Initial British involvement in Malay politics.

The British first became formally involved in Malay politics in 1771, when Great Britain tried to set up trading posts in Penang, formerly a part of Kedah. The British colonised Singapore in 1819 and were in complete control of the state at that time.

Penang and Kedah.

In the mid-18th century, British firms could be found trading in the Malay Peninsula. In April 1771, Jourdain, Sulivan and de Souza, a British firm based in Madras, India, sent Francis Light to meet the Sultan of Kedah, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin II, to open up the state's market for trading. Light was also a captain in the service of the East India Company.  The Sultan faced external threats during this period. Siam, which was at war with Burma and which saw Kedah as its vassal state, frequently demanded that Kedah send reinforcements. Kedah, in many cases, was a reluctant ally to Siam.  After negotiations with Light, the Sultan agreed to allow Jourdain, Sulivan, and de Souza to build and operate a trading post and in Kedah, if the British agreed to protect Kedah from external threats. Light conveyed this message to his superiors in India. The East India Company, however, did not agree with the proposal.  Two years later, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa died and was succeeded by Sultan Abdullah Mahrum Shah. The new Sultan offered Light (who later became a British representative) the island of Penang in return for military assistance for Kedah. Light informed the East India Company of the Sultan's offer. The Company, however, ordered Light to take over Penang and gave him no guarantee of the military aid that the Sultan had asked for. Light later took over Penang and assured the Sultan of military assistance, despite the Company's position. Soon the Company made up its mind and told Light that they would not give any military aid to Kedah. In June 1788, Light informed the Sultan of the Company's decision. Feeling cheated, the Sultan ordered Light to leave Penang, but Light refused.  Light's refusal caused the Sultan to strengthen Kedah's military forces and to fortify Prai, a stretch of beach opposite Penang. Recognising this threat, the British moved in and razed the fort in Prai. The British thereby forced the Sultan to sign an agreement that gave the British the right to occupy Penang; in return, the Sultan would receive an annual rent of 6,000 Spanish pesos. On 1 May 1791, the Union Flag was officially raised in Penang for the first time. In 1800, Kedah ceded Prai to the British and the Sultan received an increase of 4,000 pesos in his annual rent. Penang was later named Prince of Wales Island, while Perai was renamed Province Wellesley.  In 1821, Siam invaded Kedah, sacked the capital of Alor Star, and occupied the state until 1842.

Expansion of British influence (19th century).

Before the late 19th century, the British largely practised a non-interventionist policy. Several factors such as the fluctuating supply of raw materials, and security, convinced the British to play a more active role in the Malay states.  From the 17th to the early 19th century, Malacca was a Dutch possession. During the Napoleonic Wars, between 1811 and 1815, Malacca, like other Dutch holdings in Southeast Asia, was under the occupation of the British. This was to prevent the French from claiming the Dutch possessions. When the war ended in 1815, Malacca was returned to the Dutch. In 1824 the British and the Dutch signed the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824. The treaty, among other things, legally transferred Malacca to British administration and officially divided the Malay world into two separate entities, laying the basis for the current Indonesian-Malaysian boundary.

Johor and Singapore.

Modern Singapore was founded in 1819 by Sir Stamford Raffles, with a great deal of help from Major William Farquhar. Before establishing Singapore, Raffles was the Lieutenant Governor of Java from 1811 till 1815. In 1818 he was appointed to Bencoolen. Realising how the Dutch were monopolising trade in the Malay Archipelago, he was convinced that the British needed a new trading colony to counter Dutch trading power. Months of research brought him to Singapore, an island at the tip of the Malay Peninsula. The island was ruled by a "temenggung".  Singapore was then under the control of Tengku Abdul Rahman, the Sultan of the Johore-Riau-Lingga Sultanate (otherwise known as the Johor Sultanate), in turn under the influence of the Dutch and the Bugis. The Sultan would never agree to a British base in Singapore. However, Tengku Abdul Rahman had become sultan only because his older brother, Tengku Hussein or Tengku Long, had been away getting married in Pahang when their father, the previous sultan, died in 1812. In Malay cultural traditions, a person must be by the side of the dying sultan to be considered as a new ruler. Tengku Abdul Rahman was present when the old sultan died. The older brother was not happy with the development, while the temenggung who was in charge of Singapore preferred Tengku Hussein to the younger brother.  The British had first acknowledged Tengku Abdul Rahman at the time of their first presence in Malacca. The situation however had changed. In 1818, Farquhar visited Tengku Hussein in the little island of Penyengat, off the coast of Bintan, the capital of the Riau Archipelago. There, new plans were drawn up, and in 1819 Raffles made a deal with Tengku Hussein. The agreement stated that the British would acknowledge Tengku Hussein as the legitimate ruler of Singapore if he allowed them to establish a trading post there. Furthermore, Tengku Hussein and the temenggung would receive a yearly stipend from the British. The treaty was ratified on 6 February 1819. With the Temenggung's help, Hussein left Penyengat, pretending that he was 'going fishing', and reached Singapore, where he was quickly installed as Sultan.  The Dutch were extremely displeased with the action of Raffles. However, with the signing of the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824, Dutch opposition to the British presence in Singapore receded. The treaty also divided the Sultanate of Johor into modern Johor and the new Sultanate of Riau.

Straits Settlements.

After the British secured Malacca from the Dutch through the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824, they aimed to centralise the administration of Penang, Malacca, and Singapore. To this end, in 1826 a framework known as the Straits Settlements was established, with Penang as its capital. Later, in 1832, the capital was moved to Singapore. While the three holdings formed the backbone of the Settlements, throughout the years Christmas Island, the Cocos Islands, Labuan, and Dinding of Perak were placed under the authority of the Straits Settlements.  Until 1867, the Straits Settlements were answerable to the British administrator of the East India Company in Calcutta. The Settlements' administrators were dissatisfied with the way Calcutta was handling their affairs and they complained to London. In 1856 the Company even tried to annul Singapore's free port status.  In 1858, following the Indian Mutiny, the East India Company was dissolved and British India came under the direct rule of the Crown, which was exercised by the Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy of India. With Calcutta's waning power, and after intense lobbying by the administrators of the Settlements, in 1867 they were declared a crown colony and placed directly under the control of the Colonial Office in London. However, the declaration gave the colony a considerable degree of self-government within the British Empire.  In 1946, after the Second World War, the colony was dissolved. Malacca and Penang were absorbed into the new Malayan Union, while Singapore was separated from the rest of the former colony and made into a new crown colony on its own. The Malayan Union was later replaced with the Federation of Malaya in 1948, and in 1963, together with North Borneo, Sarawak and Singapore, formed an enlarged federation called Malaysia.

Northern Malay states and Siam.

Prior to the late 19th century, the British East India Company was interested only in trading, and tried as much as possible to steer clear of Malay politics. However, Siam's influence in the northern Malay states, especially Kedah, Terengganu, Kelantan and Pattani, was preventing the Company from trading in peace. Therefore, in 1826, the British, through the Company, signed a secret treaty known today as the Burney Treaty with the King of Siam. The four Malay states were not present during the signing of the agreement. In that treaty, British acknowledged Siamese sovereignty over all those states. In return, Siam accepted British ownership of Penang and Province Wellesley and allowed the Company to trade in Terengganu and Kelantan unimpeded.  83 years later, a new treaty now known as the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909 or the Bangkok Treaty of 1909 was signed between the two powers. In the new agreement, Siam agreed to give up its claim over Kedah, Perlis, Terengganu and Kelantan, while Pattani remained Siamese territory. Perlis was previously part of Kedah but during the Siamese reign it was separated from Kedah. Kedah's district of Satun however was annexed by Siam in the same agreement. Pattani on the other hand was dissected into Pattani proper, Yala and Narathiwat after the signing of the treaty.  Though the Siamese King Chulalongkorn was reluctant to sign the treaty, increasing French pressure on the Siamese eastern border forced Siam to co-operate with the British. Like Rama IV, Chulalongkorn hoped that the British would leave Siam alone if he acceded to their demands. Earlier in 1893, Siam had lost the Shan region of north-eastern Burma to the British. This demarcation as stated in the agreement remains today the Malaysia-Thailand Border.  Malay rulers did not acknowledge the agreement, but were too weak to resist British influence. In Kedah after the Bangkok Treaty, George Maxwell was posted by the British in Kedah as the sultan's advisor. The British effectively took over economic planning and execution. A rail line was built to connect Kedah with Siam in 1912 while land reform was introduced in 1914. Only in 1923 did the ruler of Kedah, Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim Shah, accept a British advisor.  Perlis had a similar experience. The ruler did not recognise the 1909 treaty but the British were de facto administrators of the state. It was only in 1930 that the ruler Raja Syed Alwi recognised the British presence in Perlis by admitting Meadows Frost as the first British advisor in Perlis.

Pangkor Treaty and Perak.

