List of currencies named "mark" or similar.

"Mark" can refer

England and Scotland.

In England the "mark" never appeared as a coin but was only a unit of account. It was apparently introduced in the 10th century by the Danes. According to 19th-century sources, it was initially equivalent to 100 pence, but after the Norman Conquest (1066), it was worth 160 pence (13 shillings and 4 pence), two-thirds of a pound sterling.  In Scotland, the merk Scots was a silver coin of that value, issued first in 1570 and afterwards in 1663.

Germany.

Early use.

Originally, denoted a mass unit of approximately. The mark used in the market of Cologne (Cologne mark: ) was used to define the value of the official gold and silver currencies of the Holy Roman Empire including the Reichsthaler silver coin. In 1566, a Reichsthaler was introduced of which 9 were to be minted from a Cologne mark of fine silver. In northern Germany (especially Hamburg and Lübeck) as well as in much of trade in the Baltic region, the customary unit of account was the mark valued at of a Reichsthaler. Marks were rarely minted, though. Instead, "schilling" coins were minted with 48 schillings representing one Reichsthaler; i.e. 16 schillings equaled one mark.  In an attempt to prevent debasement of the currency by the influx of adulterated coins, the Bank of Hamburg () was founded in 1619. It was modeled after the example of the Bank of Amsterdam. Both these banks established a stable money of account. The Hamburg unit of account was the mark banco. It was credited in exchange for the sale of bullion or by way of credit against collateral. No coins or banknotes were issued, but accounts were opened showing a credit balance. The account holders could use their credit balances by remittances to other accounts or by drawing bills of exchange against them. These bills circulated and could be transferred by endorsement, and were accepted as payment. They could also be redeemed. This currency proved to be very stable.

19th century.

Following German unification in 1871, the country adopted the German gold mark (officially known just as the "mark") as its currency in 1873. The name was taken from the mark banco. Initially, the coins and banknotes of the various predecessor currencies, such as the, the, and the guilder, continued to circulate, and were treated as fixed multiples of the new unit of account, similarly to the introduction period of the euro between 1999 and 2002. Coins denominated in gold marks were first issued in 1871, and gradually replaced the old coins. The mark banco was converted into the new gold mark at par. The Bank of Hamburg was incorporated as the Hamburg subsidiary into the newly founded (established 1876), issuing banknotes denominated in gold marks.

20th century.

In 1914, the stopped demanding first-class collateral (e.g. good bills of exchange, covered bonds such as ") when providing credit to borrowers. The gold mark became a weak currency, colloquially referred to as the paper mark (), in order to finance the war effort. In 1918, the pre-war sound money policy was not re-established, and the continuing loose money policy resulted in inflation, and in 1923, in hyperinflation.  In late 1923, when the paper mark had become virtually worthless, it was replaced by a new currency, the (worth 1 trillion ). The new currency was issued by the newly established as credit to borrowers, but requiring collateral in the form of first-class claims to real estate.  In 1924, the stopped providing unrestricted credit against worthless financial bills, and pegged its new currency, the, to the stable. The rationed its lending, so that the remained at par with the stable. The currencies continued to exist in parallel, and were both abbreviated RM.  The original intention was to withdraw the by 1934, but the National Socialist government decided to continue to use the, which enjoyed a considerable trust due to its stability. Nevertheless, the National Socialist government deliberately overissued both currencies to finance infrastructure investments by the state, and expanded government employment and expenditure on items such as armaments. By 1935, laws limiting increases of prices, wages, and rents were needed to suppress inflation. Enormous extra taxes, charged on real estate owners ( in 1936), and on the occasion of the anti-Semitic November Pogrom ("), on Jewish Germans ( in 1938), could not stabilise the economy for long. The start of World War II was used to justify general price controls and rationing. Thus inflation was officially hidden, and was expressed as ever-growing aggregate savings of the population, which could only spend its earnings on limited rations of goods at artificially low prices. However, inflation could clearly be seen in the rising prices on the black market. During the war, the German economy was supported by war booty taken from occupied countries, continuing to some extent until 1944. By the end of the war, the oversupply of banknotes and coins ( in 1933, in 1945) became obvious, openly showing up in inflated black market prices.  From 1944, the Allies printed occupation marks (also called "military marks"), decreeing that these were to be accepted at par with the and the. Banknotes worth military marks were issued for purchases by the occupying forces in Germany, and for soldiers' wages. In June 1948, military marks were demonetised as part of the West German and East German currency reforms.  In June 1947, the French occupying force in the Saar Protectorate introduced the Saar mark, which was at par with the and the. In November 1947, it was replaced by the Saar franc.  On 21 June 1948, the Deutsche Mark (German mark) was introduced by the "" in the western zones of occupation in Germany, which then formed West Germany.  On 23 June 1948, the'("German bank of issue and giro centre") of the Soviet occupation zone (which later formed East Germany) followed suit, issuing its own (colloquially referred to as the East German mark or '), later officially called'(1964–1967) and then'(1968–1990). It was replaced by the (West) German mark when Germany was reunified in 1990.

