title: The Last Thing He Told Me (miniseries)

text: Hannah forms an unexpected relationship with her stepdaughter as she searches for her husband who recently disappeared.


title: The Last Thing He Told Me (miniseries)

text: Ahead of the May 4, 2021 release of the novel, it was optioned by Hello Sunshine. Soon after, in partnership with 20th Television, Hello Sunshine put the project on the marketplace, when Apple, in a highly competitive bidding war, won the project and gave it a straight-to-series order. Laura Dave, author of the novel, will write the adapted screenplay, with Olivia Newman set to direct.


title: The Last Thing He Told Me (miniseries)

text: In January 2021, Julia Roberts was announced in a lead role for "The Last Thing He Told Me". In November 2021, Jennifer Garner replaced Roberts as star and producer. Angourie Rice was added to the cast in April 2022, with Nikolaj Coster-Waldau, Aisha Tyler, Geoff Stults, John Harlan Kim and Augusto Aguilera joining in May.


title: Peter Sagal

text: Peter Daniel Sagal (born January 31, 1965) is an American humorist, writer, and host of the National Public Radio game show "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" and the PBS special "Constitution USA with Peter Sagal".


title: Peter Sagal

text: Sagal was raised in Berkeley Heights, New Jersey, son of Matthew and Reeva Sagal. Matthew was a telecommunications executive, and Reeva was a schoolteacher who became a stay-at-home mother.


title: Peter Sagal

text: Sagal is a 1987 graduate of Harvard College, where a college roommate was future "Wall Street Journal" correspondent Jess M. Bravin. Together, they entered a competition to write the "Hasty Pudding" production and were selected to develop their script "Between the Sheiks". Peter studied English literature at Harvard. While there he wrote and directed other student theater productions. He also spent a summer as a journalist for "Cycle", a now defunct motorcycle magazine.


title: Peter Sagal

text: After graduating from Harvard, Sagal pursued several different occupations, all connected to the theater or writing. While living in Los Angeles, he appeared as a contestant on the game show "Jeopardy!" in April 1988, in which he placed second.


title: Peter Sagal

text: Sagal then moved to New York to pursue a theater writing career In 1998, he moved to the Chicago area, when he became the host of NPR's "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" news quiz program.


title: Peter Sagal

text: He was literary manager for the now-defunct Los Angeles Theater Center, a stage director, an actor, a playwright and a screenwriter, and an extra in a Michael Jackson video. He has also been a journalist, an essayist, a humorist,


title: Peter Sagal

text: a travel writer, and an author. Sagal has written several plays that have been performed across the United States and internationally. Some have also been performed as radio plays or podcasts.


title: Peter Sagal

text: Sagal has written screenplays, one for a 1996 science fiction / martial arts thriller, "Savage", another for "", a 2004 sequel to the original "Dirty Dancing", adapted from his screenplay "Cuba Mine", which Sagal said bears little resemblance to the poorly received film.


title: Peter Sagal

text: The two Wait Wait pilots are based on the weekly NPR/WBEZ Chicago news quiz radio program which Sagal hosts.


title: Peter Sagal

text: He appeared as himself in the "Pay Pal" episode of the animated television series "The Simpsons". In that episode characters Lisa and Tumi listened to an episode of "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" featuring Sagal and announcer Carl Kasell.


title: Peter Sagal

text: Sagal has appeared in three television specials based on his radio show: "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" (2008), "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!: A Royal Pain in the News" (2011), and "Wait Wait Don't Tell Me Live!" (2013).


title: Peter Sagal

text: He has also written for "The New York Times Magazine", the "Chicago Tribune", the "Houston Chronicle", and "Time" magazine.


title: Peter Sagal

text: Sagal and the "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" team contributed a feature called "Sandwich Monday" to "The Salt", NPR's food blog. For five years, each Monday the Wait Wait team ate a new and different kind of sandwich for lunch. Then one of the team members would write a tongue-in-cheek blog post describing the food. Sandwiches included Fritos-topped Papa John's pizza, latke double-down, Passover Sandwich, and Burger King's YUMBO.


title: Peter Sagal

text: In the early 1990s while he was living in Minneapolis, Sagal was hired to ghostwrite an autobiography of the 1970s pornography director Gail Palmer. Sagal discovered that Palmer did not direct the pornography movies attributed to her, and that she was a front for her pornographer boyfriend. Peter wrote the book anyway. However, Palmer did not approve of the manuscript, and it has not been published.


title: Peter Sagal

text: In October 2007 HarperCollins published Sagal's "The Book of Vice: Very Naughty Things (and How to Do Them)". In the book Sagal revisits the Gail Palmer incident and indicates that his exposure to the porn industry led to his writing "Book of Vice". "Publishers Weekly" called "Book of Vice", "a hilarious, harmlessly prurient look at the banality of regular people’s strange and wicked pleasures".


title: Peter Sagal

text: "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" was designed as a weekly satirical look at the week's news in a quiz format. The host of the show was to be a comedian named Dan Coffey who would quiz panelists, celebrity guests and non-celebrity callers. The show debuted in January 1998 but had a rocky start. The producers replaced Coffey with Sagal in May 1998.


title: Peter Sagal

text: "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" has become one of the most popular shows on NPR. The radio program is heard weekly by nearly three million listeners on 520 public radio stations nationwide. The "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" podcast is also heard by a million people every month. In 2008 "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" was awarded a 2007 Peabody Award "For offering a droll, light-hearted alternative to both news and the cottage industry of punditry that surrounds it..."


title: Peter Sagal

text: "Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me!" has not been without controversy. For instance, Sagal attempted a joke about a Diocese of Brooklyn Christmas ad depicting a young woman taking a selfie with a picture of Jesus. He asked why Jesus did not just take the picture for her, and answered "His hands were occupied." Critics including Fox News host Bill O'Reilly and Dallas First Baptist Church senior pastor Robert Jeffress called the joke blasphemous and accused Sagal specifically and the secular media in general of mocking Christianity. O'Reilly stated that if Sagal's comment was salacious he should be fired. When asked about the incident, NPR President and CEO Jarl Mohn said, "[T]he show's goal is to poke fun at the news and make people laugh" and he "regrets that we didn't succeed in this case."


title: Peter Sagal

text: Sagal was married to Beth Albrecht from 1994 until their divorce in 2013. In 2018, he married Mara Filler. He has three children from his first marriage and one from his second marriage. Sagal was a longtime resident of the Chicago suburb of Oak Park, Illinois, though he moved to Highland Park, Illinois in 2022.


title: California water wars

text: The California Water Wars were a series of political conflicts between the city of Los Angeles and farmers and ranchers in the Owens Valley of Eastern California over water rights.


title: California water wars

text: As Los Angeles expanded during the late 19th century, it began outgrowing its water supply. Fred Eaton, mayor of Los Angeles, promoted a plan to take water from Owens Valley to Los Angeles via an aqueduct. The aqueduct construction was overseen by William Mulholland and was finished in 1913. The water rights were acquired through political fighting and, as described by one author, "chicanery, subterfuge ... and a strategy of lies".


title: California water wars

text: Water from the Owens River started being diverted to Los Angeles in 1913, precipitating conflict and eventual ruin of the valley's economy. By the 1920s, so much water was diverted from the Owens Valley that agriculture became difficult. This led to the farmers trying to destroy the aqueduct in 1924. Los Angeles prevailed and kept the water flowing. By 1926, Owens Lake at the bottom of Owens Valley was completely dry due to water diversion.


title: California water wars

text: The water needs of Los Angeles kept growing. In 1941, Los Angeles diverted water that previously fed Mono Lake, north of Owens Valley, into the aqueduct. Mono Lake's ecosystem for migrating birds was threatened by dropping water levels. Between 1979 and 1994, David Gaines and the Mono Lake Committee engaged in litigation with Los Angeles. The litigation forced Los Angeles to stop diverting water from around Mono Lake, which has started to rise back to a level that can support its ecosystem.


title: California water wars

text: The Paiute natives were the inhabitants of the valley in the early 1800s, and used irrigation to grow crops.


title: California water wars

text: In 1833, Joseph Reddeford Walker led the first known expedition into the central California area that would later be called the Owens Valley. Walker saw that the valley's soil conditions were inferior to those on the other side of the Sierra Nevada range, and that runoff from the mountains was absorbed into the arid desert ground. After the United States gained control of California in 1848, the first public land survey conducted by A.W. von Schmidt from 1855 to 1856 was an initial step in securing government control of the valley. Von Schmidt reported that the valley's soil was not good for agriculture except for the land near streams, and incorrectly stated that the "Owens Valley [was] worthless to the White Man."


title: California water wars

text: In 1861, Samuel Bishop and other ranchers started to raise cattle on the luxuriant grasses that grew in the Owens Valley. The ranchers came into conflict with the Paiutes over land and water use, and most of the Paiutes were driven away from the valley by the U.S. Army in 1863 during the Owens Valley Indian War.


title: California water wars

text: Many settlers came to the area for the promise of riches from mining. The availability of water from the Owens River made farming and raising livestock attractive. The Homestead Act of 1862 gave pioneers five years to claim and take title of their land for a small filing fee and a charge of $1.25 per acre. The Homestead Act limited the land an individual could own to in order to create small farms.


title: California water wars

text: The amount of public land settled by the late 1870s and early 1880s was still relatively small. The Desert Land Act of 1877 allowed individuals to acquire more area, up to , in hopes of drawing more settlers by giving them enough land to make their settlement and land expenses worthwhile, but "included no residency requirements". By 1886, rapid acquisition of land had begun and by the mid-1890s, most of the land in the Owens Valley had been claimed. The large number of claims made by land speculators hindered the region's development because speculators would not participate in developing canals and ditches.


title: California water wars

text: Before the Los Angeles Aqueduct, most of the of canals and ditches that constituted the irrigation system in the Owens Valley were in the north, while the southern region of the valley was mostly inhabited by people raising livestock. The irrigation systems created by the ditch companies did not have adequate drainage and as a result oversaturated the soil to the point where crops could not be raised. The irrigation systems also significantly lowered the water level in the Owens Lake, a process that was intensified later by the diversion of water through the Los Angeles Aqueduct. At the start of the 20th century, the northern part of the Owens Valley turned to raising fruit, poultry and dairy.


