Late 1970s to mid-1980s.

In the late 1970s, sportswear and fashion brands such as Le Coq Sportif, Kangol, Adidas and Pro-Keds were established, attaching themselves to the emerging hip hop scene.  During the 1980s, hip hop icons wore brightly colored name-brand tracksuits, sheepskin and leather bomber jackets, Clarks shoes, Britishers (also known as British walkers) and sneakers. The brand of sneaker that hip hop icons would use included Pro-Keds, Puma, Converse Chuck Taylor All-Stars and Adidas Superstars often with oversized or "phat" shoelaces. Popular haircuts ranged from the early-1980s Jheri curl to the early-1990s hi-top fade, popularized by Will Smith (The Fresh Prince) and Christopher "Kid" Reid of Kid 'n Play, among others. Another trend in hip hop clothing, pioneered by Dapper Dan in the early 1980s, was the adaptation and brandishing of high-net-worth fashion house brands such as Louis Vuitton, Fendi, Gucci and logos in custom-designed tracksuits, jackets and mink coats.  Trending accessories included large eyeglasses (Cazals), Kangol bucket hats, nameplates, name belts, multiple rings and heavy gold jewelry. In general, men's jewelry focused on heavy gold chains and women's jewelry on large gold earrings. Performers such as Kurtis Blow and Big Daddy Kane helped popularize gold necklaces and other such jewelry, and female rappers such as Roxanne Shanté and the group Salt-N-Pepa helped popularize oversized gold door-knocker earrings. The heavy jewelry was suggestive of prestige and wealth, and some have connected the style to Africanism. MC Schoolly D, for instance, claimed that wearing gold "is not something that was born and raised in America. This goes back to Africa... the artists in the rap field are battling. We're the head warriors. We got to stand up and say we're winning battles, and this is how we're doing it."  1980s hip hop fashion is remembered as one of the most important elements of old school hip hop, and is often celebrated in nostalgic hip hop songs such as Ahmad's 1994 single "Back in the Day", and Missy Elliott's 2002 single of the same name.  According to Gwendolyn O'Neal, the author of "African American Aesthetics of Dress" (1997), "while an African-American aesthetic of dress is neither African nor American, it is shaped by unique ‘cultural’ experiences resulting from being of African descent and living in America." The rapper Jay-Z echoed this in a "Black Book Magazine" interview; he defended the upper-class tastes of fashion in the hip hop culture as "living it on our terms, instead of trying to emulate an elite lifestyle" with the wearing of high-net-worth fashion house brands. It is not necessarily because of conspicuous consumption that the hip hop lifestyle brought in these high end fashion products.

Preppy.

Preppy looks also caught on with 80s youth in the first wave of hip hop influence. "This group of black yuppy wannabes or ‘buppies’ rocked to 80s hip hop music and wore styles from Polo, The Timberland and Tommy Hilfiger... [and] were drawn to Hilfiger because of its all-American, WASP-y, country club feeling—it was exclusive and aspirational". The immense popularity of the brand Tommy Hilfiger among the hip hop subculture community then led to the brand's global expansion.

Celebrity influence.

As music played a significant role in the way people dressed during the 1990s, many celebrities were known as fashion icons, especially rappers. Legendary rapper, Tupac, was not only known for his resonating lyrics, but also his timeless style. He was seen as a trend setter during that period and bandanas paired with baggy overalls or Red Wings jersey was known to be his classic style. In return, he made bandanas into an iconic headwear accessory. Today, his fashion influences has taught society to be more acceptable towards different styles as well as inspired fashion designers from all over the world to be innovative towards their designs. Furthermore, Snoop Dogg's strong charisma and his laid-back approach to his rhymes complemented his flannel and sweatshirts with Chucks. When he revamped his style to a cleaner cut of suited and booted look, his Doberman-like facial features and slender frame were masked by his charisma and chic vibe. He has since influenced people that with pride comes with confidence, which is the key of feeling comfortable and looking good in your individual fashion style.  Moreover, hip hop has also adopted and then transformed traditional or "old world" luxury symbols and made them modern-day, "cool" commodities. Rapper LL Cool J wore a Kangol hat back in the 1980s, when few Americans knew anything about the European hat maker, but its association with hip hop would invigorate the brand. In 2003, London-based Kangol acknowledged the popularity given its sixty-year-old brand by a young LL Cool J in 1983.

Late 1980s to early 1990s.

Black nationalism was increasingly influential in rap during the late 1980s, and fashions and hairstyles reflected traditional African influences. Blousy pants were popular among dance-oriented rappers like M.C. Hammer. Fezzes, kufis decorated with the Kemetic ankh, Kente cloth hats, Africa chains, dreadlocks, and Black Nationalist colors of red, black, and green became popular as well, promoted by artists such as Queen Latifah, KRS-One, Public Enemy, and X-Clan.  Hip-hop fashion in the 1990s slowly evolved from the 1980s as the hip-hop community started getting influenced by traditional African-American dressing. Bright colors, large pants and headwear were the elements, which inspired the style of dressing in the early 1990s. Will Smith's character from The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air is a distinctive example of the classic style and fashion trends of the 1990s. His character is always seen dressed in bright colorful garments, throwback jerseys and a baseball cap. In addition, rappers like Kid ’n Play, Left Eye of TLC also popularized the bright colored clothing and baseball caps. TLC and late R&B singer Aaliyah also created a fashion trend among women. Baggy pants paired with a crop top or a sports bra and occasionally a big flannel was one of their many iconic looks. This was to show their own version of femininity, and to express that everything does not have to be form-fitting and tight in order to be sexy.  Cross Colors is known to be the very first streetwear brand and hip-hop movement, which was established in 1989. The brand went by a proposition, "clothes without prejudice". The company's theory was aimed specifically to the black youth. They used their clothing to voice out political and social issues the black community faced being the minority. Celebrities like Muhammad Ali, TLC, Will Smith and so on were seen dressed in their attire. Currently, the brand seeks unity, equality and empowerment to the new generation.  Kris Kross established the fad of wearing clothes backwards.  Kwamé sparked a brief trend of polka-dot clothing.  In 1984, Nike collaborated with Michael Jordan to create the well-known basketball shoes, the Air Jordans. Even though the price point ranged from US$100 (which was considered a high price point then), it did not stop people from lining up hours just to get their hands on a pair of these shoes. To date, Air Jordans are still widely worn by basketball players, and with Nike releasing retro versions from time to time, which sell out globally within minutes of the release date. Other clothing brands such as Reebok, Kangol, Fila, Champion, Carhartt, and Timberland were closely associated with the hip hop scene, particularly on the East coast with hip hop acts such as Wu-Tang Clan and Gangstarr sporting the look. Adidas also had big impact in streets with RUN-D.M.C when the band's now iconic hit song "My Adidas" drop in 1986.  Gangsta rap pioneers N.W.A popularized an early form of street style in the late 1980s from the African American gangs and hustler cliques who were there mimicking cholo fashion. This included Dickies pants, white T-shirts, Locs sunglasses, Air Jordan sneakers, with black Raiders snapback hats and Raiders Starter jackets. These jackets were also a popular trend in their own right in the late 1980s and early 1990s. They became something of a status symbol, with incidents of robberies of the jackets reported in the media.  Hip hop fashion in this period also influenced high fashion designs. In the late 1980s, Isaac Mizrahi, inspired by his elevator operator who wore a heavy gold chain, showed a collection deeply influenced by hip hop fashion. Models wore black catsuits, "gold chains, big gold nameplate-inspired belts, and black bomber jackets with fur-trimmed hoods." "Womenswear Daily" called the look "homeboy chic." In the early 1990s, Chanel showed hip hop-inspired fashion in several shows. In one, models wore black leather jackets and piles of gold chains. In another, they wore long black dresses accessorized with heavy, padlocked silver chains. (These silver chains were remarkably similar to the metal chain-link and padlock worn by Treach of Naughty by Nature, who said he did so in solidarity with "all the brothers who are locked down.) The hip hop trend in high fashion, however, did not last.

Mid- to late 1990s.

Fashion among "hip hop" elites.

On the East Coast, members of the hip hop community looked back to the gangsters of the 1930s and 1940s for inspiration. Mafioso influences, especially and primarily inspired by the 1983 remake version of "Scarface", became popular in hip hop. Many rappers set aside gang-inspired clothing in favor of classic gangster fashions such as bowler hats, double-breasted suits, silk shirts, and alligator-skin shoes ("gators").  This look transcended into the R&B world in the mid-1990s when Jodeci came onto the scene, who were crooners but with a more edgy and sexual look. By wearing gangster-style clothes along with the bad-boy attitude and being a R&B group, they appealed to both men and women. They were particularly known for their baggy clothing, symbolising a hand-me-down from an older relative with a bigger build, as a sign of toughness.  On the East Coast, "ghetto fabulous" fashion (a term coined by Sean Combs) was on the rise.

Urban streetwear.

