Background.

Vargas was born in São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, southern Brazil, on 19 April 1882, to Manuel do Nascimento Vargas and Cândida Dornelles Vargas. His father had origins in Azores and São Paulo, being a descendant of early São Paulo families ("paulistas"): he was a descendant of Amador Bueno, a noted paulista from the colonial Brazilian era. His mother was descended from a wealthy family of Azorean Portuguese descent.  The son of a traditional family of "gaúchos", he embarked on a military career. Vargas enlisted as a private in 1899 in the sixth infantry battalion and later joined the military college at Rio Pardo. Vargas then turned to law school at Porto Alegre in the Rio Grande, and while there he published a political newspaper, "O Debate". Vargas was the chosen orator in his graduating class of 1907 and was immediately appointed district attorney. In 1909 he opened his own law office in São Borja. Entering Republican politics, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul and later to the federal Chamber of Deputies in 1922, where he became the floor leader for his state's delegation in Congress. He served as Minister of Finance from 1926 to 1928 under President Washington Luís, from which post he resigned to enter the gubernatorial race in his home state. Once elected Governor of Rio Grande do Sul, he became a leading figure in the national opposition, urging the end of electoral corruption through the adoption of the universal and secret ballot. As Governor of Rio Grande do Sul he distinguished himself as an excellent administrator. During his term as governor he reorganized the agricultural system. He established a state mortgage and agricultural bank. He also created the department of agriculture in his state. Vargas also worked hard to improve schools and infrastructure during his term as governor.  He and his wife Darci Lima Sarmanho, whom he married in March 1911, had five children: Lutero, Alzira, Jandira, Manuel e Getulinho. According to legend, Vargas' real love was not his wife, but Aimee de Sa Sottomaior, later Aimée de Heeren, recognized by the international fashion press as one of the world's most glamorous and beautiful women. The relationship was a Brazilian state secret, although Vargas did mention her in a diary published after the death of his wife. Aimee de Herren, later living between France and the United States and admired by other famous statesmen such as the Kennedy brothers, never confirmed nor denied the rumor.  Although he would later involve the Catholic Church closely with the state, Vargas was firmly agnostic.

National politics.

Between the two World Wars, Brazil was a rapidly industrializing nation popularly regarded as "the sleeping giant of the Americas" and a potential world power. However, the oligarchic and decentralized confederation of the Old Republic, dominated by landed interests, in effect showed little concern for promoting industrialization, urbanization, and other broad interests of the new middle class. The coffee planters of São Paulo, in particular, were content with exporting their product abroad while relying on foreign investment to build the economy. In addition, they feared reforms that might lead to radical social change. Through the agreements of café com leite, São Paulo and their junior partner, Minas Gerais, rotated the presidency and dominated national politics, securing political stability and the economic success of the upper classes. However, resentment had grown among the middle class, who shared the landowners' fears of radical social change, but who wanted to invest in industrialization and restrict foreign investment.  In 1926, Washingtion Luis, a native of Macaé a city of Rio de Janeiro but ran for São Paulo, was elected president. His election had been assisted by the political machine of Borges de Medeiros, and so he nominated one of that machine's members, Getulio Vargas, to be his Finance Secretary. Although Vargas was only to serve two years as Finance Secretary before returning to Rio Grande do Sul to become governor, he gained valuable recognition and experience on the national level.

First presidency.

Vargas and the Revolution of 1930.

The Great Depression set off the tensions that had been building in Brazilian society for some time, spurring revolutionary leaders to action.  The elections of 1930 pitted Júlio Prestes of the establishment, São Paulo-faction, against Vargas, who led a broad coalition of middle-class industrialists, planters from outside São Paulo, and the reformist faction of the military known as the "tenentes". The middle class resented free market and café com leite policies that let foreign companies out-compete them and restricted industrialization. The non-São Paulo landowners feared radical change and had no desire for the economic nationalism advocated by the bourgeoisie, but did want to end the dominance of São Paulo. The "tenentes" had been led through the Brazilian countryside by Luis Carlos Prestes to rally support for a military coup, and though they failed to find support, they had become exposed to rural poverty and now favored social reform.  Together, these disparate groups made up the Liberal Alliance. Support was especially strong in the provinces of Minas Gerais, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Sul, because in nominating another Paulista to succeed himself, Washington Luis had violated the traditional alteration between Minas Gerais and São Paulo. Vargas campaigned carefully, needing to please a large range of supporters. He used populist rhetoric and promoted bourgeois concerns. He opposed the primacy of São Paulo, but did not challenge the planters' legitimacy and kept his calls for social reform moderate. The election itself was plagued by corruption and denounced by both sides, and when it had become clear that the São Paulo candidate, Júlio Prestes, had won the election, tensions were high. When the vice-presidential candidate of the Liberal Alliance was assassinated, the military decided to initiate a bloodless coup. On October 24, 1930, they ousted President Washington Luís and the president-elect Júlio Prestes, installing Vargas as 'interim president'.

Interim President.

Vargas was a wealthy pro-industrial nationalist and anti-communist who favoured corporatism. Although he had been careful not to offend the landowners during the campaign, he did advocate moderate social reform and economic nationalism. He began by addressing the crisis in the coffee industry, which was suffering from low prices due to the Great Depression. Vargas implemented the traditional solution of valorization, in which the state bought up extra coffee supplies. In addition, Vargas promoted the diversification of agriculture, especially with cotton.  Like FDR in the U.S., Vargas employed economic stimulus. A state interventionist policy utilizing tax breaks, lowered duties, and import quotas allowed Vargas to expand the domestic industrial base. Vargas linked his pro-industrial policies to nationalism, advocating heavy tariffs to "protect our manufacturers to the point where it will become unpatriotic to feed or clothe ourselves with imported goods." Vargas quelled a female workers' strike in São Paulo by co-opting much of their platform but requiring their "factory commissions" to use government mediation in the future. Vargas, reflecting the influence of the "tenentes", even advocated a program of social welfare and reform similar to the New Deal. One of Vargas' first acts in a pattern of Populist gestures was the promotion of Pedro Ernesto Baptista's candidacy for mayor of Rio de Janeiro. He also introduced voting reforms for the election of the constituent assembly that would draft the 1934 constitution, including a secret ballot, votes for women, and a voting age of eighteen instead of twenty-one.  Opposition to Vargas was radicalised in the 1932 movement that was aimed at the restoration of democracy and the establishment of a new constitution. The revolt was beaten back, but a new constitution was written in 1934. After that, Vargas seized absolute power and controlled dissidents through press and mail censorship. His tenuous coalition also lacked a coherent program, being committed to a broad vision of modernization, but little more specific. Vargas, especially during his early years, was always in danger of being ousted by one or more of the groups in his coalition, including the anti-São Paulo planters, the bourgeoisie, and the military.

Constitution of 1934 and Vargas' early presidency.

The parallels between Vargas and the European police states began to appear by 1934, when a new constitution was enacted with some direct almost-fascist influences.  Brazil's 1934 constitution, passed on 16 July, contained provisions that resembled Italian and Spanish corporatism, which had the enthusiastic support of the pro-fascist wing of the disparate "tenente" movement and industrialists, who were attracted to Mussolini's co-optation of unions through state-run, sham syndicates. As in Italy, and later Spain and Germany, Fascist-style programs would serve two important aims, stimulating industrial growth and suppressing the communist influence in the country. Its stated purpose, however, was uniting all classes in mutual interests. The constitution established a new Chamber of Deputies that placed government authority over the private economy, which established a system of state-guided capitalism aimed at industrialization and reducing foreign dependency. "Progressive nationalization" would be used to bring natural resources under state control, and the government would have the right to set minimum wages, mediate in strikes, and enact labor legislation. Nonetheless, a significant amount of political power was still preserved for the states and the federalism of the Old Republic continued.  After 1934, the regime designated corporate representatives according to class and profession, but maintained private ownership of Brazilian-owned business. Based on increased labor rights and social investment, Brazilian corporatism was actually a strategy to increase industrial output utilizing a strong nationalist appeal. Vargas, and later Juan Perón in neighboring Argentina, emulated some of Mussolini's strategy of mediating class disputes and co-opting workers' demands under the banner of nationalism. Under the increase of workers' rights also, Vargas greatly expanded labor regulations with the consent of industry, pacified by strong industrial growth. The working day was set at eight hours in commerce and industry, minimum wages were established nationwide, and benefits programs such as pensions and paid vacations were guaranteed.  Despite the material gains of labor, Vargas began slowly shifting to the right. Reforms were not extended to cover the 85% of workers in the agricultural sector, and little effort was made even to enforce the minimum wage in rural areas. Meanwhile, the president came into increasing conflict with Luis Carlos Prestes, the former leader of the tenentes who was now in charge of the Brazilian Communist Party. Prestes was also in charge of the National Liberation Alliance (ANL), which was banned in 1935 after Prestes criticized Vargas. A rebellion of the ANL and Communists in 1935 gave Vargas the excuse he needed to consolidate his power.

New State and suppression of integralism.