Replacement by the euro.

The German mark was replaced by the euro, first as an accounting currency on 1 January 1999, at a conversion rate of 1.95583 marks per euro. Thereafter, the mark-denominated notes and coins represented the euro at that conversion rate, and remained legal tender until 1 January 2002, when they were replaced by euro notes and coins.  Germany mints its own German euro coins, but all euro coins are legal tender throughout the Eurozone.  The remaining convertible mark of Bosnia and Herzegovina is a currency that officially replaced the German mark as de facto currency of the ruptured economy and hyper-inflation of local divided currencies after the Bosnian war, pegged to the German mark 1:1 at the time, and further pegged to Euro at the rate at which German mark was replaced, i.e. 1 EUR = 1.95583 BAM.

The mark was a currency or unit of account in many nations. It is named for the mark unit of weight. The word "mark" comes from a merging of three Teutonic/Germanic words, Latinised in 9th-century post-classical Latin as ', ','or '. It was a measure of weight mainly for gold and silver, commonly used throughout Western Europe and often equivalent to eight ounces. Considerable variations, however, occurred throughout the Middle Ages.

马克(mark)是欧洲古时的货币计量单位,等于拜占庭的苏德(「盾」)、不列颠的先令。


Managerial career.

Choi was appointed as assistant coach of FC Seoul in August 2006. In April 2011, he was promoted as the caretaker coach. After leading club to a fifth place, he was named as club's permanent coach in December 2012 and won 2012 K League. In 2013, Choi led the club to the final of the 2013 AFC Champions League. They drew all two matches of the final against the chinese club Guangzhou Evergrande but didn't get the title due to the away goals rule. Choi was named the AFC Coach of the Year.  On 21 June 2016, he was officially appointed as a manager of the chinese club Jiangsu Suning. He finished as runner-up in the Chinese Super League and the Chinese FA Cup. On 1 June 2017, he officially resigned Jiangsu Suning manager.  On 11 October 2018, Choi was officially reappointed as FC Seoul manager. On 9 December 2018, Choi won the K League playoffs against Busan IPark, successfully keeping FC Seoul in the K League.

Personal life.

He divorced his wife in November 2006 after a 15-month-long marriage. His former wife, a one-time contestant in a Miss Korea pageant, went through the legal procedures to take half the estate properties under Choi's name per their prenuptial agreement.

Career statistics.

International.

Source:

Honours.

Player.

Anyang LG Cheetahs  South Korea U20  South Korea  Individual

Manager.

FC Seoul  Jiangsu Suning  Individual

Choi Yong-soo (born September 10, 1973) is a professional football manager and former player. He spent his professional career playing in Korea and Japan as a striker. Choi played for Anyang LG Cheetahs, now renamed FC Seoul, in South Korea's K League and other various clubs in Japan's J1 League. Choi represented South Korea at the 1993 FIFA World Youth Championship, 1996 Summer Olympics, 1998 FIFA World Cup and 2002 FIFA World Cup.

崔龙洙(,罗马化:Choi Yong-Soo,1973年-9月10日),退役韩国职业足球运动员,现任K联赛首尔FC主教练。球员时代,崔龙洙曾在韩国和日本的几家球队效力,司职前锋,被誉为“韩国传奇前锋”。作为球员,崔龙洙参加了1998年和2002年的世界杯足球赛。退役后,崔龙洙在首尔FC担任助理教练,2011年4月成为首尔FC的临时主教练,年底成为正式主教练,次年带领首尔FC获得K联赛冠军,2013年带领首尔FC打入亚冠联赛决赛。


Description.