Perak is a state on the western shore of the Malay Peninsula. In the 18th and 19th centuries it was discovered to be rich in tin, with the richest alluvial deposits of tin in the world. Europe at the same time was undergoing an industrial revolution and this created a huge demand for tin. The British as well as the Dutch were active in the states, each seeking to monopolise production of tin and other commodities. However, the political atmosphere in Perak was sufficiently volatile to raise the cost of tin mining operations. For instance, in 1818 Siam ordered Kedah to attack Perak. The lack of security in Perak forced the British to protect Perak in 1826.  As Perak continued to increase its mining operations, it suffered a shortage of labour. Looking to solve the problem, Malay administrator Long Jaafar invited the Chinese in Penang to work in Perak, particularly at Larut. By the 1840s, Perak's Chinese population exploded. The new immigrants more often than not were members of Chinese secret societies. Two of the largest were Ghee Hin and Hai San. These two groups regularly tried to increase their influence in Perak and this resulted in frequent skirmishes. These skirmishes were getting out of hand, so that even Ngah Ibrahim, the "Menteri Besar", or chief minister, was unable to enforce the rule of law.  Meanwhile, there was a power struggle in the Perak royal court. Sultan Ali died in 1871 and the next in line for the throne was the "Raja Muda" Raja Abdullah. Despite that fact, he was not present during the burial of the sultan. As in the case of Tengku Hussein of Johor, Raja Abdullah was not appointed as the new sultan by the ministers of Perak. Instead the second in line, Raja Ismail, became the next sultan of Perak.  Raja Abdullah was furious and refused to accept the news kindly. He then sought and gathered political support from various channels, including several of Perak's local chiefs and several British personnel with whom he had done business in the past, with the secret societies becoming their proxies in the fight for the throne. Among those British individuals was British trader W. H. M. Read. Furthermore, he promised to accept a British advisor if the British recognised him as the legitimate ruler of Perak.  Unfortunately for Raja Abdullah, the Straits Settlements governor at that time was Sir Harry Ord and the governor was a friend of Ngah Ibrahim, who had unresolved issues with Raja Abdullah. With Ord's aid, Ngah Ibrahim sent sepoy troops from India to prevent Raja Abdullah from actively claiming the throne and extending control over the Chinese secret societies.  By 1873 the Colonial Office in London came to perceive Ord as incompetent. He was soon replaced by Sir Andrew Clarke and Clarke was ordered to get a complete picture of what was happening in the Malay states and recommend how to streamline British administration in Malaya. The reason was that London was increasingly aware that the Straits Settlements were increasingly dependent on the economy of the Malay states, including Perak. After Clarke's arrival in Singapore, many British traders including Read became close to the governor. Through Read, Clarke learned of Raja Abdullah's problem and willingness to accept a British representative in his court if the British assisted the once apparent heir.  Clarke seized the opportunity to expand British influence. First, he called all Chinese secret societies together and demanded a permanent truce. Later, through the signing of the Pangkor Treaty on 20 January 1874, Clarke acknowledged Raja Abdullah as the legitimate sultan of Perak. Immediately, J.W.W. Birch was appointed as a British resident in Perak. Raja Ismail, on the other hand, while not party to the agreement, was forced to abdicate due to intense external pressure applied by Clarke.

Selangor.

Selangor just to the south of Perak also had considerable deposits of tin around Hulu Selangor on the north, Hulu Klang in the central area and Lukut near Negeri Sembilan to the south. Around 1840, under the leadership of Raja Jumaat from Riau, tin mining became a huge enterprise. His efforts soon were rewarded by Sultan Muhammad of Selangor; Raja Jumaat was appointed as Lukut's administrator in 1846. By the 1850s the area emerged as one of the most modern settlements on the Malay Peninsula apart from the Straits Settlements. At one point, there were no less than 20,000 labourers, most of them ethnic Chinese imported from China. He died in 1864 and his death created a leadership vacuum. Slowly, Lukut slid backward and was forgotten.  Meanwhile, Hulu Klang enjoyed unprecedented growth due to tin mining. Between 1849 and 1850, Raja Abdullah bin Raja Jaafar, Raja Jumaat's cousin, was appointed by the sultan as Klang's administrator. As Lukut's economic importance was slowly declining, that of Hulu Klang was rising. This attracted many labourers to relocate there, especially Chinese immigrants who had worked in Lukut. One person responsible for persuading the Chinese to move from Lukut to Hulu Klang was Sutan Puasa from Ampang. He supplied the mining colonies in Hulu Klang with goods ranging from rice to opium. As Hulu Klang prospered, several settlements started to rise up by the late 1860s. Two of them were Kuala Lumpur and Klang. A Chinese kapitan named Yap Ah Loy was instrumental in developing Kuala Lumpur.  As in Perak, this rapid development attracted great interest from the British in the Straits Settlements. The economy of Selangor became important enough to the prosperity of the Straits Settlements that any disturbance in that state would hurt the Straits Settlements themselves. Therefore, the British felt they needed to have a say in Selangor politics. One major disturbance, amounting to a civil war, was the Klang War which began in 1867.  In November 1873, a ship from Penang was attacked by pirates near Kuala Langat, Selangor. A court was assembled near Jugra and suspected pirates were sentenced to death. The sultan expressed concern and requested assistance from Sir Andrew Clarke. Frank Swettenham was appointed to serve as the sultan's advisor. Approximately a year later, a lawyer from Singapore named J. G. Davidson was appointed as British Resident in Selangor. Frank Swettenham was nominated for the Resident post but he was deemed too young.  The civil war ended in 1874.

Sungei Ujong, Negeri Sembilan.

Negeri Sembilan was another major producer of tin in Malaya. In 1869 a power struggle arose between Tengku Antah and Tengku Ahmad Tunggal, as both aspired to become the next ruler of Negeri Sembilan, the Yamtuan Besar. This conflict between the two princes divided the confederation and threatened the reliability of tin supply from Negeri Sembilan.  Sungei Ujong, a state within the confederation in particular was the site of many locally important mines. It was ruled by Dato' Kelana Sendeng. However, another local chieftain named Dato' Bandar Kulop Tunggal had more influence than Dato' Kelana. Dato' Bandar received great support from the locals and even from the Chinese immigrants who worked at the mines of Sungai Ujong. Dato' Kelana's limited popularity made him dependent on another chieftain named Sayid Abdul Rahman, who was the confederation's "Laksamana Raja Laut" (roughly royal sea admiral). The strained relationship between Dato' Bandar and Dato' Kelana caused frequent disturbances in Sungai Ujong.  The years before 1873 however were years of relative calm as Dato' Kelana had to give extra attention to Sungai Linggi as Rembau, another state within the confederation, tried to wrest Sungai Linggi from Sungai Ujong's control. Negeri Sembilan at that time was connected to Malacca via Sungai Linggi, and a high volume of trade passed through Sungai Linggi daily. Whoever controlled Sungai Linggi would gain wealth simply through taxes.  Later that year, Dato' Kelana Sendeng died. In early 1873, Sayid Abdul Rahman took his place, becoming the new Dato' Kelana. The death however did not repair the relationship between Dato' Kelana and Dato' Bandar. On the contrary, it deteriorated. The new Dato' Kelana was deeply concerned with Dato' Bandar's unchecked influence, and sought ways to counter his adversary's power.  When the British changed their non-interventionist policy in 1873 by replacing Sir Harry Ord with Sir Andrew Clarke as the new governor of the Straits Settlements, Dato' Kelana immediately realised that the British could strengthen his position in Sungai Ujong. Dato' Kelana wasted no time in contacting and lobbying the British in Malacca to support him. In April 1874, Sir Andrew Clarke seized Dato' Kelana's request as a means to build British presence in Sungai Ujong and Negeri Sembilan in general. Clarke acknowledged Dato' Kelana as the legitimate chief of Sungai Ujong. The British and Dato' Kelana signed a treaty which required Dato' Kelana to rule Sungai Ujong justly, protect traders, and prevent any anti-British action there. Dato' Bandar was not invited to sign the agreement and hence asserted that he was not bound by the agreement. Moreover, Dato' Bandar and the locals disapproved of the British presence in Sungai Ujong. This further made Dato' Kelana unpopular there.  Soon, a company led by William A. Pickering, of the Chinese Protectorate from the Straits Settlements, was sent to Sungai Ujong to assess the situation. He recognised the predicament Dato' Kelana was in and reported back to the Straits Settlements. This prompted the British to send 160 soldiers to Sungai Ujong to help Pickering defeat Dato' Bandar. At the end of 1874, Dato' Bandar fled to Kepayang. Despite this defeat, the British paid him a pension and granted him asylum in Singapore.  As the year progressed, British influence increased to the point that an assistant resident was placed there to advise and assist Dato' Kelana with the governance of Sungai Ujong.

Pahang.

The British became involved in the administration of Pahang after a civil war between two candidates to the kingdom's throne between 1858 and 1863.

Centralisation (1890s–1910s).

To streamline the administration of the Malay states, and especially to protect and further develop the lucrative trade in tin-mining and rubber, Britain sought to consolidate and centralise control by federating the four contiguous states of Selangor, Perak, Negeri Sembilan and Pahang into a new entity, the Federated Malay States (FMS), with Kuala Lumpur as its capital. The Residents-General administered the federation but compromised by allowing the Sultans to retain limited powers as the authority on Islam and Malay customs. Modern legislation was introduced with the creation of the Federal Council. Although the Sultans had less power than their counterparts in the Unfederated Malay States, the FMS enjoyed a much higher degree of modernisation. Federalisation also brought benefit through cooperative economic development, as evident in the earlier period, when Pahang was developed using funds from the revenue of Selangor and Perak.  The Unfederated Malay States, on the other hand, maintained their quasi-independence, had more autonomy, and instead of having a Resident they were required only to accept a British Advisor, though in reality they were still bound by treaty to accept the advice. The British undertook far less economic exploitation as they primarily wished to just keep these states in line. Indeed, limited economic potential in these states saved the UFMS from further British political meddling. Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu were surrendered by Siam after the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909. Independent Johor, meanwhile, had to surrender Singapore to the British earlier on. Despite the Sultan's political effort, he was forced to accept an advisor in 1914, becoming the last Malay state to lose its sovereignty (British involvement in Johor actually began as early as 1885).  This period of slow consolidation of power into a centralised government and compromise—the Sultans retain their reign but not rule in their states—would have a great impact on the later road to nationhood. It effectively marked the transition of the idea of Malay states as a collective of lands governed by feudal rulers to a more Westminster-style federal constitutional monarchy. This became the accepted model for the future Federation of Malaya and ultimately Malaysia, distinguishing the nation in a region where other countries adopted stricter, heavily centralised administrations.  By 1910 the British had established seven polities on the Malay Peninsula – the Straits Settlements, the Federated Malay States and the standalone protectorates of Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, Terengganu and Johore.