Tommy Hilfiger was one of the most prominent brands in 1990s sportswear, though Polo Ralph Lauren, Calvin Klein, Nautica, and DKNY were also popular. Snoop Doggy Dogg wore a striped Hilfiger rugby shirt during an appearance on "Saturday Night Live", and it sold out of New York City stores the next day. Furthermore, Tommy Hilfiger tube tops were also a big hit within the hip-hop community. It was considered a "must-have" piece for every girl influenced by this music genre. Artists like TLC, the late Aaliyah and so on were commonly seen in events dressed in it. Hilfiger's popularity was due to its perceived waspiness, which made it seem exclusive and aspirational. Hilfiger courted the new hip hop market: black models featured prominently in the company's advertising campaigns, and rappers like Puffy and Coolio walked during its runways shows.  Karl Kani was another influential designer who merged hip hop with fashion.  Other brands, such as Nike, Jordan, FUBU, Southpole, Reebok Pro-Keds, Adidas, Eckō Unltd., Mecca USA, Lugz, Rocawear, Boss Jeans by IG Design, and Enyce, arose to capitalize on the market for urban streetwear.

Throwback clothing.

One sportswear trend that emerged was the rise in popularity of throwback jerseys, such as those produced by Mitchell & Ness. Sports jerseys have always been popular in hip hop fashion, as evidenced by Will Smith's early 1990s video "Summertime", and Spike Lee wearing a throwback Brooklyn Dodgers jersey in the film "Do the Right Thing". The late 1990s saw the rise in popularity of very expensive throwbacks, often costing hundreds of dollars. Hip hop artists donning the pricey jerseys in music videos led to increased demand, and led to the rise of counterfeiters flooding the market with fake jerseys to capitalize on the craze. The mid-to-late 2000s saw a decrease in popularity of throwbacks, with some hip hop artists even shunning them.  The "hip-pop" era also saw the split between male and female hip hop fashion, which had previously been more or less similar. Women in hip hop had emulated the male tough-guy fashions such as baggy pants, "Loc" sunglasses, tough looks and heavy workboots; many, such as Da Brat, accomplished this with little more than some lip gloss and a bit of make-up to make the industrial work pants and work boots feminine. The female performers who completely turned the tide, such as Lil' Kim and Foxy Brown, popularized glamorous, high-fashion feminine hip hop styles, such as Kimora Lee Simmons' fashion line of Baby Phat. Lauryn Hill and Eve popularized more conservative styles that still maintained both a distinctly feminine and distinctly hip hop feel.

Bling.

In the mid- to late 1990s, platinum replaced gold as the metal of choice in hip hop fashion. Artists and fans alike wore platinum (or silver-colored) jewelry, often embedded with diamonds. Juvenile and The Hot Boys were largely responsible for this trend. Platinum fronts also became popular; Cash Money Records executive/rapper Brian "Baby" Williams has an entire mouthful of permanent platinum teeth. Others have fashioned grills, removable metal jewelled teeth coverings.  With the advent of the jewellery culture, the turn-of-the-century-established luxury brands made inroads into the hip hop market, with brands like Gucci, Louis Vuitton and 212 Diamond City making appearances in hip hop videos and films.

Modern (2000s–2010s).

In the 1990s and beyond, many hip hop artists and executives started their own fashion labels and clothing lines. Notable examples include Wu-Tang Clan (Wu-Wear), Pharrell (Billionaire Boys Club/Ice Cream), Nelly (Vokal and Apple Bottom Jeans), Russell Simmons (Phat Farm), Kimora Lee Simmons (Baby Phat), Diddy (Sean John and Enyce), T.I. (AKOO), Damon Dash and Jay-Z (Rocawear), 50 Cent (G-Unit Clothing), Eminem (Shady Limited), 2Pac (Makaveli Branded), OutKast (OutKast Clothing), Lil Wayne (Trukfit), and Kanye West (Yeezy).  Up-and-coming urban clothing lines have dominated the fashion in the hip hop genre. Skinny jeans also came into style in part due to New Boyz' jerk dance from the song "You're a Jerk".  The hip hop fashion trends of the 2000s were all over the place and changed constantly, starting with the baller-type image. Michael Jordan's cover on "Sports Illustrated" was an iconic moment in hip-hop fashion because he was able to influence millions of people into the direction of baggy shorts, baggy tops, and gold chains. There have been other celebrity influences among fashion trends, with most of these influences coming from hip hop artists. Gucci and Louis Vuitton became extremely popular among the hip hop/urban community from the use of the words, "Gucci" and "Louis" in lyrics and music videos.  Throughout these years many fashion trends from the 1980s and early 1990s were made popular again, such as door knocker earrings and form fitting jeans for men. Bright colors and cartoon graphic print hoodies by Bathing Ape made popular by artist and producer Pharrell also gained popularity. Women wore high heels in all different forms, and many new ideas for shoes emerged, like the open toed boot.  In recent years the hip hop world has seen a resurgence of old fads as well as the emergence of new ones. The last few years of the first decade of the new millennia gave rise to the popularity of tattoos covering artists from head to toe. Soulja Boy, Wiz Khalifa, Lil Wayne and Tyga have set the trend of being completely "tatted up." Although having tattoos is nothing new to the music industry, never have tattoos been so pervasive in hip hop. Tattoos covering the face and the head have also become increasingly popular. Birdman now sports a star tattoo on the crown of his head, Gucci Mane has an ice cream tattoo on his right cheek, and Lil Wayne has tattoos on his eyelids and forehead.  One cannot speak of fashion trends without mentioning the importance of hairstyles, particularly for women. In the past few years there has been a resurgence of the asymmetrical hair cut with a contemporary spin. Stars such as Rihanna, Cassie and Kelis have all set the new trend of the half-shaven head.  The reemergence of Adidas track jackets and the use of fashion scarves have been some of the latest trends to hit the hip hop fashion scene. Adidas tracksuits are certainly not new to hip hop culture, as they have been around essentially since commercialized hip hop was created, but they have recently once again become popular.  Fashion scarves have also become popularized in recent years. Kanye West is the most recent artist to launch his own line of products by selling decorative scarves with provocative depictions, named Risque Scarves.  Skateboarding fashion has been used in the hip hop scene since the early 2010s, including knit caps, bonnets, fitted pants or shorts, Vans, Nike SB (skateboarding), shirts with sleeves and trinted Tees (brands like OBEY, Supreme, Stussy, Adidas, Supra, Circa, DC, RDS and Emericas). Chris Brown, Tyler The Creator and Lil Wayne wear these in their music videos and concerts.  The rebirth of the 1990s snapback caps is the most notable sign of the new school throwback image. The "new" snapback hype started around mid-2010. Around late 2010 and early 2011, the "new" snapback movement exploded. Starter Clothing Line manufactured the most sought-after snapbacks in the 1990s, and made its return as the hype for the hats grew. Many other well-known hat companies started to sell snapbacks, such as New Era, Mitchell & Ness, Reebok, and Adidas. Many notable artists are credited with the comeback of snapbacks by sporting gear from a company named Ti$A VI$ION. Chris Brown, Tyga, and Big Sean were among the early supporters of this company since 2010. Many urban fashionistas credit Mac Miller, a well-known YouTube MC, with starting the hype with the release of his song entitled "Snap Back", from the mixtape "The Jukebox: Prelude to Class Clown", released in June 2009. There is controversy as to who started the "new" snapback trend.  Hip hop fashion through 2011 included snapbacks, sports wear, basketball and skateboarding shoes, hoodies, piercings in one ear or both, leather jackets, sleeveless shirts, polo shirts, saggy pants, bikini tops, crop tops, tube tops, tank tops, factory trackies and cropped T-shirts.  Around 2012, fashion in hip hop saw a shift towards modern "high" streetwear and haute couture brands popularized by online fashion forums such as Superfuture and Styleforum. Brands such as Rick Owens, Raf Simons, and Saint Laurent Paris are now featured prominently in the lyrics and wardrobes of rappers such as A$AP Rocky, Travis Scott, and Kanye West.

Criticism.

Commentators from both inside and outside the hip hop community have criticized the cost of many of the accoutrements of hip hop fashion. Chuck D of Public Enemy summarized the mentality of hip hop fashion and some low-income youths as "Man, I work at McDonald's, but in order for me to feel good about myself I got to get a gold chain or I got to get a fly car in order to impress a sister or whatever." In his 1992 song "Us", Ice Cube rapped that "Us niggaz will always sing the blues / 'cause all we care about is hairstyles and tennis shoes". Some fans have expressed disappointment with the increased amount of advertising for expensive hip hop brands in hip hop magazines. In one letter to the editor in "Source" magazine, a reader wrote that the magazine should "try showing some less expensive brands so heads will know they don't have to hustle, steal, or rob and blast shots for flyness." In fact, there were many highly publicized robberies of hip hop artists by the late 1990s. Guru of Gang Starr was robbed of his Rolex watch at gunpoint, Queen Latifah's car was car-jacked, and Prodigy was robbed at gunpoint of $300,000 in jewelry.  Hip hop has sometimes come under fire for glorifying brands that shut it out and for embracing a fashion culture which does not embrace hip hop or black culture. A dichotomy exists in the "collaboration" between influential hip hop artists who embrace designer brands and fashions, and these same brands that profit from hip hop's influencers. Designer brands such as Louis Vuitton or Versace align themselves with influential musicians because of the potential gains, but simultaneously maintain distance from these allies outside of advertising, "almost as with a keen desire to hold the controlling hand in these relationships" and control their public image. In these partnerships/collaborations between designers and artists there is sometimes a pattern of exploitation in which the designers benefit disproportionately more than hip hop artists.  A few hip hop insiders, such as the members of Public Enemy, Immortal Technique, Paris and Common, have made the deliberate choice not to don expensive jewelry as a statement against materialism.

Gender roles and dress.

Women.