Vargas faced having to step down as president in 1938 because his own 1934 constitution prohibited the president from succeeding himself. On 29 September 1937, Gen. Dutra, his rightist collaborator, revealed "the Cohen Plan", which detailed a plan for a Communist revolution. He publicly demanded that the government declare a state of siege. On 10 November 1937, Vargas announced in a nationwide radio address that he was seizing emergency powers. He also dissolved Congress and canceled the elections due for January 1938. On the same night, the constitution was recast into a severely authoritarian document that concentrated virtually all power in Vargas' hands. The regime created by this document is known as the "Estado Novo" (New State). The short interval strongly suggests that the self-coup had been planned well in advance.  Under the Estado Novo, Vargas abolished political parties, imposed censorship, established a centralized police force, and filled prisons with political dissidents, while evoking a sense of nationalism that transcended class and bound the masses to the state. He ended up repressing his erstwhile supporters, the "Integralists," as well, once the communists were already defeated. The Integralists wished for a total fascist dictatorship, which was more than he desired.  During the Estado Novo Vargas made major changes to the Brazilian economy for the betterment of Brazil. But also with help and pressure from the United States, because of the second World War. Vargas began to prioritize the middle class and provided for higher education and better job opportunities. Vargas also began to focus on industrialization; this led to the creation of the first steel mill in Brazil at Volta Redonda. To help further modernize and industrialize Brazil Vargas nationalized oil production and refinement. To improve the life of the laborer Vargas implemented the forty hour work week, a minimum wage, and other regulations to protect middle class and poorer workers.  The 1937 Constitution provided for elections to a new Congress, as well as a referendum to confirm Vargas' actions. However, neither were held – ostensibly due to the dangerous international situation. Instead, under an article of the Constitution that was supposed to be transitional pending new elections, Vargas assumed legislative as well as executive powers. Also, under the 1937 Constitution Vargas should have remained president for only six more years (until November 1943), but instead stayed in office until 1945. For all intents and purposes, Vargas ruled for eight years under what amounted to martial law.

Vargas and the Axis Powers.

Vargas employed ambiguous policies towards Axis and Allied orbits. At first, Brazil seemed to be entering the Axis orbit – even before the 1937 declaration of the Estado Novo. Between 1933 and 1938, Germany became the main market for Brazilian cotton, and its second largest importer of Brazilian coffee and cacao. The German Bank for South America even established three hundred branches in Vargas' Brazil.  The rapid increase in civilian and military trade between Brazil and Nazi Germany gave US officials reason to begin wondering about Vargas' international alignment.  The repressions that followed the communist coup d'état attempt in Brazil in November 1935 increased the cooperation between Brazil and Germany. After Brazil deported the revolutionary Jewish German Olga Benário Prestes, wife of Luís Carlos Prestes to Germany in 1937, Brazil was invited to be part of the Axis Powers at the side of Japan, Italy and Germany. However, when Brazil refused this invitation at the advent of the "Estado Novo" at the end of that same year, the relations between Brazil and the countries of the Axis started to chill. Vargas sent Aimée Lopes de Sotto Maior, later known as Aimée de Heeren, to Paris as a secret agent to investigate the situation in Europe. Under cover as a "wealthy fashionista", Aimée connected with a range of society figures, not only French but also German, Italian and British. Through Helmuth James von Moltke she obtained secret information about Hitler's plans, prompting her to urge Vargas to withdraw from Germany. Aimée had a strong personal influence on the president.  This estrangement also occurred in part due to the German-Italian-Japanese powers becoming frustrated in regards to what they believed the Estado Novo should represent. The policy of forced assimilation and nationalization imposed by Vargas and the military over every immigrant community, including German, Italian, Spanish and Japanese, as well as the prohibition of any political activities that were not directly endorsed by the central power in Rio de Janeiro, which included the Nazi Party in Brazil and its allies, the Brazilian Integralists, motivated Italian-Spanish-German support of the Integralists' "coup d'état" attempt in May 1938. The failure of that action and the British naval blockade on Atlantic trade with Germany, Italy and Spain, especially from 1940 onwards, led to a sharp deterioration of relations between Brazil and the Axis powers.

World War II and the fall of the New State.

From 1940, the US started to reach out to Brazilians with its "Good Neighbor Policy". The US also granted large loans to Brazil, which Vargas used to industrialize the country. Vargas, always a shrewd, low-key, and reasoned pragmatist, sided with the anti-fascist Allies for economic reasons after a period of ambiguity, since the Allies were more viable trading partners and helped with money. However, he and the military were slowly forced to liberalize the regime because of complications arising from this alliance. In siding with the Allies, one agreement that Vargas made was to help the Allies with rubber production in order to receive loans and credit from the US. In reprisal for breaking off diplomatic relations in January 1942, and assigning air bases to Americans in the north of Brazil, Hitler ordered the extension of the Axis naval offensive over the South Atlantic. After Brazil's merchant ships were sunk by German and Italian submarines, at the cost of hundreds of civilian deaths, Brazil sided with the Allies, declared war on Germany and Italy on 22 August 1942 and eventually sent an expeditionary force to fight in the Italian Front in the second half of 1944.  This siding with the anti-fascist Allies created a paradox at home not unnoticed by Brazil's middle class – an authoritarian regime, still with some fascistic overtones, joining forces with the anti-fascist Allies. This increased the anti-dictatorship sentiment at home even more. Vargas astutely responded to the newly liberal sentiments of a middle class that was no longer fearful of disorder and proletarian discontent by moving away from repression. He promised "a new postwar era of liberty" that included amnesty for political prisoners, presidential elections, and the legalization of opposition parties, including the moderated and irreparably weakened Communist Party. The forces released by this political liberalization severely weakened the Estado Novo and was substantial enough to prompt his own war ministry to force Vargas' resignation on 29 October 1945. Democracy returned a few months later with the 1945 presidential election.

Labor legislation.

Despite the passage of many labor laws (such as paid vacation, minimum wage, and maternity leave), there were still many shortcomings in the enforcement and implementation of labor legislation. While it was impossible for the minimum wage laws to be evaded by large businesses or in large towns, the minimum rural salary of 1943 was, in many cases, simply not abided by employers. In fact, many social policies never extended to rural areas. While each state varied, social legislation was enforced less by the government and more by the good will of employers and officials in the remote regions of Brazil. Vargas' legislation did more for the industrial workers than for the more numerous agricultural workers, despite the fact that only relatively few industrial workers joined the unions that the government encouraged. The state-run social security system was inefficient and the Institute for Retirement and Social Welfare produced few results. The popular backlash due to these shortcomings was evidenced by the rising popularity of the National Liberation Alliance.

Second presidency.

When he left the Estado Novo presidency, the economic surplus of Brazil was high and the industry was growing. After four years, however, pro-US President Eurico Dutra wasted huge quantities of money protecting foreign, mostly US, industry, and distanced himself from the ideas of nationalism and modernization of the country championed by Vargas. Vargas returned to politics in 1951 and through a free and secret ballot was re-elected President of the Republic. Hampered by the economic crisis largely engendered by the policies of Dutra, Vargas pursued a nationalist policy, turning to the country's natural resources and away from foreign dependency. As part of this policy, he founded Petrobrás (Brazilian Petroleum), a large, multinational petroleum concern largely owned by the Government of Brazil.

Death.

Vargas' political adversaries initiated a crisis which culminated in the Rua Tonelero incident, where Major Rubens Vaz was killed during an attempt on the life of Vargas' main adversary, Carlos Lacerda. Lieutenant Gregório Fortunato, chief of Vargas' personal guard, also called "Black Angel", was accused of masterminding the assassination attempt. This aroused a reaction in the military against Vargas and the generals demanded his resignation. In a last-ditch effort Vargas called a special cabinet meeting on the eve of August 24, but rumors spread that the armed forces officers were implacable. Having lost control of the situation, Vargas shot himself in the chest on August 24, 1954, in the Catete Palace with a pistol.  Vargas' suicide note was found and read on the radio two hours after his son discovered the body. The famous last lines read, "Serenely, I take my first step on the road to eternity. I leave life to enter history." Vargas' suicide has been interpreted in various ways. "His death by suicide simultaneously traded on the image of a valiant warrior selflessly fighting for the protection of national interests, alongside the image of a crafty and calculating statesman, whose political machinations reeked of demagoguery and self-interest." Riots broke out in Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre on August 24, 1954.  The Vargas family refused a state funeral, but his successor João Café Filho declared official days of mourning. Vargas' body was on public view in a glass-topped coffin. The route of the cortege carrying the body from the Presidential Palace to the airport was lined with tens of thousands of Brazilians. The burial and memorial service were in his hometown of São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul.  The Museu Histórico Nacional was given the furnishings of the bedroom where Vargas committed suicide, and a museum gallery recreates the scene and is a site of remembrance. On exhibit in the Palace is his nightshirt with a bullet hole in the chest. The popular outrage that his suicide caused had supposedly been so strong that it thwarted the ambitions of his enemies, among them rightists, anti-nationalists, and pro-United States elements, for several years.