Decentralisation (1920s).

British policy in the late 19th and the early 20th century had been the centralisation of the Federated Malay States (FMS), which was headed by the High Commissioner, who was also the governor of the Straits Settlements. All four British Residents, who acted as a British representative in the FMS were answerable to a Resident General in the FMS capital Kuala Lumpur, who in turn reported back to High Commissioner. Crucial state government departments had to report to their federal headquarters in Kuala Lumpur. Meanwhile, the Unfederated Malay States (UMS) began to receive British advisers but they remained more independent than the FMS.  In 1909 however, High Commissioner John Anderson expressed concerns over over-centralisation, which was marginalisation local sultans away from policymaking. The British had a formal pro-Malay policy and the colonial administrators were careful in developing mutual trust with the Malay sultans. However, the centralisation had eroded the trust, which the some British officials felt important to regain. This led to the creation of Federal Council, which the sultans were members along with representatives from the colonial government and members of the non-Malay communities. The creation of the council however failed to distribute powers to the individuals FMS states. Another attempt at decentralisation as carried out in 1925 by Laurence Guillemard, the High Commissioner from 1920 to 1927, which was termed as the Decentralisation Debate of 1925-1927. During the 1920s, the British also began affirmative action for the Malays in the FMS civil service to further entice the UFMS to join the federation by proving that the Malays would have a role in the running of the government. While the Malays supported the proposal because it would give them more powers, Chinese merchants and British planters argued against it, fearing decentralisation would affect efficiency badly and slow effort at building a unified modern state. The next High Commissioner, Cecil Clementi, arriving from Hong Kong in 1930, pushed harder for decentralisation, believing that it would entice the UMS to join the FMS, forming a Malayan union. He envisaged the union would eventually be joined by the Straits Settlements as well as the British Borneo.

Economic depression (1930s).

During the 1930s, the world economy was in a depression. Due to the integration of the Malayan economy to the global supply chain, Malaya did not escape the depression.

World War II (1941–1945).

The First World War did not affect Malaya directly, aside from a naval skirmish between the renegade German cruiser "SMS Emden" and the Russian cruiser "Zhemchug" off the coast of George Town, in what became known as the Battle of Penang.  The Second World War however consumed the country. Japan invaded Malaya in 1941, as part of the coordinated attack that started at Pearl Harbor. Malaya and Singapore were under Japanese occupation from 1942 until 1945. Japan rewarded Siam for its co-operation during this period by giving it the state of Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu. The rest of Malaya was governed as a single colony from Singapore.  After Japan's surrender at the end of the Second World War, Malaya and Singapore were placed under British Military Administration.

Decolonisation (1945–1963).

Within a year after World War II, the loose administration of British Malaya was finally consolidated with the formation of the Malayan Union on 1 April 1946. Singapore, however, was not included and was considered a crown colony by itself. The new Union was greeted with strong opposition from the local Malays. The opposition revolved around two issues: loose citizenship requirements and reduction in the Malay rulers' power. Due to the pressure exerted, the Union was replaced with the Federation of Malaya on 31 January 1948. The Federation achieved independence on 31 August 1957. All Malayan states later formed a larger federation called Malaysia on 16 September 1963 together with Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo. Singapore was expelled from the federation on 9 August 1965.

The term "British Malaya" (; ) loosely describes a set of states on the Malay Peninsula and the island of Singapore that were brought under British hegemony or control between the 18th and the 20th centuries. Unlike the term "British India", which excludes the Indian princely states, British Malaya is often used to refer to the Federated and Unfederated Malay States, which were British protectorates with their own local rulers, as well as the Straits Settlements, which were under the sovereignty and direct rule of the British Crown, after a period of control by the East India Company.

英属马来亚是大英帝国殖民地之一,包含了海峡殖民地(1826年成立)、马来联邦(1895年成立)及五个马来属邦(1904年至1909年间取得宗主权),战后,先后改组成马来亚联邦及马来亚联合邦,直至1957年独立。


Career.

Wang graduated from the School of Law at Shandong University in 2000, and worked for a time at Shandong Provincial Library. In 2003 he passed the National Judicial Exam, and in 2007 he started to practice as a lawyer in Jinan, Shandong. He later moved to Beijing, where he specialized in human rights cases, defending victims of land expropriation, labour camps, prison abuse, and human rights violations, as well as Falun Gong practitioners.  Wang also worked for the NGO Chinese Urgent Action Working Group (), also known as 'China Action', which was co-founded in 2009 by the Swedish human rights activist Peter Dahlin to assist, train and help Chinese lawyers, journalists and small NGOs work to promote rule of law and protect human rights in China. Dahlin was arrested in China in January 2016, and subsequently deported.  In June 2015 Wang defended some Falun Gong practitioners on trial in Liaocheng, Shandong, but the presiding judge Wang Yingjun () constantly hindered his attempts to present legal arguments. Eventually the judge ordered him to be evicted from the court and he was then beaten by court officials.

Arrest and disappearance.

In August 2015 Wang was arrested as part of a nationwide crackdown on lawyers and human rights activists instigated by Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping, known as the 709 crackdown, as it started on July 9, 2015. After his arrest, the authorities gave a notice of arrest to his wife, Li Wenzu (), but refused to provide any information on where he was being held or to allow any access to him by his family or by a lawyer. For more than three years no information on his whereabouts or even whether he was dead or alive was forthcoming. By summer 2017, all the lawyers and activists arrested during the July 2015 crackdown, except for Wang, had either been released or sentenced to prison. Only the fate of Wang remained unknown.  Many of those arrested during the 2015 crackdown made forced confessions of guilt in court or on television, so Wang's wife, Li Wenzu, suggested that the reason why her husband had not been put on trial was that he refused to make any confession of guilt: "I think it might be because my husband hasn't compromised at all; that's why his case remains unsolved."  In April 2018, in order to publicise the disappearance of her husband a thousand days earlier, Li Wenzu embarked on a twelve-day walk from Beijing to Tianjin, where she thought Wang may have been held. Li was accompanied on her march to Tianjin by Wang Qiaoling, the wife of the lawyer Li Heping, who had also been arrested as part of the crackdown, and had been given a suspended sentence in April 2017. Li Wenzu was stopped from completing the march by the authorities.  In July 2018, almost three years after he disappeared, Wang was finally allowed access to a lawyer, Liu Weiguo. According to Liu, Wang had not suffered any "hard violence" during his detention, which Li Wenzu interpreted to mean that he was subjected to other forms of mistreatment such as sleep deprivation and forced medication: "When Quanzhang said that he did not suffer hard violence, he was trying to tell me that he suffered inhuman torment!"  In mid-December 2018, Li Wenzu and three other women publicly shaved their heads in the streets of Beijing as a protest against the continuing detention of Wang Quanzhang without trial.

Trial.

Wang was finally put on trial for subverting state power at the No. 2 Intermediate People's Court in Tianjin on 26 December 2018, some three and a half years after his initial disappearance. Court documents accuse Wang of working with the Swedish human rights activist Peter Dahlin and others to "train hostile forces". Some activists and supporters were present outside the court, including Yang Chunlin, Zhang Zhecheng, and Xu Yan (wife of the detained lawyer Yu Wenshang), but they were forcibly removed or detained. Foreign journalists and diplomats were also denied entry to the courtroom. Wang's wife, Li Wenzu, was unable to attend the trial as she was prohibited from leaving her apartment in Beijing at 5 am on the day of the trial by security officials.  Within minutes of the trial starting on 26 December, Wang fired his court-appointed lawyer, causing the case to be immediately adjourned to an unspecified date so that another lawyer could be appointed for him. Commenting on this development, Dahlin said: "Wang is unlikely to get to choose his own lawyer, but this move will highlight the lack of any real trial being made available to him – that this is a show trial and nothing more".  On 28 December 2018, Li Wenzu and two other wives of detained lawyers (Yuan Shanshan 原珊珊, wife of Xie Yanyi 謝燕益, and Wang Xiaoling 王峭嶺, wife of Li Heping) tried to present a petition to the Supreme People's Court at Hongsicun in Chaoyang District, Beijing, protesting the handling of her husband's case by the Tianjin court. However, about fifty security officials surrounded her, and stopped her from entering the court building. She stated that she would try again the following week.  On 28 January 2019 it was announced that Wang had been found guilty of subverting state power, and had been sentenced to four and half years in prison.

Imprisonment.