title: California water wars

text: Frederick Eaton and William Mulholland were two of the more visible principals in the California water wars. They were friends, having worked together in the private Los Angeles Water Company in the 1880s. In 1886, Eaton became City Engineer and Mulholland became superintendent of the Water Company. In 1898, Eaton was elected mayor of Los Angeles and was instrumental in converting the Water Company to city control in 1902. When the company became the Los Angeles Water Department, Mulholland continued to be superintendent, due to his extensive knowledge of the water system.


title: California water wars

text: Eaton and Mulholland had a vision of a Los Angeles that would become far larger than the Los Angeles of the start of the 20th century. The limiting factor of Los Angeles's growth was water supply. "If you don't get the water, you won't need it," Mulholland famously remarked.


title: California water wars

text: Eaton and Mulholland realized that the Owens Valley had a large amount of runoff from the Sierra Nevada, and a gravity-fed aqueduct could deliver the Owens water to Los Angeles.


title: California water wars

text: At the start of the 20th century, the United States Bureau of Reclamation, at the time known as the United States Reclamation Service, was planning on building an irrigation system to help the farmers of the Owens Valley, which would block Los Angeles from diverting the water.


title: California water wars

text: From 1902 to 1905, Eaton and Mulholland used underhanded methods to obtain water rights and block the Bureau of Reclamation. The regional engineer of the Bureau, Joseph Lippincott, was a close associate of Eaton; Eaton was a nominal agent for the Bureau through Lippincott, so Eaton had access to inside information about water rights and could recommend actions to the Bureau that would be beneficial to Los Angeles. In return, while Lippincott was employed by the Bureau, he also served as a paid private consultant to Eaton, advising Los Angeles on how to best obtain water rights.


title: California water wars

text: To help acquire water rights in 1905, Eaton made high offers to purchase land in Owens Valley. Eaton's eagerness aroused suspicion in a few local Inyo County people. Eaton bought land as a private citizen, hoping to sell it back to Los Angeles at a tidy profit. Eaton claimed in an interview with the "Los Angeles Express" in 1905 that he turned over all his water rights to the City of Los Angeles without being paid for them, "except that I retained the cattle which I had been compelled to take in making the deals ... and mountain pasture land of no value except for grazing purposes". Eaton moved to the Owens Valley to become a cattle rancher on the land he purchased. Eaton always denied that he acted in a deceptive manner.


title: California water wars

text: Mulholland misled Los Angeles public opinion by dramatically understating the amount of water locally available for Los Angeles's growth. Mulholland also misled residents of the Owens Valley: he indicated that Los Angeles would only use unused flows in the Owens Valley, while planning on using the full water rights to fill the aquifer of the San Fernando Valley.


title: California water wars

text: By 1907, Eaton was busy acquiring key water rights and traveling to Washington to meet with advisers of Theodore Roosevelt to convince them that the water of the Owens River would do more good flowing through faucets in Los Angeles than it would if used on Owens Valley fields and orchards.


title: California water wars

text: The dispute over the Owens River water became a political dispute in Washington. Los Angeles needed rights of way across federal land to build the aqueduct. California Senator Frank Flint sponsored a bill to grant the rights of way, but Congressman Sylvester Smith of Inyo County opposed the bill. Smith argued that irrigating Southern California was not more valuable than irrigating Owens Valley. While a compromise was being negotiated, Flint appealed to President Roosevelt. Roosevelt met with Flint, Secretary of the Interior Ethan A. Hitchcock, Bureau of Forests Commissioner Gifford Pinchot, and Director of the Geological Survey Charles D. Walcott. In this meeting, Roosevelt decided in favor of Los Angeles.


title: California water wars

text: Several authors, such as Rolle and Libecap, argue that Los Angeles paid an unfairly low price to the farmers of Owens Valley for their land. Gary Libecap of the University of California, Santa Barbara observed that the price that Los Angeles was willing to pay to other water sources per volume of water was far higher than what the farmers received. Farmers who resisted the pressure from Los Angeles until 1930 received the highest price for their land; most farmers sold their land from 1905 to 1925, and received less than Los Angeles was actually willing to pay. However, the sale of their land brought the farmers substantially more income than if they had kept the land for farming and ranching. None of the sales were made under threat of eminent domain.


title: California water wars

text: The aqueduct was sold to the citizens of Los Angeles as vital to the growth of the city. Unknown to the public, the initial water would be used to irrigate the San Fernando Valley to the north, which was not at the time a part of the city. From a hydrological point of view, the San Fernando Valley was ideal: its aquifer could serve as free water storage without evaporation. One obstacle to the irrigation was the Los Angeles City Charter, which prohibited the sale, lease, or other use of the city's water without a two-thirds approval by the voters. This charter limitation would be avoided through the annexation of a large portion of the San Fernando Valley to the city. The annexation would also raise the debt limit of Los Angeles, which allowed the financing of the aqueduct.


title: California water wars

text: The San Fernando land syndicate were a group of wealthy investors who bought up large tracts of land in the San Fernando Valley with secret inside information from Eaton. The syndicate included friends of Eaton, such as Harrison Gray Otis and Henry E. Huntington. This syndicate made substantial efforts to support passage of the bond issue that funded the aqueduct. These efforts are reported to have included the dumping of water from Los Angeles reservoirs into the sewers (thereby creating a false drought) and by publishing scare articles in the "Los Angeles Times", which Otis published. Remi Nadeau, a historian and author, disputed that water was dumped from reservoirs, because the sewer system may not have been connected to the reservoirs. The syndicate did unify the business community behind the aqueduct, and its purchases were public by the time the vote on the aqueduct was taken.


title: California water wars

text: From 1907 through 1913, Mulholland directed the building of the aqueduct. The Los Angeles Aqueduct, inaugurated in November 1913, required more than 2,000 workers and the digging of 164 tunnels. Mulholland's granddaughter has stated that the complexity of the project was comparable to the building of the Panama Canal. Water from the Owens River reached a reservoir in the San Fernando Valley on November 5, 1913. At a ceremony that day, Mulholland spoke his famous words about this engineering feat: "There it is. Take it."


title: California water wars

text: After the aqueduct was completed in 1913, the San Fernando investors demanded so much water from the Owens Valley that it started to transform from "The Switzerland of California" into a desert. Mulholland was blocked from obtaining additional water from the Colorado River, so decided to take all available water from the Owens Valley.


title: California water wars

text: In 1923, farmers and ranchers formed an irrigation cooperative headed by Wilfred and Mark Watterson, owners of the Inyo County Bank. By exploiting personal bitterness of some of the farmers, Los Angeles managed to acquire some of the key water rights of the cooperative. After these water rights were secured, inflows to Owens Lake were heavily diverted, which caused the lake to dry up by 1924.


title: California water wars

text: By 1924, farmers and ranchers rebelled. A series of provocations by Mulholland were, in turn, followed by corresponding threats from local farmers, and the destruction of Los Angeles property. Finally, a group of armed ranchers seized the Alabama Gates and dynamited part of the system, letting water return to the Owens River.


title: California water wars

text: In August 1927, when the conflict was at its height, the Inyo County bank collapsed, which massively undermined valley resistance. An audit revealed that there were shortages in both cash in the vault and amounts shown on the books. The Watterson brothers were indicted for embezzlement, then tried and convicted on thirty-six counts. Since all local business had been transacted through their bank, the closure left merchants and customers with little more than the small amount of money they had on hand. The brothers claimed that the fraud was done for the good of the Owens Valley against Los Angeles, and this excuse was generally believed to be true in Inyo County. The collapse of the bank wiped out the lifetime savings of many people, including payments gained from the sale of homes and ranches to Los Angeles.


title: California water wars

text: In the face of the collapse of resistance and of the Owens Valley economy, the attacks on the aqueduct ceased. The City of Los Angeles sponsored a series of repair and maintenance programs for aqueduct facilities that stimulated some local employment, and the Los Angeles water employees were paid a month in advance to bring some relief. But it was impossible to prevent many businesses from closing their doors.


title: California water wars

text: The City of Los Angeles continued to purchase private land holdings and their water rights to meet the increasing demands. By 1928, Los Angeles owned 90 percent of the water in Owens Valley and agriculture interests in the region were effectively dead.


title: California water wars

text: In 1970, LADWP completed a second aqueduct. In 1972, the agency began to divert more surface water and pumped groundwater at the rate of several hundred thousand acre-feet a year (several cubic meters per second). Owens Valley springs and seeps dried and disappeared, and groundwater-dependent vegetation began to die.


title: California water wars

text: Because LADWP had never completed an Environmental Impact Report (EIR) addressing the impacts of groundwater pumping, Inyo County sued Los Angeles under the terms of the California Environmental Quality Act. Los Angeles did not stop pumping groundwater, but submitted a short EIR in 1976 and a second one in 1979, both of which were rejected as inadequate by the courts.


title: California water wars

text: In 1991, Inyo County and the city of Los Angeles signed the Inyo-Los Angeles Long Term Water Agreement, which required that groundwater pumping be managed to avoid significant impacts while providing a reliable water supply for Los Angeles. In 1997, Inyo County, Los Angeles, the Owens Valley Committee, the Sierra Club, and other concerned parties signed a Memorandum of Understanding that specified terms by which the lower Owens River would be re-watered by June 2003 as partial mitigation for damage to the Owens Valley.


title: California water wars

text: In spite of the terms of the Long Term Water Agreement, studies by the Inyo County Water Department from 2003 onward showed that impacts to the valley's groundwater-dependent vegetation, such as alkali meadows, continue. Likewise, Los Angeles did not re-water the lower Owens River by the June 2003 deadline. In December, 2003, LADWP settled a lawsuit brought by California Attorney General Bill Lockyer, the Owens Valley Committee, and the Sierra Club. Under the terms of the settlement, deadlines for the Lower Owens River Project were revised and LADWP was to return water to the lower Owens River by 2005. This deadline was missed, but on December 6, 2006, a ceremony was held at the same site where William Mulholland had ceremonially opened the aqueduct which had closed the flow through the Owens River, to restart it down the river. David Nahai, president of the L.A. Water and Power Board, countered Mulholland's words from 1913 and said, ""There it is ... take it back.""