Along with the turning of the tide by select female hip hop artists came the emergence of promoting sex appeal through fashion. Female artists have faced a number of pressures ranging from gaining exposure to further their careers as well as conforming with certain images to remain in demand and relevant. Female rappers in today's time like Cardi B and Nicki Minaj are two of the most popular female rappers and still conform to this standard. The alignment of R&B music with hip hop music (with collaborations being more and more prevalent) placed a whole new category of women within the categorization of what constituted a hip hop artist.  As referenced above, the nineties centered around women's senses of style revolving around that of men, in that they adopted the use of oversized T-shirts and baggy pants. Also listed above are Aaliyah, TLC, and Da' Brat as conformists to that trend. Female rap group Salt-N-Pepa are considered amongst the frontrunners in leading the transition of moving away from the male alignment and asserting feminism in creating a new sense of dress. They are said to have "wowed fans while wearing hot pants, cut-off denim shorts and Lycra body suits".  "Black women's relationships to their bodies occur within overlapping cultural contexts that offer contradictory messages about their value and function". In a male dominated society, it is no wonder that women used to work hard to align themselves with male images including how they'd dressed. As women generally gained access to and exposure within the offerings of several sectors of society, for example music, movies and television, we saw more images of what constituted attractiveness emerge. Following this came the perception of freedom to express oneself through several avenues including apparel. Rappers Lil' Kim and Eve are known for resorting to trends surrounding being scantily clad with provocative tattoos and being perceived as attractive in the process. Not all female rappers, or female artists in general have resorted to these methods within their careers. "...the recent appearance of Black women performers, songwriters, and producers in Black popular culture has called attention to the ways in which young Black women use popular culture to negotiate social existence and attempt to express independence, self-reliance, and agency".

LGBT community and gender variance.

Hip hop has had a history of homophobia, only recently becoming more accepting of the LGBT community. Lyrics that openly use derogatory words such as "fag" or "dyke" have saturated the market, even being found in conscious rap, considered the most progressive section of hip hop. Marc Lamont Hill argues, "the progressive agendas of political rap artists such as Public Enemy, X-Clan, Paris, and Sista Souljah were strongly informed by radical Afrocentric, Black Islamic, and crude Black Nationalist ideologies that were openly hostile to queer identities".  The genre has been considered a predominantly hyper-masculine community, with female artists taking on these traits. Female groups and individual artists such as Young M.A. Conscious Daughters or Aaliyah have dressed in clothing considered male. Wearing baggy clothes was an attempt to shift focus away from the body and move it towards the music.  Men have also engaged in reversing gender roles through the use of fashion. Artists such as Lil Wayne, A$AP Rocky, Kanye West, Young Thug, and other self-identified straight men have made headlines by their choices of dress. This type of androgynous dress is not exclusive to recent times though, as the years of hip hop's creation saw legends dressed in the disco styles of that era.

Hip hop fashion, (also known as big fashion), is a distinctive style of dress originating from African America, Latin America and from inner city youth located in New York City, followed by cities like Los Angeles, Baltimore, Chicago, Philadelphia, the San Francisco Bay Area, Detroit, Memphis, Washington D.C., Atlanta, St. Louis and others. All have contributed various elements to the overall style seen worldwide today. Hip hop fashion complements the expressions and attitudes of hip hop culture and has changed significantly during its history. Today, it is a prominent fashion worn across the whole world and popular with all ethnicities.

嘻哈时装,是一种源于纽约布朗克斯区非裔美国人的和拉丁裔的年轻人的独特穿着。随后受到hiphop影响的包括洛杉矶,芝加哥,费城,匹兹堡,东岸(圣弗朗西斯科、岸区),还有南部的其他较污杂的城市。每个城市都贡献了不同的元素使之扩大到如今更全球化。嘻哈时装总体上补正了嘻哈文化的表达方式与态度,其本身在历史上也有着独具意味的改变,而之今日更成为流行时尚界卓显突出的一部分跨越影响着全世界不同种族。


Early life.

Trường Chinh was named as Đặng Xuân Khu. He changed his name from Đặng Xuân Khu to Trường Chinh, which means Long March, in honor of the Long March which was the 6,000-mile military retreat of the Red Army of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) between 1934-1936 led by Mao Zedong. He was born on February 9, 1907, in the Hành Thiện village, Xuân Hồng sub-district, Xuân Trường district, Nam Định province (in the area of the Red River delta, 120 kilometers from Hanoi). He was the oldest son among five children of the Đặng family which was an important family of the village. His siblings were Đặng Thị Yên, Đặng Thị Uẩn, Đặng Thị Tường, and Đặng Xuân Đỉnh. He grew up in a Confucian family which was not wealthy. His family background and his father highly shaped his knowledge and influenced him to join the anti-colonial movement. He had learned Hán script (Classical Chinese) from his father and was sent to the district school.  His grandfather, Đặng Xuân Bảng, was a Confucian intellectual who worked for the Nguyễn court under the reign of Emperor Tự Đức and published many books about history, literature and Confucian ideology written in Hán scripts. His father was Đặng Xuân Viện who was a famous Confucian scholar and wrote many history books. Unlike his grandfather, Viện was not interested to work for the Nguyễn court. Instead, he participated in the Đông Kinh Nghĩa thục (Tonkin Free School) movement against French colonialism in 1907. Trường Chinh's mother was Nguyễn Thị Từ (1880-1964) who grew up in a Confucian mandarin family of the Nguyễn court. Trường Chinh married Nguyễn Thi Minh, who remained loyal and carried on the burden of looking after the family, especially her husband's family after he was jailed for his political beliefs.

Leader of student movement.

In the midst of the political and social transition in Indochina, particularly the spread of French educational system in the nineteenth century. Trường Chinh was sent to educate in the French school, which was the starting point for his political movement. In 1923, he was sent to Thành Chung secondary school, the first secondary school for the local people and taught in the Western educational system, located in Nam Định province. In the school, Trường Chinh was inspired by the French philosophers’ works such as Jean-Jacque Rousseau and Montesquieu as well as the French revolution in 1789 and the Chinese revolution in 1911. In Nam Định, he lived with a poor labour family who worked in the industrial factory. His childhood experience urged him to set up a student movement with his schoolmates, Nguyễn Văn Hoan, Đặng Châu Tệ, Phạm Năng Độ, Nguyễn Khắc Lương, and Nguyễn Đức Cảnh. This group, later on, joined the student movement in Tonkin. They published newspapers in order to spread their thoughts on the anti-colonial movement.  In 1925, when Phan Bồi Châu, the respectful nationalist, was captured in China and brought back to Vietnam, Trường Chinh was in the second year in high school. He joined the nationalist movement and printed leaflets together with his friends demanding the release of Phan Bồi Châu. This was the first time he personally participated in a political movement. His second involvement was a year after that. In 1926, the death of Phan Chu Trinh (Phan Châu Trinh), the well-known nationalist, led to the huge protests all over Vietnam. Trường Chinh and his schoolmates asked a permission from the local authority to organize a mourning for Phan Chu Trinh.  Trường Chinh became the head of the student movement in Nam Định and cooperated with other schools. Not only students but peasants, labourers, and villagers numbering more than ten thousand also participated in the Phan Chu Trinh commemoration. The gathering turned violent and, as a result, Trường Chinh and other student leaders were taken away by the police together with more than 200 people. After this event, the French colonial administrators kept an eye on him. He quit school in Nam Định. After that, he did self-study and passed the secondary school level exam. He moved to Hanoi to pursue his study in Indochinese trade college (trường Cao đẳng Thương mại Đông Dương). In Ha Noi, he still focused on political movement with his friends from Nam Định and wrote for newspapers.

Road to Communist Party.

When Trường Chinh was in Ha Noi, he had an opportunity to choose his revolutionary path. In 1928, he joined the national salvation movement together with other Vietnamese young intellectuals. He read widely on Socialist works such as Marx and Engles, and Lenin. In 1929, he was one of first groups that founded the Communist Party of Indochina (1929-1930). He started to work on the Party's published works such as "Búa Liềm" newspaper and "Người sinh viên" newspaper aimed to educate the people on the Socialist path; at condemning the French colonial government and at arousing the local mass as to ally with the Party. However, in 1930, the Nghệ Tĩnh-Soviet movement and the Yên Bái mutiny started their own rebellion in Tonkin and this led the French colonial government to purge the political movement in Indochina.  In 1930 Trường Chinh became member of the Communist Party of Vietnam and was appointed to the Committee's propaganda of the Central Committee of Communist Party of Indochina. He was caught on November, 14th 1930 and was sentenced to twelve years, but was released in 1936. Although Trường Chinh was imprisoned for his political beliefs Hỏa Lò prison in Hanoi and deported Sơn La prison in Sơn La province for seven years, he was continuously active in the political movement. He was the leader of the Communist movement in the prisons where he published poems, articles, books about socialism and criticism of the Vietnam nationalist Party.  The colonial prison significantly became the revolutionary school for most of the intellectual revolutionists and communists. After release from prison, he continued his political movement, especially through his books and newspaper articles. He was a journalist, a writer, and a socialist intellectual who used his writings under various pennames such as Trường Chinh, Sông Hồng, Tân Trào, T.C. and S.T. to fight the French colonial government since he was a teenager. He was also a strategist for the Indochinese Communist Party.

Political roles and ideology.

