction of highways that facilitated commuting from suburbs, and the pent-up demand for new housing. The US Supreme Court ruling in "Brown v. Board of Education" (1954) ruled that segregation of public schools was unconstitutional. Integration of public schools in Kansas City, Missouri, resulted in many white families leaving the inner city, resulting in increased migration to the county for new housing and what were considered higher quality public schools, generally an indicator of higher economic status. From the mid-1980s the pace of growth increased significantly, with the county adding 100,000 residents each decade between the 1990 census and 2010 census.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: The 1952 Johnson County Courthouse was closed in 2020, then demolished in 2021. It was replaced by a seven-story courthouse in 2021 after over two years of construction. This new courthouse is the county's fourth building.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: According to the United States Census Bureau, the county has a total area of , of which is land and (1.4%) is water.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: The natural topography of the county consists of gently rolling terrain. The Kansas River forms a portion of the northwest boundary of the county. The elevation generally increases from north to south as the distance from the Kansas and Missouri rivers increases.


title: Johnson County, Kansas

text: The county is drained by the watersheds of the Kansas, Blue, and Marais des Cygnes, all of which are part of the Missouri River watershed. Located in northeastern Kansas, the county receives plentiful rainfall. The county contains numerous small streams, including Kill Creek, Mill Creek, Turkey Creek, Indian Creek, Brush Creek, Tomahawk Creek, the Blue River, Bull Creek and Little Bull Creek.