In June 2019 Wang Quanzhang's wife Li Wenzu, and elder sister Wang Quanxiu, together with his son Quanquan, visited Wang in Linyi Prison in Shandong for half an hour. According to Li "he resembled nothing more than a well-programmed but rather dull wooden man" who barely interacted with them.

Release.

Wang Quanzong was released from prison on 4 April 2020. He had served a 4.5 year prison sentence for subverting state power. Authorities moved him to his former residence in the eastern city of Jinan for two weeks starting from 4 April 2020 as a precautionary measure against the novel coronavirus. His wife told newspapers that she suspected the government had used the virus as an excuse to quarantine him when in fact their intentions were to keep him under house arrest.

Wang Quanzhang (, born 15 February 1976) is a Chinese human rights lawyer from Wulian County, Shandong. He was arrested in August 2015 as part of the "709 crackdown" on human rights lawyers instigated by General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Xi Jinping, and after being held incommunicado for three years, he was put on trial for subversion of state power in December 2018. Wang was released from prison on 4 April 2020 and was moved by authorities to his former residence in Jinan. The government has stated that Wang is being quarantined in precaution to the novel coronavirus, however it is feared that the virus has been used as an excuse to keep him under house arrest.

王全璋(1976年-2月15日),中华人民共和国山东省五莲县人,维权律师的代表人物之一。在北京执业,常代理敏感案件、大量代理法轮功信仰案做无罪辩护、农民土地案、基督徒案,维护弱势群体利益,以健全法治为主要领域,例如山东记者齐崇淮案、原三级警督王登朝案的辩护申诉等。他主张「就得不断碰撞抗争」。2015年中国709维权律师大抓捕事件被政府抓走后,杳无音讯超过一千天(}),成为「709案最后一人」,据称期间曾遭电击等酷刑。NHK《消失的律师》纪录片,拍摄中国维权律师王全璋无故被捕后,妻子李文足四处奔走只求见上一面。


Format.

Nintendo Direct presentations vary in format between different presentations and regions.

Regional differences.

Nintendo Directs generally come in both regional and international formats.

International.

For subjects of a general worldwide appeal, a single Nintendo Direct is often localised for a simultaneous international broadcast. Usually, these will be recorded in Japanese, and presented by a Japanese presenter. Prior to Nintendo president Satoru Iwata's death, he would host Directs in both English and Japanese, with other languages' presentations being subtitled.  Upon Iwata's death, Nintendo Directs did not receive a worldwide host until 2017, when Yoshiaki Koizumi from Nintendo EPD took over this role. Since 2018, Koizumi has shared this responsibility with Shinya Takahashi.  Since 2017, the Japanese presenter and any narrators' roles will be dubbed or subtitled for international release, including into English.  Presentations scheduled for around the time of the Electronic Entertainment Expo are usually produced by Nintendo of America, presented and narrated in English for international broadcast.

Japan.

In Japan, Nintendo Directs were most commonly presented by Nintendo's global president Satoru Iwata until his death in 2015, with Yoshiaki Koizumi now serving as host.  Since 2017, Japan has hosted region-specific "Indie World" presentations, focusing on indie games published for Nintendo Switch.  Directs focused on Super Smash Bros. are typically hosted by series creator Masahiro Sakurai.

North America.

In North America, the videos were often presented by Nintendo of America president, Reggie Fils-Aimé, and Bill Trinen.  For international Directs produced in Japan since 2017, Nintendo of America will air a dubbed version of the Direct in English. Both the presenter and narrator will be dubbed by separate narrators.  Since 2017, Nintendo of America has hosted presentations focusing on Indie games published for Nintendo Switch. Between 2017 and 2019, these were branded as "Nindies Showcase", before aligning their branding to the Japanese "Indie World" banner.

Europe and Australia.

European Directs were presented by former Nintendo of Europe president, Satoru Shibata. These presentations were also broadcast in Australia.  Australia generally only airs the European output, but one Direct was created specifically for the region, broadcast on September 24, 2014. This Direct was hosted by Tom Enoki.  For international Directs produced in Japan since 2017, Nintendo of Europe airs the original Japanese audio for the presenters, but will use an English dub for the narrated sections. These are then subtitled for broadcast in other languages.  Since 2017, Nintendo of Europe has broadcast presentations focussing on indie games published for Nintendo Switch. From 2017 to 2018, Nintendo of Europe broadcast the American "Nindies Showcase" presentations. In 2018 and 2019, Nintendo of Europe hosted its own "Indie Highlights" videos. From 2019, they returned to broadcasting Nintendo of America's presentations, now under the "Indie World" banner.

South Korea.

South Korea has also aired exclusive Nintendo Directs hosted by Nintendo of Korea president, Hiroyuki Fukuda.

Hong Kong and Taiwan.

A few Nintendo Direct presentations have been produced specifically for Hong Kong and Taiwan.

Types of Nintendo Direct presentations.

Outside of the general Nintendo Direct presentations, which cover a range of titles, there are also Directs centred around specific titles or series. These are usually presented by the producer or director of the game or series, or employ a narrator.

Nintendo E3 Directs.

Since June 2013, in lieu of traditional large-scale Electronic Entertainment Expo (E3) press conferences, Nintendo has opted to utilize the Nintendo Direct platform as an alternative method of conveying its news. Speaking at an annual March financial results briefing just two months prior, Nintendo CEO Satoru Iwata stated that the company’s decision was determined by the fact that “different people demand different types of information”, and that the Nintendo Direct platform had established itself to the point that Nintendo would “be able to deliver [their] messages more appropriately and effectively... based on the various needs of different groups of people”. Christopher Dring of "GamesIndustry.biz" observed that the last press conference that Nintendo held at E3 in 2012 featured too much of a mix between Nintendo's new hardware for the Wii U and game announcements. Compared to other press conferences held that year, Nintendo's presentation left little for fans of the company to be excited for. By switching to Nintendo Directs, Dring opined that the company was able to better connect to fans using the Nintendo Direct presentations, made the faces of Nintendo's executives more visible, as well as having Directs outside of the E3 cycle to provide more frequent updates on game and hardware releases.  During the stream of the prerecorded broadcast for E3 2013, Nintendo’s website suffered from technical difficulties in the form of overloaded servers, rendering the live video unwatchable for many viewers, and prompting an official apology from Mr. Iwata. Despite these difficulties, Nintendo of America President Reggie Fils-Aimé noted that secondary viewership following the initial broadcast still worked to popularize product promotion.  The following year, in addition to the Direct, the company added "Nintendo Treehouse: Live @ E3" live streams to their presence at the trade event. Named after the Product Development department at Nintendo of America, these are daily streams from the show floor that feature NoA localization staff and game developers demoing and giving in-depth coverage of titles that were announced during that year's Direct. The year also began a trend of Nintendo hosting a game tournament sometime during the week, in which the participants compete in titles that had yet to be released.

List of presentations.

Alongside Nintendo Direct presentations, other Nintendo-produced online presentations without the "Direct" in its name are listed.

Nintendo Direct is an online presentation or live shows produced by Nintendo, where information regarding the company's content or franchises is presented, such as information about games and consoles. The presentations began in Japan and North America with the first edition on October 21, 2011, before later expanding to Europe, Australia, and South Korea.

是由任天堂制作的网络直播节目,主要介绍任天堂相关游戏和游戏机等的新资讯。节目于2011年10月21日在日本和北美(美国、加拿大)首播,其后播放地区又拓展至英国(欧洲)、澳洲(大洋洲)、韩国、香港及台湾(大中华地区)。


里奥格兰德城 (德克萨斯州)

History.

The area around Rio Grande City was first populated in 1846, when it served as a transfer point for supplies and soldiers supporting General Zachary Taylor's invasion of Mexico. It was a logical point for trade, as it was the highest point up the Rio Grande (known as the Rio Bravo in Mexico) for reliable steamboat traffic, and intersected a number of overland routes to Saltillo, Monterrey, and Northern Mexico.  During the early stages of the Mexican–American War, one of the soldiers stationed here, Henry Clay Davis, married Hilaria de la Garza Falcon, a resident of Camargo and heiress to the land on which Rio Grande City now sits. At the end of the war, Davis set out to organize this area into a formal city, breaking up the land into plots. At first, the area was referred to as "Rancho Davis" then the name was changed to "Rio Grande City" to encourage investors and settlers. From its founding, in 1848, until the Texas Mexican Railroad opened up in 1883, Rio Grande City was one of the most significant hubs of trade between Texas and Mexico, and was one of the major contemporary contributors to the American romanticized concept of the "wild West".  Famous early residents include: Joshua H. Bean, brother of Judge Roy Bean, and the first mayor of San Diego, CA; Orlando C. Phelps, one of the few surviving members of the Mier Expedition; Edwin R. Rainwater, hero of the Texas Revolution; Edward R. Hord, an influential early South Texas statesman; and John L. Haynes, a native Virginian politician and writer who was an outspoken anti-secessionist and strong proponent of Mexican-American rights.  Rio Grande City contains a historic district. One structure, the La Borde House, dates back to 1899. A French riverboat trader and merchant commissioned its design in Paris, had it refined by San Antonio architects, and then had it constructed along Main St. It was renovated around the early 1980s and now functions as a hotel, complete with a patio, parlor, shaded verandas, and restaurant.  In the 1970s and into the 1980s, federal law enforcement officials concentrated their anti-drug smuggling efforts on Starr County.  In spite of Rio Grande City's rich architectural heritage, many buildings in the old downtown district are abandoned, dilapidated, or crumbling. While there are a good number of small shops and businesses operating in the district, most new development and commerce takes place in new shopping centers outside of the old downtown neighborhood.  Rio Grande City has seen rapid growth in the past years. In August 2006, an HEB Plus (the regional supermarket chain of south Texas) was opened just east of the historic downtown and Fort Ringgold.