Trường Chinh's ideology was inspired by Marxism and Leninism and he was influenced by Hồ Chí Minh, as seen from his works on including revolutionary ideology, political and revolutionary strategies as well as cultural strategies and policies. According to the Communist Party, Trường Chinh was "Ho Chi Minh's excellent student", although he did not always agree with Ho Chi Minh's ideas.  There are two main arguments about Trường Chinh's ideology. Firstly, his ideology was seen as radical and based on Maoism which is clearly evident in his published works and the pattern of the land reform program that he had borrowed from China. Secondly, it was a hybrid incorporating Marxism and Leninism that formed the core of Trường Chinh's ideology which supported the anti-colonial movement and did not oppose nationalism. His ideology firstly was influenced by the Soviet bloc, after that, China bloc, and was adopted in Vietnam contexts.

First Secretary of the Communist Party.

Trường Chinh played a significant role in the Communist Party during the critical time in building and strengthening the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) power. Besides Hồ Chí Minh, he was a central figure of the ICP in the independence formation of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV). In the 1940s, during the time that Nguyễn Aí Quốc (Hồ Chí Minh's name) came back to Vietnam, Trường Chinh was already well known among the cadres of the Communist Party. He was portrayed as the radical leader and the Pro-Chinese faction while defines Hồ Chí Minh as the Pro-Soviet faction. During the Second World War, in the 1940s, Trường Chinh became the famous Communist leader in the north. He served as the General Secretary of the Communist Party during a crisis when the French eliminated the leaders of the anti-French movement. In 1941, Trường Chinh was elected as the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Indochina.  He was the party's second ranking leader after Hồ Chí Minh. He was chaired of Party's National Conference in northern Tuyên Quang Province, launching an uprising to seize power from the French and Japanese. In the following years, the party fought a war for independence against the French colonists.

August Revolution in 1945.

When Trường Chinh became a leader in the anticolonialist movement, he also adopted the strategic theses of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He therefore was the person who significantly determined the direction of the communist movement, as well as the think-tank in laying the foundation of modern Vietnam. In fact, he was highly regarded by the members and supporters of the communist movement. In addition, during the anti-colonial period, he and General Võ Nguyên Giáp developed a military strategy that enabled Vietnam to defeat the Japanese forces during the World War II. Trường Chinh emerged to play a crucial role in the August Revolution (Cách mạng tháng 8) in 1945.  However, the political situation in the 1940s was divided into factionalism. The two factions consisted of Hồ Chí Minh's and Trường Chinh's who obviously had different strategies, especially in the 1945 August Revolution. While Ho Chi Minh and his faction were based in Pác Bó in north Vietnam, Trường Chinh and his followers moved down to Hanoi and focused on the Red River delta. The center of the Communist movement, therefore, separated into two centers. After the success of the August Revolution in 1945 and until 1956, Trường Chinh faction was more powerful.  The August Revolution was a major turning point and it led to the declaration of independence in September of the same year. On the day of Vietnam's declaration of independence, Trường Chinh was one of the leaders of the Communist Party who stood with Hồ Chí Minh at the Ba Đình Square in Hanoi.

Land reform campaign in North Vietnam.

A blot in Trường Chinh's political life was the failure of the Land Reform campaign between 1953 and 1956. The land reform program in DRV was enforced in northern Vietnam between 1953 and 1956. The effect of land reform largely impacted on Vietnamese society which challenged the social and cultural structure. The land reform campaign was accompanied by extensive repression and excess, which resulted the false imprisonment and execution of large numbers of people, many of whom were party members. The land reform was proposed and pushed by Trường Chinh as the Secretary of the Workers Party of Vietnam (Đảng Lao động Việt Nam). He aimed to change Vietnam to a new society which was neither feudal nor colonial society. He started his idea concerning the land reform together with Võ Nguyên Giáp in 1938. Both had published their work "The Peasant Questions" ("Vấn đề dân cày") which critiqued the social structure in Vietnam and the peasants’ problems in Vietnam. That work is praised from the Communist Party as the foundation of the understanding about agricultural system and Vietnamese peasants’ life.  Before the land reform, the party started implementing tax reduction policies to help farmers. However, later on, the goal was to expand the mass base by allocating land to the peasants who formed the majority in the country, as well as managing the feudal class.  The land Reform was debated among the party's leaders. Trường Chinh had already been criticized for his unwillingness to agree with other party leaders and for his support of China while other leaders relied on the Soviet Union as their role model. While Trường Chinh was persuaded by other party members to use the Soviet model, he claimed that Vietnam was able to learn from China's land reform experience. In Trường Chinh's view, the party needed land reform to gain mass support by having a peasant revolution, overthrowing the landlords, and being a step in the liberation of Vietnam.  That land reform was understood as adopted from China. The communist party accepted Chinese guidance, because of its close relationship with China's leader, Mao Zedong. Trường Chinh admired Mao's ideological strategies and he adopted Mao's land reform campaign. Scholars have different opinions towards the land reform in Vietnam. Firstly, the land reform in North Vietnam was actually considered as a radical program and the adaptation of the CCP model was implemented between 1946-1953. The Vietnam Communist leaders also used the land reform campaign ‘land to the tillers’ for economic collectivization. However, another scholar pointed out that although Vietnam was mostly influenced by China, Vietnam's adaptation of the Chinese land reform had some differences to suite Vietnamese context. The achievement of the revolution in China encouraged Vietnam to accept China as a model to design the policy and accept China as a consultant in policy implementation.  Trường Chinh presented the guideline for the land reform in April 1953. The Party passed the land reform decree and provided material support to the farmers. The land reform also aimed to strengthen psychological strategy to gain the support of the peasants. It also aimed to increase productivity and strengthen the war efforts against France. On December 4, 1953, the Legislature passed the Land Reform Act (Luật Cải Cách Ruộng Đất), which marked a significant change as its implementation also purposed at eliminating the feudal system of landlords. Unlike in China, the land reform failed in Vietnam resulting in famine and widespread starvation.  Furthermore, comparing to the land reform in China, the land reform in northern Vietnam was less successful. Over almost four years during the land reform, many criticisms arose from the political leaders and Vietnamese peasants who claimed it a “bloodbath reform” because many people were killed and murdered. In addition, many people died from starvation. In 1956, more violence was reported which led to massive criticism and protests. The land reform was considered a failure of the communist party after DRV became a nation. Finally, the communist leaders had to terminate the land reform and Trường Chinh took responsibility by resigning from his post of General Secretary of the Communist Party.  However, the land reform was a significant path for the Worker's Party and the rural structure. The land reform was successful in, at least, helping the rural peasants to own land although over four years of land reform implementation brought about occasional imprisonment and execution as well as the land expropriation from the old owners. The achievement of the land reform program indicated from the mass support from more than 200,000 peasants who willingly delivered supplies and crossed from mountains to valleys to support the People's Army to fight against the French troops.  Even though the land reform program was emphasized by many scholars as the big failure of Trường Chinh, however Hồ Chí Minh was the mainstay in pushing the program after he had sought advice from Stalin and Mao. After Hồ Chí Minh visited China and personally discussed it with Mao in 1950, the land reform program was finally launched in 1953. This period also marked the closest cordial relations between the CCP and the Worker's Party. Mao fully supported both advisor team led by Luo Guibo and provisions not only for the land reform program but also the war in Điện Biên Phủ.  Criticism was leveled at Trường Chinh and the Communist Party. As a result, the massacres of the people, especially the landowners, were also severely criticized by party members. Many party members preferred to use the Soviet Union path instead. Finally, Hồ Chí Minh, on behalf of the Party apologized with tears for the Party's mistake and held Trường Chinh responsible.  The failure of land reform in northern Vietnam was the turning point of the political faction. The Sino-Soviet split reduced China's influence in Hanoi. He resigned from his post of the secretary general of the Communist Party of Vietnam to save the Party and the government. Since then, Hồ Chí Minh supported Lê Duẩn, who later became the most powerful and longest-serving leader in Vietnam. In the 1960s, Lê Duẩn became the most powerful Communist leader while Trường Chinh was still on the list of the Politburo and a member of the central committee of the party. He still maintained his role in the party's think tank.

Cultural ideology and strategy.