title: California water wars

text: Nevertheless, groundwater pumping continues at a higher rate than the rate at which water recharges the aquifer, resulting in a long-term trend of desertification in the Owens Valley.


title: California water wars

text: By the 1930s, the water requirements for Los Angeles continued to increase. LADWP started buying water rights in the Mono Basin (the next basin to the north of the Owens Valley). An extension to the aqueduct was built, which included such engineering feats as tunneling through the Mono Craters (an active volcanic field). By 1941, the extension was finished, and water in various creeks (such as Rush Creek) were diverted into the aqueduct. To satisfy California water law, LADWP set up a fish hatchery on Hot Creek, near Mammoth Lakes, California.


title: California water wars

text: The diverted creeks had previously fed Mono Lake, an inland body of water with no outlet. Mono Lake served as a vital ecosystem link, where gulls and migratory birds would nest. Because the creeks were diverted, the water level in Mono Lake started to fall, exposing tufa formations. The water became more saline and alkaline, threatening the brine shrimp that lived in the lake. Increases in salinity decreased adult size, growth rates, and brood sizes, and female mortality during their reproductive cycle. Changing levels in salinity as a result of water diversion put this species at risk, as well as the birds that nested on two islands (Negit Island and Paoha Island) in the lake. Falling water levels started making a land bridge to Negit Island, which allowed predators to feed on bird eggs for the first time.


title: California water wars

text: In 1974, David Gaines started to study the biology of Mono Lake. In 1975, while at Stanford, he started to get others interested in the ecosystem of Mono Lake. This led to a 1977 report on the ecosystem of Mono Lake that highlighted dangers caused by the water diversion. In 1978, the Mono Lake Committee was formed to protect Mono Lake. The committee (and the National Audubon Society) sued LADWP in 1979, arguing that the diversions violated the public trust doctrine, which states that navigable bodies of water must be managed for the benefit of all people. The litigation reached the California Supreme Court by 1983, which ruled in favor of the committee. Further litigation was initiated in 1984, which claimed that LADWP did not comply with the state fishery protection laws.


title: California water wars

text: Eventually, all of the litigation was adjudicated in 1994, by the California State Water Resources Control Board (SWRCB). The SWRCB hearings lasted for 44 days and were conducted by Board Vice-chair Marc Del Piero acting as the sole Hearing Officer. In that ruling (SWRCB Decision 1631), the SWRCB established significant public trust protection and eco-system restoration standards, and LADWP was required to release water into Mono Lake to raise the lake level above the then-current level of below the 1941 level. As of 2011, the water level in Mono Lake has risen only of the required . Los Angeles made up for the lost water through state-funded conservation and recycling projects.


title: California water wars

text: In February 2014, after three consecutive years of below-normal rainfall, California faced its most severe drought emergency in decades with fish populations in the Sacramento–San Joaquin River Delta in unprecedented crisis due to the decades of large-scale water exports from Northern California to south of the Delta via state and federal water projects. Half a million acres of Central Valley farmland supposedly was in danger of going fallow due to drought. On 5 February 2014 the House passed a bill to increase flows from the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta to the Central Valley, the Sacramento-San Joaquin Valley Emergency Water Delivery Act (H.R. 3964; 113th Congress). This would suspend the very recent efforts to restore the San Joaquin River since 2009, won after 18 years of litigation, with increased releases from the Friant Dam east of Fresno. Democratic Senators Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer proposed emergency drought legislation of $300 million aid, and to speed up environmental reviews of water projects, so state and federal officials have "operational flexibility" to move water south, from the delta to San Joaquin Valley farms.


title: California water wars

text: On February 14, 2014, President Barack Obama visited near Fresno and announced $170 million worth of initiatives, with $100 million for ranchers facing livestock losses and $60 million to help food banks. Obama joked about the lengthy and incendiary history of water politics in California, saying, "I'm not going to wade into this. I want to get out alive on Valentine's Day."


title: California water wars

text: The California water wars were among the subjects discussed in "Cadillac Desert", a 1984 nonfiction book by Marc Reisner about land development and water policy in the western United States. The book was made into a four-part documentary of the same name in 1997.


title: California water wars

text: The 1974 film "Chinatown" was inspired by the California water wars and features a fictionalized version of the conflict as a central plot element.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too", originally published as "Tip and Ty", was a popular and influential campaign song of the Whig Party's colorful Log Cabin Campaign in the 1840 United States presidential election. Its lyrics sang the praises of Whig candidates William Henry Harrison (the "hero of Tippecanoe") and John Tyler, while denigrating incumbent Democrat Martin Van Buren.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: Folk music critic Irwin Silber wrote that the song "firmly established the power of singing as a campaign device" in the United States, and that this and the other songs of 1840 represent a "Great Divide" in the development of American campaign music. The "North American Review" at the time even remarked that the song was, "in the political canvas of 1840 what the "Marseillaise" was to the French Revolution. It sang Harrison into the presidency."


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: The song was written by Alexander Coffman Ross, a jeweler of Zanesville, Ohio, in 1840, to the music of the minstrelsy song "Little Pigs". He first performed it at a Whig meeting in Zanesville, and it came to national attention when, traveling on a business trip, he introduced it to a Whig rally in New York. Ross apparently never copyrighted the song.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: "Little Pigs" is not well-documented, but the available evidence suggests that there was a substantial adaptation of the score for "Tip and Ty".


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: A historical society in Madison, Wisconsin, claimed that a local, the young nephew of future U.S. Supreme Court justice Levi Woodbury, wrote the first verses of the song and that its premiere performance at a Whig rally came at the suggestion of Woodbury. Woodbury was, however, by all accounts a Democrat, not a Whig, and was in fact serving as Secretary of the Treasury under Martin Van Buren at the time.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: There were many variations on the song published at the time, especially ones with new verses. It has been called a "satirical, expandable text that permitted, nay urged, singers to add their own lines".


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: Ross's version has twelve verses and a rousing chorus. There is repeated reference to rolling balls and constant motion, and rolling "great canvas balls" became a physical prop in the campaign pageantry, alongside the better-known log cabins and hard cider barrels.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: The song's appeal has been compared to that of a great pop novelty song, as against the relative seriousness of most campaign songs.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: Martin Van Buren is derided as "Little Van" and "Little Matty" and his supporters as "Vanjacks". These are contrasted with the rustic virtues of Harrison and the inevitability of his victory throughout the states.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: The refrain "For Tippecanoe and Tyler too" is highly euphonious: It exhibits a triple alliteration, an internal rhyme, and nearly forms an iambic tetrameter.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: The song was part of the 1968 Off-Broadway musical "How to Steal an Election" and its cast album, with music and lyrics adapted by folk singer Oscar Brand.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: The song has been recorded in a traditional form multiple times — in 1960 by Broadway veteran Howard Da Silva on the album "Politics and Poker — Songs to Get Elected By" released by Monitor Records (New York); in 1978 by Peter Janovsky on the album "Winners and Losers: Campaign Songs from the Critical Elections in American History, Vol. 1" for Folkways Records; and in 1999 by Oscar Brand on the album "Presidential Campaign Songs: 1789–1996" for Smithsonian Folkways Recordings, the successor label to Folkways Records.


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: The band They Might Be Giants recorded an alternative rock version of the song for the 2004 compilation album "Future Soundtrack for America", using a three-verse lyric as adapted by Oscar Brand (from the first, eighth and second verses in Ross's original). Appropriately enough, the compilation was a benefit album for political causes relating to that year's election. John Flansburgh of They Might be Giants has remarked on the song's historical success as "the 'Rock Around the Clock' of campaign songs" and "the 'I Want to Hold Your Hand' of campaign songs."


title: Tippecanoe and Tyler Too

text: The song also appears in the TV show Parks & Recreation, Season 7 Episode 3, where Leslie Knope attempts to use a dilapidated old cabin once apparently belonging to Harrison to create groundswell support for converting the land where it sits into a National Park.


title: Collapse of the Atlantic northwest cod fishery

text: In 1992, Northern Cod populations fell to 1% of historical levels, due in large part to decades of overfishing. The Canadian Federal Minister of Fisheries and Oceans, John Crosbie, declared a moratorium on the Northern Cod fishery, which for the preceding 500 years had primarily shaped the lives and communities of Canada's eastern coast. A significant factor contributing to the depletion of the cod stocks off Newfoundland's shores was the introduction of equipment and technology that increased landed fish volume. From the 1950s onwards, new technology allowed fishers to trawl a larger area, fish more in-depth, and for a longer time. By the 1960s, powerful trawlers equipped with radar, electronic navigation systems, and sonar allowed crews to pursue fish with unparalleled success, and Canadian catches peaked in the late-1970s and early-1980s. Cod stocks were depleted at a faster rate than could be replenished.


text: The trawlers also caught enormous amounts of non-commercial fish, which were economically unimportant but very important ecologically. This incidental catch undermined the stability of the ecosystem by depleting stocks of important predator and prey species.


text: A significant factor contributing to the depletion of the cod stocks off the shores of Newfoundland included the introduction and proliferation of equipment and technology that increased the volume of landed fish. For centuries, local fishers used technology that limited the volume of their catch, the area they fished, and let them target specific species and ages of fish. From the 1950s onwards, as was common in all industries, new technology was introduced that allowed fishers to trawl a larger area, fish deeper and for a longer time. By the 1960s, powerful trawlers equipped with radar, electronic navigation systems, and sonar allowed crews to pursue fish with unparalleled success, and Canadian catches peaked in the late 1970s and early 1980s.