Fort Ringgold.

Ringgold Barracks were established at Davis Landing on 26 October 1848 by the 1st US Infantry under the command of Captain J.H. La Motte, in honor of Major Ringgold who was mortally wounded at the Battle of Palo Alto. Troops were withdrawn on 3 March 1859 but reoccupied again on 29 December 1859 during the Cortina War. Abandoned again at the start of the Civil War in 1861, but reoccupied again by US forces in 1865. The fort was active until 1944 when the property was sold to the Rio Grande City public schools system Units stationed here included the 1st Infantry (Mounted Dragoons), 7th and 28th Infantry Regiments, 3rd Texas Volunteers, the 9th, 10th and 12th Cavalry Regiments, the 9th and 10th being composed of Buffalo Soldiers. Besides the parade ground, several post buildings survive as school facilities. These include the sentry and guard houses, barracks, officers quarters, the bakery, hospital and post headquarters, situated along Ringgold Avenue, Lee Circle, 12th Cavalry and F Troop streets. The Rio Grande City United States Army Reserve Center in the only remanding military presence at the Fort Ringgold area.

Geography.

Rio Grande City is located at (26.380667, −98.818364).  The city gained area prior to the 2010 census giving it a total area of 11.4 square miles (30.0 km2), all land.

Education.

Rio Grande City is served by the Rio Grande City Consolidated Independent School District. Immaculate Conception School, founded in 1884 and the only Catholic school in Starr County, provides a faith-based pre-K through eighth-grade education to approximately 250 students each year.

Demographics.

As of the 2010 Census Rio Grande City had a population of 13,834. The median age was 30. The racial makeup of the population was 92.1% white (4.7% claiming to not be Hispanic or Latino), 0.2% Black, 0.3% Native American, 0.8% Asian, 5.5% from some other race and 1.1% from two or more races. 94.3% of the population was Hispanic or Latino of any race with 88.2% of the population describing themselves as ethnically Mexican.  As of the census of 2000, there were 11,923 people, 3,333 households, and 2,796 families residing in the city. The population density was 1,571.6 people per square mile (606.5/km2). There were 3,846 housing units at an average density of 506.9 per square mile (195.6/km2). The racial makeup of the city was 82.97% White, 0.30% African American, 0.44% Native American, 1.11% Asian, 0.01% Pacific Islander, 12.51% from other races, and 2.67% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 95.89% of the population.  There were 3,333 households out of which 47.0% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 60.1% were married couples living together, 19.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 16.1% were non-families. 14.6% of all households were made up of individuals and 7.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.47 and the average family size was 3.86.  In the city, the population was spread out with 33.1% under the age of 18, 11.4% from 18 to 24, 27.4% from 25 to 44, 17.0% from 45 to 64, and 11.2% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 29 years. For every 100 females, there were 93.4 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 88.5 males.  The median income for a household in the city was $19,853, and the median income for a family was $21,363. Males had a median income of $20,245 versus $14,984 for females. The per capita income for the city was $9,684. About 40.4% of families and 44.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 57.3% of those under age 18 and 33.7% of those age 65 or over.

Rio Grande City is a city in and the county seat of Starr County, Texas. The population was 13,834 at the 2010 census. The city is west of McAllen. The city also holds the March record high for the United States at. The city is connected to Camargo, Tamaulipas, via the Rio Grande City–Camargo International Bridge. The city is situated within the Rio Grande Valley.

里奥格兰德城(英语:Rio Grande City)是一个位于美国德克萨斯州斯塔尔县的城市。根据2010年美国人口普查,该地共人口13834人,而该地的面积约为30.00平方千米。同时该地也是斯塔尔县的县治。


Biography.

In 1252, Möngke Khan ordered Kitbuqa to lead the advance guard of Hulegu's army against the fortresses of the Nizari Ismailis. He advanced with Hulagu into western Persia, mounting a series of sieges, and commanded one of the flanks that sacked Baghdad, before assisting in the conquest of Damascus in 1260. Historical accounts, quoting from the writings of the medieval historian Templar of Tyre, would often describe the three Christian rulers (Hetoum I of Armenia, Bohemond VI of Antioch, and Kitbuqa) entering the city of Damascus together in triumph, though modern historians have characterized this story as apocryphal.  When Hulagu Khan withdrew his forces, responding to internal events in the Mongol Empire (the death of Hulagu's brother, the Great Möngke Khan), Kitbuqa was left in charge of the Mongol army remaining in the Middle East:

Battle of Ain Jalut.

In command of a force including 10,000 Mongol troops, Kitbuqa attempted to continue the Mongol advance towards Egypt. However, the Mamluks had negotiated a passive truce with the Crusaders, allowing the Mamluks to advance northwards through Crusader territory, and camp for resupply near the Crusader stronghold of Acre. In this way, the Mamluks were able to engage the depleted Mongol army near Galilee, at the pivotal Battle of Ain Jalut (spring of Goliath). The Mongols were defeated, and Kitbuqa was captured. When he was brought, bound, before the Mamluk sultan he was defiant, describing the Mongol vengeance that would befall the victors. He taunted the Mamluk emirs, saying how he had always been loyal to his master, whilst they had betrayed theirs. Kitbuqa was slaughtered at the hands of veteran Mamluk Jamal al-Din Akoush al-Shamsy.  Mamluk histories speak of Kitbuqa with respect, painting him as a great warrior who refused to retreat when the Mongols were clearly being overpowered at Ain Jalut, and who favored death in battle over retreat and shame. It was expected that Kitbuqa's death would be avenged by Hulagu, but an internal conflict between Hulagu and his cousin Berke of the Mongol Golden Horde prevented this from happening. Kitbuqa's death and the defeat of the Mongols at Ain Jalut marked the beginning of the end for the Westward expansion of the Mongol Empire. It was the first occasion they had been decisively defeated and failed to avenge such a loss, though the Mongols continued to invade Syria, Japan, India, Hungary, Poland and Southeast Asia for the next several decades.

Kitbuqa Noyan, also spelled Kitbogha or Ketbugha (died 1260), was a Nestorian Christian of the Mongolian Naiman tribe, a group that was subservient to the Mongol Empire. He was a lieutenant and confidant of the Mongol Ilkhan Hulagu, assisting him in his conquests in the Middle East. When Hulagu took the bulk of his forces back with him to attend a ceremony in Mongolia, Kitbuqa was left in control of Syria, and was responsible for further Mongol raids southwards towards Egypt. He was killed at the Battle of Ain Jalut in 1260.

怯的不花(;1260年-9月3日),蒙古帝国那颜,旭烈兀麾下大将。他是乃蛮人。


National history.

Early voting activity.

Lydia Taft (1712–1778), a wealthy widow, was allowed to vote in town meetings in Uxbridge, Massachusetts in 1756. No other women in the colonial era are known to have voted.  The New Jersey constitution of 1776 enfranchised all adult inhabitants who owned a specified amount of property. Laws enacted in 1790 and 1797 referred to

Emergence of the women's rights movement.

The demand for women's suffrage emerged as part of the broader movement for women's rights. In the UK in 1792 Mary Wollstonecraft wrote a pioneering book called "A Vindication of the Rights of Woman". In Boston in 1838 Sarah Grimké published "The Equality of the Sexes and the Condition of Women," which was widely circulated. In 1845 Margaret Fuller published "Woman in the Nineteenth Century", a key document in American feminism that first appeared in serial form in 1839 in "The Dial", a transcendentalist journal that Fuller edited.  Significant barriers had to be overcome, however, before a campaign for women's suffrage could develop significant strength. One barrier was strong opposition to women's involvement in public affairs, a practice that was not fully accepted even

Early backing for women's suffrage.

The New York State Constitutional Convention of 1846 received petitions in support of women's suffrage from residents of at least three counties.  Several members of the radical wing of the abolitionist movement supported suffrage. In 1846, Samuel J. May, a Unitarian minister and radical abolitionist, vigorously supported women's suffrage in a sermon that was later circulated as the first in a series of women's rights tracts. In 1846, the

Early women's rights conventions.

Women's suffrage was not a major topic within the women's rights movement at that point. Many of its activists were aligned with the Garrisonian wing of the abolitionist movement, which believed that activists should avoid political activity and focus instead on convincing others of their views with "moral suasion". Many were Quakers whose traditions barred both men and women from participation in secular political activity. A series of women's rights conventions did much to alter these attitudes.

Seneca Falls convention.

The first women's rights convention was the Seneca Falls Convention, a regional event held on July 19 and 20, 1848, in Seneca Falls in the Finger Lakes region of New York. Five women called the convention, four of whom were Quaker social activists, including the well-known Lucretia Mott. The fifth was Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who had discussed the need to organize for women's rights with Mott several years earlier. Stanton, who came from a family that was deeply involved in politics, became a major force in convincing the women's movement that political pressure was crucial to its goals, and that the right to vote was a key weapon. An estimated 300 women and men attended this two-day event, which was widely noted in the press. The only resolution that was not adopted unanimously by the convention was the one demanding women's right to vote, which was

National conventions.

