text: In the main event, Sirimongkol Singmanasak and Mike Vetrila competed for the inaugural BKFC Thailand Light Heavyweight Championship.


title: 2022 in Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship

text: The co-main event saw Souris Manfredi facing Fani Peloumpi for the inaugural BKFC Thailand Women's Strawweight Championship.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship Fight Night: Omaha was a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on May 13, 2022, at the Liberty First Credit Union Arena in Omaha, Nebraska, USA.


text: The originally planned main event of a rematch between Bec Rawlings and Britain Hart was cancelled due to Hart having a medical emergency. The light heavyweight bout between Dakota Cochrane and Josh Dyer served as the new main event.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship Fight Night: Jackson 2 was a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on June 11, 2022, at the Jackson Convention Complex in Jackson, Mississippi, USA.


text: The main event featured a heavyweight bout between the former UFC fighter Alan Belcher and Frank Tate.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship 26: Hollywood was a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on June 24, 2022, at the Seminole Hard Rock Hotel & Casino in Hollywood, Florida, USA.


text: A BKFC Welterweight Championship bout between the current BKFC welterweight champion Elvin Brito and the current BKFC lightweight champion Luis Palomino served as the event headliner.


text: The event featured a rematch in the women's Flyweight division between Bec Rawlings and Britain Hart. The pairing previously met in 2018 prior at BKFC 2, which Rawlings won via split decision. They were previously scheduled to fight May 13 at BKFC Fight Night: Omaha, but the bout was canceled due to Hart having a medical emergency.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship Fight Night: Tampa 2 will be a bare-knuckle fighting event to be held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on July 23, 2022, at the Florida State Fairgrounds in Tampa, Florida, USA.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship 27: London will be a bare-knuckle fighting event to be held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on August 20, 2022, at the OVO Arena in London, England.


text: A middleweight bout between Bellator MMA fighter Michael Page and former UFC fighter Mike Perry served as the event headliner. This is the second time in BKFC history that a bout went to a sixth overtime round.


text: The fight between Paige VanZant and Charisa Sigala was expected to serve as the co-main event. The fight was canceled few days ahead of the event and was subsequently rescheduled to take place at BKFC 31 on October 15.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship 28: Albuquerque will be a bare-knuckle fighting event to be held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on August 27, 2022, at the Rio Rancho Events Center in Rio Rancho, New Mexico, USA.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship Thailand 3: Moment of Truth was a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on September 3, 2022, in Bangkok, Thailand.


text: The main event will feature Muay Thai legend and two-time K-1 World MAX Champion Buakaw Banchamek making his bare-knuckle debut against Turkish kickboxing champion Erkan Varol. Pongpisan Chunyong will face Surasak Sukkhamcha for the inaugural BKFC Thailand Featherweight Championship in the co-main event.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship 29: Montana was a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on September 10, 2022, at the Pacific Steel & Recycling Arena in Great Falls, Montana, USA.


text: A BKFC Strawweight Championship bout between Britain Hart and BKFC Thailand Strawweight Champion Fani Peloumpi was due to headline the event however Peloumpi fell out due to visa issues.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship 30: Monroe was a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on October 1, 2022, at the Fant Ewing Coliseum in Monroe, Louisiana, USA.


text: A BKFC Cruiserweight Championship bout between the BKFC Light Heavyweight Champion Lorenzo Hunt and Quentin Henry served as the event headliner.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship 31 was a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on October 15, 2022, at the 1st Bank Center in Broomfield, Colorado, USA.


text: Having been moved from BKFC 27, the bout between Paige VanZant and Charisa Sigala was supposed to be the headliner of this event. However, Sigala stepped up on short notice to replace Fani Peloumpi at BKFC 29, leaving VanZant without an opponent.


text: The event was then ultimately headlined by Mike Richman vs. Isaac Doolittle for the interim BKFC Light Heavyweight Championship.


text: Melvin Guillard was initially scheduled to face Evgeny Kurdanov, but he was ultimately not allowed to compete after Colorado Combative Sports Commission denied his license on the grounds of health concerns.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship 32 will be a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on November 5, 2022, at the Caribe Royale in Orlando, Florida, USA.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship 33 will be a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on November 18, 2022, at the Liberty First Arena in Omaha, Nebraska, USA.


text: BKFC Fight Night: Newcastle will be a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship on November 26, 2022 in Newcastle upon Tyne, England.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship 34 will be a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship at the Seminole Hard Rock Hotel & Casino on December 3, 2022 in Hollywood, Florida, USA. The main event is scheduled to see current BKFC middleweight chamoion Luis Palomino defending his belt against Tom Shoaff. The co-main event is set to feature Francesco Ricchi up against David Mundell for the vacant BKFC middleweight title.


text: Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship Asia 4: The Big Bash will be a bare-knuckle fighting event held by Bare Knuckle Fighting Championship at SpacePlus Bangkok RCA on December 10, 2022 in Bangkok, Thailand.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Rhaeto-Romance, Rheto-Romance, or Rhaetian, is a purported subfamily of the Romance languages that is spoken in south-eastern Switzerland and north-eastern Italy. The name "Rhaeto-Romance" refers to the former Roman province of Raetia. The question of whether these languages actually form a subfamily is called the Questione Ladina. The Italian linguist Graziadio Ascoli, writing in 1873, found them to share a number of intricacies and believed they formed a linguistic group. What distinguishes the Rhaeto-Romance languages from Italian are their phonemic vowel length (long stressed vowels), consonant formation, and a central rounded vowel series. If the subfamily is genuine, three languages would belong to it: Romansh in Switzerland, and Ladin and Friulian in Italy. Their combined number of speakers is about 660,000; the large majority of these (about 500,000) speak Friulian.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Before the Roman conquest, the Alps were Celtic-speaking in the north and Rhaetian-speaking in the south. The area was incorporated into the Roman Empire during the reign of Augustus. The Rhaeto-Romance languages originated as a dialect of the provincial Latin of the central Alps.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: By the end of the Roman Empire, there was an unbroken region of distinctive Romance speech here, which was gradually fragmented into secluded areas in the high valleys by the encroachment of German dialects from the north and of Gallo-Italic languages from the south.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Rhaeto-Romance was spoken over a much wider area during Charlemagne's rule, stretching north into the present-day cantons of Glarus and St. Gallen, to the Walensee in the northwest, and Rüthi and the Alpine Rhine Valley in the northeast. In the east, parts of modern-day Vorarlberg were Romance speaking, as were parts of Austrian Tyrol. The northern areas of what is currently Switzerland, called "Lower Raetia", became German-speaking by the 12th century; and by the 15th century, the Rhine Valley of St. Gallen and the areas around the Walensee were entirely German-speaking.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: This language shift was a long, drawn-out process, with larger, central towns adopting German first, while the more peripheral areas around them remained Romansh-speaking longer. The shift to German was caused in particular by the influence of the local German-speaking elites and by German-speaking immigrants from the north, with the lower and rural classes retaining Romansh longer.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: The family is most closely related to its nearest neighbors: French, Franco-Provençal, Occitan, Venetian, Istriot and Lombard.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: A number of lexical items are shared with Ibero-Romance due to the similar date of Latinization for both regions, although it can also be explained by means of Bartoli's areal linguistics theory, Ibero-Romance being a peripheral area, as are Balkano-Romance, Southern-Italian and Rhaeto-Romance, whereas Gallo-Romance and Italo-Romance are central area. The Rhaeto-Romance languages were linked to other romance languages, that existed in bordering areas but have later disappeared, like the Moselle Romance and the Austrian Romance.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: While the areas that now speak Friulian were originally inhabited by speakers of Venetic (likely Italic) and Celtic languages, the areas of Northeastern Italy that now speak Ladin initially spoke a non-Indo-European language called Raetic. Ladin and Romansh originate from the Vulgar Latin spoken by Roman soldiers during the conquests of Raetia.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: By the mid-9th century, Romansh was spoken over a far wider area. However, with the migration of many German elite land owners, Romansh dissipated across Northern Italy. The oldest literary text in the Romansh language is the "Chianzun dalla guerra dagl Chiaste da Müs," which details the Musso War.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: By 1803, the state of Grisons became a part of Switzerland, of whose population half spoke Romansh. The strength of the central government of Grisons began to impose on the Romansh-speaking people, as the official language was German which resulted in many Romansh speakers to adopt German. With the 20th century came a rise in tourism that took the focus away from the region's agricultural focus and German became the more practical language to learn. Many in the intellectual class found this to be beneficial to the local population, as Romansh appeared to hinder their intellectual development as noted by Heinrich Bansi, a notable priest in 1897: "The biggest obstacle to the moral and economical improvement of these regions is the language of the people". This viewpoint was countered with the belief that the Romansh language was a hybrid of both Italian and German, allowing the Romansh speakers to have a moderate understanding of the other two more widely used languages.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: By the mid 19th century, amidst a dwindling Romansh-speaking population a renaissance of sorts appeared. This culminated in the 1885 creation of an association of all Romansh regions known as "Società Retorumantscha." Later, in 1919 the Lia Rumantscha was created to encompass all of the regional Romansh-speaking societies. Additionally, more schools began to teach Romansh by the mid 19th century, and by 1860 Romansh became a subject in a teachers' college and an officially recognized language by 1880.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Despite these efforts, with more and more of the surrounding area speaking German, the Lia Rumantscha created Romansh-speaking daycare schools in the 1940s. This effort failed to deliver, and the last school was closed by 1979.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Friulian traces its roots back to the Latin Aquileia. Prior to Roman contact in 181 BC the region of northeastern Italy was of Raetian, Italic and Celtic origins and used a form of either Raetian, Venetic or Celtic. The transition from Vulgar Latin to Friulian occurred in the 6th century CE . The first official use of Friulian can be traced back to the 13th century and by the 15th century a majority of the population spoke the language, while the noble classes continued to use Latin or German. In 1420 the area of Friuli transitioned under Venetian rule and Venetian dialect became the dominant language. Over the years with the influence of Venetian and Italian becoming more abundant the Friulian language stagnated. In the mid 20th century an earthquake struck that devastated the local region and many found solace in sharing the local language of Friulian. While the teaching of Friulian in higher education is rapidly declining it still has its imprint on the local geography as many of the local towns and geographical landmarks (mountains, woods, animals, plants) were given Celtic names that survive to this day.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Ladin was initially a Vulgar Latin language from the Alps of northern Italy. Beginning in the 6th century the Ladin language began to shrink due to the encroachment of Bavarian and Gallo-Italic languages, surviving in only the isolated mountainous areas. In the early Middle Ages the Ladin region came under House of Habsburg and Republic of Venice rule. From these two influences the Ladin area underwent the process of Germanisation.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: By the end of World War I Italy had annexed the region that encompassed the Ladin language. Along with the nationalism of the 20th century, Ladin was considered by many Italians to be an Italian dialect. Benito Mussolini would later push forward an Italianization of the region which further dwindled the Ladin language user base. Despite the small amount of Ladin speakers, by 1972 the Italian government afforded Ladin the status of a secondary language.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Spoken in the Swiss canton of Graubünden by 60,561 people – 0.83% of the Swiss population – but this number is rapidly dropping.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Spoken in northeastern Italy, in Trentino-Alto Adige and the Province of Belluno in Veneto, by about 41,000 people.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: The first Swiss constitution of 1848 along with its revision of 1872 neglected to mention the Romansh language; however, it was translated into two Romansh dialects after the first revision. In 1938 Romansh became a national language, though a delineation was made between "national" and "official" languages. National languages were largely symbolic while official languages (French, German, and Italian) were used in an official capacity by the government. One notable disadvantage of being a national, rather than official language was that parents would have to register their children's names under one of the official languages.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: By 1996 Romansh was recognized as an official language beside French, German and Italian, and Rhaeto-Romansh is now the official correspondence used when communicating with Romansh people.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: At this time the Canton of Grison is the only place where Romansh is the official language. This allows for any citizen to request official documents from the local government in the Romansh language.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: An official language of the autonomous region of Friuli, it has protected status, and is used in all forms of education in the region. Still used at popular levels for daily conversation.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Ladin is recognized by both provincial and national law in Italy. In the early 1990s Italy signed European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages which is meant to protect and promote minority languages such as Ladin.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: The area where Rhaeto-Romance languages (also called Ladin languages in a wider sense, not to be confused with Ladino or Judaeo-Spanish) were spoken during the Middle Ages stretched from Switzerland to the Julian Alps (in modern-day western Slovenia).