text: The new technologies adversely affected the northern cod population by both increasing the area and depth that was fished. The cod were being depleted until the surviving fish could not replenish the stock lost each year. The trawlers caught enormous amounts of non-commercial fish, which were very important ecologically. Economically unimportant incidental catch undermines ecosystem stability, depleting stocks of important predator and prey species. Significant amounts of capelin – an important prey species for the cod – were caught as bycatch, further undermining the survival of the remaining cod stock.


text: Poor knowledge and understanding of the ocean ecosystem related with Newfoundland's Grand Banks and cod fisheries, as well as technical and environmental challenges associated with observational metrics, led to a misunderstanding of data on the "cod stocks" (meaning residual and recoverable fish). Rather than metrics of megatonnage of harvest, or average size of fish, metrics of the residuum with high variation in the countable population due to sampling error, and dynamic environmental factors such as ocean temperature combined to make it difficult to discern the effects of exploitation to an inexpert regulator. This led to uncertainty of predictions about the "cod stock," making it difficult for the Department of Fisheries and Oceans in Canada to choose the appropriate course of action when the federal government's priorities were elsewhere.


text: In addition to ecological considerations, decisions regarding the future of the fisheries were also influenced by social and economic factors. Throughout Atlantic Canada, but especially in Newfoundland, the cod fishery was a source of social and cultural identity. For many families, it also represented their livelihood: most families were connected either directly or indirectly with the fishery as fishermen, fish plant workers, fish sellers, fish transporters, or as employees in related businesses. Additionally, many companies, both foreign and domestic, and individuals had invested heavily in the fishery's boats, equipment, and infrastructure.


text: In 1949 Newfoundland joined Canada as a province, and thus Newfoundland's fishery fell under the management of the Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO). The department mismanaged the resource and allowed overfishing.


text: In 1969 the number of fishing trawlers increased, and coastal fishermen complained to the government. This resulted in the government redefining the offshore fishery boundaries several times and eventually extended its limits from three miles to 200 miles offshore, as part of its claim for an exclusive economic zone under the UNCLOS.


text: In 1968 the cod catch peaked at 810,000 tons, approximately three times more than the maximum yearly catch achieved before the super-trawlers. Around eight million tons of cod were caught between 1647 and 1750 (103 years), encompassing 25 to 40 cod generations. The factory trawlers took the same amount in 15 years.


text: In 1976, the Canadian government declared the right to manage the fisheries in an exclusive economic zone that extended to 200 miles offshore. The government wanted to reverse declining fish stocks by removing foreign fishing within the new inshore fishery boundaries. Fish mortality decreased immediately. This was not due to a rise in cod stocks but because foreign trawlers could no longer fish the waters. Therefore, when Fisheries and Oceans set quotas, they overestimated the total supply and increased the total allowable catch. With the absence of foreign fishing, many Canadian and U.S fishing trawlers took their place, and the number of cod kept diminishing past a point of recovery.


text: Many local fishers noticed the drastic decrease of cod and tried to inform local government officials.


text: In 1986, scientists reviewed calculations and data, after which they determined, to conserve cod fishing, the total allowable catch rate had to be cut in half. However, even with these new statistics brought to light, no changes were made in the allotted yearly catch of cod. With only a limited knowledge of cod biology, scientists predicted that the population of the species would rebound from its low point in 1975.


text: In 1992, John Crosbie, the Minister of Fisheries and Oceans, set the quota for cod at 187,969 tonnes, even though only 129,033 tonnes had been caught the previous year.


text: In 1992 the government announced a moratorium on cod fishing. The moratorium was at first meant to last two years, hoping that the northern cod population would recover and the fishery. However, catches were still low, and thus the cod fishery remained closed.


text: By 1993 six cod populations had collapsed, forcing a belated moratorium on fishing. Spawning biomass had decreased by at least 75% in all stocks, by 90% in three of the six stocks, and by 99% in the case of "northern" cod, previously the largest cod fishery in the world. The previous increases in catches were wrongly thought to be due to "the stock growing" but were caused by new technologies such as trawlers.


text: Intense fishing pressure also contributed to fisheries-induced evolution in Northern cod. Prior to the collapse of the population, maturation reaction norms of Northern cod shifted towards younger ages and smaller sizes in the decade leading up to the collapse. Small size at maturity has continued into the mid 2000s, despite stricter fishing regulations, which supports the theory that there have been genetic changes in growth in Northern cod populations in response to size-selective fishing. In addition, this trend has been attributed to a hypothesis suggesting that selection differentials from the environment are not as strong as the artificial selection differentials imposed by heavy fishing. Other factors for the slow recovery of the original life-history characteristics of cod include lower genetic heritable variation due to overexploitation. It has been estimated that such a full recovery of life-history characteristics in a population of cod may take up to 84 years.


text: Approximately 37,000 fishermen and fish plant workers lost their jobs due to the collapse of the cod fisheries; many people had to find new jobs or further their education to find employment.


text: The collapse of the northern cod fishery marked a profound change in the ecological, economic and socio-cultural structure of Atlantic Canada. The moratorium in 1992 was the largest industrial closure in Canadian history, and it was expressed most acutely in Newfoundland, whose continental shelf lay under the region most heavily fished. Over 35,000 fishermen and plant workers from over 400 coastal communities became unemployed. In response to dire warnings of social and economic consequences, the federal government initially provided income assistance through the Northern Cod Adjustment and Recovery Program, and later through the Atlantic Groundfish Strategy, which included money specifically for the retraining of those workers displaced by the closing of the fishery. Newfoundland has since experienced a dramatic environmental, industrial, economic, and social restructuring, including considerable outward migration, and increased economic diversification, an increased emphasis on education. A thriving invertebrates fishing industry emerged: as the predatory groundfish population declined, snow crab and northern shrimp proliferated, providing the basis for a new initiative that is roughly equivalent in economic value to the cod fishery it replaced.


text: In 1992, following the early 1990s collapse of Canadian stocks, the Canadian Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO) banned fishing for northern cod (that is, cod to the north and east of the island of Newfoundland, in Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Organization areas JKL as shown on this map. This caused great economic hardship in Newfoundland and Labrador. The collapse was blamed on warm water or harp seals, and it had even been suggested that the cod were still there; only rarely was overfishing acknowledged, or management's role in that.


text: In 1995, Brian Tobin, the Canadian Federal Minister of Fisheries and Oceans, reopened the hunt on the harp seal, which prey on cod, stating: "There is only one major player still fishing the cod. His name is harp and his second name is seal."


text: In 1997, inspired by the Grand Banks cod fishery collapse, the Marine Stewardship Council was founded to set global sustainable fishing standards.


text: In 1997 the Minister for DFO partly lifted the ban on Canadian cod fishing, ten days before a federal election. However, independent Canadian scientists and the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea doubted there had been sufficient recovery. In general, depleted populations of cod and other gadids do not appear to recover easily when fishing pressure is reduced or stopped.


text: In 1998 the Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada (COSEWIC) assessed Atlantic Cod. COSEWIC's designations, in theory, are informed by reports that it commissions and by expert discussion in the panel, and it claims to be scientific and apolitical. Recognizing faults in processes is not recreational but an essential step in their improvement. In this case much was mishandled. One observer opined "this process stinks"; the same observer later joined, and then became Chair of, COSEWIC. COSEWIC listed Atlantic cod as "vulnerable" (this category later renamed "special concern") on a single-unit basis, i.e. assuming a single homogeneous population. The basis (single-unit) of designation and the level (vulnerable) assigned was in contrast to the range of designations including "endangered" for some of the ten management (sub) units addressed in the report that COSEWIC had commissioned from Dr. K.N.I. Bell. That contradiction between the report and the listing reflected political pressure from the DFO; such bureaucratic pressure had been evident through three years of drafts.


text: The 1998 designation followed on from a deferral in 1997 and bureaucratic tactics including what one COSEWIC insider characterized as "a plan to make it late." Press interest before the 1998 meeting had, however, likely deterred a further deferral. COSEWIC's 'single unit' basis of listing was at the behest of DFO, although DFO had previously in criticism demanded (properly, given the new evidence) that the report address multiple stocks. Bell had agreed with that criticism and revised accordingly, but DFO then changed its mind without explanation.


text: By the time of COSEWIC's 1998 cod discussion, the Chair had been ousted for having said, "I have seen a lot of status reports … it is as good as I have ever seen in regards to content." COSEWIC had already attempted to alter the 1998 report unilaterally. The report remains one of an undeclared number that is illegally suppressed (COSEWIC refuses to officially release it unless it can change it "so that it … reflects COSEWIC's designation"), in this case despite kudos from eminent reviewers of COSEWIC's own choice. COSEWIC in defense asserted a right to alter the report or that Bell had been asked to provide a report that supported COSEWIC's designation; either defense would involve explicit violations of ethics, of COSEWIC's procedures at the time, and norms of science. The key tactics used to avert any at-risk listing centered on the issue of stock discreteness, and DFO's single-stock stance within COSEWIC contradicted the multiple-stock hypothesis supported by the most recent science (including DFO's, hence DFO's earlier and proper demand that the report address these). Bell has argued that this contradiction between fact and tactic effectively painted management into a corner. It could not acknowledge or explain the contrast between areas where conservation measures were needed and areas where opposite observations were gaining press attention. In effect, DFO's opposition to a listing compromised its ability to carry out its conservation mandate.


text: In 1998, the Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada (COSEWIC) listed the Atlantic cod as "vulnerable," a category subsequently rebranded as "special concern," though not as an endangered species. This decision process is formally supposed to be informed by Reports that are commissioned from authors. Dr. Kim N.I. Bell authored the 1998 Status Report for COSEWIC. This was the first such report on a commercial fish species in Canada. The potential designation change (from Not At Risk to Endangered) was highly contentious because many considered that the collapse of Atlantic Cod had ultimately resulted from mismanagement by DFO. The Report (section: "Author's Recommendation of Status") therefore discussed at great length the process of developing a recommendation for the designation. The Report contained discussion addressing points that DFO had offered because although COSEWIC had a mechanism for the 'jurisdiction' (i.e., the department responsible for the 'species' (here, for the population), to provide objections to an author), it had no mechanism for those objections to be objectively arbitrated as a matter of science. Rebuttal by authors was untraditional and unexpected. That is undoubtedly why, before the meeting which was to decide the designation, COSEWIC had massively unannouncedly edited the Report, thereby introducing many errors and changing meanings, including removing the word "few" from "there are few indications of improvement," and expunging a substantial section which engaged various objections raised by DFO. When the author discovered the unauthorized "edits," COSEWIC was obliged to circulate a letter explaining that it had sent out a version that lacked the author's approval and had to provide the author's version to members.