Self-storage facilities rent space on a short-term basis (often month-to-month, though options for longer-term leases are available) to individuals (usually storing household goods; nearly all jurisdictions prohibit the space from being used as a residence) or to businesses (usually storing excess inventory or archived records). Some facilities offer boxes, locks, and packaging supplies for sale to assist tenants in packing and safekeeping their goods, and may also offer truck rentals (or may allow free use of a truck for a new tenant).  Most storage facilities offer insurance for purchase; also, the lessor may be covered by his/her own insurance policy (if such policy has coverage for items stored off the premises of the insured) or may purchase insurance to cover the items (which the facility may offer as a service through a third-party carrier, and in some cases may require the lessor to purchase as a condition of rental).  The rented spaces are secured by the tenant's own lock and key. Unlike in a warehouse, self-storage facility employees do not have casual access to the contents of the space (and, thus, the facility is generally not liable for theft). A self-storage facility does not take possession or control of the contents of the space unless a lien is imposed for non-payment of rent, or if the unit is not locked the facility may lock the unit until the tenant provides his/her own lock.

History.

Although there is historical evidence of publicly available storage in ancient China, modern self-storage facilities (in which the tenant has exclusive access to the storage space) did not begin to appear until the late 1960s. The first self-storage facility chains opened in Texas. This was often helped by the fact that most homes in Texas do not have basements, which often is used for storage.  The first self-storage facility in the United Kingdom opened in 1979, in central London.  Modern storage facilities grew slowly through the 90s, at which time demand outpaced supply and caused a rush of new self-storage developments. From 2000 to 2005, over 3,000 new facilities were built every year in America.

Self storage today.

At year-end 2019, there were 47,539 self-storage facilities in the United States on industrial and commercial land parcels. There is more than 1.9 billion square feet of available self-storage in space in U.S. The six largest publicly traded storage operators (four REITs, and U-Haul own or operate approximately 18% of self-storage facilities. The industry is worth $38 billion in 2018. More recently, in many metropolitan cities where competition among storage companies is fierce, better parcels of land near residential and commercial areas are being converted into self-storage once approved by zoning panels. Companies are becoming more adept at manufacturing these modular storage units, allowing operators to get up and running quickly. To support the need, businesses like PODS are expected to enter the modular construction effort as well.  Mailstorage or on-demand storage is where customers' items are kept together in a warehouse rather than providing each customer with a storage unit.  Self-storage businesses lease a variety of unit sizes to residential and business customer/tenants. Popular unit sizes (expressed in feet, with width shown first and depth shown second) include:  The storage units are typically window-less, walled with corrugated metal, and lockable by the renter. Each unit is usually accessed by opening a roll-up metal door, which is usually about the same size as a one-car garage door (smaller units may be accessed by a hinged metal door). A controlled access facility may employ security guards, security cameras, individual unit door alarms and some means of electronic gate access such as a keypad or proximity card. A few facilities even use biometric thumbprint or hand scanners to ensure that access is granted only to those that rent. Self-storage facility operators frequently provide 24-hour access, climate controlled storage, outdoor storage for RVs and boats, and lights or power outlets inside the storage unit as amenities to set themselves apart from competitors. Some storage facilities have open roofs i.e. a wire mesh roof which are not that secure, compared to ones that have full covered tin roofs that provide added security and privacy.  In rural and suburban areas most facilities contain multiple single-story buildings with mostly drive-up units which have natural ventilation but are not climate-controlled. These buildings are referred to as "traditional" storage facilities. Climate-controlled interior units are becoming more popular in suburban areas. In urban areas many facilities have multi-story buildings using elevators or freight lifts to move the goods to the upper floors. These facilities are often climate-controlled since they are comprised mostly, if not totally, of interior units. Warehouses or grocery stores are sometimes converted into self-storage facilities. Loading docks are sometimes provided on the ground floor. Also, complimentary rolling carts or moving dollies are sometimes provided to help the customers carry items to their units. Urban self-storage facilities might contain only a few floors in a much larger building; there are successful self-storage businesses co-located with manufacturing plants, office tenants and even public schools.  One in ten U.S. households now rent a self-storage unit. The growing demand for self-storage in the U.S. is created by people moving (some 40 million people move each year according to U.S. Census data), and by various lifestyle transitions, such as marriage, divorce, retirement, a death in the family, etc. Recent surveys of self-storage companies indicate a positive trend in market demand and occupancy rate.  Over 54,000 self-storage facilities currently exist in the U.S. ranging from companies with a nationwide presence to companies with regional footprints or even stand-alone independent "mom and pop" facilities.  Demand for storage space remains stable as of Q4 2015. The supply for self-storage is also relatively stable. Often, the process to build a new storage building is onerous and can take years. Additionally, this specific asset class often gets push back from communities, due to its nature.  The self-storage sector is highly fragmented, which is in contrast to other asset classes in the industry. 80% of self-storage facilities are owned by individuals or small investors.  There is a belief amongst investors that the self-storage industry is recession-proof. This belief is supported by the 5.1% total return the sector delivered to investors in 2008 during The Great Recession. The self-storage industry reported strong results during the COVID-19 pandemic. This is due to the fact that self-storage is considered to be an "essential business" in many jurisdictions so during a lockdown many facilities never closed and many people were reportedly panic buying storage units to keep valuables safe from contamination.