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: A phylogenetic classification using basic lexicon identifies a primary split between Romansh in Switzerland and Ladin in Italy. One secondary split distinguishes Engadinic from the other Romansh varieties in Switzerland. In Italy, another secondary split is evidently caused by the Dolomite mountain range that divides Ladin into a northern and a southern subbranch, with Friulian being grouped closest to the southern branch.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: In this study, the divergence of the Rhaeto-Romance languages from their reconstructed lexical ancestor is about 7% on average. This would correspond to a time depth of about 500 years if the glottochronological replacement rate of 14% per millennium for Romance were trustworthy. However, the earliest available Romance text from the Alpine area is somewhat older and dates to AD 1200.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: The Romansh language has up to 26 consonant phonemes. Word stress occurs either on the last or second to last syllable.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Rhaeto-Romance languages, unlike other Romance languages, have phonemic vowel length (long stressed vowels), consonant formation, and a central rounded vowel series.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: In Romansh word order directs the grammar rather than the noun being inflected. Additionally, similar to most other Romance languages there are two genders in addition to "s" being used to indicate a plural word.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Similar to Italian and Spanish, most Friulian nouns end in a vowel based on the gender, with feminine nouns ending in "e" while masculine nouns end in "i".


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: The general word order is subject-verb-object, however this can change at times where the verb can come before the subject.


title: Rhaeto-Romance languages

text: Most words in Friulian are of the Romance variety due to its Latin roots; however, it still has many place names and flora that trace back to Celtic origins.


title: Prato

text: Prato ( , ) is a city and "comune" in Tuscany, Italy, the capital of the Province of Prato. The city lies in the north east of Tuscany, at the foot of Monte Retaia, elevation , the last peak in the Calvana chain. With more than 200,000 inhabitants, Prato is Tuscany's second largest city (after Florence) and the third largest in Central Italy (after Rome and Florence).


title: Prato

text: Historically, Prato's economy has been based on the textile industry and its district is the largest in Europe. The textile district of Prato is made up of about 7000 fashion companies, obtaining around 2 billion euros from exports. The renowned Datini archives are a significant collection of late medieval documents concerning economic and trade history, produced between 1363 and 1410.


title: Prato

text: The city boasts important historical and artistic attractions, with a cultural span that started with the Etruscans and then expanded in the Middle Ages and reached its peak with the Renaissance, when artists such as Donatello, Filippo Lippi and Botticelli left their testimonies in the city.


title: Prato

text: The famous "cantucci", a type of biscotti invented in Prato during the Middle Ages, are still produced by local traditional bakers.


title: Prato

text: Archaeological findings have proved that Prato's surrounding hills were inhabited since Paleolithic times. The plain was later colonized by the Etruscans. In 1998 remains of a previously unknown city from that civilization were discovered in the neighbourhood of Gonfienti near Campi Bisenzio. It was of medium size and it was already a centre for the wool and textile industry. According to some scholars, it could be the mythical Camars. The Etruscan city was inhabited until the 5th century BC, when, for undisclosed reasons, it decayed; control of the area later shifted to the Romans, who had their Via Cassia pass through here, but did not build any settlement.


title: Prato

text: The history of Prato itself begins from the 10th century, when two distinct villages, Borgo al Cornio and "Castrum Prati" (Prato's Castle), are known. In the following century the two settlements were united under the lords of the castle, the Alberti family, who received the imperial title of Counts of Prato. In the same period the plain was drained and a hydraulic system regulating and exploiting the waters of the Bisenzio River was created to feed the "gualchierae" (pre-industrial textile machines).


title: Prato

text: After a siege in 1107 by the troops of Matilde of Canossa, the Alberti retreated to their family fortresses in the Bisenzio Valley: Prato could therefore develop as a free commune. Within two centuries it reached 15,000 inhabitants, spurred in by the flourishing textile industry and by the presence of the Holy Belt relic. Two new lines of walls had to be built in the mid-12th century, and in the early 14th century.


title: Prato

text: In 1326, in order to counter the expansionism of the Republic of Florence, Prato submitted voluntarily under the seigniory of Robert of Anjou, King of Naples. However, on 23 February 1351 Joanna I of Naples sold the city to the Republic of Florence in exchange for 17,500 golden florins.


title: Prato

text: In 1512, during the War of the Holy League, the city was sacked by Spanish troops assembled by Pope Julius II and the king of Aragón, Ferdinand II, to recover the nearby city of Florence for the Medici family. The severity of the sack of Prato led to the surrender of the Florentine Republic, and to the restoration of the Medici rule. Historians debate the actual number of people killed during the sack, but contemporary chroniclers asserted between 2000 and 6000 people were slaughtered in the streets.


title: Prato

text: In 1653 Prato obtained the status of city and became seat of a Catholic diocese. The city was embellished in particular during the 18th century.


title: Prato

text: In the 18th Century, with the ascent of Lorraine at the head of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, the city was embellished and also experienced a significant cultural development, which was promoted by the grand dukes themselves.


title: Prato

text: The intellectual foresight of Prato and its land in this century finds its maximum expression in the words of Filippo Mazzei, a friend of Thomas Jefferson, which today are reported in the second paragraph of the Constitution of the United States of America: "All men are created equal".


title: Prato

text: After the unification of Italy in the 19th century, Prato became a primary industrial centre, especially in the textile sector (Italian historian Emanuele Repetti described it as the "Italian Manchester"), and it population grew up to 50,000 in 1901 and to 180,000 in 2001. The town experienced significant internal immigration. Previously part of the province of Florence, in 1992 Prato became the capital of the eponymous province.


title: Prato

text: Prato has a humid subtropical climate which has sunny hot summers and cool damp winters. July is the driest month of the year.


title: Prato

text: The city of Prato has the second largest Chinese immigrant population in Italy (after Milan with Italy's largest Chinatown). The number of legal Chinese residents in Prato on 31 December 2008 was 9,927. In 2011, local authorities estimated the number of Chinese citizens living in Prato to be around 45,000, illegal immigrants included. Most overseas Chinese come from the city of Wenzhou in the province of Zhejiang, some of them having moved from Chinatown in Paris. The first Chinese people came to Prato in the early 1990s. The majority of Chinese work in 3,500 workshops in the garment industry and ready-to-wear. Chinatown, known as Santo Beijing, is located in the west part of the city, spreading to Porta Pistoiese in the historical centre. The local Chamber of Commerce registered over 3,100 Chinese businesses by September 2008. Most of them are located in an industrial park named Macrolotto di Iolo. Raids on factories employing illegal immigrants in 2010 highlighted problems with the growth of an apparel industry in Prato based on cheap, and sometimes illegal, labor. In spite of all these blames, the local unemployment rate was around 7% in 2013, which was significantly lower than the national average 11%, even after 4,000 enterprises which employed 20,000 people were closed in the past two decades. The president of the Industrial Association of Prato, Andrea Cavicchi, pointed out that the local economic performance was much better than the rest of Italy due to those Chinese textile business.


title: Prato

text: , the Italian and Chinese populations did not socially mix. As of that year, there were 30,000 legal Chinese immigrants, and authorities believed there was a similar number of illegal Chinese immigrants.


title: Prato

text: The dialect from Prato is very similar to that of Florence, but it has its own peculiarities. The pronunciation of the city name in the dialect was traditionally but now or are more common.


title: Prato

text: On 8 September each year, to pay homage to the Sacra Cintola, on the day of the birth of the Madonna, there is the "Corteggio Storico". The costume parade takes place along the streets of the center, in which the armies of the city, the Corpo dei Valletti Comunali and other hundreds of people from different cities of Italy take part. The procession ends in Piazza del Duomo, where there is the most solemn event of the day: the exposition of the relic of the Holy Girdle.