text: The Report contained, under a subsection ""Designation by geographic management units (as preferred by DFO in 1996)"", recommendations (or options) for 10 geographic management units, being Not At Risk or Vulnerable (for 1 management area), Threatened or Endangered (for 5 management areas), and to Endangered (for 4 management areas). In its designation, COSEWIC:


text: COSEWIC did not account for its designation variation from the Report's recommendation and did not admit that variation. COSEWIC also refused to release the Report, although its rules required it to. Bell, the Report's author, subsequently stated that political pressure by the DFO within COSEWIC was what accounted for the difference.


text: In 1998 in a book, Bell argued that the collapse of the fishery and the failure of the Listing process was ultimately facilitated by secrecy (as long ago in the defense science context observed by the venerable C. P. Snow and recently cast as "government information control" in the fishery context) and the lack of a code of ethics appropriate to (at least) scientists whose findings are relevant to conservation and public resource management. He wrote that a proper code of ethics would acknowledge the obligations of all to conservation, the right of the public to know and understand scientific findings, the obligation of scientists to communicate vital issues with the public, and would not acknowledge the right of bureaucrats to impede that dialogue, and that to be effective, such ethical issues need to be included in science curricula.


text: Mark Kurlansky, in his 1999 book about cod, wrote that the collapse of the cod fishery off Newfoundland, and the 1992 decision by Canada to impose an indefinite moratorium on the Grand Banks, is a dramatic example of the consequences of overfishing.


text: In 2000, WWF placed cod on the endangered species list. The WWF issued a report stating that the global cod catch had dropped by 70% over the last 30 years and that if this trend continued, the world's cod stocks would disappear in 15 years. Åsmund Bjordal, director of the Norwegian Institute of Marine Research, disputed the WWF's claim, noting the healthy Barents Sea cod population. Cod (known in Norway as skrei or torsk) is among Norway's most important fishery exports, and the Barents Sea is Norway's most important cod fishery. In 2015, the Norwegian Seafood Council invited Crown Prince Haakon to take part in opening the year's cod fishing season on the island of Senja.


text: By 2002, after a 10-year moratorium on fishing, the cod had still not returned. The local ecosystem seemed to have changed, with forage fish, such as capelin, which used to provide food for the cod, increase in numbers, and eat the juvenile cod. The waters appeared to be dominated by crab and shrimp rather than fish. Local inshore fishermen blamed hundreds of factory trawlers, mainly from Eastern Europe, which started arriving soon after WWII, catching all the breeding cod.


text: In 2003, COSEWIC in an update designated the Newfoundland and Labrador population of Atlantic cod as endangered, and Fisheries Minister Robert Thibault announced an indefinite closure of the cod fishery in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and off the northeast coast of Newfoundland, thus closing the last remaining cod fishery in Atlantic Canada. In the Canadian system, however, under the 2002 Species at Risk Act (SARA) the ultimate determination of conservation status (e.g., endangered) is a political, cabinet-level decision; Cabinet decided not to accept COSEWIC's 2003 recommendations. Bell has explained how both COSEWIC and public perceptions were manipulated, and the governing law broken, to favor that decision.


text: In 2004, the WWF in a report agreed that the Barents Sea cod fishery appeared to be healthy, but that the situation may not last due to illegal fishing, industrial development, and high quotas.


text: In "", author Charles Clover claims that cod is only one example of how the modern unsustainable fishing industry is destroying ocean ecosystems.


text: In 2005, the WWF—Canada accused foreign and Canadian fishing vessels of deliberate large-scale violations of the restrictions on the Grand Banks, in the form of bycatch. WWF also claimed poor enforcement by NAFO, an intergovernmental organization with a mandate to provide scientific fishery advice and management in the northwestern Atlantic.


text: In 2006, the Norwegian Institute of Marine Research considered coastal cod (but not the North East Arctic cod) endangered, but has since reversed this assessment.


text: In November 2006, Fisheries and Oceans Canada released an article suggesting that the unexpectedly slow recovery of the cod stock was due to inadequate food supplies, cooling of the North Atlantic, and a poor genetic stock due to the overfishing of larger cod.


text: In 2010 a study by the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Organization found that stocks in the Grand Banks near Newfoundland and Labrador had recovered by 69% since 2007, though that number only equated to 10% of the original stock.


text: In 2010, Greenpeace International added the Atlantic cod to its seafood red list, "a list of fish that are commonly sold in supermarkets worldwide, and which have a very high risk of being sourced from unsustainable fisheries." According to Seafood Watch, cod is currently on the list of fish consumers should avoid.


text: In summer 2011, a study was announced that showing East Coast cod stocks around Nova Scotia showed promises of recovery starting in 2005, despite earlier thoughts of complete collapse. It said that on the Scotian Shelf after the cod were gone, the small plankton-eating fish (capelin etc.) that the cod ate multiplied to many times their old numbers and ate cod eggs and cod hatchlings, but in the early 2000s collapsed, giving in 2005 a window of opportunity for the cod to start to recover; but more time and studies were needed to study the long-term stability of the stock increase.


text: In 2011 in a letter to "Nature", a team of Canadian scientists reported that cod in the Scotian Shelf ecosystem off Canada showed signs of recovery. Brian Petrie, a team member said, "Cod is about a third of the way to full recovery, and haddock is already back to historical biomass levels." Despite such positive reports, cod landings continued to decline since 2009, according to Fisheries and Oceans Canada statistics through 2012.


text: In June 2018, the federal government reduced the cod quota, finding that the cod stocks had fallen again after just two years of fair catches.


title: Modern Love (song)

text: "Modern Love" is a song written by English singer-songwriter David Bowie. It was released as the opening track on his 1983 album "Let's Dance" and issued as the third single from the album later in the year. Co-produced by Bowie and Nile Rodgers of the American band Chic, it is a rock song that contains elements of new wave music. It was recorded at the Power Station in Manhattan and was one of the first tracks recorded for the album. It was performed by Bowie on the Serious Moonlight Tour, where it often closed the shows. A music video for the song, directed by Jim Yukich and featuring a performance of the song during the tour, was released in 1983 and played frequently on MTV.


title: Modern Love (song)

text: Since its release, "Modern Love" has received critical acclaim from music critics, who praised Bowie's songwriting, its production, and its power as an opening track. It is generally considered one of the best songs on "Let's Dance", along with "China Girl" and the title track, and has since been called one of Bowie's greatest songs. The single release was a commercial success, peaking at number two on the UK Singles Chart and number 14 on the US "Billboard" Hot 100. "Modern Love" has appeared on various compilation albums and was remastered for the 2018 box set "Loving the Alien (1983–1988)".


title: Modern Love (song)

text: After its title track, "Modern Love" was the second song Bowie recorded in December 1982 at the Power Station (formerly Avatar Studios) in Manhattan, New York City. It was co-produced by Nile Rodgers of the American disco band Chic, who had originally hoped to make a "very noncommercial, avant-garde album" with Bowie. Following the recording of the title track and "Modern Love", however, Bowie asked Rodgers to "make [a] great commercial record...". They finished recording the album in 19 days. Rodgers described the track as "an old barrelhouse rocker with a real pounding Little Richard-type piano, while on top it has a very sophisticated jazz horn sound"; he would later call the track one of his favourites. Bowie said Little Richard, his "earliest rock hero", was an inspiration for songs like "Modern Love", specifically the call-and-response sections. Like the rest of "Let's Dance", the song features guitar by then-rising blues guitarist Stevie Ray Vaughan. The song also features a boogie-woogie piano by Robert Sabino that is almost buried in the mix according to author Nicholas Pegg.


title: Modern Love (song)

text: "Modern Love" is a rock song that has elements of new wave and soul music and features a "chukka-chukka" rhythm that's "at once funky and strange", followed by a "soothing" electronic riff. According to biographer Marc Spitz, the song is "the sound of someone who's been away, reflecting some [in the lyrics] 'It's not really work / It's just the power to charm'." Spitz continues, "the new times terrify him some but he's going to use the fear and stay positive". Lyrically, Pegg writes that "[the song] establishes the album's recurring theme of conflict between 'God and Man' in a secular world". The song's spoken intro parallels the closing mantra of "Ashes to Ashes", specifically the lyrics "get things done".


title: Modern Love (song)

text: "Modern Love" was released on 14 April 1983 as the opening track of "Let's Dance". It was later released on 12 September 1983 by EMI America on seven-inch vinyl (as EA 158, featuring the shortened single version), and on twelve-inch vinyl (as 12EA 158, featuring the full length song) as the third single of the album, with a live version, recorded in Montreal in July 1983, as its B-side. The single reached number two on the UK Singles Chart, and number 14 on the US "Billboard" Hot 100. By the time "Modern Love" was issued as a single, Bowie's Serious Moonlight Tour was underway.


title: Modern Love (song)

text: The song was a staple of the tour, where it closed the show on most nights, allowing Bowie to "wave bye-bye" to the crowd per the lyrics. It was featured during Bowie's set at Live Aid in 1985, and his subsequent Glass Spider and Sound+Vision tours of 1987 and 1990. He performed it occasionally during his 2003–04 A Reality Tour. To promote the Glass Spider Tour, Bowie re-recorded the song with Tina Turner for a commercial as part of his commitment to Pepsi for their sponsorship. The commercial aired briefly in 1987.