After the declaration of independence in September 1945, Trường Chinh played an important role in shaping the administration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam politically and economically, as well as creating the socialist structure and culture of the new Vietnam. He considered culture as a vital strategy for national liberation and nation-state building. In Vietnam, Trường Chinh was named as the architect of the foundation of the new culture of Vietnam because his cultural ideology had a great impact on Vietnamese society through many concrete ideas and policies. His works that have affected the Vietnamese society were the 1943 "Theses on Vietnam Culture (Đề Cương Văn hóa Việt Nam)" and the 1948 “the Marxism and Vietnamese Culture” (Chủ nghĩa Mác và vấn đề văn hóa Việt Nam).  In the first work, "Theses on Vietnam Culture," Trường Chinh presented two main cultural patterns: the foundation of the new Vietnamese culture under the leadership of the Communist Party, and the use of art and cultural concepts as a weapon against national enemies. He argued that Vietnam had fallen under the influence of Chinese culture of feudalism, French colonialism and Japanese fascists. In order to liberate Vietnam from these cultures, the Party needed to create a new culture (văn hóa mới). The essence of the new culture focused on people and adopted a new democratic approach. The second work, "The Marxism and Vietnamese Culture," Trường Chinh suggested the cultural revolution as a tool to fight the French colonial government under the principle of Marxism. The significance of culture was equal with the military and economic battle fronts. These two works became the fundamental elements to Vietnam society and culture and brought big changes to Vietnam society, particularly after the 1945 August Revolution. The key tool in eliminating the enemies of the nation was the expansion of the new democratic culture into the French-occupied cultural space as well as making the new democratic culture a national culture at the same time.  Cultural policy and the construction of the new culture of Vietnam significantly strengthened the nationalism through arts, performance, media and national history. Trường Chinh significantly built the Cultural Association for National Salvation in order to centralize artists who worked to publicize Party's ideology and appeal to local people for support. However, under the atmosphere of social restructuring was a large number of villagers who had some interactions with the landlord families became paranoid and fearful of the communists. The pressure to condemn the public's enemies finally led to the destruction of local social networks. Many people in North Vietnam were unable to withstand the pressure. Many of them committed suicide or escaped to South Vietnam.  The process of creating a new cultural space was to equalize people's status including anti-feudal symbols and linguistic patterns. The new cultural pattern was not always successful although the Party forced it through the propaganda campaign. In some communities, many villagers still respected the condemned feudal people. The fundamental ideology of Trường Chinh influentially and violently affected north Vietnam, particularly during the land reform. The cultural impact of the land reform led to social turmoil in many communities. Particularly during the land reform, the Party's cadres were sent to the communities and violently wiped out what they believed was the feudal legacy and backwardness including superstition, feudal cultures such as clothes, old traditions, and norms.  The landlords were charged with such offenses. Regardless of whether they were supporters of the Communist Party or not, they were judged as exploiters of the peasants. Furthermore, a group of the Communist supporters, called themselves as "Nhân văn giải phẩm" criticized the radical policy of Trường Chinh's cultural ideology during the implementation of the Land Reform program. However, many people in this group were jailed or forced to use the labour in the backcountry.

Đổi Mới (Renovation).

Vietnam was unified in 1975, and Trường Chinh was selected president in 1981. The economic renovation was credited to Nguyễn Văn Linh who succeeded General Secretary after Trường Chinh in 1986. However, Trần Nhâm writes that Trường Chinh was the first person who paved the way for economic renovation since 1968. In the midst of economic recession, scarcity and social crisis in the 1980s, the Central Committee received various reports about economic loss, inflations, and the increased social problems. Trường Chinh set up the research teams in order to collect and observe problems in local communities in the Central highland and in southern Vietnam as well as the success and failures from the old economic system.  Trường Chinh came to be receptive to reformists and gradually sided with them after visits to the countryside in 1983. He used the research results to reform policies and presented them to the Sixth National Congress in 1986. He suggested that economic renovation was not enough to deal with the crisis that Vietnam encountered. The Party also needed to reform political and social policies. Furthermore, he asserted that production capacity needed to be increased. Although, Socialist ideology rejected Capitalism, it could not avoid the economic acceleration by increasing production capacity. Instead of focusing on industrial sector, the Party needed to support and increase agricultural production as the root of Vietnam society.  In addition, the 1986 renovation (Đổi Mới) was driven by the changing world order that saw the collapse of the Socialist bloc and the domestic motivation within Vietnam, particularly among the Communist leaders. The economic renovation also affected areas such as politics in Vietnam and relationships among the Communist leaders, the vanishing financial support from the Soviet Union, the diplomatic policy in seeking for the economic cooperation within the region. In this economic transition, Trường Chinh was the new reformer as seen in the fellow communist leader Võ Văn Kiệt's writing in which he praised Trường Chinh as the only comrade who completely understood the real ideology of Socialism and also tried to principally adopt it in the society.  However, he was replaced by Nguyễn Văn Linh at the Sixth National Congress in December 1986, part of a sweeping leadership change that marked the beginning of the Đổi mới ("Renovation") period.

Death.

Throughout his life, Trường Chinh devoted himself to the political movement in spite of the failed land reform. His role had a great impact on the political struggles of the party as he was still the Party's think-tank throughout his whole life. Since he became the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam between 1941 and 1956 and again between July and December 1986, he was also a member of the Politburo Political Party Committee from 1951 to 1986. He was the Chairman of the National Assembly from 1960 to 1981. After President Ho Chi Minh passed away in 1969, Trường Chinh continued his work with Lê Duẩn and Phạm Văn Đồng. After Lê Duẩn passed way in 1986, he became the highest ranking in the Communist Party as the President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. He ended his career by initiating the successful economic renovation (Đổi Mới renovation) in 1986. He resigned as president in 1987 due to ill health. Trường Chinh died on September 30, 1988 aged 81.

Trường Chinh (; 9 February 1907, Xuân Trường District, Nam Định Province – 30 September 1988, Hanoi) was a Vietnamese communist political leader and theoretician. He was one of the key figures of Vietnamese politics. Together with the communists, he played the main role in the anti-French colonialism movement and finally after decades of protracted war in Vietnam, the communists defeated the colonial power. He was the think-tank of the Communist Party who determined the direction of the communist movement, particularly in the anti-French colonialism movement. After the declaration of independence in September 1945, Trường Chinh played an important role in shaping the politics of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) and creating the socialist structure of the new Vietnam.

长征(,1907年-2月9日-1988年-9月30日)是越南政治人物,越南共产党、越南民主共和国和越南社会主义共和国的主要缔造者和领导人之一。曾任越共中央总书记和国务委员会主席。原名邓春区(),因仰慕中国共产党领导的红军长征,因而改名为「长征」。


Biography.

Nguyễn Văn Thiệu was born on 5 April 1923 in Phan Rang in the South Central Coast region of Vietnam. Thiệu was a descendant of the Tran Dinh dynasty of Annamese nobles. He initially joined the communist-dominated Việt Minh of Hồ Chí Minh but quit after a year and joined the Vietnamese National Army (VNA) of the French-backed State of Vietnam. He gradually rose up the ranks and, in 1954, led a battalion in expelling the communists from his native village. Following the withdrawal of the French, the VNA became the ARVN and Thiệu was the head of the Vietnamese National Military Academy for four years before becoming a division commander and colonel. In November 1960, he helped put down a coup attempt against President Ngô Đình Diệm. During this time, he also converted to Roman Catholicism and joined the regime's secret Cần Lao Party; Diệm was thought to give preferential treatment to his co-religionists and Thiệu was accused of being one of many who converted for political advancement, although he claimed to have converted because his wife was a Roman Catholic.  Despite this, Thiệu agreed to join the coup against Ngô Đình Diệm in November 1963 in the midst of the Buddhist crisis, leading the siege on Gia Long Palace. Diệm was captured and executed and Thiệu made a general. Following Diệm's death, there were several short-lived juntas as coups occurred frequently. Thiệu gradually moved up the ranks of the junta by adopting a cautious approach while other officers around him defeated and sidelined one another. In 1965, stability came to South Vietnam when he became

Early years.

Born in Phan Rang on the south central coast of Vietnam, Thiệu was a son of a small, well-off landowner who earned his living by farming and fishing. Thiệu was the youngest of five children. According to some reports, Thiệu was born in November 1924, but adopted 5 April 1923, as his birthday on grounds that it was a more auspicious day. His elder brothers raised

Việt Minh and Vietnamese National Army.

When World War II ended, Thiệu joined the Việt Minh, led by Hồ Chí Minh, whose goal was to gain independence for Vietnam from France. With no rifles, Thiệu's class of Việt Minh recruits trained in jungle clearings with bamboo. He rose to be district chief, but left the movement after just one year, following the return of the French to southern Vietnam in 1946 to contest Việt Minh control. Thiệu said, "By August of 1946, I knew that Việt Minh were Communists... They shot people. They overthrew the village committee. They seized the land." He defected and moved to Saigon and joined the forces of the French-backed State of Vietnam.  With the help of his brother, Nguyễn Văn Hiếu, a Paris-trained lawyer who served in the upper echelons of the State of Vietnam government, Thiệu initially was enrolled in the Merchant Marine Academy. After a year, he was given his officer's commission, but he rejected a position on a ship when he

Army of the Republic of Vietnam.

Thiệu was a lieutenant colonel when the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam) was founded and officially gained full sovereignty after the withdrawal of French forces in 1955, following the 1954 Geneva Agreement. In 1956, he was appointed as head of the National Military Academy in Đà Lạt, and held the post for four years. There he

Role in stopping 1960 anti-Diệm coup.

On 11 November 1960, Colonels Vương Văn Đông and Nguyễn Chánh Thi launched a coup attempt against President Ngô Đình Diệm, but after surrounding the palace, they stopped attacking and decided to negotiate a power-sharing agreement. Diệm falsely promised reform, allowing time for loyalists to come to the rescue. The rebels had also failed to seal the highways into the capital to block loyalist reinforcements.  Thiệu sent infantry from his 7th Division from Biên Hòa, a town just north of Saigon, to help

Coup against Diệm.

Thiệu turned against Diệm late, and led his 5th Division in the revolt. Late on the night of November 1, as light drizzle fell, Thiệu's tanks, artillery, and troops advanced towards the grounds of Gia Long Palace. A little before 22:00, infantry started the assault, covered by tank and artillery fire, which flattened the Presidential Guard barracks. Demolition units set charges to the palace, and rebel flamethrowers sprayed buildings, as the two sides exchanged gunfire. After a lull, shortly after 3:00, the shelling resumed, and just after 5:00, Thiệu ordered the start of the final stage of the siege. By 6:37, the palace fell. He was then made a general by the junta after they took power. Diệm had been promised exile by the generals, but after escaping the palace, was executed on the journey back to military headquarters after having been captured. Dương Văn Minh,

Junta member.