The first in a series of National Women's Rights Conventions was held in Worcester, Massachusetts on October 23–24, 1850, at the initiative of Lucy Stone and Paulina Wright Davis. National conventions were held afterwards almost every year through 1860, when the Civil War (1861–1865) interrupted the practice. Suffrage was a preeminent goal of these conventions, no longer the controversial issue it had been at Seneca Falls only two years earlier. At the first national convention Stone gave a speech that included a call to petition state legislatures for the right of suffrage.  Reports of this convention reached Britain, prompting Harriet Taylor, soon to be married to philosopher John Stuart Mill, to write an essay called "The Enfranchisement of Women," which was published in the "Westminster Review". Heralding the women's movement in the U.S., Taylor's essay helped to initiate a similar movement in Britain. Her essay was reprinted as a women's rights tract in the U.S. and was sold for decades. Wendell Phillips, a prominent abolitionist and women's rights advocate, delivered a speech at the second national convention in 1851 called "Shall Women Have

Anthony–Stanton collaboration.

Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton met in 1851 and soon became close friends and co-workers. Their decades-long collaboration was pivotal for the suffrage movement and contributed significantly to the broader struggle for women's rights, which Stanton called "the greatest revolution the world has ever known or ever will know." They had complementary skills: Anthony excelled at organizing while Stanton had an aptitude for intellectual matters and writing.

Women's Loyal National League.

Over Anthony's objections, leaders of the movement agreed to suspend women's rights activities during the Civil War in order to focus on the abolition of slavery. In 1863 Anthony and Stanton organized the Women's Loyal National League, the first national women's political organization in the U.S. It collected nearly 400,000 signatures on petitions to abolish slavery in the largest petition drive in the nation's history up to that time.  Although it was not a suffrage

American Equal Rights Association.

The Eleventh National Women's Rights Convention, the first since the Civil War, was held in 1866, helping the women's rights movement regain the momentum it had lost during the war. The convention voted to transform itself into the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), whose purpose was to campaign for the equal rights of all citizens, especially the right of suffrage.  In addition to Anthony and Stanton, who organized the convention, the leadership of the new organization included such prominent abolitionist and women's rights activists as Lucretia Mott, Lucy Stone and Frederick Douglass. Its drive for universal suffrage, however, was resisted by some abolitionist leaders and their allies in the Republican Party, who wanted women to postpone their campaign for suffrage until it had first been achieved for male African Americans. Horace Greeley, a prominent newspaper editor, told Anthony and Stanton, "This is a critical period for the Republican Party and the life of our Nation... I conjure you to remember that this is 'the negro's hour,' and your first duty now is to go through the State and plead his claims." They and others, including Lucy Stone, refused to postpone their demands, however,

New England Woman Suffrage Association.

Partly as a result of the developing split in the women's movement, in 1868 the New England Woman Suffrage Association (NEWSA), the first major political organization in the U.S. with women's suffrage as its goal, was formed. The planners for the NEWSA's founding convention worked to attract Republican support and seated leading Republican politicians, including a U.S. senator, on the speaker's platform. Amid increasing confidence that the

The Fifteenth Amendment.

In May 1869, two days after the final AERA annual meeting, Anthony, Stanton and others formed the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA). In November 1869, Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe, Henry Blackwell and others, many of whom had helped to create the New England Woman Suffrage Association a year earlier, formed the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). The hostile rivalry between these two organizations created a partisan atmosphere that endured for decades, affecting even professional historians of the women's movement.  The immediate cause for the split was the proposed Fifteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, a reconstruction amendment that would prohibit the denial of suffrage because of race. Stanton and Anthony opposed its passage unless it was accompanied by another amendment that would prohibit the denial of suffrage because of sex. They said

New Departure.

In 1869 Francis and Virginia Minor, husband and wife suffragists from Missouri, outlined a strategy that came to be known as the New Departure, which engaged the suffrage movement for several years. Arguing that the U.S. Constitution implicitly enfranchised women, this strategy relied heavily on Section 1 of the recently adopted Fourteenth Amendment, which reads, "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall

"United States v. Susan B. Anthony".

In a case that generated national controversy, Susan B. Anthony was arrested for voting in the presidential election of 1872. The judge directed the jury to deliver a guilty verdict. When he asked Anthony, who had not been permitted to speak during the trial, if she had anything to say, she responded with what one historian has called "the most famous speech in

"History of Woman Suffrage".

In 1876 Anthony, Stanton and Matilda Joslyn Gage began working on the History of Woman Suffrage. Originally envisioned as a modest publication that would be produced quickly, the history evolved into a six-volume work of more than 5700 pages written over a period of 41 years. Its last two volumes were published in 1920, long after the deaths of the project's originators, by

Introduction of the women's suffrage amendment.

In 1878 Senator Aaron A. Sargent, a friend of Susan B. Anthony, introduced into Congress a women's suffrage amendment. More than forty years later it would become the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution with no changes to

Early female candidates for national office.

Calling attention to the irony of being legally entitled to run for office while denied the right to vote, Elizabeth Cady Stanton declared herself a candidate for the U.S. Congress in 1866, the first woman to do so. In 1872 Victoria Woodhull formed her own political party and declared herself to be its candidate for President of the U.S. even though she was ineligible because she was not

Initial successes.

Women were enfranchised in frontier Wyoming Territory in 1869 and in Utah in 1870. Because Utah held two elections before Wyoming, Utah became the first place in the nation where women legally cast ballots after the launch of the suffrage movement. The short-lived Populist Party endorsed women's suffrage, contributing to the enfranchisement of women in Colorado in 1893 and Idaho in 1896. In some localities, women gained various forms of partial suffrage, such as voting for school boards. According to a 2018 study in "The Journal of Politics", states with large suffrage movements and competitive political environments were

1890–1919.

Merger of rival suffrage organizations.

The AWSA, which was especially strong in New England, was initially the larger of the two rival suffrage organizations, but it declined in strength during the 1880s. Stanton and Anthony, the leading figures in the competing NWSA, were more widely known as leaders of the women's suffrage movement during this period and were more influential in setting its direction. They sometimes used daring tactics. Anthony, for example, interrupted the official ceremonies of the 100th anniversary of the U.S. Declaration of Independence to present the NWSA's Declaration of Rights for Women. The AWSA declined any involvement in the action.  Over time, the NWSA moved into closer alignment with the AWSA, placing less emphasis on confrontational actions and more on respectability, and no longer promoting a wide range of reforms. The NWSA's hopes

National American Woman Suffrage Association.

Although Anthony was the leading force in the newly merged organization, it did not always follow her lead. In 1893 the NAWSA voted over Anthony's objection to alternate the site of its annual conventions between Washington and various other parts of the country. Anthony's pre-merger NWSA had always held its conventions in Washington to help maintain focus on a national suffrage amendment. Arguing against this decision, she said she feared, accurately as it turned out, that the NAWSA would engage in suffrage work at the state level at the expense of national work.

"MacKenzie v. Hare".

Section 3 of the Expatriation Act of 1907 provided for loss of citizenship by American women who married aliens. The Supreme Court of the United States first considered the Expatriation Act of 1907 in the 1915 case "MacKenzie v. Hare". The plaintiff, a suffragist named Ethel MacKenzie, was living in California, which since 1911 had extended the franchise to women. However, she had been denied voter registration by the respondent in his capacity as a Commissioner of the San Francisco Board of Election on

Opposition to women's suffrage.

Brewers and distillers, typically rooted in the German American community, opposed women's suffrage, fearing—not without justification—that women voters would favor the prohibition of alcoholic beverages. During the 1896 election, woman suffrage and prohibition stood together, and this was brought to the attention of those who opposed both woman suffrage and prohibition. In order to disrupt the campaign's success, a day before the election, the Liquor Dealers' League gathered some businessmen to help undermine the effort. Rumors said that these businessmen were going to make sure all the "bad women" in Oakland, California acted rowdy in order to hurt their reputation and in turn, this would lessen the women's chances of getting the woman's suffrage amendment passed. German Lutherans and German Catholics typically opposed prohibition and woman suffrage; they favored paternalistic families with the husband deciding the family position on public affairs. Their opposition to women's suffrage was subsequently used as an argument in favor of suffrage when German Americans became pariahs during World War I.  Defeat could lead to allegations of fraud. After the

Southern strategy.

The Constitution required 34 states (three-fourths of the 45 states in 1900) to ratify an amendment, and unless the rest of the country was unanimous there had to be support from the 11 ex-Confederate states. Three more western territories became states by 1912, helping the suffragist cause; they now needed 36 states out of 48. In the end Tennessee provided the critical 36th state. The South was the most conservative region and always gave the least support for suffrage. There was little or no suffrage activity in the region until the late nineteenth century. Aileen S. Kraditor identifies four distinctly Southern characteristics that were in play: 1) Southern white men held to traditional values regarding women's public roles; 2) the Solid South was tightly controlled by the Democratic Party, so playing the two parties against each other

New Woman.

The concept of the New Woman emerged in the late nineteenth century to characterize the increasingly independent activity of women, especially the younger generation. According to one scholar, "The New Woman became associated with the rise of feminism and the campaign for women’s suffrage, as well as with the rise of consumerism, mass culture, and freer expressions of sexuality that defined the first decades of the 20th century."  The move of women into public spaces was expressed in many ways. In the late

New suffrage organizations.

College Equal Suffrage League.