Self storage worldwide.

Self-storage or variations on the business model are now found in many parts of the world. In 2014, FEDESSA, the Federation of European Self Storage Associations, published a report about the state of the self-storage industry in Europe. In this report, it was estimated that 975 facilities exist in the United Kingdom, 430 in France, 264 in The Netherlands, 210 in Spain, 131 in Germany, and 112 in Sweden. No other country in Europe has more than 100 facilities. Overall, the report estimates 2,391 total facilities in Europe, or about 75 million square feet of rentable storage space. This compares with over 52,000 facilities in the US (236 million square feet), and 1,100 facilities in Australia (39 million square feet). In the UK, charges are related to capacity in ft2, transportation, hour/loading, with low-cost alternatives to traditional self-storage.

Storage auctions.

In the United States, self-storage facilities may hold storage auctions or lien sales to vacate non-paying tenants according to their enforcement rights that are outlined within the lien law of each jurisdiction.  Facilities owners are generally required to first notify the tenant of the outstanding debt, commonly by certified or registered mail to the address on file with the facility. If the debt remains unpaid, the facility must then give public notice of the sale or auction, generally in a newspaper of general circulation in most states, though some states may allow public notice of sales to be done in the internet. The tenant has the right to pay their outstanding bill at any time until the moment the auction begins and thus reclaim rights to the unit and his/her items; those units would be removed from the auction (which, in some cases, may result in the entire auction being cancelled).  The auctions/sales are open to the general public, with most bidders buying for the purpose of reselling for profit. Once the auction for a unit starts, the door to the unit is opened and potential bidders are allowed to view the contents only by looking in from the doorway; they may not step inside, touch, or move any of the contents prior to the auction. Generally, the spaces and their contents are sold "as is, where is" with no warranties or guarantees implied or provided, and the terms of sale are cash-only upon conclusion of the auction. The purchaser of a unit takes possession of its entire contents and is responsible for removing them within a set period of time. In some cases, the facility may allow the purchaser to rent the unit and/or charge a refundable deposit for cleaning of the unit once it has been emptied.  Certain jurisdictions require facility owners to immediately confiscate controlled items such as firearms if they are in plain sight within a delinquent unit. Also, a jurisdiction may require the purchaser to turn over some items (such as family photos and tax/business records) to the facility owner.  In the fall of 2010, two new television programs featuring storage auctions, "Storage Wars" and "Auction Hunters", were released. The popularity led to additional shows such as "Storage Hunters", "", and "" which helped increase the visibility and interest of storage auctions. "" also debuted on the Outdoor Living Network in 2013.

Self Storage Associations.

Self Storage Associations have been created around the world in order to support the growth of the industry. These associations offer support in the way of information, education, networking, referrals, events, standardized agreements, data collection, marketing, advocacy, and publications for current and potential facility owners, managers, suppliers, and investors.

Self storage (a shorthand for "self-service storage", and also known as "Device storage") is an industry in which storage space (such as rooms, lockers, containers, and/or outdoor space), also known as "storage units" is rented to tenants, usually on a short-term basis (often month-to-month). Self-storage tenants include businesses and individuals.