title: Modern Love (song)

text: The song's music video used footage of Bowie and his band performing the song during a concert on the Serious Moonlight Tour. It was directed by Jim Yukich who, according to Kyle Ryan of "The A.V. Club", "captured what looks like Bowie and his band re-emerging for an encore during a four-night stand at Philadelphia's Spectrum theater. The look of Bowie and band presages the swing revival that would follow a decade later." Ryan writes: "As a video, 'Modern Love' is as straightforward as it gets, especially compared to the others Bowie did that year, 'China Girl' and 'Let's Dance'."


title: Modern Love (song)

text: Since its release, "Modern Love" has received acclaim from music critics, who praised Bowie's songwriting, its production and its power as an opening track. In a positive review of "Let's Dance" at the time of its release, Ken Tucker of "Rolling Stone" wrote that the album as a whole was "thin and niggling", but enjoyed "Modern Love", "Without You" and "Shake It", calling them "three pristine lovelies". He continued:


title: Modern Love (song)

text: Tony Visconti, Bowie's longtime producer, considers the song one of the album's best. In a review of "Let's Dance", which Robert Christgau found "perfunctory" and mused "whether Bowie-the-thespian really cares much about pop music these days", he felt that "Modern Love" was the album's "only interesting new song".


title: Modern Love (song)

text: In his retrospective review of the "Let's Dance" album, Stephen Thomas Erlewine of AllMusic praised the song as an opening track, writing, "[the album] comes tearing out of the gate, propulsed "[sic]" by the skittering 'Modern Love'." He calls it, along with "China Girl" and the title track, a "catchy, accessible song that has just enough of an alien edge to make [it] distinctive". "Rolling Stone" Andy Greene agreed, describing the three tracks as a "triple shot". AllMusic writer Dave Thompson described the song as a "high-energy, effervescent rocker", writing, "it epitomizes all that was good about Bowie's 1983 reinvention as a willing superstar." While he believed that the song's production had started to sound dated in subsequent decades, it is "nevertheless a furiously punchy number, redolent of an old-time rocker". Ryan wrote, "'Modern Love' is basically one long hook, which perhaps obscures the anxiety about faith — in both the almighty and relationships — at the song's core. Few pop songs can pull off sing-alongs to the lyrics 'God and man, no religion'." Ryan concluded his review saying, "[the song] sounds both modern and timeless." Pegg deemed it energetic, "brilliantly performed" and "undeniably catchy", but criticised it for being "depressingly superficial" compared with Bowie's previous work.


title: Modern Love (song)

text: "Modern Love" has appeared on numerous compilation albums, the first being "Changesbowie" in 1990. The song was remastered, along with the entire "Let's Dance" album, for the 2018 box set "Loving the Alien (1983–1988)"; the shorter single version and live versions recorded in 1983 and 1987 are also included. Biffy Clyro covered "Modern Love" in February 2018 for "The Howard Stern Tribute to David Bowie", which was hosted by Tony Visconti.


title: Modern Love (song)

text: Following Bowie's death in 2016, "Modern Love" was named as one of Bowie's greatest songs by numerous publications. "Rolling Stone" listed it as one of Bowie's 30 essential songs, writing "[the song] reveals Bowie at his catchiest and most nihilistic." "Ultimate Classic Rock", in their list of Bowie's 10 greatest songs, listed it at number eight, labeling it the best "pop song" of Bowie's career, praising its spoken intro and its "infectious chorus". The publication also named it the artist's 13th best single. In 2018, the writers of "NME" listed "Modern Love" as Bowie's eighth greatest song. They noted the "tragic irony" to the track, in that it is not about how Bowie managed to "make a perfect song about his cynicism at the world", but rather that his "prescient observations" of the 1980s music industry exposed the "hollowness" of his 1980s works.


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: Jehoash (; ; ), also known as Joash (in King James Version), Joas (in Douay–Rheims) or Joás (), was the eighth king of Judah, and the sole surviving son of Ahaziah after the massacre of the royal family ordered by his grandmother, Athaliah. His mother was Zibiah of Beersheba. Jehoash was 7 years old when his reign began, and he reigned for 40 years. (, ) He was succeeded by his son, Amaziah of Judah. He is said to have been righteous "all the days of Jehoiada the priest" () but to have deviated from fidelity to Yahweh after Jehoiada's death ().


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: William F. Albright has dated his reign to 837–800 BCE, while E. R. Thiele offers the dates 835–796 BCE.


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: According to the Hebrew Bible, following the death of his father, Ahaziah, Jehoash was spared from the rampages of Ahaziah's mother, Athaliah, by Jehoash's paternal aunt, Jehosheba, who was married to the high priest, Jehoiada. After hiding him in the Temple for seven years, Jehoiada had Jehoash crowned and anointed king in a "coup d'état" against Athaliah, who had usurped the Throne of David. Athaliah was killed during the coup.


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: After Jehoash was crowned, the covenant was renewed between God, the king, and the nation. The Tyrian cult of Baal, which was introduced under Jehoram and strengthened under Athaliah, was suppressed. Mattan, the priest of Baal, was killed as altars to Baal were destroyed. For the first time in Judah's history, the Temple in Jerusalem and its priesthood achieved national importance.


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: According to the accounts in 2 Kings 12, Jehoash directed that the money paid by worshippers at the Temple should be used to fund its repair. By the 23rd year of his reign, he was aware that the priests had failed to implement a restoration program, and so made his own arrangements, funded by popular contributions, to restore the temple to its original condition and further strengthen it. The account in 2 Chronicles 24 follows the account in 2 Kings 12, but adds the detail that it was "as a form of taxation, similar to the tax collected in the desert in connection with the tabernacle".


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: After Jehoiada died, Jehoash listened to the princes of Judah instead of the priests. This led him to abandon worshipping Yahweh and turning instead to idols and the Asherim as previous kings of Israel did. 2 Chronicles 24 narrates how Jehoash son-in-law the prophet Zechariah, Jehoiada's son and successor, rebuked them for forsaking God, which resulted in Jehoash ordering his execution by stoning. The author of the Books of Chronicles criticizes this cruel act strongly. "Thus Joash the king remembered not the kindness which Jehoiada his father had done to him, but slew his son. And when he died, he said, The look upon it, and require it". The author also attributes Jehoash's deeds to the oppression suffered at the hands of Aramean invaders as God's judgment.


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: According to the account in 2 Kings 12, when King Hazael of Syria marched on Jerusalem, Jehoash surrendered all the gold of the royal and sacred treasuries, thereby persuading him to call off his attack, but according to the account in 2 Chronicles, the Syrian army "destroyed all the leaders of the people from among the people, and sent all their spoil to the king of Damascus", "execut[ing] judgment against Joash" and leaving him severely wounded.


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: Jehoash was eventually assassinated by his own servants at Beth Millo, and his assassination is portrayed as an act of revenge for the blood of Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada. Jehoash was buried together with his fathers in the City of David, although he was "not (buried) in the sepulchres of the kings". He was succeeded as king by his son Amaziah (אמציה),


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: The rabbis of the Talmud declared, based upon a rabbinic tradition, that Prophet Amoz was the brother of Amaziah, the king of Judah at that time (and, as a result, that Prophet Isaiah himself was a member of the royal family).


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: The extermination of the male descendants of David was considered divine retribution for his responsibility in the extermination of the priests by Saul, who had commanded his servant Doeg the Edomite to perform this task (comp. ). Jehoash escaped death because in the latter case one priest, Abiathar, survived (Sanh. 95b). The hiding-place of Jehoash was, according to R. Eleazar, one of the chambers behind the Holy of Holies; according to R. Samuel b. Naḥman, it was one of the upper chambers of the Temple (Cant. R. i. 66).


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: Although a king who is the son of a king need not be anointed, an exception was made in the case of Jehoash, as well as of Solomon and Jeoahaz, the succession of each of whom was contested. (Lev. R. x. 8) Particular mention is made of the crown placed on Joash's head (), because it fitted exactly, signifying that he was qualified for kingship. (Ab. Zarah 44a)


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: Jehoash was one of the four men who pretended to be gods. He was persuaded thereto particularly by the princes, who said to him. "Wert thou not a god thou couldst not come out alive from the Holy of Holies" (Ex R. viii. 3). He was assassinated by two of his servants, one of whom was the son of an Ammonite woman and the other the offspring of a Moabite (); for God said: "Let the descendants of the two ungrateful families chastise the ungrateful Joash" (Yalk., Ex. 262). Moab and Ammon were the two offspring of Lot's incest with his two daughters as described in .


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: In 2001, an unprovenanced inscription was published, known as the Jehoash Inscription or Temple Inscription, which appears to be a record of repairs made to Solomon's Temple during Jehoash's reign. The tablet consists of 15 lines of Hebrew text inscribed on a piece of tabular black stone. Following extensive scientific tests, the Israeli archaeological authorities declared it to be a forgery and attempted but failed to prosecute the perpetrator; a number of experts maintain that it is not a forgery.