title: Prato

text: The program of the festival is enriched by various performances that are held throughout the day in various points of the historic center, such as, for example, the performance of flag-wavers, shooting with bows, the medieval market with re-enactments of ancient crafts and traditions, musical performances, fireworks.


title: Prato

text: The Game of Palla Grossa is back to be played in Prato Piazza Mercatale in September 2012, after almost thirty years of absence. Four districts compete: the Rossi (Santa Trinita), the Gialli (Santo Stefano), the Azzurri (Santa Maria) and the Verdi (San Marco).


title: Prato

text: The contemporanea festival is an international theater festival that takes place in Prato since 1999. The event takes place at the end of May and presents important artists of the national and international contemporary theater scene.


title: Prato

text: The typical Pratese cuisine, as in general that of the whole Tuscany, uses "poor" products and ingredients, mainly from the territory.


title: Prato

text: The bread, called "bozza pratese", is definitely the basic element of the kitchen. In Prato, as in Florence it is customary to use bread to prepare croutons with the livers, panzanella and pappa al pomodoro.


title: Prato

text: Prato is home to many museums and other cultural monuments, including the Filippo Lippi frescoes in the Cathedral of Santo Stefano, recently restored. The cathedral has an external pulpit by Donatello and Michelozzo, built and still used for the display of the cathedral's famous relic of the Virgin Mary, the Girdle of Thomas ("Sacra Cintola", a cord belt), which had a great reputation in the late Middle Ages and is often shown in Florentine art. Also of interest is the Teatro Metastasio, the city's main venue for operas and other theatrical productions, which was built in 1829–30.


title: Prato

text: The city of Prato is crossed by two railway lines: the Viareggio-Florence Railroad and the Bologna-Florence Railways. The first is a regional line that connects it with Florence and western Tuscany, while the second is part of the Milan-Naples ridge and is one of the most important Italian railway lines. Prato is therefore served by some long-distance trains.


title: Prato

text: Consorzio Autotrasporti Pratese, also known CAP Autolinee, was a Società consortile a responsabilità limitata (Scarl) that operated since 2005 the local public transport in Prato and in the province and partly in that of Pistoia and Florence. The sole partner is Cap Cooperativa, whose members are also workers who cover the positions of travelling driving personnel. There are a total of 11 active routes, including five LAMs (LAM Blu, LAM Rossa, LAM Arancio, LAM Viola, LAM-MT) that connect the city center, the surrounding areas and the suburbs with frequencies ranging from seven to fifteen minutes. CAP Autolinee was part of ONE Scarl the consortium holder of the two-year (2018-2019) contract for the management of the TPL throughout the Region.


title: Prato

text: The main points of reference are the University Campus of Prato (a branch of the Università degli Studi di Firenze) and the Prato Research Foundation which also includes the Istituto Geofisico Toscano, in addition to the creation of a Research Center financed by local authorities and the Chamber of Commerce.


title: Prato

text: From the first nineties the city is home to an important university center with over 2000 registered students, called "University Campus of Prato", born from the collaboration between the University of Florence and a consortium company born from the collaboration between local authorities (first of all the Municipality of Prato) and various private subjects, the PIN Scrl, owner of the building (formerly the prestigious Istituto T. Buzzi and renovated for the occasion) which houses the polo. Some courses of study are underway at the faculty of economics, letters and philosophy, engineering, medicine and surgery and political sciences of the Florentine university.


title: America discography

text: America is an American rock group who have released 23 studio albums, 11 live albums and 22 compilation albums. They have also issued 47 singles, including two "Billboard" Hot 100 and three Adult Contemporary number ones.


title: America discography

text: America's best-known song is their 1972 debut single, "A Horse with No Name". It was the lead-off single to their self-titled debut album. The song became their first number one on the "Billboard" Hot 100, and was also a Top 5 hit in the United Kingdom, where it reached number three on the UK Singles Chart. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, America had charted eleven Top 40 singles in the United States. However, in the 1990s, their popularity began to fade. They have not had a Billboard charted single in the United States since 1984, though "Young Moon" charted in Germany in 1994, peaking at number 59 on the country's Media Control Charts along with hitting #33 on the "Radio & Records" AC Airplay Top 40 charts. Additionally, in 1998 "From a Moving Train" charted on the "Radio & Records" AC Airplay Top 40 chart for six weeks and peaked at number 25, along with being #84 for the year. "Winter Wonderland" peaked on the same chart at number 26 in 2002.


title: Gynophobia

text: Gynophobia or gynephobia is a morbid fear of women, a type of specific social phobia. In the past, the Latin term horror feminae was used.


title: Gynophobia

text: Gynophobia should not be confused with misogyny, the hatred, contempt for and prejudice against women, although some may use the terms interchangeably, in reference to the social, rather than pathological aspect of negative attitudes towards women. The antonym of misogyny is philogyny, the love, respect for and admiration of women.


title: Gynophobia

text: Gynophobia is analogous with androphobia, the extreme and/or irrational fear of men. A subset of gynophobia is caligynephobia, or the fear of beautiful women.


title: Gynophobia

text: The term "gynophobia" comes from the Greek γυνή - "gunē", meaning "woman" and φόβος - "phobos", "fear".


title: Gynophobia

text: In ancient mythology, the idea of woman as a, "mysterious, magical body-vessel", or "intimidating "Great Goddess"" is common. In these myths, woman (sometimes also depicted as a "Great World Tree", pomegranate, poppyhead, or mountain) bears all living things, and empties them out of herself into the living world. In the "vessel" analogy, the inside of the vessel is unknown, and all body orifices are special zones, each regarded as idols by artistic representation. The historical permanence of woman as body-vessel, is sometimes artistically depicted to elicit fear. For example, Albert Dubout depicted the "Great Goddess" as eliciting fear from a short man simply by displaying her large breasts and noting that her breasts survived World War II.


title: Gynophobia

text: In India, the goddess "Kali the Terrible" is the mother of the world and a fearsome, gruesome, and bloodthirsty destroyer of human life. She partially expresses her destruction through a wide array of female avatars (or "agents"). Kali's avatars and agents are regarded by believers as responsible for serious maladies such as typhoid fever, whooping cough, epilepsy, delirium, and convulsions. For example, Kali's agent goddess "Vasurimala" is mythologized as responsible for smallpox and cholera. Believers in the rural Indian town of Cranganore, make symbolic monetary offerings to Kali, to fulfill promises made in fear of being stricken with smallpox or cholera.


title: Gynophobia

text: Woman as "Great Goddess" was often depicted as a goddess of death in ancient Greek mythology as well. For example, in ancient Greek mythology, at least 7 female goddesses are depicted as both nursing mothers and as queens of the dead.


title: Gynophobia

text: In his book "Sadism and Masochism: The Psychology of Hatred and Cruelty", Wilhelm Stekel discusses "horror feminae" of a male masochist.


title: Gynophobia

text: In "The Dread of Woman" (1932), Karen Horney proposed that gynophobia may be partially due to a boy's fear that his genital is inadequate in relation to the mother. She also remarked that she was surprised at the lack of explicit recognition of gynophobia, after she allegedly found ample historical, clinical, mythological, and anthropological evidence of gynophobia.


title: Gynophobia

text: The author of "The Fear of Women", Wolfgang Lederer, makes the argument in his book that gynophobia is partially the result of men and women allegedly having different attitudes toward societally-based morality. He argues that women were mostly absent and also sometimes explicitly excluded from the meaningful aspects of the creation of society. He further argues that this contributes to what he sees as historically-universal female hostility toward societal goals such as justice, goals which exist outside practical and immediate interpersonal affairs. Wolfgang argues that this is not just his idea, but projected into religion through all historical communities that have both a father-deity and a mother-deity, where, he argues, the mother-deity is always morally indifferent.


title: Gynophobia

text: Because Wolfgang thinks that men generally have societal ideals, while women generally do not, Wolfgang argues that 'real' women 'intrude obstinately and necessarily' on an imagined ideal of women that men have of them. He states that this births a male fear that women will forever, or sooner or later, be his disappointment.


title: Gynophobia

text: Extreme examples of universal, cultural gypnohobia have been found in the highlands of New Guinea, where widespread anti-masturbation propaganda coincides with notions of, "perilous female sexuality". The anthropologist Carol Ember argues that such fears were likely caused by limited availability of basic resources that would be required to increase the population.


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: Polina Semyonovna Zhemchuzhina (born Perl Solomonovna Karpovskaya; 27 February 1897 – 1 April 1970) was a Soviet politician and the wife of the Soviet foreign minister Vyacheslav Molotov. Zhemchuzhina was the director of the Soviet national cosmetics trust from 1932 to 1936, Minister of Fisheries in 1939, and head of textiles production in the Ministry of Light Industry from 1939 to 1948. In 1948, Zhemchuzhina was arrested by the Soviet secret police, charged with treason, and sent into internal exile, where she remained until after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953.


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: Zhemchuzhina was born Perl Solomonovna Karpovskaya to the family of a Jewish tailor Solomon Karpovsky in the village of Polohy, in the Alexandrovsky Uyezd (today Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Ukraine). She joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party of Bolsheviks in 1918 and served as a propaganda commissar in the Red Army during the Russian Civil War. As a communist, she went by the surname Zhemchuzhina, which, like her birth name Perl in Yiddish, means "pearl" in Russian.


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: In 1920, she married Vyacheslav Molotov, by then a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Because she had married a non-jew her parents sat in mourning for her. She also made a successful career in the Soviet hierarchy, serving in the Narkomat of Food Industry under Anastas Mikoyan, to become in 1939 the first female councillor of Narkom (of Fishing Industry) in the government of the Soviet Union, and was elected as a candidate to the Central Committee that year.


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: During the 1920s, her brother David "Jezreelly" (Rubin) (1886–1965) emigrated to the British Mandate of Palestine. Her brother Sam Carp was a successful businessman in the United States. The Molotovs had two daughters: Sonia, adopted in 1929, and Svetlana, born in 1930.