自助储物空间(英语:self storage),又称迷你仓、便利型小型仓库、自助仓库一类提供物件存储的小型仓库,是B2C的商业服务。客户一般以个人、家庭或中小型公司为主。由于家居、办公空间狭小、搬家、装修,又想要那样东西,需要把将来仍需使用、还有价值的日常用品、支付租金等暂时寄存在别处。其租金换来的服务是一个转移方便的临时储存空间,24小时安保的环境,可以定期结单、报告通讯,及自动转账等。


布雷肯里奇 (明尼苏达州)

History.

Breckenridge was platted in 1857, and named for John Cabell Breckinridge, a U.S. senator from Kentucky, and fourteenth Vice President of the United States. Breckenridge was also a Major General in the Confederate Army. A post office has been in operation at Breckenridge since 1857. Breckenridge was incorporated in 1908. The city contains one property listed on the National Register of Historic Places, the 1928 Wilkin County Courthouse.

Geography.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of, all of it land.  U.S. Route 75 and Minnesota State Highways 9 and 210 are three of the main routes in the city.

Demographics.

2010 census.

As of the census of 2010, there were 3,386 people, 1,445 households, and 861 families living in the city, and it is currently 108 years old. The population density was. There were 1,635 housing units at an average density of. The racial makeup of the city was 96.3% White, 0.2% African American, 1.4% Native American, 0.4% Asian, 0.3% from other races, and 1.4% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.5% of the population.  There were 1,445 households of which 27.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 47.5% were married couples living together, 7.8% had a female householder with no husband present, 4.3% had a male householder with no wife present, and 40.4% were non-families. 36.2% of all households were made up of individuals and 15.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.24 and the average family size was 2.91.  The median age in the city was 43.3 years. 23.3% of residents were under the age of 18; 7.4% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 21.2% were from 25 to 44; 26.8% were from 45 to 64; and 21.2% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the city was 49.0% male and 51.0% female.

2000 census.

As of the census of 2000, there were 3,559 people, 1,438 households, and 911 families living in the city. The population density was 1,516.4 people per square mile (584.7/km2). There were 1,582 housing units at an average density of 674.0 per square mile (259.9/km2). The racial makeup of the city was 97.61% White, 0.14% African American, 0.56% Native American, 0.17% Asian, 0.03% Pacific Islander, 0.39% from other races, and 1.10% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.71% of the population.  There were 1,438 households out of which 33.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 51.8% were married couples living together, 9.2% had a female householder with no husband present, and 36.6% were non-families. 31.7% of all households were made up of individuals and 16.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.38 and the average family size was 3.05.  In the city, the population was spread out with 26.6% under the age of 18, 7.9% from 18 to 24, 27.1% from 25 to 44, 19.8% from 45 to 64, and 18.7% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 87.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 86.2 males.  The median income for a household in the city was $37,054, and the median income for a family was $47,500. Males had a median income of $31,869 versus $21,328 for females. The per capita income for the city was $17,059. About 7.3% of families and 9.0% of the population were below the poverty line, including 9.5% of those under age 18 and 11.5% of those age 65 or over.

Breckenridge is a city and county seat of Wilkin County, Minnesota, United States. The population was 3,386 at the 2010 census.

布雷肯里奇(英语:Breckenridge)是一个位于美国明尼苏达州威尔金县的都市。根据2010年美国人口普查,该地共人口500人,而该地的面积约为6.37平方千米。同时该地也是威尔金县的县治。


Position.

Proponents claim that the land of Lebanon has been inhabited uninterruptedly since Phoenician times, and that the current population descends from the original population, with some admixture due to immigration over the centuries. They argue that Arabization merely represented a shift to the Arabic language as the vernacular of the Lebanese people, and that, according to them, no actual shift of ethnic identity, much less ancestral origins, occurred. In light of this "old controversy about identity", some Lebanese prefer to see Lebanon, Lebanese culture and themselves as part of "Mediterranean" and "Canaanite" civilization, in a concession to Lebanon's various layers of heritage, both indigenous, foreign non-Arab, and Arab. Some consider addressing all Lebanese as Arabs somewhat insensitive and prefer to call them Lebanese as a sign of respect of Lebanon's long non-Arabic past.

Language.

Arabic.