Getúlio Dornelles Vargas (; 19 April 1882 – 24 August 1954) was a Brazilian lawyer and politician, who served as president during two periods: the first was from 1930 to 1945, when he served as interim president from 1930 to 1934, constitutional president from 1934 to 1937, and dictator from 1937 to 1945. After resigning in 1945, Vargas returned to power as the democratically elected president in 1951, serving until his suicide in 1954. Vargas led Brazil for 18 years, the longest of any president, and second in Brazilian history only to Emperor Pedro II among heads of state. He favored nationalism, industrialization, centralization, social welfare and populism – for the latter, Vargas won the nickname, "the father of the poor". Vargas is one of a number of populists who arose during the 1930s in Latin America, including Lazaro Cardenas and Juan Perón, who promoted nationalism and pursued social reform. He was a proponent of workers' rights as well as a staunch anti-communist.

热图利奥·多内列斯·瓦加斯(Getúlio Dornelles Vargas,1882年-4月19日-1954年-8月24日,巴西律师、政治家,曾两次担任总统:第一次是1930年至1945年,1930年至1934年,担任临时总统;1934年至1937年,担任正式总统;1937年至1945年,成为独裁者。在1945年的政变中被推翻后,瓦加斯于1951年以民选总统的身份重新掌权,直到1954年自杀。瓦加斯领导巴西长达18年半,是巴西历史上任期最长的总统,在所有的国家元首中仅次于佩德罗二世皇帝。他支持民族主义、工业化、中央集权、社会福利和民粹主义——因为后者,瓦加斯赢得了“穷人之父”的绰号。瓦加斯是上世纪30年代在拉丁美洲兴起的众多民粹主义者之一,除了他以外还有拉萨罗·卡德纳斯和胡安·庇隆,他们的共同点是提倡民族主义,追求社会改革。他是工人权利的支持者,也是坚定的反共主义者。


安东尼奥·德·奥利维拉·萨拉查

Background.

Family.

Salazar was born in Vimieiro, near Santa Comba Dão (Viseu District), to a family of modest income on 28 April 1889. His father, a small landowner, had started as an agricultural labourer and became the manager for the Perestrelos, a family of rural landowners of the region of Santa Comba Dão who possessed

Education.

Salazar attended the primary school in his small village and later went to another primary school in Viseu. At age 11, he won a free place at Viseu's seminary, where he studied for eight years, from 1900 to 1908. Salazar considered becoming a priest, but like many who entered the seminary very young, he decided not to proceed to the priesthood after receiving holy orders. He went to Coimbra in

Politics and "Estado Novo".

Background.

Salazar was twenty-one years old at the time of the revolution of 5 October 1910, which overthrew the Portuguese monarchy and instituted the First Portuguese Republic. The political institutions of the First Republic lasted until 1926, when it was replaced by a military dictatorship. This was first known as the "Ditadura Militar" (Military Dictatorship) and then, from 1928, as the "Ditadura Nacional" (National Dictatorship).  The era of the First Republic has been described as one of "continual anarchy, government corruption, rioting and pillage, assassinations, arbitrary imprisonment and religious persecution". It witnessed the inauguration of eight presidents, 44 cabinet re-organisations and 21 revolutions. The first government of the Republic lasted less than 10 weeks and the longest-ruling government lasted little over a year. Revolution in Portugal became a byword in Europe. The cost of living increased twenty-fivefold, while the currency fell to a part of its gold value. Portugal's public finances and the economy in general

Early path.

As a young man, Salazar's involvement in politics stemmed from his Catholic views, which were aroused by the new anti-clerical stance of the First Republic. He became a member of the non-politically affiliated Catholic movement "Centro Académico de Democracia Cristã" (Academic Centre for Christian Democracy). Salazar rejected the monarchists because he felt that they were opposed to the social doctrines espoused by Pope Leo XIII to which he was very sympathetic. He was a frequent contributor to journals concerned with social studies, especially the weekly "O Imparcial", which was directed by his friend (and later Cardinal Patriarch of Lisbon) Manuel Gonçalves Cerejeira. Local press described him as "one of the most powerful minds of the new generation."  In 1921, Salazar was persuaded to stand as a candidate for election to parliament, though he did so reluctantly. He appeared once in the chamber and never returned, struck by the disorder he witnessed and a feeling of futility. Salazar

Formation of the "Estado Novo".

Salazar based his political philosophy on a close interpretation of the Catholic social doctrine, much like the contemporary regime of Engelbert Dollfuss in Austria. The economic system, known as corporatism, was based on similar interpretations of the papal encyclicals "Rerum novarum" (Leo XIII, 1891) and "Quadragesimo anno" (Pius XI, 1931), which were meant to prevent class struggle and transform economic concerns secondary to social values. "Rerum novarum" argued that labor associations were part of the natural order, like the family. The right of men to organise into trade unions and to engage in labor activities was thus inherent and could not be denied by employers or the state. "Quadragesimo anno" provided the blue print for the erection of the corporatist system.  A new constitution was drafted by a group of lawyers, businessmen, clerics and university professors, with Salazar the leading spirit and Marcelo Caetano also playing a major role. The constitution created the "Estado Novo" ("New State"), in theory a corporatist state representing interest groups rather than individuals. He wanted a system in which the people would be represented through corporations, rather than through divisive parties, and where national interest was given priority over sectional claims. Salazar thought that the party system had failed irrevocably in

Securing the regime.

Salazar relied on secret police to enforce the policies he wished to implement. The "Polícia de Vigilância e de Defesa do Estado (PVDE)" ("State Defence and Surveillance Police") was established in 1933. It was replaced in 1945 by the remodeled "Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado (PIDE)" ("International and State Defence Police"), which lasted until 1969 (and from that year to 1974 under Marcelo Caetano, it was the "Direcção Geral de Segurança (DGS)" ("General Security Directorate"). The secret police existed not only to protect national security in a modern sense, but also to suppress the regime's political opponents, especially those associated with the international communist movement or the Soviet Union, which was seen by the regime as a menace to Portugal.

Spanish Civil War.

The Spanish Civil War, which began in July 1936, was the ostensible reason for the radicalisation of the regime. Internally, the regime had to face a monarchist revolt in 1935, a threatened leftist coup in 1936 and several bombs and conspiracies in 1936 and 1937, including an attempt to assassinate Salazar in 1937. At the same time, Spanish Republican agents were active in Lisbon and Spanish troops were deployed on Portugal's vulnerable border, severely threatening Portuguese sovereignty.  At the beginning of the

Assassination attempt.

The radicalism of the regime naturally drew opposition. Emídio Santana, founder of the "Sindicato Nacional dos Metalúrgicos" ("Metallurgists National Union") and an anarcho-syndicalist who was involved in clandestine activities against the dictatorship, attempted to assassinate Salazar on 4 July 1937. Salazar was on his way to Mass at a private chapel in a friend's house on Barbosa du Bocage Avenue in Lisbon. As he stepped out of his Buick limousine, a bomb hidden in an iron case exploded only away. The blast left Salazar untouched, but his chauffeur was rendered deaf. A year later, the bishops of the country argued in a collective letter that it was an "act of God" that had preserved Salazar's life. The official car was replaced by an armoured Chrysler Imperial. Sought by the "PIDE", Emídio Santana fled to Britain, where he was arrested by British police and returned to Portugal. He was then sentenced to 16 years in prison.

World War II.

Salazar had lived through the hard times of World War I, in which Portugal participated during the period of the First Republic; World War II followed its course while he was in power. Salazar was widely praised for keeping Portugal neutral during the Second World War. From the war's very beginning in 1939, Salazar was convinced that Britain would suffer injury, but remain undefeated, that the United States would step into the conflict and that the Allies would win. The American journalist Henry J. Taylor commented: "I found not another continental European leader who then agreed with him".

Neutrality.

In 1934, several years before the war began, Salazar clarified in an official speech that Portuguese nationalism did not include "the pagan ideal and anti-human to deify a race or empire", and again, in 1937, Salazar published a book wherein he criticised the Nuremberg Laws passed in 1935 in Germany, considering it regrettable that German nationalism was "wrinkled by racial characteristics so well marked," which had imposed "the legal point of view, the distinction between citizens and the subject – and this at the risk of dangerous consequences."  Salazar thought regarding World War II, "a German victory spelt disaster for the rule of law and for peripheral, agricultural, countries such as Portugal." Salazar's dislike of the Nazi regime in Germany and its imperial ambitions was tempered only by his view of the

Responses.

British strategists regarded Portuguese non-belligerency as "essential to keep Spain from entering the war on the side of the Axis". Britain recognised Salazar's important role on 15 May 1940, when Douglas Veale, Registrar of the University of Oxford, informed him that the University's Hebdomadal Council had "unanimously decided at its meeting last Monday, to invite you [Salazar] to accept the Honorary Degree of Doctor of Civil Law". The same "Life" magazine article of July 1940 that praised Salazar's work on behalf of the Portuguese nation commented, "this year, for [the] first time in centuries, Portugal is important to America. It is the funnel through which to pour all the exchanges – of people and messages and

Refugees.

The principal reason for the neutrality of Portugal in World War II was strategic, and within the compass of the overall objectives of the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. This modest, but complex role allowed Portugal to rescue a large number of war refugees.  Portugal's official nationalism was not grounded in race or biology. Salazar argued that Portuguese nationalism did not glorify a single race because such a notion was pagan and anti-human. In 1937, he published a book entitled "Como se Levanta um Estado" ("How to Raise a State"), in which he criticised the philosophical ideals behind Nazi Germany's Nuremberg laws. In 1938, he sent a telegram to the Portuguese Embassy in Berlin, ordering that it should be made clear to the German Reich that Portuguese law did not allow any distinction based on race, and that therefore, Portuguese Jewish citizens could

Maintaining the regime.