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: The calendars for reckoning the years of kings in Judah and Israel were offset by six months, that of Judah starting in Tishri (in the fall) and that of Israel in Nisan (in the spring). Cross-synchronizations between the two kingdoms therefore often allow narrowing of the beginning and/or ending dates of a king to within a six-month range. For Jehoash, the Scriptural data allow the narrowing of his accession to some time between Nisan 1 of 835 BCE and the day before Tishri 1 of the same year. His death occurred at some time between Nisan 1 of 796 BCE and the day before Tishri 1 of that same year. During his reign, the Judean court recorders were still using the non-accession system of measuring years that was adopted in the days of Jehoshaphat from the practice of the northern kingdom, whereby the king's first partial year in office was counted as his first year of reign.


title: Jehoash of Judah

text: The Gospel of Matthew does not list Jehoash of Judah in the genealogy of Jesus, Jehoash being one of four kings of Judah so omitted, the other three being Ahaziah, Amaziah, and Jehoiakim.


title: Free and fair election

text: A free and fair election is defined by political scientist Robert Dahl as an election in which "coercion is comparatively uncommon". A free and fair election involves political freedoms and fair processes leading up to the vote, a fair count of eligible voters who cast a ballot (including such aspects as electoral fraud or voter suppression), and acceptance of election results by all parties. An election may partially meet international standards for free and fair elections, or may meet some standards but not others.


title: Free and fair election

text: A study published in 2016 of elections in 169 countries over the period 1975 to 2011 estimated that only about half of elections were free and fair. The study evaluated ten dimensions of the conduct of elections:


title: Free and fair election

text: The 2016 study found that election quality decreased over time, primarily due to unfair election processes prior to election day. This was attributable to more non-democratic regimes holding elections over time; these elections sought to legitimize the regime's rule without incurring the risk of the regime actually losing power. Increased election observation over the period may have also led to more flawed elections being tallied.


title: Free and fair election

text: The presence of election monitors and constraints on executive power increases the probability of a free and fair election by 31 percentage points. The presence of election monitors, however, may be an endogenous variable because democracies are more likely to invite election observers than non-democratic regimes.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Stuart Armstrong (born 30 March 1992) is a Scottish professional footballer who plays as a midfielder for club Southampton and the Scotland national team.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong began his career with Dundee United, making his debut in 2010 and went on to make almost 150 appearances. Armstrong moved to Celtic in February 2015, and helped them win four Scottish league championships and consecutive domestic trebles. He then moved to Premier League club Southampton in June 2018.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong represented Scotland at under-19 and under-21 level, then made his full international debut in 2017, representing the side at UEFA Euro 2020. He was voted as the SFWA Young Player of the Year in 2013 and has been named in the PFA Scotland Team of the Year for the Scottish Premiership three times. He was also nominated twice for the PFA Scotland Young Player of the Year.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Born in Inverness, Armstrong attended Hazlehead Academy in Aberdeen, alongside fellow footballer Fraser Fyvie. Armstrong grew up idolizing Gianfranco Zola.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong played for Dyce Boys Club and the Inverness Caledonian Thistle youth team, before signing professionally with Dundee United in July 2009.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong made his first team debut for Dundee United in November 2010, coming on as a substitute in a 1–0 win over Hamilton Academical. Towards the end of the season, manager Peter Houston praised Armstrong on his substitute role.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong then scored his first goal for United in a 2–2 draw against St Mirren in December 2011. After the match, Armstrong said that "I got a deflected goal in Inverness last month but my first proper strike came against St Mirren in the 2-2 draw last week and that has filled me with confidence".


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: After making six appearances this season, Armstrong agreed a three-year contract with Dundee United in September 2012. Armstrong then signed another new contract with United in October 2012. Armstrong scored his first goal of the season on 24 November, in a 2–1 win over Ross County. Having made six appearances in February, Armstrong was awarded Clydesdale Bank Premier League Young Player of the Month. Armstrong was nominated for SPFA young player of the year, but it was awarded to Hibernian's Leigh Griffiths instead. He did, however, go on to win the SFWA Young Player of the Year award.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong and Dundee United began negotiations over a new contract, and on 12 December, he signed a one-year contract extension. Armstrong expressed an ambition to play in England in the future, but said he was happy to wait until he had established himself in the United first team. In the January 2014 transfer window, Celtic were interested in some of Dundee United's other youngsters. This was later dismissed as "speculation" by Celtic manager Neil Lennon. In April 2014, he was nominated for the 2013–14 PFA Scotland Young Player of the Year award. He was also selected to the 2013–14 Premiership PFA Scotland Team of the Year.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: His last match for Dundee United came in a New Firm derby defeat of Aberdeen in a 2014–15 Scottish League Cup semi-final on 31 January 2015. Armstrong made 150 appearances, starting 109 matches, and scored 22 goals in all competitions for Dundee United before joining Celtic.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: In January 2015, Dundee United turned down two transfer offers from Celtic for Armstrong, however the transfer was completed on 2 February 2015, alongside fellow Dundee United player Gary Mackay-Steven. Armstrong denied requesting the transfer. Both players would be ineligible for the remaining Scottish Cup and Scottish League Cup ties as Celtic chased a domestic treble. Armstrong and Mackay-Steven were later given the nickname Zig and Zag by the staff at Celtic.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong scored on his Celtic debut in a 3–0 league victory at Partick Thistle on 11 February 2015. He gave Celtic a 2–0 lead after fellow debutante Gary Mackay-Steven opened the scoring. Armstrong made his Celtic Park and European debut in a 3–3 draw with Inter Milan in the UEFA Europa League on 19 February 2015.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong made his first appearance of the 2015–16 season in the UEFA Champions League second qualifying round first leg tie against Stjarnan, assisting the second goal in a 2–0 home win. He scored his first goals of the season with a second-half brace, in a 4–2 league win against Inverness CT on 15 August.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Celtic won a second successive domestic treble in 2017–18, but Armstrong's season was interrupted by injuries. In June 2018, Celtic agreed a £7 million transfer fee for Armstrong with Premier League club Southampton.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong signed a four-year contract with Southampton in June 2018. He said he wanted to "hit the ground running" at the club. On 12 August 2018, Armstrong made his debut in a 0–0 draw against Burnley in the Premier League. In November 2018 he stated that he did not miss Scottish football. On 24 November 2018, Armstrong scored his first two goals for Southampton in a 3–2 defeat against Fulham in the league.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: On 17 August 2019, Armstrong made his first league appearance of the season in a 1–2 defeat to Liverpool, replacing Ché Adams in the second half. On 2 November 2019, Armstrong made his first league start of the season in a 2–1 defeat to Manchester City. On 11 January 2020, Armstrong scored his first goal of the season in Southampton’s 1–2 victory against Leicester City at the King Power Stadium.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: On 13 March 2020, the Premier League was suspended due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This meant that Armstrong and Southampton would not play again until 19 June 2020, where Armstrong scored in a 0–3 victory against Norwich at Carrow Road.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: It was announced on 1 January 2021 that Armstrong had signed a new three-and-a-half year contract with Southampton, which will run to the summer of 2024.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: Armstrong represented Scotland at under-19 and under-21 levels. On 21 May 2013, Armstrong was called up for the senior team, along with his Dundee United teammate Gary Mackay-Steven. He was called up again by the national team in August 2015, and again in March 2017. Armstrong made his full international debut on 26 March 2017, in a 1–0 win against Slovenia. National team manager Gordon Strachan called it "the best Scotland debut I have ever seen." In September 2017 he was ruled out of two 2018 World Cup qualifying games through injury.


title: Stuart Armstrong

text: In October 2020 he pulled out of the Scotland squad for a UEFA Euro 2020 qualification play-off semi-final against Israel after testing positive for COVID-19.


title: Underwater panther

text: An underwater panther, called (in Ojibwe syllabics: ) or (in syllabics: ) in Ojibwe (), is one of the most important of several mythological water beings among many Indigenous peoples of the Northeastern Woodlands and Great Lakes region, particularly among the Anishinaabe.


title: Underwater panther

text: "" translates into "the Great Lynx". It has the head and paws of a giant cat but is covered in scales and has dagger-like spikes running along its back and tail. Mishipeshu calls Michipicoten Island in Lake Superior his home and is a powerful creature in the mythological traditions of some Indigenous North American tribes, particularly Anishinaabe, the Odawa, Ojibwe, and Potawatomi, of the Great Lakes region of Canada and the United States. In addition to the Anishinaabeg, Innu also have "Mishibizhiw" stories.


title: Underwater panther

text: To the Algonquins, the underwater panther was the most powerful underworld being. The Ojibwe traditionally held them to be masters of all water creatures, including snakes. Some versions of the Nanabozho creation legend refers to whole communities of water lynx.


title: Underwater panther

text: Some archaeologists believe that underwater panthers were major components of the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex of the Mississippian culture in the prehistoric American Southeast.


title: Underwater panther

text: In the Ojibwe language, this creature is sometimes called ', ', ', ', ', ', or ', which translates as "Great Lynx", or ' ("Gitche-anahmi-bezheu"), which translates as "the fabulous night panther". However, it is also commonly referred to as the "Great underground wildcat" or "Great under-water wildcat." It is the most important of the underwater animals for the Ojibwa.


title: Underwater panther

text: In mythologies of the indigenous peoples of the Great Lakes, underwater panthers are described as water monsters that live in opposition to the Thunderbirds, masters of the powers of the air. Underwater Panthers are seen as an opposing yet complementary force to the Thunderbirds, and they are engaged in eternal conflict.


title: Underwater panther

text: The underwater panther was an amalgam of parts from many animals: the body of a wild feline, often a cougar or lynx; the horns of deer or bison; upright scales on its back; occasionally feathers; and parts from other animals as well, depending on the particular myth. Underwater panthers are represented with exceptionally long tails, occasionally with serpentine properties. The creatures are thought to roar or hiss in the sounds of storms or rushing rapids.


title: Underwater panther

text: " were said to live in the deepest parts of lakes and rivers, where they can cause storms. Some traditions believed the underwater panthers to be helpful, protective creatures, but more often they were viewed as malevolent beasts that brought death and misfortune. They often need to be placated for safe passage across a lake. As late as the 1950s, the Prairie Band of Potawatomi Indians performed a traditional ceremony to placate the Underwater Panther and maintain balance with the Thunderbird.


title: Underwater panther

text: When ethnographer Johann Georg Kohl visited the United States in the 1850s, he spoke with a Fond du Lac chief, who showed Kohl a piece of copper kept in his medicine bag. The chief said it was a strand of hair from the ", and thus considered extremely powerful.


title: Underwater panther

text: " is known for guarding the vast amounts of copper in Lake Superior and the Great Lakes Region. Indigenous people mined copper long before the arrival of Europeans to the area. Later, during the 17th century, missionaries of the Society of Jesus arrived in the Great Lakes Region. By that time, swiping copper from the region was extremely taboo and forbidden by the Ojibwe tribe. It was even worse to take it from the Great Lynx's home, Michipicoten Island; this was considered to be stealing from Mishipeshu himself.


title: Underwater panther

text: There are a few stories of encounters with this great beast. A Jesuit missionary named Claude Dablon told a story about four Ojibwe people who embarked on a journey to the home of "" to take some copper back to their home, and use it to heat water. The very second they pushed off and backed into the water with their canoe, the eerie voice of the water panther surrounded them. The water panther came growling after them, vigorously accusing them of stealing the playthings of his children. All four of the people died on the way back to their village, the last one surviving just long enough to tell the tale of what had happened in his final moments before he died.