The Arabic language is considered to exist in multiple forms: formal Arabic, commonly known as Modern Standard Arabic (a modern incarnation of Koranic or Classical Arabic), which is used in written documents and formal contexts; and dialectal variants, numbering some thirty vernacular speech forms, used in day-to-day contexts, and varying widely from country to country. The one spoken in Lebanon is called "Lebanese Arabic" or simply "Lebanese", and it is a type of Levantine Arabic, which, together with Mesopotamian Arabic, is classed by matter of convenience as a type of Northern Arabic.  The point of controversy between Phoenicianists and their opponents lies in whether the differences between the Arabic varieties are sufficient to consider them separate languages. The former cite Prof. Wheeler Thackston of Harvard: "the languages the 'Arabs' grow up speaking at home, are as different from each other and from Arabic itself, as Latin is different from English."  There is a lack of consensus on the distinction between lingual such as languages and dialects. A neutral term in linguistics is "language variety" (a.k.a. "lect"), which can be anything from a language or a family of languages to a dialect or a continuum of dialects, and beyond. The most common, and most purely linguistic, criterion is that of mutual intelligibility: two varieties are said to be dialects of the same language if being a speaker of one variety confers sufficient knowledge to understand and be understood by a speaker of the other; otherwise, they are said to be different languages. By this criterion, the variety commonly known as the Arabic language is indeed considered by linguists to be not a single language but a family of several languages, each with its own dialects. For political reasons, it is common in the Arabic-speaking world (a.k.a. the Arab world) for speakers of different Arabic varieties to assert that they all speak a single language, despite significant issues of mutual incomprehensibility among differing spoken versions.

Aramaic language.

For nearly a thousand years before the spread of the Arab-Muslim conquests in the 7th century AD, Aramaic was the lingua franca and main spoken language in the Fertile Crescent. Among the Maronites, traditionally, Western Aramaic had been the spoken language up to the 17th century, when Arabic took its place, while classical Syriac remained in use only for liturgical purposes, as a sacred language (also considered as such in Judaism, alongside Hebrew).  Today the vast majority of people in Lebanon speak Lebanese Arabic as their first language. More recently, some effort has been put into revitalizing the Western Neo-Aramaic as an everyday spoken language in some ethnic Lebanese communities. Also, the modern type of Eastern Neo-Aramaic has an estimated 2 - 5 million speakers, mainly among Assyrians, a Christian ethnoreligious group related to but distinct from the Maronites of Lebanon.

Genetics.

According to genetic studies performed on the Lebanese populous, the Lebanese people share more than 90% of their genetic makeup with the ancient Canaanites. Canaanite is another name for the Phoenicians; in fact, Phoenician, which comes from Greek “Phoínikes”, was the name given to the Canaanites by the ancient Greeks (though other etymologies exist for Phoenicia).

Religion.

Proponents of Phoenician continuity among Maronite Christians point out that a Phoenician identity, including the worship of pre-Christian Phoenician gods such as Baal, El, Astarte and Adon was still in evidence until the mid 6th century AD in Roman Phoenice, and was only gradually replaced by Christianity during the 4th and 5th centuries AD. Furthermore, that all this happened centuries "before" the Arab-Islamic Conquest.  Because of how closely religious and ethnic identities are intertwined in Lebanon, Phoenicianism is especially common among those Lebanese people who adhere to Christianity, the main religion of most of the Lebanese before the expansion of the Arab-Muslim conquests from the Arabian Peninsula.

Representation in the government.

Among political parties professing Phoenicianism is the Kataeb Party, a Lebanese nationalist party in the March 14 Alliance. It is officially secular, but its is primarily Christian. Other political parties which profess Phoenicianism include the National Liberal Party and the Lebanese Forces.

Differing views and criticism.