In spite of the Salazar regime's use of censorship and inhumane imprisonment of political prisoners in order to suppress dissent, "Life" magazine in July 1940 spoke of him with approbation, describing him as a "a benevolent ruler" and adding that "unambitious, Salazar took the dictatorship by Army request and holds it by popular will. (...) The Salazar dictatorship is easygoing and paternalistic, with wide freedom of speech allowed to its enemies. (...) Friends of democracy may deplore Salazar the dictator but they cannot deny that under the Republic Portugal made an unholy mess of itself and Salazar pulled it out." A reporter from the National Geographic Magazine was surprised with the liberties he enjoyed while in Lisbon, a level of freedom that, according to the reporter, was not available in any other European capital.  In October 1945, Salazar announced a liberalisation program designed to restore civil rights that had been suppressed during the Spanish Civil War and World War II in hopes of improving the image of his regime in Western circles. The measures included parliamentary elections, a general political amnesty, restoration of freedom of the press, curtailment of legal repression and a commitment to introduce the right of "habeas corpus". The regime started to organise itself around a broad coalition, the Movement of Democratic Unity (MUD), which ranged from ultra-Catholics and fringe elements of the extreme right to the Portuguese Communist Party. Initially, the MUD was controlled by the moderate opposition, but it soon became strongly influenced by the Communist Party, which controlled its youth wing. In the leadership were several communists, among them Octávio Pato, Salgado Zenha, Mário Soares, Júlio Pomar and Mário Sacramento. This influence led

Colonial policies.

During the last years of the monarchy and of the First Republic in Portugal, an attempt was made to obtain firmer control over the claimed African possessions. One reason the government dragged itself into World War I was the defence of the African empire, considered a part of the national identity. Salazar briefly served as minister of colonies before assuming the premiership, and in that capacity he prepared the Colonial Act of 1930, which centralised the administration of the overseas territories in his own system and proclaimed the need to bring indigenous peoples into western civilisation and the Portuguese nation. Assimilation was the main objective, except for the Atlantic colony of Cape Verde (which was seen as an extension of Portugal) and the Asian colonies of India and Macau (which were seen as having their own forms of "civilization"). As it had been before Salazar's tenure in the office, a clear legal distinction continued to be made between indigenous peoples and other citizens – the latter mostly Europeans, some Creole elites and a few black Africans. A special statute was given to native communities to accommodate their tribal traditions. In theory, it established a framework that would allow natives to be gradually assimilated into Portuguese culture and citizenship, while in reality the percentage of assimilated African population never reached one per cent.  In 1945, Portugal still had an extensive colonial empire that encompassed Cape Verde, São Tomé e Príncipe, Angola (including Cabinda), Portuguese Guinea, and Mozambique in Africa; Portuguese India in South Asia; and Macau and Timor in the Far East. Salazar wanted Portugal to be relevant internationally, and the country's overseas colonies made that possible.  In 1947, Captain Henrique Galvão, a Portuguese parliamentarian, submitted a report disclosing the situation of forced labor and precarious health services in the Portuguese colonies of Africa. The natives, it said, were simply regarded as beasts of burden. Galvão's courageous report eventually led to his downfall, and in 1952, he was arrested for subversive activities. Although the "Estatuto do Indigenato" ('Indigenous Statute') set standards for indigenes to obtain Portuguese citizenship until it was abolished in 1961, the conditions of the native populations of the colonies were still harsh, and they suffered inferior legal status under its policies. Under the Colonial Act, African Natives could be forced to work. By requiring all African men

International relations after World War II.

Despite the authoritarian character of the regime, Portugal did not experience the same levels of international isolation as Spain did following World War II. Unlike Spain, Portugal under Salazar was accepted into the Marshall Plan (1947–1948) in return for the aid it gave to the Allies during the final stages of the war. Furthermore, also unlike Spain, it was one of the 12 founding members of

Education and literacy rates.

Although the militants of the First Republic had chosen education as one of their banner causes, the evidence shows that First Republic was less successful than the authoritarian "Estado Novo" in expanding elementary education. Under the First Republic, literacy levels in children aged 7 to 14 registered a modest increase from 26 per cent in 1911 to 33 per cent in 1930. Under the "Estado Novo", literacy levels in children aged 7 to 14 increased to 56 per cent in 1940, 77 per cent in 1950 and 97 per cent in 1960. Under Salazar the number of elementary schools grew from 7,000 in 1927 to 10,000 in 1940. While the illiteracy rate under the twenty years of the First Republic had only dropped a modest 9%, under Salazar in twenty years, the illiteracy rate dropped 21%, from 61.8% in 1930 to 40.4% in 1950. In 1940, the regime celebrated

Economic policies.

After the politically unstable and financially chaotic years of the Portuguese First Republic, financial stability was Salazar's highest priority. His first incursions into Portuguese politics as a member of the cabinet were during the "Ditadura Nacional", when Portugal's public finances and the economy in general were in a critical state, with an imminent threat of default since at least the 1890s. After Salazar became prime minister, he levied numerous taxes to balance the Portuguese budget and pay external debts. Salazar's first years were marked by the Great Depression and the Second World War. The first

Religious policies.

For forty years, Portugal was governed by a man that had been educated at a seminary, had received minor orders, and had considered becoming a priest. Before accepting the office of minister of finance, Salazar had been associated with several Catholic movements and had developed a very close friendship with Manuel Gonçalves Cerejeira, who in 1929 would become Cardinal-Patriarch of Lisbon. During their university years at Coimbra they shared a house, an old convent known as "Os Grilos".  In July 1929, with Salazar acting as minister of finance, the government revoked a law that had facilitated the organisation of religious processions. Salazar presented his written resignation to the prime minister saying, "Your Excellency knows that I never asked for anything that might improve the legal status of Catholics". He carefully avoided adding more problems to an already troubled nation, but he could not accept the "violation of rights already conceded by law or by former government to Catholics or the Church in Portugal". Despite his identification with the Catholic lobby before coming to power and the fact that he based his political philosophy around a close interpretation of the Catholic social doctrine, he did nothing directly for religion in the initial phase of his rule. He wanted to avoid the divisiveness of the First Republic, and he knew that a significant

Writings.

The Portuguese literary historian António José Saraiva, a communist and a fierce lifelong political opponent of Salazar, claimed that one who reads Salazar's "Speeches and Notes" is overwhelmed by the clarity and conciseness of style, the most perfect and captivating doctrinal prose that exists in Portuguese, underscored by a powerful emotional rhythm. According to Saraiva, Salazar's prose deserves a

Death and funeral.

In 1968, Salazar suffered a cerebral hemorrhage. Most sources maintain that it occurred when he fell from a chair in his summer house. In February 2009 though, there were anonymous witnesses who admitted, after some investigation into Salazar's best-kept secrets, that he had fallen in a bath instead of from a chair. Believing that the 79-year-old prime minister would die soon after the fall, President Américo Tomás dismissed Salazar and replaced him with Marcelo Caetano. Despite the injury, Salazar lived for a further two

Evaluation.