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: According to historian Zhores Medvedev, Stalin was highly suspicious of Zhemchuzhina. He thought that she negatively influenced Molotov, and he recommended Molotov divorce her. The Molotovs shared an apartment with the Stalins. Zhemchuzhina and Stalin's wife Nadezhda Alliluyeva became close friends. In November 1932, Zhemchuzhina followed Alliluyeva out of a dining room after Stalin had publicly chastised his wife in the company of friends. The next morning Alliluyeva was found dead by suicide, having shot herself with a small Walther PP pistol. This event is believed to have fueled a secret hatred of Zhemchuzhina by Stalin.


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: In a secret meeting of the Politburo on 10 August 1939, the agenda item number 33, "Regarding Comrade Zhemchuzhina" and her alleged "connections to spies", led to a request to verify that information by the NKVD. As it was customary during the Great Purges, many of her coworkers were arrested and questioned, but the "evidence" (frequently acquired by force) against her was so contradictory that on 24 October, the Politburo concluded the "allegations against comrade Zhemchuzhina's participation in sabotage and spying... to be considered slanderous." However, she was severely reprimanded and demoted for unknowingly keeping contacts with "enemy elements thereby facilitating their spying missions." In February 1941, she was taken off the list of the candidates to the Central Committee.


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: On the Eastern Front, Zhemchuzhina actively supported the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAC) and befriended many of its leading members, most notably Solomon Mikhoels. She frequently attended performances by the Moscow State Jewish Theatre.


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: Polina Zhemchuzhina befriended Golda Meir, who arrived in Moscow in November 1948 as the first Israeli envoy to the USSR. Fluent in Yiddish, Zhemchuzhina acted as a translator for a diplomatic meeting between Meir and her husband, the Soviet foreign minister. However, this claim (of being an interpreter) is not supported by Golda Meir's memoir "My Life". Presentation of her Ambassadorial credentials were done in Hebrew not in Yiddish. According to Golda Meir's own account of the reception given by Mr. Molotov on November 7th, Mrs. Zhemchuzhina has spent significant time during this reception not only talking to Golda Meir herself but also in conversation with Mrs. Meir's daughter Sarah and her friend Yael Namir about their life as kibbutzniks. They have discussed the complete collectivization of property and related issues. At the end Mrs. Zhemchuzhina gave Golda Meir's daughter Sarah a hug and said: "Be well. If everything goes well with you, it will go well for all Jews everywhere."


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: She was arrested for treason in December 1948, consequently being forced into an unwanted divorce from Μolotov. She was convicted and sentenced to five years in a labor camp. After the death of Stalin in March 1953, she was released from captivity by Lavrentiy Beria and reunited with her husband. Her first question upon her release was "How's Stalin?" Upon being told he had died only days before, she fainted.


title: Polina Zhemchuzhina

text: According to Svetlana Alliluyeva, Stalin's daughter, Molotov then became subservient to his wife, yielding to her in the same way he had previously yielded to Stalin. According to Roy Medvedev, Svetlana Alliluyeva recalled Polina telling her, "Your father was a genius. He liquidated the fifth column in our country, and when the war broke out the Party and the people were one. There's no revolutionary spirit around nowadays, just opportunism everywhere. Look at what the Italian Communists are up to! It's shameful! The war scared everyone. China's our only hope. Only they have kept alive the revolutionary spirit." This conversation occurred at the height of the Cultural Revolution in China. She died of natural causes in 1970.


title: Prehensile tail

text: A prehensile tail is the tail of an animal that has adapted to grasp or hold objects. Fully prehensile tails can be used to hold and manipulate objects, and in particular to aid arboreal creatures in finding and eating food in the trees. If the tail cannot be used for this it is considered only partially prehensile - such tails are often used to anchor an animal's body to dangle from a branch, or as an aid for climbing. The term "prehensile" means "able to grasp" (from the Latin "prehendere", to take hold of, to grasp).


title: Prehensile tail

text: One point of interest is the distribution of animals with prehensile tails. The prehensile tail is predominantly a New World adaptation, especially among mammals. Many more animals in South America have prehensile tails than in Africa and Southeast Asia. It has been argued that animals with prehensile tails are more common in South America because the forest there is denser than in Africa or Southeast Asia. In contrast, less dense forests such as in Southeast Asia have been observed to have more abundant gliding animals such as colugos or flying snakes; few gliding vertebrates are found in South America. South American rainforests also differ by having more lianas, as there are fewer large animals to eat them than in Africa and Asia; the presence of lianas may aid climbers but obstruct gliders. Curiously, Australia-New Guinea contains many mammals with prehensile tails and also many mammals which can glide; in fact, all Australian mammalian gliders have tails that are prehensile to an extent.


title: Prehensile tail

text: Tails are mostly a feature of vertebrates; however, some invertebrates such as scorpions also have appendages that can be considered tails. However, only vertebrates are known to have developed prehensile tails. Many mammals with prehensile tails will have a bare patch to aid gripping. This bare patch is known as a "friction pad".


title: Sir Jinx

text: Anthony Wheaton, professionally known by his stage name Sir Jinx, is an American hip hop producer and rapper from Los Angeles. He is a cousin of multi-platinum producer Dr. Dre. He began his career as a member of the C.I.A. in the mid-80s with Ice Cube and Kid Disaster. He produced tracks for the likes of Dazzie Dee, Westside Connection, Too Short, Yo-Yo, Tone Loc, Kool G Rap, CeCe Peniston, Xzibit and Kurupt among others, and also remixed songs for Rage Against the Machine, Public Enemy and Toni Braxton.


title: Sir Jinx

text: Anthony "Sir Jinx" Wheaton began his career in the mid-80s as a part of hip hop duo the Stereo Crew with fellow rapper Ice Cube. They were signed with Epic Records and released their debut single "She's a Skag" in 1986, which was produced by Wheaton's cousin Dr. Dre and Dre's World Class Wreckin' Cru bandmate Alonzo Williams. Poor single sales caused them to be soon dropped off of the label. Joined by fellow rapper Kid Disaster, they were picked by Kru-Cut Records and changed the group's name to C.I.A. In 1987 the trio released their single "My Posse" and appeared on the cover of "N.W.A. and the Posse". Cube and Dre have been focused on forming N.W.A, which led to disband the C.I.A. Wheaton produced fellow rapper Dazzie Dee's first extended play "Turn It Loose", released in 1989.


title: Sir Jinx

text: When Cube left N.W.A and Ruthless Records over a financial dispute, all the former C.I.A. members along with several other artists formed the Lench Mob posse on Cube's founded Lench Mob Records label. Wheaton and Cube in collaboration with Chilly Chill and New York-based hip hop production team The Bomb Squad produced Ice Cube's debut solo studio album "AmeriKKKa's Most Wanted" and the follow-up "Kill at Will" EP, both released in 1990. Both these projects were certified Platinum by the Recording Industry Association of America. Same year Wheaton produced "Ain't Nothin' but a Word to Me", the only song from Too Short's Short Dog's in the House album that has a featured guest appearance (by Ice Cube).


title: Sir Jinx

text: In 1991, Wheaton produced a significant number of songs on Yo-Yo's "Make Way for the Motherlode", WC and the Maad Circle's "Ain't a Damn Thang Changed", and Ice Cube's "Death Certificate", including NWA diss track "No Vaseline". He also produced "How to Survive in South Central", a Cube's song from "Boyz n the Hood" soundtrack, and Tone Lōc "I Adore You". Continuing into 1992 with Cube's "The Predator" and Yo-Yo's 1992 "Black Pearl", Wheaton stepped onto East Coast hip hop scene producing the majority of Kool G Rap's final studio album with DJ Polo "Live and Let Die", and also managed to provide additional production on two tracks for George Clinton's son Trey Lewd's "Drop the Line", and to produce the title track for "Music from the Motion Picture Trespass". Sir Jinx created remixes for rap-rock outfits such as Rage Against the Machine's "Guerrilla Radio (Sir Jinx Edit)", "Bullet in the Head (Sir Jinx Remix)", and the unreleased "Bombtrack (Remix)", all of which were recorded in 1992.


title: Sir Jinx

text: After producing a couple of tracks on Ice Cube's 1993 album "Lethal Injection", Wheaton stopped working with Cube and his group Da Lench Mob due to their controversial direction. He moved on to producing for R&B-oriented solo acts such as CeCe Peniston, Gerald Levert, Isaac Hayes, Teena Marie, and former Bell Biv DeVoe member Ricky Bell.


title: Sir Jinx

text: Following a low-profile independent solo album in 1995, Sir Jinx returned to hip hop production on Gooch's 1997 album "A Lot on It" and Xzibit's 1998 album "40 Dayz & 40 Nightz". He also helped to produce skits on Tash's 1999 "Rap Life" and helped on Xzibit's 2000 "Restless".


title: Sir Jinx

text: Wheaton provided production work on a song from comedian Eddie Griffin's 2003 film "Dysfunktional Family" soundtrack. Same year he produced a couple of tracks on The Comrads member Gangsta album "Penitentiary Chances", as well as a posse cut on Westside Connection's album "Terrorist Threats".


title: Sir Jinx

text: Outside of some minor production on Kurupt's 2004 album "Originals" and 2005 album "Against the Grain", Xzibit's 2004 album "Weapons of Mass Destruction", and Ras Kass's 2009 project "Quarterly", Sir Jinx was relatively low-key during this period.


title: Sir Jinx

text: In 2010, Wheaton produced a song for Sadat X's "Wild Cowboys II" album, as well as the track "Life in California" from Ice Cube's "I Am the West" album, which marked the first time Sir Jinx and Cube had worked together on any new material together in several years. In an October 2010 interview for HipHopDX, Wheaton stated that he was going to help produce cousin Dr. Dre's long-awaited release "Detox". In spite of his relation to Dr. Dre, this is the first album the two have worked on together.


title: Sir Jinx

text: Sir Jinx collaborated with Tri Star and Dat Boi Hop to form General Population. The group released their album "Sir Jinx Presents General Population: Rime Scene" in 2011 featuring guest appearances from Butch Cassidy, Roscoe, Devin the Dude, Jayo Felony, Kurupt, Ras Kass. The following year, Jinx produced the entire Tri Star's project "Trilogy". Together with Mike & Keys, Jinx produced debut Serial Killers single "First 48". In 2016, he and Dre produced T.I.'s non-album single "Dope", which featured vocals by Marsha Ambrosius.