When Maud Wood Park attended the NAWSA convention in 1900, she found herself to be virtually the only young person there. After returning to Boston, she formed the College Equal

Equality League of Self-Supporting Women.

The dramatic tactics of the militant wing of the British suffrage movement began to influence the movement in the U.S. Harriet Stanton Blatch, daughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, returned to the U.S. after several years in England, where she had associated with suffrage

National Woman's Party.

Work toward a national suffrage amendment had been sharply curtailed in favor of state suffrage campaigns after the two rival suffrage organizations merged in 1890 to form the NAWSA. Interest in a national suffrage amendment was revived primarily by Alice Paul. In 1910, she returned to the U.S. from England, where she had been part of the militant wing of the suffrage movement. Paul had been jailed there and had endured forced feedings after going on a hunger strike. In January 1913 she arrived in Washington as chair of the Congressional Committee of the NAWSA, charged with reviving the drive for a constitutional amendment that would enfranchise women. She and her coworker Lucy Burns organized a suffrage parade in Washington on the day before Woodrow Wilson's inauguration as president. Opponents of the march turned the event into a near riot, which ended only when a cavalry unit of the army was brought in to restore order. Public outrage over the incident, which cost the chief of police his job, brought

Southern States Woman Suffrage Conference.

The leaders of the NAWSA's Southern Strategy began to find their own voice by 1913 when Kate Gordon of Louisiana and Laura Clay of Kentucky formed the Southern States Woman Suffrage Conference (SSWSC). The suffragists of the SSWSC chose to work within the Jim Crow customs of their states and spoke openly about how the enfranchisement of white women would enhance the socio-economic and political work inherent to white supremacy. To clarify how their political ideology fit within the increasingly rigid status quo of segregation, they published a newspaper "New Southern Citizen" with the motto: "Make the Southern States White." The SSWSC became increasingly at odds with NAWSA and its primary focus on achieving a federal amendment. Most southern suffragists however disagreed and continued to work in affiliation with the NAWSA. Gordon actively campaigned against the Nineteenth Amendment since, in theory, it would also enfranchise African-American women. This would, as Laura Clay stated in a debate with Kentucky Equal Rights Association president Madeline McDowell Breckinridge, raise the spectre of Reconstruction Era interventions and bring increased federal scrutiny of elections in the South.

Suffrage periodicals.

Stanton and Anthony launched a sixteen-page weekly newspaper called "The Revolution" in 1868. It focused primarily on women's rights, especially suffrage, but it also covered politics, the labor movement and other topics. Its energetic and broad-ranging style gave it a lasting influence, but its debts mounted when it did not receive the funding they had expected, and they had to transfer the paper to other hands after only twenty-nine months. Their organization, the NWSA, afterwards depended on other periodicals, such as "The National Citizen and Ballot Box", edited by Matilda Joslyn

Turn of the tide.

New Zealand enfranchised women in 1893, the first country to do so on a nationwide basis. In the U.S. women gained the franchise in the states of Washington in 1910; in California in 1911; in Oregon, Kansas and Arizona in 1912; and in Illinois in 1913. Some states allowed women to vote in school elections, municipal elections, or for members of the Electoral College. Some territories, like Washington, Utah, and Wyoming, allowed women to vote before they became states. As women voted in an increasing number of states, Congressmen from those states swung to support a national suffrage amendment, and paid more attention to issues such as child labor.  The reform campaigns of the Progressive Era strengthened the suffrage movement. Beginning around 1900, this broad movement began at the grassroots level with such goals as combating corruption in government, eliminating child labor, and protecting workers and consumers. Many of its participants saw women's suffrage as yet another

Nineteenth Amendment.

World War I had a profound impact on woman suffrage across the belligerents. Women played a major role on the home fronts and many countries recognized their sacrifices with the vote during or shortly after the war, including the U.S., Britain, Canada (except Quebec), Denmark, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, Russia, Sweden; and Ireland introduced universal suffrage with independence. France almost did so but stopped short. Despite their eventual success, groups like the National Woman's Party that continued militant protests during wartime were criticized by other suffrage groups and

Effects of the Nineteenth Amendment.

In the United States.

Politicians responded to the newly enlarged electorate by emphasizing issues of special interest to women, especially prohibition, child health, public schools, and world peace. Women did respond to these issues, but in terms of general voting they had the same outlook and the same voting behavior as men.  The suffrage organization NAWSA became the League of Women Voters and Alice Paul's National Woman's Party began lobbying for full equality and the Equal Rights Amendment which would pass Congress during the second wave of the women's movement in 1972 (but it was

In U.S. territories.

At the time the 19th Amendment was passed, both Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands were unincorporated territories of the United States. Suffragists believed that women in the Virgin Islands had been enfranchised when the Danish extended suffrage in 1915, as at that time the Danish West Indies were their possession. Similarly, as Puerto Ricans were confirmed to be U. S. citizens in 1917, it was assumed that suffrage had been extended there as well with the passage of the 19th Amendment. Upon questioning its applicability in Puerto Rico, Governor Arthur Yager received clarification from the Bureau of Insular Affairs that passage or ratification in the states would not grant women's suffrage in Puerto Rico, because of the island's unincorporated status. In 1921, the U.S. Supreme Court clarified that constitutional rights did not extend to residents in the two territories as they were defined in Puerto Rico by the Organic Act of 1900 and in the Virgin Islands by the Danish Colonial Law of 1906.  Suffragists and their supporters unsuccessfully introduced enfranchisement bills to the insular legislature in Puerto Rico in 1919, 1921, and 1923. In 1924, Milagros Benet de Mewton sued the electoral board for refusing to allow her to register. Her case argued that as a U.S. citizen, she should

Changes in the voting population.

Although restricting access to the polls because of sex was made unconstitutional in 1920, women did not turn out to the polls in the same numbers as men until 1980. A term commonly used that represents the push for equal representation in government is known as Mirror Representation. The

Changes in representation and government programs.

After women gained the right to vote, the presence of women in Congress gradually increased since 1920, with an especially steady increase from 1981. Today, women increasingly pursue politics as a career. At the state and national level, women have brought attention to gender-sensitive topics, gender equality, and children's rights. Women's participation rate is higher at local levels of government.

Notable legislation.

Immediately following the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, many legislators feared a powerful women's bloc would emerge as a

Socio-economic effects.

A paper by John Lott and Lawrence W. Kenny, published by the "Journal of Political Economy", found that women generally voted along more liberal political philosophies than men. The paper concluded that women's voting appeared to be more risk-averse

Women's suffrage in the United States of America, the legal right of women to vote, was established over the course of more than half a century, first in various states and localities, sometimes on a limited basis, and then nationally in 1920.

美国妇女选举权,是于19世纪末至20世纪初期间在各州逐步实现,并因1920年通过美国宪法第十九条修正案而达到最高潮,其中规定了一段话:「美国公民的投票权不得因性别因素而被联邦或任何一州拒绝或限制」。


Habitat.

The big-belly seahorse is found among algae, seagrasses, and rocky reefs in shallow water, and attached to sponges and colonial hydroids in deeper areas. They also attach to jetty piles and other manmade objects, and can be found in estuaries. They usually inhabit waters less than deep, but have been found as deep as. Juveniles are pelagic or attached to drifting seaweed.

Description.

The big-belly seahorse has a forward-tilted, a long-snouted head, a distended but narrow pot belly, and a long, coiled tail. It swims using its dorsal fin with a vertical stance; when not swimming, it coils its prehensile tail around any suitable growth, such as seaweed, waiting for planktonic animals to drift by, when they are sucked up by the small mouth set at the tip of the snout much like a vacuum cleaner. Seahorses are voracious feeders, eating mainly crustaceans, such as shrimp, and other small animals living among the seaweed, such as copepods and amphipods. They do not chew, so they can eat to excess because of their small gut tract. Each eye moves separately, making it easier for them to see food and predators.  Distinguishing males from females is easy: The male has a smooth, soft, pouch-like area at the base of its abdomen where the stomach meets the tail on the front side. Males also have a fin there, but it is less obvious. The female has more of a pointed stomach with a very obvious fin at the base of it.

Reproduction.

In the wild, breeding can commence when the seahorses are about one year old, and this can be reduced to about eight months when in captivity. Breeding in big-belly seahorses year-round, with peaks in the warmer months.  Courtship initiation involves a series of colour changes and postural displays. Dilating the opening of the brood pouch slightly, the male inflates the pouch to balloon-like proportions with water by swimming forwards, or by pushing his body forwards in a pumping action, then closing the pouch opening. At the same time, he lightens his pouch in colour to white or light yellow. The male also brightens his overall body colouration, typically intensifying the yellow. A male repeatedly approaches his selected female with his head tucked down, and dorsal and pectoral fins rapidly fluttering. If the female is not receptive, she ignores the male, which then looks for another potential mate. If no females are receptive, the male stops displaying and deflates the pouch by dilating the pouch opening and bending forwards, expelling the water inside. If a female is receptive to a courting male, she reciprocates with her own color changes and head tucking, typically intensifying the lighter colours such as yellow and white, highlighting the contrast between these colours and her overall darker blotching and banding patterning. A series of short bursts of swimming together in tandem then ensues, sometimes with tails entwined, or with the female tightly rolling her tail up. This has often been described as ‘dancing’. After coming to rest, the male attempts to get the female to swim towards the water surface with him by repeatedly pointing his snout upwards.  If the female responds by also pointing her snout upwards, then the final stage of courtship follows. This involves both the male and female swimming directly upwards towards the water surface with both their heads pointing upwards and tails pointing straight down. If they reach the water surface, one or both seahorses can often be seen and heard to snap their heads. To transfer her eggs to the male, the female faces the male, slightly above him. Pressing the base of her abdomen against the male's pouch, she then squirts her eggs through the opening in the front of his dilated pouch.  The male seahorse brood 300-700 young at a time, and can have up to four broods in summer. Their colouring is a variable shade of brown, mottled with yellow-brown and with darker splotches. The tail is often circled with yellow bands. In deeper water where the tail is anchored to other colourful forms of life, such as sponges and hydroids, they often take on these colours.