Thiệu was rewarded with membership in the 12-man Military Revolutionary Council led by General Minh, and served as the secretary general; the leading figures in the MRC were Generals Minh, Trần Văn Đôn, Lê Văn Kim and Tôn Thất Đính. In August 1964, the current junta head, General Nguyễn Khánh, who had in fact deposed Minh and his colleagues in January or at least heavily weakened him – as he had to formally retain Minh in recognition of the United States' will – decided to increase his authority by declaring a state of emergency, increasing police powers, banning protests, tightening censorship and allowing the police arbitrary search and imprisonment powers. He drafted a new constitution, which would have augmented his personal power. However, these moves served only to weaken Khánh as large demonstrations and riots broke out in the cities, with majority Buddhists prominent, calling for an end to the state of emergency and the abandonment of the new constitution, as well as a progression back to civilian rule.  Fearing that he could be toppled by the intensifying protests, Khánh made concessions, repealing the new constitution and police measures, and promising to reinstate civilian rule and remove the Cần Lao, a Catholic political apparatus covertly used to maintain the Diệm regime in power by seeking out dissenters, etc. Many senior officers, in particular the Catholics, such as Khiêm and Thiệu, decried what they viewed as a handing of power to the Buddhist leaders, They then tried to remove Khánh in favour of Minh again, and recruited many officers into their plot. Khiêm and Thiệu sought out U.S. Ambassador Maxwell Taylor and sought a private endorsement for a coup, but, as this would have been the third coup in a few months, Taylor did not want any more changes in leadership, fearing a corrosive effect on the already unstable government. This deterred Khiêm's group from following through on their plans.  The division among the generals came to a head at a meeting of the MRC on 26/27 August. Khánh claimed the instability was due to troublemaking by members and supporters of the Catholic-aligned Nationalist Party of Greater Vietnam. Prominent officers associated with the Đại Việt included Thiệu and Khiêm. Khiêm blamed Khánh's concessions to Buddhist activists as the reason for the trouble. Thiệu and another Catholic General, Nguyễn Hữu Có, called for the replacement of Khánh with the original junta leader Minh, but the latter refused. Feeling pressured by the strong condemnations of his colleagues, Khánh said that he would resign. However, after further deadlock, Khánh, Minh, and Khiêm were put together in a triumvirate to resolve the problem, but tensions remained as Khánh dominated the decision-making.  On 15 September 1964, Thiệu became the commander of IV Corps, which oversaw the Mekong Delta region of the country, and three divisions. This came after the Buddhists had lobbied Khánh to remove General Dương Văn Đức from command of IV Corps; Đức had responded with a failed coup attempt, along with Lâm Văn Phát, on 13 September.

Figurehead chief of state.

In mid-1965, Thiệu became the figurehead chief of state of a military junta, with Kỳ as the prime minister. After a series of short-lived juntas, their pairing put an end to a series of leadership changes that had occurred since the assassination of Diệm.  Kỳ and Thiệu's military junta decided to inaugurate their rule by holding a "no breathing week". They imposed censorship, closed many newspapers that published material deemed unacceptable, and suspended civil liberties. They then sidelined the civilian politicians to a "village of old trees" to "conduct seminars and draw up plans and programs in support of government policy". They decided to ignore religious and other opposition groups "with the stipulation that troublemakers will be shot".  Kỳ and Thiệu were

1967 presidential election.

Under U.S. insistence on constitutional rule, elections for the presidency and legislature were scheduled.  On 3 September 1967, Thiệu ran successfully for the presidency with Kỳ as his running mate. Thiệu took 34% of the vote and held the position until 21 April 1975. He promised democracy, social reform and vowed to "open

Tet Offensive.

During the Lunar New Year of 1968, the communists launched a massive attack on the cities of Vietnam in an attempt to topple Thiệu and reunify the country under their rule. At the time of the attack on Saigon, Thiệu was out of town, having travelled to celebrate the new year at his wife's family's home at Mỹ Tho in the Mekong Delta. Kỳ, who was still in the capital, stepped into the spotlight and took command, organising the military forces in Saigon in the battle. The ARVN and the Americans repelled the communist onslaught. Kỳ's overshadowing of his superior during South Vietnam's deepest crisis further strained relations between the two men.  Although the communists were repelled and suffered heavy losses, South Vietnam suffered heavily as the conflict reached the cities for the first time in a substantial way. As ARVN troops were pulled back to defend the towns, the Việt Cộng gained in the countryside. The violence and destruction witnessed damaged public confidence in Thiệu, who apparently couldn't protect the citizens.  Thiệu's regime estimated the civilian dead at 14,300 with 24,000 wounded. 630,000 new refugees had been

Re-elected unopposed and stagnation.

In 1971, Thiệu ran for re-election, but his reputation for corruption made his political opponents believe the poll would be rigged, and they declined to run. As the only candidate, Thiệu was thus easily re-elected, receiving 94% of the vote on an 87% turn-out, a figure widely held to be fraudulent. The signing of the Paris Peace Accords in January 1973 failed to end the fighting in South Vietnam, as North Vietnam immediately violated the cease-fire and attempted to make territorial gains, resulting in large battles.  In late 1973, the communists issued "Resolution 21", which called for "strategic raids" against South Vietnam to gain territory and to gauge the reaction of Thiệu and the American government. This started between March and November 1974, when the communists attacked Quang Duc Province and Biên Hòa. The U.S. failed to respond to the communist violations and the ARVN lost a lot of supplies in the fighting.  Thiệu expressed his stance on the ceasefire by publicly proclaiming the "Four Nos": no negotiations with the communists; no communist political activities south of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ); no coalition government; and no surrender of territory to the North Vietnamese or Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG), which went against the deal. Thiệu believed the American promise to reintroduce air power against the communists if they made any serious violations of the agreement, and he and his government also assumed that U.S. aid would continue to be forthcoming at previous levels.  On 1 July 1973, however, the U.S. Congress passed legislation that all but prohibited any U.S. combat activities over or in Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam. On 7 November, the legislative branch overrode Nixon's veto of the War Powers Act. In 1973-74, U.S. funding was slashed to $965 million, a reduction of more than 50%. Despite Nixon's growing political difficulties

Collapse.

By the end of 1974, around 370,000 communist troops were in South Vietnam, augmented by ever increasing influxes of military hardware. In mid-December, the communists attacked Phước Long, and quickly gained the upper hand, besieging the city.  On 2 January 1975, Thiệu held an emergency meeting with General Dư Quốc Đống, who was in charge of the Phước Long situation, and other senior military figures. Đống presented a plan for the relief of Phước Long, but it was rejected because a lack of reserve forces of sufficient size available, a lack of airlift capability, and the belief that the besieged defenders could not hold out long enough for reinforcements. Thiệu decided to cede the entire province to the North Vietnamese, since it was considered to be less important than Tây Ninh, Pleiku, or Huế — economically, politically, and demographically.  On 6 January 1975, Phước Long City became the first provincial capital permanently seized by the communists. Less than a sixth of the ARVN forces survived. Lê Duẩn declared that "Never have we had military and political conditions so perfect or a strategic advantage so great as we have now." The communists thus decided to initiate a full-scale offensive against the central highlands, which had been named "Campaign 275". General Văn Tiến Dũng planned to take Buôn Ma Thuột, using 75,000–80,000 men to surround the city before capturing it.  Major General Phạm Văn Phú, the II Corps commander, was given adequate warnings of the impending attacks, but was not worried. He thought the true objective was Pleiku or Kon Tum and that Buôn Ma Thuột was a diversion. The town was therefore lightly defended and communists outnumbered defenders by more than 8:1. The battle for Buôn Ma Thuột began on March 10 and ended only eight days later. Reinforcements were flown in, but were dismantled and fled in chaos.  On March 18 the communists took complete control of Đắk Lắk Province. ARVN forces began to rapidly shift positions in an attempt to keep the North Vietnamese from quickly pushing eastward to the coastal lowlands along Route 21. In the face of rapid communist advances, Thiệu had sent a delegation to Washington in early March to request an increase in aid. The U.S. Ambassador Graham Martin also traveled to Washington to present the case to President Gerald Ford. However, the U.S. Congress, increasingly reluctant to invest in what was seen as a lost cause, slashed a proposed $1.45 billion military aid package for 1975 to $700 million. The Ford administration, however, continued to encourage Thiệu to believe that money would eventually come.  During this time, Thiệu was feeling the increased pressure and became increasingly paranoid. According to one of his closest advisors Nguyễn Tiến Hưng, he became "suspicious... secretive... and ever watchful for a "coup d'état" against him." His increasing isolation had begun to deny him "the services of competent people, adequate staff work, consultation, and coordination". Thieu's military decisions were followed faithfully by his officers who generally agreed that he "made all the decisions as to how the war should be conducted."

Life in exile.