title: Chemours

text: Chemours (, ) is an American chemical company that was founded in July 2015 as a spin-off from DuPont. It has its corporate headquarters in Wilmington, Delaware, United States.


title: Chemours

text: In October 2013, DuPont announced that it was planning to spin off its "performance chemicals" business into a new publicly traded company in mid-2015. DuPont filed its initial Form 10 with the SEC in December 2014 and announced that the new company would be called "The Chemours Company." The name is a portmanteau of the words chemical and Nemours, a nod to DuPont's full name, E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co. The company's CC ticker symbol, is also a play on DuPont's DD symbol.


title: Chemours

text: The spin-off was completed on July 1, 2015, and Chemours' stock began trading on the New York Stock Exchange on the same date.


title: Chemours

text: Chemours has assumed various liabilities arising from lawsuits against DuPont. Additionally, Chemours' plant in Bladen County, North Carolina, was found to be dumping vast quantities of a chemical dubbed "GenX", a precursor of Teflon, into the Cape Fear River. This story is recounted in the 2018 documentary film "The Devil We Know", which centers on Parkersburg, West Virginia, where the DuPont facility that manufactured Teflon was located. The documentary follows the personal stories and tribulations of several people who worked at the Parkersburg facility.


title: Chemours

text: Chemours manufactures and sells performance chemicals falling within three segments: Titanium Technologies (titanium dioxide); Fluoroproducts (refrigerants and industrial fluoropolymer resins and derivatives including Freon, Teflon, Viton, Nafion, ECCtreme ECA and Krytox); and Chemical Solutions (cyanide, sulfuric acid, aniline, methylamines, and reactive metals).


title: Scrubber

text: Scrubber systems (e.g. chemical scrubbers, gas scrubbers) are a diverse group of air pollution control devices that can be used to remove some particulates and/or gases from industrial exhaust streams. An early application of a carbon dioxide scrubber was in the submarine the "Ictíneo I", in 1859; a role for which they continue to be used today. Traditionally, the term "scrubber" has referred to pollution control devices that use liquid to wash unwanted pollutants from a gas stream. Recently, the term has also been used to describe systems that inject a dry reagent or slurry into a dirty exhaust stream to "wash out" acid gases. Scrubbers are one of the primary devices that control gaseous emissions, especially acid gases. Scrubbers can also be used for heat recovery from hot gases by flue-gas condensation. They are also used for the high flows in solar, PV, or LED processes.


title: Scrubber

text: Combustion is sometimes the cause of harmful exhausts, but, in many cases, combustion may also be used for exhaust gas cleaning if the temperature is high enough and enough oxygen is available.


title: Scrubber

text: The exhaust gases of combustion may contain substances considered harmful to the environment, and the scrubber may remove or neutralize those.


title: Scrubber

text: A wet scrubber is used for cleaning air, fuel gas or other gases of various pollutants and dust particles. Wet scrubbing works via the contact of target compounds or particulate matter with the scrubbing solution. Solutions may simply be water (for dust) or solutions of reagents that specifically target certain compounds.


title: Scrubber

text: Process exhaust gas can also contain water-soluble toxic and/or corrosive gases like hydrochloric acid (HCl) or ammonia (NH). These can be removed very well by a wet scrubber.


title: Scrubber

text: Removal efficiency of pollutants is improved by increasing residence time in the scrubber or by the increase of surface area of the scrubber solution by the use of a spray nozzle, packed towers or an aspirator. Wet scrubbers may increase the proportion of water in the gas, resulting in a visible stack plume, if the gas is sent to a stack.


title: Scrubber

text: Wet scrubbers can also be used for heat recovery from hot gases by flue-gas condensation. In this mode, termed a condensing scrubber, water from the scrubber drain is circulated through a cooler to the nozzles at the top of the scrubber. The hot gas enters the scrubber at the bottom. If the gas temperature is above the water dew point, it is initially cooled by evaporation of water drops. Further cooling causes water vapors to condense, adding to the amount of circulating water.


title: Scrubber

text: The condensation of water releases significant amounts of low temperature heat due to the high value of the specific latent heat of the vaporisation of water (more than per ton of water), which can be recovered by the cooler for e.g. district heating purposes.


title: Scrubber

text: A dry or semi-dry scrubbing system, unlike the wet scrubber, does not saturate the flue gas stream that is being treated with moisture. In some cases no moisture is added, while in others only the amount of moisture that can be evaporated in the flue gas without condensing is added. Therefore, dry scrubbers generally do not have a stack steam plume or wastewater handling/disposal requirements. Dry scrubbing systems are used to remove acid gases (such as SO and HCl) primarily from combustion sources.


title: Scrubber

text: There are a number of dry type scrubbing system designs. However, all consist of two main sections or devices: a device to introduce the acid gas sorbent material into the gas stream and a particulate matter control device to remove reaction products, excess sorbent material as well as any particulate matter already in the flue gas.


title: Scrubber

text: Dry scrubbing systems can be categorized as dry sorbent injectors (DSIs) or as spray dryer absorbers (SDAs). Spray dryer absorbers are also called semi-dry scrubbers or spray dryers.


title: Scrubber

text: Dry scrubbing systems are often used for the removal of odorous and corrosive gases from wastewater treatment plant operations. The medium used is typically an activated alumina compound impregnated with materials to handle specific gases such as hydrogen sulfide. Media used can be mixed together to offer a wide range of removal for other odorous compounds such as methyl mercaptans, aldehydes, volatile organic compounds, dimethyl sulfide, and dimethyl disulfide.


title: Scrubber

text: Dry sorbent injection involves the addition of an alkaline material (usually hydrated lime, soda ash, or sodium bicarbonate) into the gas stream to react with the acid gases. The sorbent can be injected directly into several different locations: the combustion process, the flue gas duct (ahead of the particulate control device), or an open reaction chamber (if one exists). The acid gases react with the alkaline sorbents to form solid salts which are removed in the particulate control device. These simple systems can achieve only limited acid gas (SO and HCl) removal efficiencies. Higher collection efficiencies can be achieved by increasing the flue gas humidity (i.e., cooling using water spray). These devices have been used on medical waste incinerators and a few municipal waste combustors.


title: Scrubber

text: In spray dryer absorbers, the flue gases are introduced into an absorbing tower (dryer) where the gases are contacted with a finely atomized alkaline slurry. Acid gases are absorbed by the slurry mixture and react to form solid salts which are removed by the particulate control device. The heat of the flue gas is used to evaporate all the water droplets, leaving a non-saturated flue gas to exit the absorber tower. Spray dryers are capable of achieving high (80+%) acid gas removal efficiencies. These devices have been used on industrial and utility boilers and municipal waste incinerators.


title: Scrubber

text: Many chemicals can be removed from exhaust gas also by using adsorber material. The flue gas is passed through a cartridge which is filled with one or several adsorber materials and has been adapted to the chemical properties of the components to be removed. This type of scrubber is sometimes also called dry scrubber. The adsorber material has to be replaced after its surface is saturated. Note: adsorption is a surface phenomena, absorption involves the entire material. Ex: Activated carbon an adsorbent, used for the adsorption of odorous compounds.


title: Scrubber

text: Mercury is a highly toxic element commonly found in coal and municipal waste. Wet scrubbers are only effective for removal of soluble mercury species, such as oxidized mercury, Hg. Mercury vapor in its elemental form, Hg, is insoluble in the scrubber slurry and not removed. Therefore, an additional process of Hg conversion is required to complete mercury capture. Usually halogens are added to the flue gas for this purpose. The type of coal burned as well as the presence of a selective catalytic reduction unit both affect the ratio of elemental to oxidized mercury in the flue gas and thus the degree to which the mercury is removed.


title: Scrubber

text: In July 2015, one study found that some mercury scrubbers installed on coal power plants inadvertently capture PAH (polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons) emissions as well.


title: Scrubber

text: One side effect of scrubbing is that the process only moves the unwanted substance from the exhaust gases into a liquid solution, solid paste or powder form. This must be disposed of safely, if it can not be reused.


title: Scrubber

text: For example, mercury removal results in a waste product that either needs further processing to extract the raw mercury, or must be buried in a special hazardous wastes landfill that prevents the mercury from seeping out into the environment. There are issues with that, as it is extremely dangerous to the environment, and many factories cannot process them or have it moved to a landfill.


title: Scrubber

text: As an example of reuse, limestone-based scrubbers in coal-fired power plants can produce a synthetic gypsum of sufficient quality that can be used to manufacture drywall and other industrial products.


title: Scrubber

text: Poorly maintained scrubbers have the potential to spread disease-causing bacteria. The problem is a result of inadequate cleaning. For example, the cause of a 2005 outbreak of Legionnaires' disease in Norway was just a few infected scrubbers. The outbreak caused 10 deaths and more than 50 cases of infection.