Due to Salazar's long rule, a detached evaluation of him is difficult. He is considered either a saviour of interwar Portugal and an exponent of Christian philosophy in politics, or, on the contrary, a fascist-leaning dictator who obstructed his country's democratic evolution.  Historian Tom Gallagher in 1983 criticised Salazar's excessive promises, writing that "Salazar was being deceitful when he told António Ferro in 1938, 'I estimate that within five years every child in this country will have the opportunity to read and write.' His true policy had been revealed six years earlier when he stated categorically, 'I consider more urgent the creation of elites than the necessity to teach people how to read'." However in a 2018 retrospective Gallagher argues that Salazar focused Portugal on the conservative values of family, local community and the Catholic faith. He rejected the secularism and anticlericalism of the French Revolution, which had a stronghold in the cities but was weak in rural areas. Negative traits that were seen in the governments of other parts of Europe were not prevalent. He never claimed the superiority of a pure Portuguese stock. There was no policy of antisemitism and he helped Jews escape the Nazis. Catholicism was emphasised but the bishops and the pope had to keep their place in the system he quietly controlled without fanfare or charisma. Nationalism was used as a major justification for building a huge global empire that long outlasted those of France, Britain and the others. Salazar also succeeded in using national pride to overwhelm localism and the bitter factionalism that had long troubled the nation before 1930. His coalition brought together monarchists, moderate republicans, businessmen, churchmen, landowners and the military. Each of these groups understood that only with him in charge could their privileges be guaranteed. He believed in stability not democracy, but Portugal remained poor as Europe flourished in the 1960s and 1970s. He spent large sums on soldiers to fight for control of the many colonies; it was a losing battle and by this time the old man was himself losing prestige and stature. He always rejected goals such as modernity and progress and liberalism in favour of tradition, stability and conservatism, and the themes are still echoed into the 21st century by his admirers.  Historian Neill Lochery claims Salazar was one of the most gifted men of his generation and hugely dedicated to his job and country. According to American scholar J. Wiarda, despite certain problems and continued poverty in many sectors, the consensus among historians and economists is that Salazar in the 1930s brought remarkable improvements in the economic sphere, public works, social services and governmental honesty, efficiency and stability. In July 1940, "Life" magazine called Salazar "a benevolent ruler", described him as "by far the world's best dictator, he [Salazar] is also the greatest Portuguese since Prince Henry the Navigator", and added that "the dictator has built the nation". "Life" declared that "most of what is good in modern Portugal can be credited to Dr. António de Oliveira Salazar (...) The dictator is everything that most Portuguese are not – calm, silent, ascetic, puritanical, a glutton for work, cool to women. He found a country in chaos and poverty. He has balanced the budget, built roads and schools, torn down slums, cut the death rate and enormously raised Portuguese self-esteem."  Sir Samuel Hoare, the British Ambassador in Spain, recognised Salazar's crucial role in keeping the Iberian peninsula neutral during World War II, and lauded him. Hoare asserted that, in his 30 years of political life, he had met most of the leading statesmen of Europe, and regarded Salazar highly among those. Salazar was to him a learned and impressive thinker – part professor, part priest, part recluse of unshakable beliefs. He regarded him as ascetic, concentrated on serving his country, with an encyclopedic knowledge of Europe and indifferent to ostentation, luxury or personal gains. Hoare strongly believed in Salazar as "being a man of one idea – the good of his country", not wanting to endanger the work of national regeneration to which he had devoted the whole of his public life.  Historian Carlton Hayes, a pioneering specialist on the study of nationalism, was the American Ambassador in Spain during World War II. He met Salazar in person and agreed with Ambassador Hoare. Hayes wrote that Salazar 'didn't look like a regular dictator. Rather, he appeared a modest, quiet, and highly intelligent gentleman and scholar...literally dragged from a professorial chair of political economy in the venerable University of Coimbra a dozen years previously in order to straighten out Portugal's finances, and that his almost miraculous success in this respect had led to the thrusting upon him of other major functions, including those of Foreign Minister and constitution-maker.' Hayes appreciated Portugal's endeavours to form a truly neutral peninsular bloc with Spain, an immeasurable contribution – at a time when the British and the United States had much less influence – towards counteracting the propaganda and appeals of the Axis.  Belgian diplomat André de Staercke, dean of NATO's ambassadors, who served for almost 24 years on the alliance council, developed a close and long friendship with Salazar. In his memoirs, Staercke dedicates a full chapter to Salazar and ranks Salazar, together with Churchill and Paul-Henri Spaak as one of the three greatest political leaders he has met in his life.  The Portuguese literary historian, António José Saraiva, a communist and a fierce lifelong political opponent of Salazar, claimed that "Salazar was, undoubtedly, one of the most remarkable men in the history of Portugal and possessed a quality that remarkable men do not always have: the right intention."  Spanish dictator Francisco Franco spoke effusively of Salazar in an interview published by France's "Le Figaro" newspaper: "The most complete statesman, the one most worthy of respect, that I have known is Salazar. I regard him as an extraordinary personality for his intelligence, his political sense and his humility. His only defect is probably his modesty." This was, however, in response to Salazar helping his cause, which, in turn, was meant to prevent Portugal from communism and the chaos of the First Republic.  The Portuguese historian, scholar, and editor, A. H. de Oliveira Marques, wrote of Salazar: "He considered himself the guide of the nation, believed that there were things which only he could do ('unfortunately there are a lot of things that seemingly only I can do' – official note published in September 1935) and convinced more and more of his countrymen of that too... He became more and more of a dictator, more and more inclined to deify himself and to trust others less."  In November 1965, "Time" magazine said of Salazar: "Every four years, Premier António de Oliveira Salazar preserves Portugal's image as a democracy by blowing the dust off a few selected "opposition" leaders and relaxing police controls just enough for a few weeks to permit them to run for Portugal's 130-seat National Assembly. There are a few cracks in the facade. The assembly functions only as a rubber stamp. The opposition candidates are usually feeble old men left over from a regime that was discredited and overthrown four decades ago, and Salazar decides what they can and cannot talk about..."  The Portuguese poet, writer, and literary critic Fernando Pessoa wrote that Salazar was "capable of governing within the limits of his area of expertise, which is financial science, but not (capable of governing) with the lack of limits of government in general", adding that "What is wrong, here, is not that Sr. Oliveira Salazar is Minister of Finance, which I accept is right, but that he is minister of everything, which is more questionable."  The American author and political scientist, Paul H. Lewis, wrote of Salazar: "Though he never took Holy Orders he continued to live the solitary, ascetic life of a priest – never marrying, and devoting all his time, first to his academic career as an economist at Coimbra University, and later to running the government. He was cold, intellectual, and dedicated – a man of "painful reserve: an almost Manichean fastidiousness, implying, perhaps a distaste for sex, and always a total involvement with his job."  In 2006 and 2007 two public opinion television shows aroused controversy. Salazar was elected the "Greatest Portuguese Ever" with 41 per cent of votes on the show "Os Grandes Portugueses" ("The Greatest Portuguese") from the RTP1 channel. He was presented by the scholar Jaime Nogueira Pinto, who described being confronted with some "reactions of perplexity, surprise, aggressiveness and even hostility" after having accepted the task. Salazar was also declared "Worst Portuguese Ever" in a public poll by the satirical debate program "Eixo do Mal" ("Axis of Evil") on the channel SIC Notícias. However, the official poll results for both of the two rounds hosted by this latter program show that the public had actually voted Mário Soares, a major opponent of Salazar and his regime, as "Worst Portuguese Ever". This led to viewers expressing concerns about the reliability and seriousness of the show, with the controversy extending to the poll on the show "The Greatest Portuguese", which Mário Soares called "total nonsense from start to end". Years previously, a survey from the channel SIC had also rated Salazar as 'The Greatest Portuguese Figure of the 20th Century'.

Distinctions.

Orders.

Salazar was made member of the following Portuguese Orders.  He

Academic distinctions.

Salazar was conferred

Other.

The bridge across the Tagus connecting Lisbon to Almada was named Bridge Salazar upon completion. Built by the "Estado Novo" 6 months ahead of schedule and under budget, it was the 5th longest suspension bridge in the world and the longest outside of the US. It was then renamed '25 April Bridge'. Stadium Salazar, a noteworthy multi-purpose stadium built in Mozambique during the "Estado Novo", was named after Salazar. With 1975's new government it began to degrade. It was renamed Stadium of Machava. Many places across the country (streets, avenues, squares) were named after Salazar. They were renamed since 1974, especially in district capitals. Around 20 localities still reference Salazar today. There are also some azulejos with quotes of Salazar.  In popular culture, Salazar's Cake ("Bolo de Salazar") is the name given

Further reading.

Primary sources.

António de Oliveira Salazar (; ; 28 April 1889 – 27 July 1970) was a Portuguese statesman who served as Prime Minister of Portugal from 1932 to 1968. He was responsible for the "Estado Novo" ("New State"), the corporatist authoritarian government that ruled Portugal until 1974.

安东尼奥·德·奥利维拉·萨拉查(;1889年-4月28日-1970年-7月27日)是葡萄牙政治家,1932年至1968年担任葡萄牙总理,他是新国家政体()的最高统治者。新国家政体是一个奉行社团主义的独裁政府,统治葡萄牙直到1974年康乃馨革命。


Medieval dinar.

The first mention of a "Serbian dinar" dates back to the reign of Stefan Nemanjić in 1214. Until the fall of Despot Stjepan Tomašević in 1459, most of the Serbian rulers minted silver dinar coins. The first Serbian dinars, like many other south-European coins, replicated Venetian grosso, including characters in Latin (the word 'Dux' replaced with the word 'Rex'). For many years it was one of the main export articles of medieval Serbia, considering the relative abundance of silver coming from Serbian mines. Venetians were wary of this, and Dante Alighieri went so far as to put the Serbian king of his time, Stephen Uroš II Milutin of Serbia, in Hell as forgerer (along with his Portuguese and Norwegian counterparts):

First modern dinar (1868–1920).

Following the Ottoman conquest, different foreign currencies were used up to the mid 19th century. The Ottomans operated coin mints in Novo Brdo, Kučajna and Belgrade. The subdivision of the dinar, the "para", is named after the Turkish silver coins of the same name (from the Persian "pāra", "money, coin"). After the Principality of Serbia was formally established (1817) there were many different foreign coins in circulation. Eventually, Prince Miloš Obrenović decided to introduce some order by establishing exchange rates based on the groat (Serbian groš, French and English "piastre", Turkish "kuruş") as money of account. In 1819 Miloš published a table rating 43 different foreign coins: 10 gold, 28 silver, and 5 copper.  After the last Ottoman garrisons were withdrawn in 1867, Serbia was faced with multiple currencies in circulation. Thus, prince Mihailo Obrenović ordered a national currency be minted. The first bronze coins were introduced in 1868, followed by silver in 1875 and gold in 1879. The first banknotes were issued in 1876. Between 1873 and 1894, the dinar was pegged at par to the French franc. The Kingdom of Serbia also joined the Latin Monetary Union.  In 1920, the Serbian dinar was replaced at par by the Yugoslav dinar, with the Yugoslav krone also circulating together.

Coins.