In his farewell speech, Thiệu said, "I resign, but I do not desert", but he fled to Taiwan on a C-118 transport plane five days later. According to Morley Safer, the CIA was involved in the flight of Thiệu, his aides, and a "planeload of suitcases containing heavy metal", though it was revealed in 2015 by Tuổi Trẻ, a Vietnamese news source, that the "heavy metal", which was 16 tons of gold, was left behind and given to the Soviet Union from 1979 onwards.  He settled in London, having obtained a visa there as his son was studying at Eton College. Thiệu kept a low profile, and in 1990 even the Foreign Office claimed to have no information on his whereabouts. In the early 1990s, Thiệu took up residence in Foxborough, Massachusetts, where he lived reclusively. He never produced an autobiography, rarely assented to interviews and shunned visitors. Neighbours had little contact with him or knowledge of him, aside from seeing him walking his dog. He did, however, appear in the 1980 documentary television mini-series "", discussing his time as president of South Vietnam.  Thiệu's aversion to

Death.

He died in 2001, aged 78, at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center in Boston, after

Personal life.

In 1951, Thiệu married Nguyễn Thị Mai Anh, the daughter of a wealthy herbal medicine practitioner from the Mekong Delta. She was a Roman Catholic, and Thiệu converted in 1958. Critics claimed that he did so to improve his prospects of rising up the military ranks, as Diệm was known to discriminate in favor of Catholics. The couple had two sons and one daughter.

Nguyễn Văn Thiệu (; 5 April 1923 – 29 September 2001), known in English as Nguyen Van Thieu, was the president of South Vietnam from 1967 to 1975. He was a general in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN), became head of a military junta in 1965, and then president after winning a scheduled election in 1967. He established rule over South Vietnam until he resigned and left the nation a few days before the fall of Saigon and the ultimate North Vietnamese victory.

阮文绍(;1923年-4月5日-2001年-9月29日),越南共和国(南越)政治、军事人物,越南共和国陆军中将。1965年至1967年期间担任越南共和国国家领导委员会主席。1967年至1975年期间担任越南共和国总统。1975年辞职流亡台湾。后病逝于美国。


Medical uses.

Polysomnography is used to diagnose, or rule out, many types of sleep disorders, including narcolepsy, idiopathic hypersomnia, periodic limb movement disorder (PLMD), REM behavior disorder, parasomnias, and sleep apnea. Although it is not directly useful in diagnosing circadian rhythm sleep disorders, it may be used to rule out other sleep disorders.  The use of polysomnography as a screening test for persons having excessive daytime sleepiness as a sole presenting complaint is controversial.

Mechanism.

A polysomnogram will typically record a minimum of 12 channels requiring a minimum of 22 wire attachments to the patient. These channels vary in every lab and may be adapted to meet the doctor's requests. There is a minimum of three channels for the EEG, one or two measure airflow, one or two are for chin muscle tone, one or more for leg movements, two for eye movements (EOG), one or two for heart rate and rhythm, one for oxygen saturation, and one each for the belts, which measure chest wall movement and upper abdominal wall movement. The movement of the belts is typically measured with piezoelectric sensors or respiratory inductance plethysmography. This movement is equated to effort and produces a low-frequency sinusoidal waveform as the patient inhales and exhales. Because movement is equated to effort, this system of measurement can produce false negatives. It is possible, especially during obstructive apneas, for effort to be made without measurable movement.  Wires for each channel of recorded data lead from the patient and converge into a central box, which in turn is connected to a computer system for recording, storing and displaying the data. During sleep, the computer monitor can display multiple channels continuously. In addition, most labs have a small video camera in the room so the technician can observe the patient visually from an adjacent room.  The electroencephalogram (EEG) will generally use six "exploring" electrodes and two "reference" electrodes, unless a seizure disorder is suspected, in which case more electrodes will be applied to document the appearance of seizure activity. The exploring electrodes are usually attached to the scalp near the frontal, central (top) and occipital (back) portions of the brain via a paste that will conduct electrical signals originating from the neurons of the cortex. These electrodes will provide a readout of the brain activity that can be "scored" into different stages of sleep (N1, N2, and N3 - which combined are referred to as NREM sleep - and Stage R, which is rapid eye movement sleep, or REM, and Wakefulness). The EEG electrodes are placed according to the International 10-20 system.  The electrooculogram (EOG) uses two electrodes; one that is placed 1 cm above the outer canthus of the right eye and one that is placed 1 cm below the outer canthus of the left eye. These electrodes pick up the activity of the eyes in virtue of the electropotential difference between the cornea and the retina (the cornea is positively charged relative to the retina). This helps to determine when REM sleep occurs, of which rapid eye movements are characteristic, and also essentially aids in determining when sleep occurs.  The electromyogram (EMG) typically uses four electrodes to measure muscle tension in the body as well as to monitor for an excessive amount of leg movements during sleep (which may be indicative of periodic limb movement disorder, PLMD). Two leads are placed on the chin with one above the jawline and one below. This, like the EOG, helps determine when sleep occurs as well as REM sleep. Sleep generally includes relaxation and so a marked decrease in muscle tension occurs. A further decrease in skeletal muscle tension occurs in REM sleep. A person becomes partially paralyzed to make acting out of dreams impossible, although people that do not have this paralysis can suffer from REM behavior disorder. Finally, two more leads are placed on the anterior tibialis of each leg to measure leg movements.  Though a typical electrocardiogram (ECG or EKG) would use ten electrodes, only two or three are used for a polysomnogram. They can either be placed under the collarbone on each side of the chest or one under the collarbone and the other six inches above the waist on either side of the body. These electrodes measure the electrical activity of the heart as it contracts and expands, recording such features as the "P" wave, "QRS" complex, and "T" wave. These can be analyzed for any abnormalities that might be indicative of an underlying heart pathology.  Nasal and oral airflow can be measured using pressure transducers, and/or a thermocouple, fitted in or near the nostrils; the pressure transducer is considered the more sensitive. This allows the clinician/researcher to measure the rate of respiration and identify interruptions in breathing. Respiratory effort is also measured in concert with nasal/oral airflow by the use of belts. These belts expand and contract upon breathing effort. However, this method of respiration may also produce false negatives. Some patients will open and close their mouth while obstructive apneas occur. This forces air in and out of the mouth while no air enters the airway and lungs. Thus, the pressure transducer and thermocouple will detect this diminished airflow and the respiratory event may be falsely identified as a hypopnea, or a period of reduced airflow, instead of an obstructive apnea.  Pulse oximetry determines changes in blood oxygen levels that often occur with sleep apnea and other respiratory problems. The pulse oximeter fits over a fingertip or an earlobe.  Snoring may be recorded with a sound probe over the neck, though more commonly the sleep technician will just note snoring as "mild", "moderate" or "loud" or give a numerical estimate on a scale of 1 to 10. Also, snoring indicates airflow and can be used during hypopneas to determine whether the hypopnea may be an obstructive apnea.

Procedure.

For the standard test, the patient comes to a sleep lab in the early evening and over the next 1–2 hours is introduced to the setting and "wired up" so that multiple channels of data can be recorded when he/she falls asleep. The sleep lab may be in a hospital, a free-standing medical office, or in a hotel. A sleep technician should always be in attendance and is responsible for attaching the electrodes to the patient and monitoring the patient during the study.  During the study, the technician observes sleep activity by looking at the video monitor and the computer screen that displays all the data second by second. In most labs, the test is completed and the patient is discharged home by 7 a.m. unless a Multiple Sleep Latency Test (MSLT) is to be done during the day to test for excessive daytime sleepiness.  Most recently, health care providers may prescribe home studies to enhance patient comfort and reduce expense. The patient is given instructions after a screening tool is used, uses the equipment at home and returns it the next day. Most screening tools consist of an airflow measuring device (thermistor) and a blood oxygen monitoring device (pulse oximeter). The patient would sleep with the screening device for one to several days, then return the device to the health care provider. The provider would retrieve data from the device and could make assumptions based on the information given. For example, series of drastic blood oxygen desaturations during night periods may indicate some form of respiratory event (apnea). The equipment monitors, at a minimum, oxygen saturation. More sophisticated home study devices have most of the monitoring capability of their sleep lab technician run counterparts, and can be complex and time-consuming to set up for self-monitoring.

Interpretation.

After the test is completed a "scorer" analyzes the data by reviewing the study in 30-second "epochs".  The score consists of the following information:  Once scored, the test recording and the scoring data are sent to the sleep medicine physician for interpretation. Ideally, interpretation is done in conjunction with the medical history, a complete list of drugs the patient is taking, and any other relevant information that might impact the study such as napping done before the test.  Once interpreted, the sleep physician writes a report that is sent to the referring provider, usually with specific recommendations based on the test results.

Examples of summary reports.

The below example report describes a patient's situation, the results of some tests and mentions CPAP as a treatment for obstructive sleep apnea. CPAP is continuous positive airway pressure and is delivered via a mask to the patient's nose or the patient's nose and mouth. (Some masks cover one, some both). CPAP is typically prescribed after the diagnosis of OSA is made from a sleep study (i.e., after a PSG test). To determine the correct amount of pressure and the right mask type and size, and also to make sure the patient can tolerate this therapy, a "CPAP titration study" is recommended. This is the same as a "PSG" but with the addition of the mask applied so the technician can increase the airway pressure inside the mask as needed, until all, or most, of the patient's airway obstructions are eliminated.  This report recommends that Mr. J---- return for a CPAP titration study, which means a return to the lab for a second all-night PSG (this one with the mask applied). Often, however, when a patient manifests OSA in the first 2 or 3 hours of the initial PSG, the technician will interrupt the study and apply the mask right then and there; the patient is awakened and fitted for a mask. The rest of the sleep study is then a "CPAP titration." When both the diagnostic PSG and a CPAP titration are done the same night, the entire study is called "split night".  The split-night study has these advantages:  The split-night study has these disadvantages:  Because of costs, more and more studies for "sleep apnea" are attempted as split-night studies when there is early evidence for OSA. (Note that both types of study, with and without a CPAP mask, are still polysomnograms.) When the CPAP mask is worn, however, the flow-measurement lead in the patient's nose is removed. Instead, the CPAP machine relays all flow-measurement data to the computer. The below report is an example report which might be produced from a split night study:

Polysomnography (PSG), a type of sleep study, is a multi-parametric test used in the study of sleep and as a diagnostic tool in sleep medicine. The test result is called a polysomnogram, also abbreviated PSG. The name is derived from Greek and Latin roots: the Greek πολύς ("polus" for "many, much", indicating many channels), the Latin "somnus" ("sleep"), and the Greek γράφειν ("graphein", "to write").