title: Scrubber

text: Later, in preparation for the global 0.5% sulfur cap in 2020, the International Maritime Organization (IMO) adopted guidelines on the approval, installation and use of exhaust gas scrubbers (exhaust gas cleaning systems) onboard ships to ensure compliance with the sulfur regulation of MARPOL Annex VI. Flag states must approve such systems and port states can (as part of their port state control) ensure that such systems are functioning correctly. If a scrubber system is not functioning properly (and the IMO procedures for such malfunctions are not adhered to), port states can sanction the ship. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea also bestows port states with a right to regulate (and even ban) the use of open loop scrubber systems within ports and internal waters.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: The Burundian Civil War was a civil war in Burundi lasting from 1993 to 2005. The civil war was the result of longstanding ethnic divisions between the Hutu and the Tutsi ethnic groups. The conflict began following the first multi-party elections in the country since its independence from Belgium in 1962, and is seen as formally ending with the swearing-in of President Pierre Nkurunziza in August 2005. Children were widely used by both sides in the war. The estimated death toll stands at 300,000.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: Before becoming subject to European colonial rule, Burundi was governed by an ethnic Tutsi monarchy, similar to that of its neighbor Rwanda. German, and subsequently Belgian, colonial rulers found it convenient to govern through the existing power structure, perpetuating the dominance of the Tutsi minority over the ethnic Hutu majority. The Belgians generally identified the ethnic distinctions in Burundi and Rwanda with the following observations: the Twa who were short, the Hutu who were of medium height and the Tutsi who were tallest among them. Those individuals who owned more than ten cows were normally described as Tutsi.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: Burundi became independent in 1962, breaking from a colonial federation with Rwanda. The independent country initially preserved its monarchy. The country's first multi-party national elections were held in June 1993. These elections were immediately preceded by 25 years of Tutsi military regimes, beginning with Michel Micombero, who had led a successful coup in 1966 and replaced the monarchy with a presidential republic. Under the Micombero regime, the minority Tutsi generally dominated governance. In 1972, Hutu militants organized and carried out systematic attacks on ethnic Tutsi, with the declared intent of annihilating the whole group. The military regime responded with large-scale reprisals targeting Hutus. The total number of casualties was never established, but estimates for the Tutsi genocide and the reprisals on the Hutus together are said to exceed 100,000. As many refugees and asylum-seekers left the country for Tanzania and Rwanda.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: The last of the coups was in 1987 and installed Tutsi officer Pierre Buyoya. Buyoya attempted to institute a number of reforms to ease state control over media and attempted to facilitate a national dialogue. Instead of helping the problem, these reforms instead served to inflame ethnic tensions as hope grew among the Hutu population that the Tutsi monopoly was at an end. Local revolts subsequently took place by Hutu peasants against several Tutsi leaders in northern Burundi; these Hutu militias killed hundreds of Tutsi families in the process. When the army came to quell the uprising, they in turn killed thousands of Hutu, leading to an estimated death toll of between 5,000 and 50,000. A low-level insurgency developed, and the first Hutu rebel groups were formed. Most notable among these were Party for the Liberation of the Hutu PeopleNational Forces of Liberation ("Parti pour la libération du peuple HutuForces nationales de libération", PALIPEHUTU-FNL) and National Liberation Front ("Front de libération nationale", FROLINA) which had been active from the 1980s. Of the two, PALIPEHUTU-FNL much more powerful than FROLINA, but also suffered from more internal divisions. When a democratic transition began in Burundi in the early 1990s, the historical core leadership of PALIPEHUTU decided to cooperate with the Hutu-dominated Front for Democracy in Burundi ("Front pour la démocratie au Burundi", FRODEBU) party and to peacefully participate in politics. Radical members of PALIPEHUTU-FNL disagreed with this decision. In contrast, FROLINA was firmly unified under the command of Joseph Karumba, but always remained a rather weak and marginal group.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: After decades of military dictatorships, the parliamentary and presidential elections of June and July 1993 were the first ones in Burundi to be free and fair. FRODEBU decisively defeated the largely Tutsi Union for National Progress ("Union pour le progrès national", UPRONA) of President Buyoya. Thus, FRODEBU leader Melchior Ndadaye became Burundi's first democratically elected Hutu president. His tenure was wrought with problems from the beginning. Though PALIPEHUTU's leadership decided to cooperate with Ndadaye's new government, its military chief commander Kabora Kossan refused to end the insurgency. He and his followers split from PALIPEHUTU-FNL, and from then on simply called themselves "National Forces of Liberation" (FNL). For Kossan and his men the only option was to continue to fight until all Tutsi in Burundi were dead, removed or fully disempowered. Nevertheless, Ndadaye's government was more threatened by Tutsi extremists than by radical Hutu groups: The latter were still rather weak, whereas the former controlled much of Burundi's military. The political situation escalated when Tutsi extremist army officers launched a coup on 21 October. Supported by about half of the armed forces, the putschists murdered Ndadaye alongside other leading FRODEBU members, and declared a new regime. However, the military government was destabilized from the beginning, as it faced internal chaos and opposition by foreign powers.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: As a result of President Ndadaye's murder, violence and chaos broke out all over Burundi. Hutu attacked and killed many UPRONA supporters, most of them Tutsi but also some Hutu, while the putschists and allied Tutsi groups assaulted Hutu and FRODEBU sympathizers. Many civilians banded together in local militias to defend themselves, but these groups quickly became proactive as well, carrying out attacks and mass killings against each other. Urban street gangs, many of which had been biethnic before 1993, split along ethnic lines and began to work for extremist politicians. They received money and guns, and in return demonstrated, and murdered on the orders of the Tutsi and Hutu parties. An estimated 50,000 to 100,000 people died within a year about as many Hutu as Tutsi. As result of this chaos and international pressure, the putschists' regime collapsed, and power was returned to a FRODEBU-dominated civilian government.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: The mass killings consequently abated, and the country was somewhat restabilized by the end of 1993. The coup and subsequent ethnic violence had however deeply affected the country. The Tutsi extremists in the military were still present, and though they had given up outright power for the time being, they continued to undermine the civilian government in hopes of regaining full power in the future. The Hutu rebels believed that the coup had proven the impossibility of negotiations, and regarded the new Hutu-dominated civilian government as mere "stooges" of the old regime. They consequently fully resumed their insurgency. Furthermore, radicals among the Tutsi civil society regarded FRODEBU as "génocidaires", believing that the party had initiated the anti-Tutsi mass killings following the 1993 coup. They thus organized demonstrations and strikes to bring down what they considered a criminal regime.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: A succession of bi-ethnic governments attempted to stabilize the country from early 1994 to July 1996, but all failed. Tutsi extremists in the army continued to undermine any attempt of FRODEBU to consolidate power, and parts of FRODEBU decided in early 1994 that compromise was no longer possible. Minister of Interior Léonard Nyangoma led a FRODEBU faction into armed rebellion, creating the National Council for the Defense of Democracy–Forces for the Defense of Democracy ("Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratieForces pour la défense de la démocratie", CNDD-FDD). Nyangoma's group consequently became the most important Hutu rebel group, though PALIPEHUTU-FNL and FROLINA continued to be active. PALIPEHUTU-FNL was weakened by further rifts, and would fracture into numerous smaller factions over disagreements on negotiations and leadership during the civil war. With the exemption of the rather moderate CNDD-FDD, all Hutu militias embraced the radical Hutu Power ideology and desired the extermination of all Burundian Tutsi.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: The Hutu insurgents received support by the neighboring countries of Zaire and Tanzania, both of which allowed the rebels to set up bases on their territories from where they could launch raids into Burundi. The reasons for which they supported the insurgents differed greatly: Zairean President Mobutu Sese Seko believed that he could gain political leverage by harboring Rwandan and Burundian Hutu militants and refugees. They would suppress anti-Mobutu groups in Zaire, and give him something to bargain with the international community which sought to resolve the Great Lakes refugee crisis. In contrast, leading Tanzanian statesman Julius Nyerere wanted the region to be stabilized and pacified, and believed that the existence of Burundi and Rwanda as independent states posed a security problem by itself. Ultimately, he desired for these states to be unified with Tanzania, regaining all territory that had formerly belonged to German East Africa. In the short term, however, Nyerere believed that peace and order could only be achieved in Burundi through the inclusion of Hutu in the Burundian government and military.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: While the country further descended into civil war, the political situation in Burundi deteriorated. Ndadaye's successor Cyprien Ntaryamira was assassinated in the same plane crash with Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana on 6 April 1994. This act marked the beginning of the Rwandan genocide, while in Burundi, the death of Ntaryamira exacerbated the violence and unrest, although there was no general massacre. Sylvestre Ntibantunganya was installed to a four-year presidency on April 8, but the security situation further declined. The influx of hundreds of thousands of Rwandan refugees and the activities of armed Hutu and Tutsi groups further destabilized the government. A coalition government, formed by the peaceful FRODEBU faction and UPRONA in September 1994, proved to be too weak and fractured to actually govern the country. With the civil authorities factually defunct, the military effectively held control of "what little state power remained".


title: Burundian Civil War

text: At the same time, the power of non-state actors increased. Though many self-defense groups had been disbanded after 1993, others transformed into larger ethnic militias. These groups included unofficial paramilitary wings of Hutu and Tutsi parties, independent extremist militias, and militant youth gangs. Notable Tutsi factions included the Party for National Recovery's ("Parti pour le redressement national", PARENA) "Imbogaraburundi" ("those-who-will-bring-Burundi-back"), the People's Reconciliation Party's ("Parti de la réconciliation des personnes", PRP) "Sans Echecs" ("the unfailing ones"), and urban youth gangs like "Sans Défaite" ("the undefeated"), "Sans Pitié" ("the pitiless ones"), "Sans Capote" ("those-who-do-not-wear-condoms") which acted as forces for hire for various extremist Tutsi parties. Hutu parties like FRODEBU and FDD also raised supportive militias, "Inziraguhemuka" ("those-who-did-not-betray") and "Intagoheka" ("those-who-never-sleep") respectively, while the Hutu street gang "Chicago Bulls" from Bujumbura managed to expand into a small army. These militias undermined attempts by the government to restore peace. The Tutsi militias were often trained and armed by extremist factions in the Burundian military. With aid by the army, they defeated a number of Hutu militias, but also terrorized as well as displaced many Hutu civilians at Bujumbura and other cities in 1995/96.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: Furthermore, the Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front ("Front Patriotique Rwandais", RPF) defeated the Hutu regime of Rwanda in July 1994, ending the Rwandan Civil War and genocide. The military and paramilitary forces of old Rwandan Hutu regime (Ex-FAR/ALiR and Interahamwe) subsequently fled across the border into Zaire. There, they rebuilt their strength and launched an insurgency against the RPF. The Burundian CNDD-FDD and PALIPEHUTU-FNL soon allied themselves with the Rwandan Hutu factions which consequently aided them in attacking the Burundian military. And despite the CNDD-FDD’s denial of these links, Filip Reyntjens assessed how northern Burundi’s situation made Rwandan and Burundian Hutu rebel groups “objective allies” for geopolitical convenience, given an interest “in effectively controlling this area which could become a major base for an invasion of Rwanda by Rwandan exiles.”