In 1868, bronze coins were introduced in denominations of 1, 5 and 10 paras. The obverses featured the portrait of Prince Mihailo Obrenović III. Silver coins were introduced in 1875, in denominations of 50 paras, 1 and 2 dinars, followed by 5 dinars in 1879. The first gold coins were also issued in 1879, for 20 dinars, with 10 dinars introduced in 1882. The gold coins issued for the coronation of Milan I coronation in 1882 were popularly called "milandor" (French "Milan d'Or"). In 1883, cupro-nickel 5, 10 and 20 para coins were introduced, followed by bronze 2 paras coins in 1904.

Banknotes.

In 1876, state notes were introduced in denominations of 1, 5, 10, 50 and 100 dinars. These were followed by notes of the Chartered National Bank from 1884, with notes for 10 dinars backed by silver and gold notes for 50 and 100 dinars. Gold notes for 20 dinars and silver notes for 100 dinars were introduced in 1905. During World War I, silver notes for 50 and 5 dinars were introduced in 1914 and 1916, respectively. In 1915, stamps were authorized for circulation as currency in denominations of 5, 10, 15, 20, 25, 30 and 50 paras.

Second modern dinar (1941–1944).

In 1941, the Yugoslav dinar was replaced, at par, by a second Serbian dinar for use in the German occupied Serbia. The dinar was pegged to the German reichsmark at a rate of 250 dinars = 1 Reichsmark. This dinar circulated until 1944, when the Yugoslav dinar was reintroduced by the Yugoslav Partisans, replacing the Serbian dinar at a rate of 1 Yugoslav dinar = 20 Serbian dinars.

Coins.

In 1942, zinc coins were introduced in denominations of 50 paras, 1 and 2 dinars, with 10 dinar coins following in 1943.

Banknotes.

In May 1941, the Serbian National Bank introduced notes for 10, 20, 50, 100, 500 and 1000 dinars. The 100 and 1000 dinar notes were overprints, whilst the 10 dinar design was taken from an earlier Yugoslav note. Other notes were introduced in 1942 and 1943 without any new denominations being introduced.

Third modern dinar (2006–present).

The Serbian dinar replaced the Yugoslav dinar in 2006, when Yugoslavia ended after Montenegro declaration of independence. Montenegro and the Serbian disputed territory of Kosovo had already adopted the Deutsche Mark and later the euro when the mark was replaced by it in 2002. The Serbs in North Kosovo and the enclaves within it continue to use the dinar.

Coins.

Coins currently in circulation are 1, 2, 5, 10 and 20 dinara coins. All coins feature identical inscriptions in Serbian, using the Cyrillic and Latin scripts. The 10 and 20 dinara coins are uncommon in circulation, as banknotes of the same value are used instead.

Banknotes.

In 2003, banknotes of the (re-established) National Bank of Serbia were introduced in denominations of 100, 1000 and 5000 dinars. These were followed by 500 dinars in 2004, 50 dinars in 2005, 10 and 20 dinars in 2006 and 2000 dinars in 2011.

The Serbian dinar (, ; paucal: dinara / динара; sign: din; code: RSD) is the official currency of Serbia. One dinar is subdivided into 100 para. The dinar was first used in Serbia in medieval times, its earliest use dates back to 1214.

塞尔维亚第纳尔 (塞尔维亚语:',复数'),是塞尔维亚的法定货币。一第纳尔下分100帕拉 ()。目前流通的版本首发于2003年7月2日。


History.

On 1 October 2003, three organizations were merged to form the new JAXA: Japan's Institute of Space and Astronautical Science (ISAS), the National Aerospace Laboratory of Japan (NAL), and National Space Development Agency of Japan (NASDA). JAXA was formed as an Independent Administrative Institution administered by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) and the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (MIC).  Before the merger, ISAS was responsible for space and planetary research, while NAL was focused on aviation research. NASDA, which was founded on 1 October 1969, had developed rockets, satellites, and also built the Japanese Experiment Module. The old NASDA headquarters were located at the current site of the Tanegashima Space Center, on Tanegashima Island, 115 kilometers south of Kyūshū. NASDA also trained the Japanese astronauts who flew with the US Space Shuttles.  The Basic Space Law was passed in 2008, and the jurisdictional authority of JAXA moved from MEXT to the Strategic Headquarters for Space Development (SHSD) in the Cabinet, led by the Prime Minister. In 2016, the National Space Policy Secretariat (NSPS) was set up the Cabinet.  Planning interplanetary research missions can take up to seven years, such as the ASTRO-E. Due to the lag time between these interplanetary events and mission planning time, opportunities to gain new knowledge about the cosmos might be lost. To prevent this, JAXA plans on using smaller, faster missions from 2010 onward.  In 2012, new legislation extended JAXA's remit from peaceful purposes only to include some military space development, such as missile early warning systems. Political control of JAXA passed from MEXT to the Prime Minister's Cabinet Office through a new Space Strategy Office.

Organisation.

JAXA is composed of the following organizations:  JAXA has research centers in many locations in Japan, and some offices overseas. Its headquarters are in Chōfu, Tokyo. It also has

Rockets.

JAXA uses the H-IIA (H "two" A) rocket from the former NASDA body and its variant H-IIB to launch engineering test satellites, weather satellites, etc. For science missions like X-ray astronomy, JAXA uses the Epsilon rocket. For experiments in the upper atmosphere JAXA uses the SS-520, S-520, and S-310 sounding rockets.

Successes.

Prior to the establishment of JAXA, ISAS had been most successful in its space program in the field of X-ray astronomy during the 1980s and 1990s. Another successful area for Japan has been Very Long Baseline Interferometry (VLBI) with the HALCA mission. Additional success was achieved with solar observation and research of the magnetosphere, among other areas.  NASDA was mostly active in the field of communication satellite technology. However, since the satellite market of Japan is completely open, the first time a Japanese company won a contract for a civilian communication satellite was in 2005. Another prime focus of the NASDA body is Earth climate observation.  JAXA was awarded the Space Foundation's John L. "Jack" Swigert, Jr., Award for Space Exploration in 2008.

Launch development.

Rocket history.

Japan launched its first satellite, Ohsumi, in 1970, using ISAS' L-4S rocket. Prior to the merger, ISAS used small solid-fueled launch vehicles, while NASDA developed larger liquid-fueled launchers. In the beginning, NASDA used licensed American models. The first model of liquid-fuelled launch vehicle indigenously developed in Japan was the H-II, introduced in 1994. However, at the end of the 1990s, with two H-II launch failures, Japanese rocket technology began to face criticism.

Early H-IIA missions.

Japan's first space mission under JAXA, an H-IIA rocket launch on 29 November 2003, ended in failure due to stress problems. After a 15-month hiatus, JAXA performed a successful launch of an H-IIA rocket from Tanegashima Space Center, placing a satellite into orbit on 26 February 2005.

Epsilon Rocket.

To be able to launch smaller mission on JAXA developed a new solid-fueled rocket, the Epsilon as a replacement to the retired M-V. The maiden flight successfully happened in 2013. So far, the rocket has flown four times without any launch failures.

Orbital SS-520 mission.

In January 2017, JAXA attempted and failed to put a miniature satellite into orbit atop one of its SS520 series rockets. A second attempt on February 2, 2018 was successful, putting a ten-pound CubeSat into Earth orbit. The rocket, known as the SS-520-5, is the world's smallest orbital launcher.

Lunar and interplanetary missions.

Japan's first missions beyond Earth orbit were the 1985 Halley's comet observation satellites Sakigake (MS-T5) and Suisei (PLANET-A). To prepare for future missions, ISAS tested Earth swing by orbits with the Hiten mission in 1990. The first Japanese interplanetary mission was the Mars Orbiter Nozomi (PLANET-B), which was launched in 1998. It passed Mars in 2003, but failed to reach Mars orbit due to maneuvering systems failures earlier in the mission. Currently interplanetary missions remain at the ISAS group under the JAXA umbrella. However, for FY 2008 JAXA is planning to set up an independent working group within the organization. New head for this group will be Hayabusa project manager Kawaguchi.  Active Missions: PLANET-C, IKAROS, Hayabusa 2 Retired: PLANET-B, SELENE, MUSES-C Cancelled: LUNAR-A

Small body exploration: Hayabusa mission.

On 9 May 2003, Hayabusa (meaning, Peregrine falcon), was launched from an M-V rocket. The goal of the mission was to collect samples from a small near-Earth asteroid named 25143 Itokawa. The craft rendezvoused with the asteroid in September 2005. It was confirmed that the spacecraft successfully landed on the asteroid in November 2005, after some initial confusion regarding the incoming data. Hayabusa returned to Earth with samples from the asteroid on 13 June 2010.

Lunar explorations.

After Hiten in 1990, ISAS planned a lunar penetrator mission called LUNAR-A but after delays due to technical problems, the project was terminated in January 2007. The seismometer penetrator design for LUNAR-A may be reused in a future mission.  On 14 September 2007, JAXA succeeded in launching the lunar orbit explorer "Kaguya", also known as SELENE (costing 55 billion yen including launch vehicle), the largest such mission since the Apollo program, on an H-2A rocket. Its mission is to gather data on the Moon's origin and evolution. It entered lunar orbit on 4 October 2007. After 1 year and 8 months it impacted the lunar surface on 10 June 2009 at 18:25 UTC.  JAXA plans to launch its first lunar surface mission, SLIM (Smart Lander for Investigating Moon) on an Epsilon rocket in fiscal year 2019.