Aquaculture.

The big-belly seahorse is a popular aquarium species and dried specimens are sold as traditional medicine in Asia. Stocks come from the wild or are aquarium-reared. They are easy to keep in aquariums and feed on small shrimp and crustaceans.

The big-belly seahorse or pot-bellied seahorse, "Hippocampus abdominalis", is one of the largest seahorse species in the world with a length of up to, and is the largest in Australia. Seahorses are members of the family Syngnathidae, and are teleost fishes. They are found in southeast Australia and New Zealand, and are listed on Appendix II of CITES.

膨腹海马为辐鳍鱼纲棘背鱼目海龙鱼科的其中一种,分布于西南太平洋区的澳洲及新西兰海域,栖息深度可达109米,成鱼的高度8至32公分,环12至13个,背鳍鳍条27-28枚;胸鳍鳍条15-17枚,无尾鳍,具有突出的圆形眼棘。体灰白色,在头部与躯干上有深色的斑点与污点,尾部有交互的深色与淡色的条纹,雄鱼有的黑色斑块比雌性多,体长可达35公分,栖息在礁石区,随着海草游动,属肉食性,以小型甲壳类为食,卵胎生,可作为观赏鱼。


Plot.

In 1969 Seattle, law student Ted Bundy (Zac Efron) meets Liz Kendall (Lily Collins), a young secretary and divorced mother. The two begin dating, and Ted helps Liz raise her young daughter, Molly.  By 1974, news reports announce the murders of multiple young women, including two who disappeared in broad daylight at Lake Sammamish. A man resembling Ted was seen by several people asking women to help him load a sailboat onto a Volkswagen Beetle. A composite sketch of the attacker is released, and, following hundreds of phone calls, Ted is arrested in 1975.  A young woman named Carol DaRonch (Grace Victoria Cox) picks Ted out of a police lineup, claiming he had kidnapped and threatened to kill her before she managed to escape. Ted is released on bail, returning home to Liz, who is upset after reading an article about him in the newspaper. Ted explains that Carol was shown his picture before the lineup took place, which is why he looked familiar to her, and says he believes he is being set up. After a four-day bench trial, Ted is found guilty of aggravated kidnapping and is sentenced to serve a minimum of one to a maximum of 15 years in the Utah State Prison.  A few weeks later, Colorado authorities charge Ted with the murder of Caryn Campbell, and he is transferred to Aspen, Colorado, in 1977. Liz refuses to believe Ted is guilty, but the events start to take a toll on her, and she begins drinking and smoking heavily. While at Pitkin County Courthouse, Ted elects to serve as his own attorney and, as such, is excused from wearing handcuffs or leg shackles. During a recess, Ted escapes from the courthouse by jumping out of a second-story window and running to the mountains but is recaptured after six days.  Liz visits Ted and ends their relationship. He later escapes again after sawing a square in his cell's ceiling. Two women at a sorority house are murdered at Florida State University, followed by vicious attacks on two more. After Ted is arrested, he tries to contact Liz, but she hangs up on him. He starts to receive a following of women who are fascinated by him, some even claiming they love him. Ted is visited by an old friend, Carole Ann Boone (Kaya Scodelario), who believes he is innocent and moves to Florida to be closer to him.  A pre-trial plea bargain is negotiated in which Bundy would plead guilty to killing the two sorority girls, Lisa Levy and Margaret Bowman, and twelve-year-old Kimberly Leach, in exchange for a 75-year prison sentence instead of the death penalty, but he refuses. Ted and Carole Ann grow closer as she visits him regularly; the two begin a relationship, but Ted continues to reach out to Liz, who is following his trials via television. She carries the guilt of being the person who gave Ted's name to the Seattle authorities in 1975. Ted later proposes to Carole Ann, and they marry.  Incriminating physical evidence is provided in court, including a match of a plaster cast of Ted's teeth to the impressions of bite wounds on Levy's buttocks. In under seven hours, the jury convicts Ted of the murders of Levy and Bowman, three counts of attempted first-degree murder, and two counts of burglary. Trial judge Edward Cowart (John Malkovich) imposes death sentences for the murder convictions to be carried out with execution by electrocution.  Ten years later, Liz receives a letter from Ted and visits him, taking a photograph given to her by a detective. She demands the truth, but Ted continues to deny having anything to do with the murders. She then shows Ted the photograph — a crime scene image of one of his decapitated victims. Ted finally admits that he sawed her head off by writing the word "hacksaw" on the dew-misted window of the visiting room with his fingers, before erasing it with his hand. Liz leaves the prison in shock but is met outside by her new husband Jerry (Haley Joel Osment) and Molly, now a teenager, and she proclaims that she is okay.  As the film ends, archival footage and on-screen text say that Ted was executed in January 1989, aged 42 years old. Ted had confessed to over 30 murders days before his execution, and his ashes were scattered in the Cascade Mountains, where he had deposited the remains of numerous victims.  Molly Kendall, Liz's daughter, is portrayed at different ages by Macie Carmosino, Ava Inman, Morgan Pyle, and Grace Balbo. Director Joe Berlinger and cinematographer Brandon Trost make cameo appearances as the presenter and cameraman who interview Ted in Colorado.

Production.

The project was unveiled at the 2017 Cannes Film Festival, with Zac Efron set to star as the serial killer Ted Bundy, and documentary filmmaker Joe Berlinger signed to direct. In October 2017, Lily Collins was cast as Bundy's girlfriend Elizabeth Kendall.  In January 2018, John Malkovich was cast to play Edward Cowart, the judge presiding over Bundy's case. Principal production began on January 18, 2018 in Covington, Kentucky. Angela Sarafyan, Jeffrey Donovan, Grace Victoria Cox, Kaya Scodelario, Jim Parsons, Haley Joel Osment, Dylan Baker and Terry Kinney joined the film throughout the rest of January, with Metallica guitarist and lead singer James Hetfield being added in February.

Release.

The film had its world premiere at the Sundance Film Festival on January 26, 2019. Shortly after, Netflix acquired the domestic distribution rights to the film for $9 million. It was digitally released on the platform on May 3, 2019, along with a limited theatrical release.  The film was theatrically released in several overseas markets, grossing a total of $10.2 million.

Critical response.

On review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds an approval rating of 55% based on 178 reviews, and an average rating of 5.69/10. The website's critical consensus reads, ""Extremely Wicked, Shockingly Evil and Vile" often transcends its narrative limitations through sheer force of Zac Efron's compulsively watchable performance." On Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 52 out of 100, based on 31 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews."  Owen Gleiberman of "Variety" praised Efron's performance for his accuracy in portraying Bundy, and wrote: ""Extremely Wicked" doesn't rub our noses in the horror of Ted Bundy. It shows us just enough, keeping the horror where it belongs, in the recesses of our imagination, where it remains what it should be: dark as midnight, and altogether too much to fathom." "The Guardian"s Benjamin Lee gave the film three out of five stars, also praising Efron but calling the film itself a "pedestrian and graceless drama." He criticized Collins' performance, saying she was reduced to a stock character. Writing for "Vulture", Emily Yoshida had a similar perspective, praising Efron but disliking the rest the film, and saying, "The narrative feature from veteran documentarian Joe Berlinger seems as though it's setting out to be the story of serial killer Ted Bundy told through the eyes of his girlfriend...But Berlinger's film gets sucked into the gravity of sensational events that are already a matter of public record, and spends so much time meticulously recreating them that the perspective is diluted."  In the "Washington Post", the film was criticized for failing to distance itself from the glorification of Bundy and not addressing the impact of his crimes on the victims' loved ones.

Extremely Wicked, Shockingly Evil and Vile is a 2019 American biographical crime film about the life of serial killer Ted Bundy. Directed by Joe Berlinger with a screenplay from Michael Werwie, the film is based on Bundy's former girlfriend Elizabeth Kendall's memoir, "The Phantom Prince: My Life with Ted Bundy". The film stars Zac Efron as Bundy, Lily Collins as Kendall, Kaya Scodelario as Bundy's wife Carole Ann Boone, and John Malkovich as Edward Cowart, the presiding judge at Bundy's trial. The title of the film is a reference to Cowart's remarks on Bundy's murders while sentencing him to death.

是一部2019年的美国传记犯罪惊悚片。由乔·柏林杰执导,Michael Werwie编剧,主角柴克·艾弗隆在其中饰演连续杀人魔泰德·邦迪,与其共同主演的还有莉莉·柯林斯、凯亚·丝柯黛兰莉欧、约翰·马克维奇以及詹姆斯·海特菲尔德。2017年5月首次宣布拍摄,并于2018年1月正式开拍。该片于2019年1月16日在日舞影展进行全球首映,并于5月3日在Netflix上映。