title: Burundian Civil War

text: This situation, and the decline of state authority in Burundi, greatly alarmed the RPF-led government of Rwanda. The RPF feared that the collapse of the Burundian government would lead not only to the influx of possibly 500,000 Tutsi refugees into Rwanda, but also provide a new haven to the Rwandan Hutu insurgents. The Rwandan government thus began providing aid to the Burundian government from 1995. Rwandan troops would repeatedly cross the border, and attack Hutu refugee camps which harbored rebel forces in coordination with the Burundian military and local Tutsi militias. This development, according to Reyntjens, gave rise to the “conviction that transnational Hutu and Tutsi alliances fight each other.”


title: Burundian Civil War

text: The power-sharing political system of Hutu presidency and Tutsi military operated until 1996, when Tutsi Pierre Buyoya replaced the Hutu president in a coup, ostensibly to restore order. As the government had already been under "de facto" military control by this point, the coup mostly cemented the status quo. Upon assuming power, Buyoya took action to solve the war peacefully. He brought the radical Tutsi mostly under control, forcing their militias to integrate into the military or to be disbanded. Buyoya also attempted to open negotiations with the insurgents. Despite this, the coup also strengthened the Hutu rebel groups, as Buyoya's regime was regarded as illegitimate, and neighboring countries imposed an embargo on Burundi to protest against the coup. The civil war consequently escalated in intensity. Hutu rebels grew in power and killed about 300 Tutsi in a major attack on 20 July 1996. The increasing activity of the Hutu rebels in Burundi worried the Rwandan government, and influenced its decision to launch the First Congo War in late 1996 to overthrow President Mobutu of Zaire. By doing so, Rwanda hoped to eliminate Zaire as haven for various Hutu rebel groups; the CNDD-FDD had for example set up major bases at Uvira and Bukavu in eastern Zaire from where it launched raids into Burundi. Although Rwanda successfully overthrew Mobutu in a matter of months and replaced him with Laurent-Désiré Kabila, CNDD-FDD rebels still managed to significantly expand their operations in 1997. Infiltrating Bururi Province and Makamba Province in Burundi's south, they even attacked Rutovu, Buyoya's home town and center of Burundi's Tutsi elite at the time. In fact, at least elements of the new Congolese government under Laurent-Désiré's son Joseph Kabila came to support the Burundian insurgents by the early 2000s just as Mobutu had done it previously.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: In response to the deteriorating security situation, the government opted to organize a new paramilitary initiative. The military forced civilians to organize unarmed patrols to guard their communities against rebels. Though the state authorities claimed that these self-defense groups consisted of volunteers, civilians were generally coerced with threats of violence or fines. Most of the civilian militiamen were also poor Hutu, while Tutsi and wealthy or well conntected Hutu were generally exempted of the patrol duties. As result of demands by Tutsi extremist politicians, the military also set up a special, armed training program for Tutsi militiamen; Hutu were not allowed to join this training. As these initiatives failed to halt the growth of the rebel movements, the Burundian military eventually decided to set up a new militia in Cibitoke Province, which was initially simply known as "the young men" ("les jeunes" or "abajeunes"). In contrast to previous self-defense groups which were either unarmed or dominated by Tutsi, the "abajeunes" were both armed as well as mostly Hutu. They consisted of ex-rebels and former civilian patrolmen who had proven themselves to be trustworthy. Trained, armed and supplied by the military, the "abajeunes" were a success. The program was thus expanded to the entire country; the "abajeunes" in southern Burundi soon became known as the "Guardians of the Peace". Numbering 3,000 fighters by late 1997, they were decisive in keeping the insurgents at bay. Nevertheless, the number of war casualties further increased in 1998.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: In 1998, Buyoya and the opposition-led Hutu parliament reached an agreement to sign a transitional constitution, and Buyoya was sworn in as president. Formal peace talks with the rebels began at Arusha on 15 June 1998. The talks proved to be extremely difficult. Tanzanian ex-President Julius Nyerere acted as chief negotiator, and attempted to use caution and patience to achieve a solution. Upon Nyerere's natural death in 1999, Nelson Mandela assumed responsibility for the peace talks. He and other heads of states in the region increased the pressure on Burundi's political leadership, pressuring them to accept a government with participation of the rebel groups. Meanwhile, the civil war continued unabated, despite the efforts of the international community to facilitate the peace process. Though 1999 saw a reduction of fighting, the war again grew in intensity during the following two years. The Burundian military conducted a major offensive between October and December 2000, attempting to clear the Tenga forest near Bujumbura of insurgents. Though killing many rebel fighters, the operation was a failure, and the Tenga forest remained an insurgent stronghold. After bitter negotiations, an agreement was finally reached which established a transitional government, where the presidency and vice-presidency would be rotated every 18 months, sharing power between the Hutus and Tutsis. While the Burundian government and three Tutsi groups signed the Arusha Accords ceasefire accord in August 2000, two leading Hutu rebel groups refused to participate, and the fighting continued. The Arusha talks closed on November 30, 2000. Twenty Tutsis and one British woman were killed on 28 December 2000, in the Titanic Express massacre.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: As the Arusha Accords were gradually implemented, severe challenges remained. Several times, the peace process almost broke down. Even though some moderate Tutsi parties had signed the peace deal, they remained opposed to some of its provisitions. Many Tutsi extremists refused to accept the Arusha Accords at all and refused any deal with the Hutu rebels. On 18 April 2001, an attempted coup against Buyoya failed. The putschists had wanted to prevent the power-sharing deal from coming into effect. A group of extremist Tutsis also attempted to revive the "Puissance Auto-défense-Amasekanya" (PA-Amasekanya) ethnic militia in mid-2000 to resist the peace agreement, but the leaders of this faction were promptly jailed. On 23 July 2001, it was agreed that the transitional government would be led by Buyoya for 18 months, followed by Domitien Ndayizeye, a Hutu and FRODEBU leader. Furthermore, a reform of the Burundian military would be implemented as soon as possible; the latter was especially contentious among the Tutsi.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: The transitional government was implemented in October 2001. Buyoya was sworn in as internationally recognized president in November, while the first South African peacekeepers arrived in Burundi. Despite this, the main Hutu rebel groups, CNDD-FDD and FNL, still refused to sign a ceasefire agreement. Instead, fighting intensified, as the FNL launched numerous attacks around Bujumbura. Some 300 boys were kidnapped from Museuma College on November 9, 2001. The army responded by launching an offensive against the rebel bases in Tenga forest in December, claiming to have killed 500 insurgents. The September 9, 2002 Itaba massacre left hundreds of unarmed civilians dead.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: After being promised to be included in the new government, two wings of CNDD-FDD finally agreed to a ceasefire and joined the Arusha agreement on 3 December 2002. The PALIPEHUTU-FNL refused to enter negotiations with the government and continued its struggle.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: On April 9, 2003, the force headquarters of the African Union Mission in Burundi was established in Bujumbura under South African Maj. Gen. Sipho Binda. As previously agreed, Buyoya stepped down, and Ndayizeye became President on 30 April 2003. In the following months, the CNDD-FDD faction of Pierre Nkurunziza was gradually integrated into the transitional government. A power-sharing deal was signed on 8 October 2003, and Nkurunziza was appointed Minister of State in charge of good governance and the general inspection of the state. On 18 October 2003, it was announced that the African Union Mission had reached full strength: 1,483 South Africans, 820 Ethiopians, and 232 personnel from Mozambique. As the Arusha Accords were implemented, the peace process made substantial progress. The reform of the military proved remarkably successful, and the integration of CNDD-FDD fighters went well. In contrast to earlier attempts to ensure peace which had been sabotaged by army extremists, most of the military had become wary of the constant civil war by the early 2000s. Its Tutsi and Hutu troops proved to be willing to stay loyal to the new government. The United Nations Operation in Burundi also helped to stabilize the country.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: In spite of these successes, the war had not yet ended. The FNL remained the only active rebel group, but it was still a capable fighting force and continued its attacks. In July 2003, a rebel raid on Bujumbura left 300 dead and 15,000 displaced. On December 29, 2003, Archbishop Michael Courtney, the papal nuncio for the country, was murdered. Confronted by the newly unified Burundian military and the international peacekeepers, as well as a war-wary population, the abilities of the FNL to wage an insurgency gradually whittled down. By late 2004, it had just about 1,000 fighters left, and its area of operations had been reduced to just Bujumbura Rural Province. In August 2004, the FNL claimed responsibility for killing 160 Congolese Tutsi refugees in a United Nations camp at Gatumba near the Congo border in Burundi. The attack was strongly condemned by the U.N. Security Council, which issued a statement of outrage at the fact that "most of the victims were women, children and babies who were shot dead and burned in their shelters. The FNL attempted to deflect criticism by claiming that the victims had been Banyamulenge militants, but the Gatumba massacre proved to be a propaganda disaster. The group was consequently labelled as "terrorist" both internationally and in Burundi, weakening it politically. Confronted with its declining fortunes, the FNL signalled that it was willing to negotiate an end of its insurgency.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: In 2005, many developments were made in the peace process. The president signed a law in January 2005 to initiate a new national army, consisting of Tutsi military forces and all but one of the Hutu rebel groups. The Constitution was approved by voters in a referendum—marking the first time Burundians had voted since 1994. They voted again in July during the parliamentary elections, postponed from November 2004, in which "the Government of Burundi and the Independent National Electoral Commission conducted a sound election, carried out in an atmosphere of peace and security." The Forces for the Defense of Democracy (FDD) ended up winning the parliamentary elections. Several months later, Pierre Nkurunziza from the Hutu FDD group was elected as president by the two Hutu-dominated houses of parliament.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: After 12 years of living with a midnight-to-dawn curfew, Burundians were free to stay out late when the curfew was lifted on April 15, 2006, for the first time since 1993. This signified the most stable point in Burundian civil affairs since the assassination of Hutu President Melchior Ndadaye and the beginning of the civil war.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: Matters continued to look promising after Burundi's last rebel group, the FNL, signed a ceasefire deal in Tanzania, "solidifying the end of a 12-year civil war." As part of the agreement, members of the FNL were to be assembled, demobilized, and integrated into the national army. Dissident parts of the FNL, most notably the National Liberation Forces – Icanzo (FNL–Icanzo), continued their insurgency, however, and only surrendered later on. In mid-April 2008, FNL rebels shelled the then-capital, Bujumbura, while fighting killed at least 33.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: Children were recruited and used extensively by both sides during the civil war of 1993–2005. The Burundian military regularly conscripted children between the ages of 7 and 16 for its militias, most importantly the Guardians of the Peace. It would threaten the parents with violence or fines to hand over their sons to the army, and the child soldiers themselves were often beaten during training. Thousands of child soldiers fought for the government in the civil war, though the exact number is not known. Hundreds were killed in combat. The Hutu rebels were also known to deploy large numbers of child soldiers; hundreds of child soldiers were in the FNL by 2004. As the Guardians of the Peace recruited ex-rebels into their ranks, some rebel child soldiers also fought for the government after their surrender or capture.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: The recruitment of child soldiers by the military had been reduced by 2000. After the peace agreements brought the conflict to an end in 2005, the new constitution committed to not using children in direct combat. The parties to the conflict no longer recruited children in large numbers, but many remained active in the FNL, which had denounced the peace accord. By 2006, a reintegration program organized by UNICEF had led to the release of 3,000 children from the military and armed groups. According to Child Soldiers International:The majority of those [children] who took part in the program returned to farm and fish in their local communities, but nearly 600 returned to school. Some 1,800 former child soldiers received occupational training. Health care was provided for those with special needs and psychosocial support was provided through individual and group meetings.