睡眠多项生理检查(英语:Polysomnography),缩写为PSG,是睡眠医学、睡眠障碍、打鼾、癫痫、睡眠呼吸中止症等,有关睡眠的疾病当中,最常被安排进行的标准生理诊断方法。多项生理检查顾名思义,需要透过多种仪器的配合,方能进行检查的综合诊断方法。


Plot.

Homer Wells, an orphan, grows up in a Maine orphanage directed by kindly, avuncular Dr. Wilbur Larch. Homer is returned twice by foster parents; his first foster parents thought he was too quiet and the second parents beat him. Dr. Larch is addicted to ether and also secretly performs abortions for women. Conditions at the orphanage are spartan, but the children are treated with love and respect, and they are like an extended family. Each night before they go to sleep, Dr. Larch says to the boys, "Goodnight you Princes of Maine, you Kings of New England", as both encouragement and a kind of blessing.  Homer, the oldest among the orphans, is very bright, helpful and even-tempered, so Larch trains him in obstetrics and abortions as an apprentice, despite Homer's never having attended high school. Homer disapproves of abortions, and, although he has been trained by Larch in the field, he refuses to perform them. After several years, Homer is very skillful and confident in performing obstetrical duties. Larch wants him to take over his position after he retires, but Homer finds this idea impossible, because he lacks formal medical education and wants to see more of the world than just the orphanage.  Homer leaves the orphanage with Candy Kendall and her boyfriend, Wally Worthington, a young couple who came to the clinic to have an abortion. Wally is a pilot on leave from the service. Wally's mother, Olive, owns the Worthington family apple orchard where Homer settles in as a worker. Homer lives on the Worthington estate in a bunkhouse called the Cider House. Wally leaves to fight in World War II. Homer is exempt from military service because Dr. Larch has diagnosed that he has a heart condition.  While Wally is away, Homer and Candy have an affair. He goes to work picking apples with Arthur Rose's team. Arthur and his team are migrant workers who are employed seasonally at the orchard by the Worthingtons, but are illiterate. When Homer reads them the rules of the Cider House that have been posted, the workers observe that the rules have been made without the occupants' consent by people who do not live there and so do not face their problems. Consequently, they feel that they can ignore these rules. Homer and Candy become much closer during this period of harvest and spend more time together while Wally is in Burma fighting.  After Arthur and his team come back to work at the orchard the following season, it comes to light that he has raped and impregnated his own daughter, Rose. Rose confides in Homer after he finds out himself that she is pregnant and experiencing morning sickness. Homer decides that he must help Rose, and agrees to perform an abortion, with Arthur's assistance. A few days later, when Rose tries to run away, her father notices and goes to say goodbye; Rose stabs him and flees. Arthur then makes his own injury worse, and as a last request, asks Homer and another worker to tell the police that his death was a suicide.  Wally returns from Burma a paraplegic, and although she loves Homer, Candy decides to go where she is most needed. Immediately following this decision, Homer learns that Dr. Larch has succumbed to (what he is told was) an accidental ether overdose. Eventually, Homer decides he too should go where he is most needed and returns to the orphanage, where he is greeted joyously by both the children and staff. Homer learns that Larch faked his diagnosis and medical record to keep him out of the war. Larch fabricated college credentials for Homer and used reverse psychology to convince the orphanage board to appoint Homer as the next director. Homer fills the paternal role that Larch previously held for the children of the orphanage, saying, "Goodnight you princes of Maine, you kings of New England".

Reception.

On the review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds a 71% approval rating, based on 112 reviews with an average rating of 6.6/10. The website's critical consensus reads, ""The Cider House Rules" has wonderful performances, lovely visuals, and an old-fashioned feel." It also has a weighted average rating of 75 out of 100 on Metacritic, based on 32 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".  Leonard Maltin awarded the film a rare four-star rating. By contrast, Roger Ebert of the "Chicago Sun-Times" awarded it just two stars, stating the film: "is often absorbing or enchanting in its parts. Michael Caine's performance is one of his best, and Charlize Theron is sweet and direct as the girl", along with, "The story touches many themes, lingers with some of them, moves on and arrives at nowhere in particular."

Awards and nominations.

"The Cider House Rules" won two Academy Awards and was nominated for an additional five:

Songs featured in the film.

Several famous songs written by Richard A. Whiting are featured in the film, notably "Ukulele Lady" written by Richard A. Whiting and Gus Kahn in 1925. In the film it was performed by Vaughn DeLeath.  "My Ideal" was featured in the film written by Richard A. Whiting, Newell Chase, and Leo Robin in 1930. In the movie the song was sung by Margaret Whiting (Richard A. Whiting's Daughter) with Billy Butterfield & His Orchestra.  The song "All I Want Is Just One Girl" featured in the film was written by Richard A. Whiting and Leo Robin in 1930. In the movie the song is performed by Gus Arnheim and His Coconut Grove Ambassadors.  The Pure Michigan tourism campaign uses the main theme from the film as its background music.

The Cider House Rules is a 1999 American drama film directed by Lasse Hallström and distributed by Buena Vista Pictures. It was written by John Irving and is based on his 1985 novel of the same name. Its story follows Homer Wells, who lives in a World War II–era Maine orphanage run by a doctor who trained him, and his journey after leaving the orphanage. The film stars Tobey Maguire, Charlize Theron, Delroy Lindo, Paul Rudd, Michael Caine, Jane Alexander, Kathy Baker, Kieran Culkin, Heavy D, Kate Nelligan, and Erykah Badu.

是一套1999年的美国剧情片,由莱塞·霍尔斯道姆执导,托比·马圭尔及米高·肯恩主演。电影改编自约翰·艾文的同名小说,剧本亦由艾文执笔,描述一名孤儿成长的故事。


Plot.

Hercules, at Olympus, berates his father Zeus for not allowing him to leave the gods' abode to adventure on earth. Eventually Zeus sends Hercules, on a beam, to the land of men.  After some strange encounters in the air and at sea, Hercules arrives in New York City, where hilarity ensues in the form of interactions with various New Yorkers, who regard him as physically superior but socially awkward. He befriends a skinny little man called Pretzie. Hercules becomes a successful professional wrestler.  Zeus, watching Hercules from the heights, becomes irritated with Hercules' antics, which he feels are making a mockery of the gods, and calls on Mercury to stop Hercules. After Mercury tries but fails to bring Hercules home, Zeus orders Nemesis to see to it that Hercules is consigned to the infernal regions ruled over by Pluto.  However, Hera instead convinces Nemesis to poison Hercules with a poison that would strip him of his divinity and then talk to Pluto. Nemesis informs Pluto of what is happening and he bets a large sum of money against Hercules in an upcoming strongman competition with Hercules' gangster manager. When Hercules loses the strongman competition his friends try to lead off Hercules' angry manager's henchmen, but Hercules follows them to save them.  Meanwhile, Zeus uncovers the truth from Nemesis as to what is happening but only intervenes at the last minute to restore Hercules' divinity, not wanting any son of his to die at the hands of a mortal.  Hercules defeats the gangsters and realizes that he has been disobedient and returns to the heavens shortly after, only saying good-bye to Pretzie over a radio after he leaves.  In the heavens, Zeus tells Juno and Hercules that he will not punish Hercules for his behavior as they ask him about it and then asks to be left alone. They leave him alone, and upon their departure, Zeus sneaks out of the heavens and descends to earth, scaring a passenger jet on his way down.

Production.

Playing the film's title character, Schwarzenegger, because of his long last name and to play off the name of fellow cast member comedian Arnold Stang, is credited as "Arnold Strong 'Mr. Universe'".  According to Schwarzenegger's autobiography, he had all his lines dubbed due to his thick Austrian accent, although the Trimark DVD has an "Original English Dialogue" audio track with Arnold's voice. However, in that version's final scene, Schwarzenegger's voice is not restored when Hercules speaks to Pretzie through his small transistor radio.  On October 19, 2006, the "San Francisco Chronicle" reported that Premiere Pictures was auctioning off the rights to the film on eBay for a minimum bid of $550,000.

Hercules in New York is a 1970 American fantasy comedy film directed by Arthur Allan Seidelman and written by Aubrey Wisberg, who also served as producer. It was the first feature film to star a then-unknown Arnold Schwarzenegger, who was about 22 years old when the film was produced.

《大力神在纽约》(Hercules in New York)是美国1969年2月5日上映的低成本制作奇幻冒险时装电影。是阿诺史瓦辛格(Arnold Schwarzenegger)首部演出的电影,当年他22岁。不过,阿诺遗憾他曾演出此电影。