Planetary exploration.

Japan's planetary missions have so far been limited to the inner Solar System, and emphasis has been put on magnetospheric and atmospheric research. The Mars explorer Nozomi (PLANET-B), which ISAS launched prior to the merger of the three aerospace institutes, became one of the earliest difficulties the newly formed JAXA faced. Nozomi ultimately passed 1,000 km from the surface of Mars. On 20 May 2010, the Venus Climate Orbiter "Akatsuki" (PLANET-C) and IKAROS solar sail demonstrator was launched by a H-2A launch vehicle.  On 7 December 2010, Akatsuki was unable to complete its Venus orbit insertion maneuver. Akatsuki finally entered Venus orbit in 7 December 2015, making it the first Japanese spacecraft to orbit another planet, sixteen years after the originally planned orbital insertion of Nozomi. One of Akatsuki's main goal is to uncover the mechanism behind Venus atmosphere's super-rotation, a phenomenon in which the cloud top winds in the troposphere circulates around the planet faster than the speed that Venus itself rotates. A thorough explanation for this phenomenon has yet been found. JAXA/ISAS was part of the international Laplace Jupiter mission proposal from its foundation. A Japanese contribution was sought in the form of an independent orbiter to research Jupiter's magnetosphere, JMO (Jupiter Magnetospheric Orbiter). Although JMO never left the conception phase, ISAS scientists will see their instruments reaching Jupiter on the ESA-led JUICE (Jupiter Icy Moon Explorer) mission. JUICE is a reformulation of the ESA Ganymede orbiter from the Laplace project. JAXA's contribution includes providing components of the RPWI (Radio & Plasma Wave Investigation), PEP (Particle Environment Package), GALA (GAnymede Laser Altimeter) instruments.  JAXA is reviewing a new spacecraft mission to the Martian system; a sample return mission to Phobos called MMX (Martian Moons Explorer). First revealed in 9 June 2015, MMX's primary goal is to determine the origin of the Martian moons. Alongside collecting samples from Phobos, MMX will perform remote sensing of Deimos, and may also observe the atmosphere of Mars as well. As of January 2016, MMX is to be launched in fiscal year 2022.

Solar sail research.

On 9 August 2004, ISAS successfully deployed two prototype solar sails from a sounding rocket. A clover-type sail was deployed at 122 km altitude and a fan type sail was deployed at 169 km altitude. Both sails used 7.5 micrometer-thick film.  ISAS tested a solar sail again as a sub-payload to the Akari (ASTRO-F) mission on 22 February 2006. However the solar sail did not deploy fully. ISAS tested a solar sail again as a sub payload of the SOLAR-B launch at 23 September 2006, but contact with the probe was lost. The IKAROS solar sail was launched on 21 May 2010. The solar sail deployed successfully. The goal is to have a solar sail mission to Jupiter after 2020.

Astronomy program.

The first Japanese astronomy mission was x-ray satellite Hakucho (Corsa-B), which was launched in 1979. Later ISAS moved into solar observation, radio astronomy through Space VLBI and infrared astronomy.  Active Missions: SOLAR-B, MAXI, SPRINT-A, and CALET Retired: ASTRO-F, ASTRO-EII, and ASTRO-H Cancelled: ASTRO-G

Infrared astronomy.

Japan's first infrared astronomy mission was the 15-cm IRTS telescope which was part of the SFU multipurpose satellite in 1995. IRTS scanned during its one-month lifetime around 7% of the sky before SFU got brought back to Earth by the Space Shuttle. During the 1990s JAXA also gave ground support for the ESA Infrared Space Observatory (ISO) infrared mission.  The next step for JAXA was the Akari spacecraft, with the pre-launch designation ASTRO-F. This satellite was launched on 21 February 2006. Its mission is infrared astronomy with a 68 cm telescope. This is the first all sky survey since the first infrared mission IRAS in 1983.  JAXA is also doing further R&D for increasing the performance of its mechanical coolers for its future infrared mission, SPICA. This would enable a warm launch without liquid helium. SPICA has the same size as the ESA Herschel Space Observatory mission, but is planned to have a temperature of just 4.5 K and will be much colder. Unlike Akari, which had a geocentric orbit, SPICA will be located at Sun–Earth. The launch is expected in 2027 or 2028 on JAXA's new H3 Launch Vehicle, however the mission is not yet fully funded. ESA and NASA may also each contribute an instrument.

X-ray astronomy.

Starting from 1979 with Hakucho (CORSA-b), for nearly two decades Japan had achieved continuous observation with its Hinotori, Tenma, Ginga and ASCA (ASTRO-A through D) x-ray observation satellites. However, in the year 2000 the launch of Japan's fifth x-ray observation satellite, ASTRO-E failed (as it failed at launch it never received a proper name).  Then on 10 July 2005, JAXA was finally able to launch a new X-ray astronomy mission named Suzaku (ASTRO-EII). This launch was important for JAXA, because in the five years since the launch failure of the original ASTRO-E satellite, Japan was without an x-ray telescope. Three instruments were included in this satellite: an X-ray spectrometer (XRS), an X-ray imaging spectrometer (XIS), and a hard X-ray detector (HXD). However, the XRS was rendered inoperable due to a malfunction which caused the satellite to lose its supply of liquid helium.  The next JAXA x-ray mission is the Monitor of All-sky X-ray Image (MAXI). MAXI continuously monitors astronomical X-ray objects over a broad energy band (0.5 to 30 keV). MAXI is installed on the Japanese external module of the ISS. On 17 February 2016, Hitomi (ASTRO-H) was launched as the successor to Suzaku, which completed its mission a year before.

Solar observation.

Japan's solar astronomy started in the early 1980s with the launch of the "Hinotori" (ASTRO-A) x-ray mission. The Hinode (SOLAR-B) spacecraft, the follow-on to the joint Japan/US/UK Yohkoh (SOLAR-A) spacecraft, was launched on 23 September 2006. A SOLAR-C can be expected sometime after 2020. However no details are worked out yet other than it will not be launched with the former ISAS's Mu rockets. Instead a H-2A from Tanegashima could launch it. As H-2A is more powerful, SOLAR-C could either be heavier or be stationed at (Lagrange point 1).

Radio astronomy.

In 1998 Japan launched the HALCA (MUSES-B) Mission, the world's first spacecraft dedicated to conduct SPACE VLBI observations of pulsars, among others. To do so, ISAS set up a ground network around the world through international cooperation. The observation part of the mission lasted until 2003 and the satellite was retired at the end of 2005. In FY 2006 Japan funded the ASTRO-G as the succeeding mission.

Communication, positioning and technology tests.

One of the primary duties of the former NASDA body was the testing of new space technologies, mostly in the field of communication. The first test satellite was ETS-I, launched in 1975. However, during the 1990s NASDA was afflicted by problems surrounding the ETS-VI and COMETS missions.  In February 2018, JAXA announced a research collaboration with Sony to test a laser communication system from the Kibo module in late 2018.  Testing of communication technologies remains to be one of JAXA's key duties in cooperation with NICT.  Active Missions: INDEX, QZS-1, SLATS, QZS-2, QZS-3, QZS-4 Under Development: ETS-IX Retired: OICETS, ETS-VIII, WINDS

i-Space : ETS-VIII, WINDS and QZS-1.

To upgrade Japan's communication technology the Japanese state launched the i-Space initiative with the ETS-VIII and WINDS missions.  ETS-VIII was launched on 18 December 2006. The purpose of ETS-VIII is to test communication equipment with two very large antennas and an atomic clock test. On 26 December both antennas were successfully deployed. This was not unexpected, since JAXA tested the deployment mechanism before with the LDREX-2 Mission, which was launched on 14 October with the European Ariane 5. The test was successful. The mission of WINDS (Kizuna) is to create the world's fastest satellite Internet connection. WINDS was launched in February 2008.

OICETS and INDEX.

On 24 August 2005, JAXA launched the experimental satellites OICETS and INDEX on a Ukrainian Dnepr rocket. OICETS (Kirari) is a mission tasked with tesing optical links with the European Space Agency (ESA) ARTEMIS satellite, which is around 40,000 km away from OICETS. The experiment was successful on 9 December, when the link could be established. In March 2006 JAXA could establish with OICETS the worldwide first optical links between a LEO satellite and a ground station first in Japan and in June 2006 with a mobile station in Germany.  INDEX (Reimei) is a small 70 kg satellite for testing various equipment, and functions as an aurora observation mission as well. The Reimei satellite is currently in its extended mission phase.

Earth observation programme.

Japan's first Earth observation satellites were MOS-1a and MOS-1b launched in 1987 and 1990. During the 1990s and the new millennium this programme came under heavy fire, because both Adeos (Midori) and Adeos 2 (Midori 2) satellites failed after just ten months in orbit.  Active Missions: GOSAT, GCOM-W, ALOS-2, GCOM-C, GOSAT-2 Under Development: ALOS-3 Retired: ALOS

ALOS.