title: Underwater panther

text: The underwater panther is well represented in pictograms. Historical Anishnaabe twined and quilled men's bags often feature an underwater panther on one panel and the Thunderbird on the other. Norval Morrisseau (Ojibwe) painted underwater panthers in his Woodlands style artworks, contemporary paintings based on Ojibwe oral history and cosmology. The emblem has been embellished, and appears as a decorative motif on muskets.


title: Underwater panther

text: In 2003, archaeologist Brad Lepper suggested that the Alligator Effigy Mound in Granville, Ohio represents the underwater panther. Lepper posits that early European settlers, when learning from Native Americans that the mound represented a fierce creature that lived in the water and ate people, mistakenly assumed that the Native Americans were referring to an alligator.


title: Underwater panther

text: The "Grimm" episode "Mishipeshu" involves the possession of a young Native American by an underwater panther.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The Project 205 Moskit ("mosquito") more commonly known by their NATO reporting name Osa, are a class of missile boats developed for the Soviet Navy in the late 1950s. Until 1962 this was classified as a large torpedo boat.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The Osa class is probably the most numerous class of missile boats ever built, with over 400 vessels constructed between 1960 and 1973 for both the Soviet Navy and for export to allied countries. "Osa" means "wasp" in Russian, but it is not an official name. The boats were designated as "large missile cutters" in the Soviet Navy.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: While the earlier Komar class were cheap and efficient boats (and the first to sink a warship with guided missiles, destroying the Israeli Navy's "Eilat"), their endurance, sea keeping, and habitability were modest at best, and the missile box was vulnerable to damage from waves. Among their other weak points were the wooden hull, the radar set lacking a fire control unit, and an inadequate defensive armament consisting of two manually operated 25 mm guns with only a simple optical sight in a single turret.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The Komars' offensive weapons were a pair of P-15 Termit (NATO: SS-N-2 "Styx") missiles, and there was insufficient capacity to hold the more modern longer-ranged P-15Ms. The sensors were not effective enough to use the maximum range of the missiles, and the crew of 17 was not large enough to employ all the systems efficiently.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: In order to remedy all these shortcomings, it was felt that bigger boats were needed to mount the necessary equipment and to provide more space for a larger crew.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The Project 205 boats are bigger than the pioneering Project 183R (NATO: Komar class) boats, with a mass four times greater, and nearly double the crew. They were still meant to be 'minimal' ships for the planned tasks.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The hull was made of steel, with a low and wide superstructure made of lighter AMG alloys, continuous deck, and a high free-board. The edges of the deck were rounded and smooth to ease washing off radioactive contamination in case of nuclear war. The hull was quite wide, but the Project 205 boats could still achieve high speeds as they had three Zvezda M503 radial diesel engines capable of a combined 12,000 hp (15,000 hp on Project 205U onward) driving three shafts.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The powerful engines allowed a maximum speed of about 40 knots together with reasonable endurance and reliability. There were also three diesel generators. Two main engines and one generator were placed in the forward engine room, the third main engine and two generators in the aft engine room. There was a control compartment between the two engine rooms.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The problem related to the weak anti-aircraft weaponry of the earlier Project 183R was partially solved with the use of two AK-230 turrets, in the fore and aft deck. An MR-104 "Rys" (NATO: "Drum Tilt") fire-control radar was placed in a high platform, and controlled the whole horizon, despite the superstructures that were quite wide but low. Even if placed in the aft, this radar had a good field of view all around.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The AK-230 turrets were unmanned, each armed with two 30 mm guns capable of firing 2,000 rpm (400 practical) with a 2,500 m practical range. Use against surface targets was possible, but as with the previous Komar ships, once all missiles were expended it was planned to escape and not fight. Truly effective anti-surface gun weaponry was not available until the introduction of the Project 12341.1 "Molniya" (NATO: "Tarantul") class corvettes, with 76 mm guns.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The offensive armament consisted of four P-15 Termit (NATO: SS-N-2 "Styx") missiles, each protected from bad weather conditions inside an enclosing box-shaped launcher. This doubled the available weapons compared to the Project 183R, giving greater endurance. The missiles were controlled by a MR-331 "Rangout" (NATO: "Top Bow") radar and a "Nikhrom-RRM" (NATO: "Square Tie") ESM/IFF that even allowed targeting over the horizon, if the target's radar was turned on.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: With all these improvements, these ships were considerably more effective. They had one of the first, if not the first close-in weapon systems (CIWS). The survivability rating was improved to 50%, and the required volley of 12 missiles could be launched by only three ships. Sinking a destroyer was therefore regarded as 'assured' using only six ships (two squadrons of three vessels), making the Project 205 vessels easier to coordinate and even cheaper than would be the required number of Project 183R boats to achieve the same effectiveness.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: As a result of these improvements, Project 205 boats were without equal in the late 1950/early 1960s. Over 400 were made in USSR, and another 120 in China. Some of the improved Project 205U (Osa II) were equipped with the 9K32 Strela-2 (NATO: SA-N-5 "Grail") surface-to-air missiles in MTU-4 quadruple launchers, in an attempt to improve air-defences. This new model also had improved, more powerful engines, and new cylindrical missile boxes, with the improved P-15U missiles. The later 205M and 205mod boats had longer tubes for the further-improved P-15M missiles.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The Project 205's hull proved to be very versatile and were used as the basis for a whole series of Soviet fast attack craft and patrol boats.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: In addition to the above, the Project 206 family of fast attack craft (NATO: Shershen, Turya, and Matka class) are based on the Project 205 and share a common engine room design.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: These missile boats saw action during the War of Attrition, Yom Kippur War, and Indo-Pakistani War of 1971.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The Israeli Saar missile-boats sank a Syrian Osa class missile-boat during the Battle of Latakia and three Egyptian Osa class missile-boats in the Battle of Baltim. No Israeli ships were damaged in these battles.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: In contrast, the Indian Navy Osa missile-boats were very successful against the Pakistani Navy in Operation Trident, with a total of five ships sunk, two damaged beyond repair, an oil facility destroyed and Karachi Port held under blockade for no losses.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: Osas were also used in the Iran–Iraq War, with few losses, especially in a single battle in 1980 when several were destroyed by F-4s with AGM-65s. This battle occurred on 29 November 1980 and the Iraqi Navy incurred some damage. Iraq has lost only five missile boats during the eight years of war.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: Syrian Osa II's have been used in the Syrian Civil War. Osa IIs were filmed firing their deck guns into the city of Latakia.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The shortcomings that the export Osas had were mainly the low efficiency of their missiles against small and ECM-equipped targets, as seen in the Battle of Latakia. In this conflict, Osas and Komars fired first, thanks to the longer range of missiles and favourable radar propagation conditions, but missed the targets due to jamming, and were not capable of escaping due to some engine malfunctions. The lack of medium caliber gun hampered defence against gunboats, even though the USSR had 37, 45 and 57 mm guns capable of being fitted in place of one 30 mm gun, as happened in some other vessels, such as the Poti ASW corvettes. Effective anti-missile systems were never equipped even though there was no significant size or weight difference between the AK-230 and the AK-630 CIWS.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: The successor was the Project 1241 Tarantul class corvette, with twice the displacement and a higher cost, but still initially armed with only four P-15s. They finally had a better electronic suite and a 76 mm gun with high rate of fire, along with newer P-270 Moskit and Kh-35 supersonic missiles, AK-630 CIWS, and 'Bass Tilt' radars. Fewer were built however, and so the Osas, after replacing the old Komars, remained widely in service up to the turn of the 21st century.


title: Osa-class missile boat

text: About 175 Osa I and 114 Osa II boats were built for the Soviet Navy, the last were decommissioned in about 1990 in the main Soviet fleet. Amongst the post-Soviet countries, one boat is in service with the Azerbaijan Navy and two are in service with the Latvian Navy.


title: Flow control (data)

text: In data communications, flow control is the process of managing the rate of data transmission between two nodes to prevent a fast sender from overwhelming a slow receiver. Flow control should be distinguished from congestion control, which is used for controlling the flow of data when congestion has actually occurred. Flow control mechanisms can be classified by whether or not the receiving node sends feedback to the sending node.


title: Flow control (data)

text: Flow control is important because it is possible for a sending computer to transmit information at a faster rate than the destination computer can receive and process it. This can happen if the receiving computers have a heavy traffic load in comparison to the sending computer, or if the receiving computer has less processing power than the sending computer.


title: Flow control (data)

text: Stop-and-wait flow control is the simplest form of flow control. In this method the message is broken into multiple frames, and the receiver indicates its readiness to receive a frame of data. The sender waits for a receipt acknowledgement (ACK) after every frame for a specified time (called a time out). The receiver sends the ACK to let the sender know that the frame of data was received correctly. The sender will then send the next frame only after the ACK.


title: Flow control (data)

text: If a frame or ACK is lost during transmission then the frame is re-transmitted. This re-transmission process is known as ARQ (automatic repeat request).


title: Flow control (data)

text: The problem with Stop-and-wait is that only one frame can be transmitted at a time, and that often leads to inefficient transmission, because until the sender receives the ACK it cannot transmit any new packet. During this time both the sender and the channel are unutilised.


title: Flow control (data)

text: The sender needs to wait for the ACK after every frame it transmits. This is a source of inefficiency, and is particularly bad when the propagation delay is much longer than the transmission delay.


title: Flow control (data)

text: Stop and wait can also create inefficiencies when sending longer transmissions. When longer transmissions are sent there is more likely chance for error in this protocol. If the messages are short the errors are more likely to be detected early. More inefficiency is created when single messages are broken into separate frames because it makes the transmission longer.


title: Flow control (data)

text: A method of flow control in which a receiver gives a transmitter permission to transmit data until a window is full. When the window is full, the transmitter must stop transmitting until the receiver advertises a larger window.