title: Burundian Civil War

text: In 2014 the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established to investigate crimes committed during ethnic violence since independence in 1962, overseen by Pierre Claver Ndayicariye.


title: Don't Know Why

text: "Don't Know Why" is a song written and composed by Jesse Harris that originally appeared on his 1999 album, "Jesse Harris & the Ferdinandos." A cover of the song was the debut single of American singer Norah Jones from her debut studio album, "Come Away with Me" (2002).


title: Don't Know Why

text: Jones' version of "Don't Know Why" was released on January 28, 2002, peaked at number 30 on the US "Billboard" Hot 100 and was a critical success. The single went on to win three Grammy Awards in 2003 for Record of the Year, Song of the Year, and Best Female Pop Vocal Performance. It remains Jones's biggest hit single in the United States to date, and her only one to reach the top 40 of the "Billboard" Hot 100. "Don't Know Why" was also a modest hit abroad, reaching number five in Australia, number 24 in New Zealand, and number 59 in the United Kingdom. The song was ranked number 459 in "Blender" magazine's "500 Greatest Songs Since You Were Born".


title: Don't Know Why

text: Jones' piano-playing has been compared to that of Floyd Cramer, having a "style and grace, a musical maturity not found in many keyboard players today."


title: Don't Know Why

text: A music video directed by Anastasia Simone and Ian Spencer was released in 2002. It features Jones performing the song on a gray beach at sunrise, on a rocky hill, and at a beach rental stand accompanied by a wooden piano while undersea images are projected onto the walls.


title: Posterior pituitary

text: The posterior pituitary (or neurohypophysis) is the posterior lobe of the pituitary gland which is part of the endocrine system. The posterior pituitary is not glandular as is the anterior pituitary. Instead, it is largely a collection of axonal projections from the hypothalamus that terminate behind the anterior pituitary, and serve as a site for the secretion of neurohypophysial hormones (oxytocin and vasopressin) directly into the blood. The hypothalamic–neurohypophyseal system is composed of the hypothalamus (the paraventricular nucleus and supraoptic nucleus), posterior pituitary, and these axonal projections.


title: Posterior pituitary

text: The posterior pituitary consists mainly of neuronal projections (axons) of magnocellular neurosecretory cells extending from the supraoptic and paraventricular nuclei of the hypothalamus. These axons store and release neurohypophysial hormones oxytocin and vasopressin into the neurohypophyseal capillaries, from there they get into the systemic circulation (and partly back into the hypophyseal portal system). In addition to axons, the posterior pituitary also contains pituicytes, specialized glial cells resembling astrocytes assisting in the storage and release of the hormones.


title: Posterior pituitary

text: Also called the neural lobe or posterior lobe, this region constitutes the majority of the posterior pituitary and is the storage site of oxytocin and vasopressin. Sometimes (incorrectly) considered synonymous with the posterior pituitary, the pars nervosa includes Herring bodies and pituicytes.


title: Posterior pituitary

text: Also known as the infundibulum or pituitary stalk, the infundibular stalk bridges the hypothalamic and hypophyseal systems.


title: Posterior pituitary

text: The median eminence is only occasionally included as part of the posterior pituitary. Other sources specifically exclude it from the pituitary.


title: Posterior pituitary

text: A few sources include the pars intermedia as part of the posterior lobe, but this is a minority view. It is based upon the gross anatomical separation of the posterior and anterior pituitary along the cystic remnants of Rathke's pouch, causing the pars intermedia to remain attached to the neurohypophysis.


title: Posterior pituitary

text: Two hormones are classically considered as being related to the posterior pituitary: oxytocin and vasopressin. These hormones are created in the hypothalamus and released in the posterior pituitary. After creation, they are stored in neurosecretory vesicles regrouped into Herring bodies before being secreted in the posterior pituitary via the bloodstream.


title: Posterior pituitary

text: Insufficient secretion of vasopressin underlies diabetes insipidus, a condition in which the body loses the capacity to concentrate urine. Affected individuals excrete as much as 20 liters of dilute urine per day. Oversecretion of vasopressin causes the syndrome of inappropriate antidiuretic hormone (SIADH).


The People's Front for Democracy and Justice (, PFDJ) is the founding, ruling, and sole legal political party of the State of Eritrea. The successor to the left-wing nationalist Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), the PFDJ holds itself open to nationalists of any political affiliation. The leader of the PFDJ party and current President of Eritrea is Isaias Afwerki. It has been described as totalitarian.


The Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), later (from 1994) People's Front for Democracy and Justice, formed from the secessionist movement that successfully fought for the creation of an independent Eritrean nation out of the northernmost province of Ethiopia in 1993.


title: People's Front for Democracy and Justice

text: The historical region of Eritrea had joined Ethiopia as an autonomous unit in 1952. The Eritrean Liberation Movement was founded in 1958 and was succeeded by the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) in 1961. The ELF grew in membership when the Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie abolished Eritrea's autonomous status, annexing it as a province in 1962. In the 1960s and 1970s the ELF undertook a systematic campaign of guerrilla warfare against the Ethiopian government. A faction of the ELF broke away in 1970 to form the Eritrean People's Liberation Front. The EPLF managed to secure control of much of the Eritrean countryside and build effective administrations in the areas it controlled. Fighting that broke out between the EPLF, ELF, and other Eritrean rebel groups in 1981 prevented further military gains, but the EPLF subsequently emerged as the principal Eritrean guerrilla group.


text: As Soviet support of Ethiopia's socialist government collapsed in the late 1980s, the EPLF formed an alliance with guerrilla groups in Tigray province and other parts of Ethiopia. After the holding of a United Nations-supervised referendum on independence there in April 1993, the EPLF declared the new nation of Eritrea the following month.


text: At the third congress of the EPLF Front in February 1994, delegates voted to transform the 95,000‐person organization into a mass political movement, that is the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). The congress gave the PFDJ a transitional mandate to draw the general population into the political process and to prepare the country for constitutional democracy.


text: Because Eritrea formed itself from a highly participated referendum and because of EPLF's provision of education, health, and other public services to save women, workers, and peasants from poverty and oppression, both domestic and foreign media showed high hopes for Eritrea to develop a self-governed and democratic government. EPLF leaders, at the time, were perceived as a “new generation” of African leaders. They enjoyed high popularity rates among their constituents. They endorsed, at least theoretically, democracy, human rights, and free markets. They had clear development policies based on their priorities.


text: In 1994, the PFDJ established a transitional 150-member National Assembly to determine the pending constitutions and elections. The assembly later chose the PFDJ's secretary-general and the former EPLF leader, Isaias Afwerki as Eritrea's president and formed a cabinet around him. In 1997, the National Assembly adopted a constitution for a multi-party democratic system. It scheduled multi-party elections for 1997. The new government appeared to practice separation of powers. However, the political institutions other than the executive office – the cabinet of ministers, a temporary parliament and a nominally independent judiciary – did not actually pose checks on the executive power. The cabinet did not provide a platform for debates. The military remained under the president's control. The PFDJ has not held a party convention since January 2002.


text: Eritrean nationalism constitutes the core of PFDJ's ideology, because it is perceived as a necessary process within the overall nation-building effort. To that end the PFDJ advocates unity, equality and participation of all sections of the Eritrean society as the bases of all of its programs. Engagement as well as active contribution to the political, economic, social and cultural life of Eritrea is therefore perceived as a necessary precondition for social cohesion, stability and development of the country. To do so the PFDJ aims to establish a national government which ensures unity and equality for the people of Eritrea, rejects all divisive attitudes and activities, places national interest above everything else, and enables participation of all sectors of Eritrean society in the PFDJ. Moreover, all political establishments must be built on a national basis, and all sectarian political tendencies must be categorically rejected. All forms of discrimination and domination, including ethnic and regional, must also be rejected. The diverse cultures of Eritrea should be a source of power and unity. The national system should be secular, separate from religion, but respectful of the equality of established traditional religions. In short, nationhood is the basis of all political institutions and policies. The National Charter of the PFDJ was adopted in 1994 and sets out the key objectives the PFDJ is striving to achieve.


text: These six goals are in addition supported by six basic principles which can serve as guidelines for political activities. These are national unity, active public participation, the human element, linkage between national and social struggles, self-reliance, and a strong relationship between people and the leadership. Self-reliance is considered as an important underlying principle. Politically, it means to follow an independent line of thinking and to give priority to internal conditions; economically, to rely on internal capabilities and develop internal capacities; and culturally, to have self-confidence and develop one's own cultural heritage. Self-reliance does not mean to isolate the country from the international community but to achieve a status of independence and self-confidence and be an [important] player in the international community.