In January 2006, JAXA successfully launched the Advanced Land Observation Satellite (ALOS/Daichi). Communication between ALOS and the ground station in Japan will be done through the Kodama Data Relay Satellite, which was launched during 2002. This project is under intense pressure due to the shorter than expected lifetime of the ADEOS II (Midori) Earth Observation Mission. For missions following Daichi, JAXA opted to separate it into a radar satellite (ALOS-2) and an optical satellite (ALOS-3). ALOS 2 SAR was launched in May 2014.

Rainfall observation.

Since Japan is an island nation and gets struck by typhoons every year, research about the dynamics of the atmosphere is a very important issue. For this reason Japan launched in 1997 the TRMM (Tropical Rainfall Measuring Mission) satellite in cooperation with NASA, to observe the tropical rainfall seasons. For further research NASDA had launched the ADEOS and ADEOS II missions in 1996 and 2003. However, due to various reasons, both satellites had a much shorter than expected life term.  On 28 February 2014, a H-2A rocket launched the GPM Core Observatory, a satellite jointly developed by JAXA and NASA. The GPM mission is the successor to the TRMM mission, which by the time of the GPM launch had been noted as highly successful. JAXA provided the Global Precipitation Measurement/Dual-frequency Precipitation Radar (GPM/DPR) Instrument for this mission. Global Precipitation Measurement itself is a satellite constellation, whilst the GPM Core Observatory provides a new calibration standard for other satellites in the constellation. Other countries/agencies like France, India, ESA, etc. provides the sub-satellites. The aim of GPM is to measure global rainfall with unprecedented detail.

Monitoring of carbon dioxide.

At the end of the 2008 fiscal year, JAXA launched the satellite GOSAT (Greenhouse Gas Observing SATellite) to help scientists determine and monitor the density distribution of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. The satellite is being jointly developed by JAXA and Japan's Ministry of the Environment. JAXA is building the satellite while the Ministry is in charge of the data that will be collected. Since the number of ground-based carbon dioxide observatories cannot monitor enough of the world's atmosphere and are distributed unevenly throughout the globe, the GOSAT may be able to gather more accurate data and fill in the gaps on the globe where there are no observatories on the ground. Sensors for methane and other greenhouse gasses are also being considered for the satellite, although the plans are not yet finalized. The satellite weighs approximately 1650 kg and is expected to have a life span of five years.

GCOM series.

The next funded Earth-observation mission after GOSAT is the GCOM (Global Change Observation Mission) Earth-observation programme as a successor to ADEOS II (Midori) and the Aqua mission. To reduce the risk and for a longer observation time the mission will be split into smaller satellites. Altogether GCOM will be a series of six satellites. The first satellite, GCOM-W (Shizuku), was launched on 17 May 2012 with the H-IIA. The launch of the second satellite, GCOM-C, is currently planned for 2017.

Satellites for other agencies.

For weather observation Japan launched in February 2005 the Multi-Functional Transport Satellite 1R (MTSAT-1R). The success of this launch was critical for Japan, since the original MTSAT-1 could not be put into orbit because of a launch failure with the H-2 rocket in 1999. Since then Japan relied for weather forecasting on an old satellite which was already beyond its useful life term and on American systems.  On 18 February 2006, JAXA, as head of the H-IIA at this time, successfully launched the MTSAT-2 aboard a H-2A rocket. MTSAT-2 is the backup to the MTSAT-1R. The MTSAT-2 uses the DS-2000 satellite bus developed by Mitsubishi Electric. The DS-2000 is also used for the DRTS Kodama, ETS-VIII and the Superbird 7 communication satellite, making it the first commercial success for Japan.  As a secondary mission both the MTSAT-1R and MTSAT-2 help to direct air traffic.

Other JAXA satellites currently in use.

Ongoing joint missions with NASA are the Aqua Earth Observation Satellite, and the Global Precipitation Measurement (GPM) Core satellite.JAXA also provided the Light Particle Telescope (LPT) for the 2008 Jason 2 satellite by the French CNES.  On May 11, 2018 JAXA has launched the first outer-space object registered by Kenya. Satellite 1KUNS-PF created by University of Nairobi was launched from the Japanese Experiment Module of the International Space Station.

Future missions.

As JAXA shifted away from international efforts beginning in 2005, plans are developing for independent space missions, such as a proposed crewed mission to the Moon.

2009 and beyond.

On 23 February 2008 JAXA launched the Wideband InterNetworking engineering test and Demonstration Satellite (WINDS), also called "KIZUNA." WINDS will facilitate experiments with faster Internet connections. The launch, using H-IIA launch vehicle 14, took place from the Tanegashima Space Center.  On 10 September 2009 the first H-IIB rocket was successfully launched, delivering the HTV-1 freighter to resupply the International Space Station.  In the year 2009 JAXA plans to launch the first satellite of the Quasi Zenith Satellite System (QZSS), a subsystem of the global positioning system (GPS). Two others are expected to follow later. If successful, one satellite will be in a zenith position over Japan full-time. The QZSS mission is the last scheduled major independent mission for JAXA, as no major civilian projects were funded after that for now. The only exception is the IGS programme which will be continued beyond 2008. However it seems Japan is pressing forward now with the GCOM earth observation satellites as successors to the ADEOS missions. First launch is planned for 2010. In 2009 Japan also plans to launch a new version of the IGS with an improved resolution of 60 cm.

Launch schedule.

The maiden flight of the H-IIB and the HTV occurred in 1 September 2009. After the first flight, one HTV launch is scheduled during each FY until 2019. (If not mentioned otherwise launch vehicle for the following missions is the H-IIA.)

Other missions.

For the 2022 ESA EarthCARE mission, JAXA will provide the radar system on the satellite. JAXA will provide the Auroral Electron Sensor (AES) for the Taiwanese FORMOSAT-5.

Human space program.

Japan has ten astronauts but has not yet developed its own crewed spacecraft and is not currently developing one officially. A potentially crewed space shuttle-spaceplane HOPE-X project launched by the conventional space launcher H-II was developed for several years (including test flights of HYFLEX/OREX prototypes) but was postponed. The simpler crewed capsule Fuji was proposed but not adopted. Projects for single-stage to orbit, horizontal takeoff reusable launch vehicle and landing ASSTS and the vertical takeoff and landing Kankoh-maru also exist but have not been adopted.  The first Japanese citizen to fly in space was Toyohiro Akiyama, a journalist sponsored by TBS, who flew on the Soviet Soyuz TM-11 in December 1990. He spent more than seven days in space on the Mir space station, in what the Soviets called their first commercial spaceflight which allowed them to earn $14 million.  Japan participates in US and international crewed space programs including flights of Japanese astronauts on Russian Soyuz spacecraft to the ISS. One Space Shuttle mission (STS-47) in September 1992 was partially funded by Japan. This flight included JAXA's first astronaut in space, Mamoru Mohri, as the Payload Specialist for the Spacelab-J, one of the European built Spacelab modules. This mission was also designated "Japan". Three other NASA Space Shuttle missions (STS-123, STS-124, STS-127) in 2008–2009 delivered parts of the Japanese built spacelab-module Kibo to ISS.  Japanese plans for a crewed lunar landing were in development but were shelved in early 2010 due to budget constraints.  In June 2014 Japan's science and technology ministry said it was considering a space mission to Mars. In a ministry paper it indicated uncrewed exploration, crewed missions to Mars and long-term settlement on the Moon were objectives, for which international cooperation and support was going to be sought.  On 18 October 2017, Japanese discovery of a "tunnel" under the surface of the Moon has led to press-release. The tunnel seems suitable as a location for a base-of-operations for peaceful crewed space missions, according to JAXA.

Supersonic aircraft development.

Besides the H-IIA/B and Epsilon rockets, JAXA is also developing technology for a next-generation supersonic transport that could become the commercial replacement for the Concorde. The design goal of the project (working name Next Generation Supersonic Transport) is to develop a jet that can carry 300 passengers at Mach 2. A subscale model of the jet underwent aerodynamic testing in September and October 2005 in Australia.  In 2015 JAXA performed tests aimed at reducing the effects of super sonic flight under the D-SEND program. The economic success of such a project is still unclear, and as a consequence the project has been met with limited interest from Japanese aerospace companies like Mitsubishi Heavy Industries so far.

Reusable launch vehicles.

Until 2003, JAXA (ISAS) conducted research on a reusable launch vehicle under the Reusable Vehicle Testing (RVT) project.

Other space agencies in Japan.

Japan Space Systems (J-spacesystems) is a separate space agency.

External links.

Archived sites of the JAXA predecessor agencies:

The is the Japanese national aerospace and space agency. Through the merger of three previously independent organizations, JAXA was formed on 1 October 2003. JAXA is responsible for research, technology development and launch of satellites into orbit, and is involved in many more advanced missions such as asteroid exploration and possible human exploration of the Moon. Its motto is "One JAXA" and its corporate slogan is "Explore to Realize" (formerly "Reaching for the skies, exploring space").

宇宙航空研究开发机构(;英语:Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency,缩写:JAXA),简称宇宙机构、宇宙航空机构,为负责日本航空太空开发政策的国家研究及发展机构,是隶属于文部科学省的,同时也是同类型法人机构中规模最大的。其主要任务包括研究、开发人造卫星与发射载具,其它任务包括探测小行星和未来可能的登月工程等。