The Dutch university professor Leonard C. Biegel, in his 1972 book "Minorities in the Middle East: Their significance as political factor in the Arab World", coined the term Neo-Shu'ubiyya to name the modern attempts of alternative non-Arab nationalisms in the Middle East, e.g. Aramaeanism, Assyrianism, Greater Syrian nationalism, Kurdish nationalism, Berberism, Pharaonism, Phoenicianism.  Historian Kamal Salibi, a Lebanese Protestant Christian, says: "between ancient Phoenicia and the Lebanon of medieval and modern times, there is no demonstrable historical connection". Phoenicianism embraces Phoenicia as an alternative cultural foundation by overlooking 850 years of Arabisation.  The earliest sense of a modern Lebanese identity is to be found in the writings of historians in the early nineteenth century, when, under the emirate of the Shihabs, a Lebanese identity emerged, "separate and distinct from the rest of Syria, bringing the Maronites and Druzes, along with its other Christian and Muslim sects, under one government." The first coherent history of Mount Lebanon was written by Tannus al-Shidyaq (died 1861) who depicted the country as a feudal association of Maronites, Druzes, Melkites, Sunnis and Shi'ites under the leadership of the Shihab emirs. "Most Christian Lebanese, anxious to dissociate themselves from Arabism and its Islamic connections, were pleased to be told that their country was the legitimate heir to the Phoenician tradition," Kamal Salibi observes, instancing Christian writers like Charles Corm (died 1963), writing in French, and Said Aql, who urged the abandonment of Literary Arabic, together with its script, and attempted to write in the Lebanese vernacular, using the Roman alphabet.  Phoenician origins have additional appeal for the Christian middle class, as it presents the Phoenicians as traders, and the Lebanese emigrant as a modern-day Phoenician adventurer, whereas for the Sunni it merely veiled French imperialist ambitions, intent on subverting pan-Arabism.  Critics believe that Phoenicianism is an origin myth that disregards the Arab cultural and linguistic influence on the Lebanese. They ascribe Phoenicianism to sectarian influences on Lebanese culture and the attempt by Lebanese Maronites to distance themselves from Arab culture and traditions.  The counter position is summed by As'ad AbuKhalil, "Historical Dictionary of Lebanon" (London: Scarecrow Press), 1998:  Ethnically speaking, the Lebanese are indistinguishable from the peoples of the eastern Mediterranean. They are undoubtedly a mixed population, reflecting centuries of population movement and foreign occupation... While Arabness is not an ethnicity but a cultural identity, some ardent Arab nationalists, in Lebanon and elsewhere, talk about Arabness in racial and ethnic terms to elevate the descendants of Muhammad. Paradoxically, Lebanese nationalists also speak about the Lebanese people in racial terms, claiming that the Lebanese are "pure" descendants of the Phoenician peoples, whom they view as separate from the ancient residents of the region, including — ironically — the Canaanites.  Recent studies by Miriam Balmuth has also shown that a large part of Phoenicians' history has been influenced by political ideologies that started with the Greeks and the Romans and that the Phoenicians did not have a shared Phoenician identity which they identified with, choosing to identify with their city of origins such as Tyre and Sidon. They did however share a common language, common religious practices, ethnic origin and a common maritime trade culture

Phoenicianism is a form of Lebanese nationalism first adopted by Lebanese Christians, primarily Maronites, at the time of the creation of Greater Lebanon. It constitutes identification of the Lebanese people with the ancient Phoenicians.

腓尼基主义(;英语:Phoenicianism)是黎巴嫩民族主义的一种形式,在建国之初由以马龙尼人为首的黎巴嫩基督徒提出。这一概念为黎巴嫩人与古代腓尼基人之间的联系提供了支撑。


History.

Designed by the renowned architectural firm McKim, Mead & White, the station has Art Deco and Neo-Classical features. The main waiting room has medallions showing the history of transportation, from wagons to steamships to cars and airplanes, the eventual doom of the railroad age. Chandeliers are decorated with Zodiac signs. The building was dedicated on March 23, 1935; the first regular train to use it was a New York–Philadelphia express at 10:17 on March 24. The new station was built alongside (northwest of) the old station, which was then demolished and replaced by the southeast half of the present station, completed in 1937. Except for the separate, underground Newark Light Rail station, all tracks are above street level.  It was to be one of the centerpieces of Pennsylvania Railroad's (PRR's) train network, and to become a transfer point to the Hudson and Manhattan Railroad (now PATH), which was partially funded by the PRR, for travel to lower Manhattan. PRR then scheduled 232 weekday trains through Newark, about two-thirds of them to or from New York Penn Station and the rest to/from Jersey City.  The station itself, the adjacent 230-foot Dock Bridge over the Passaic River (the longest three-track railway lift span in existence at the time) and the realignments of the Newark City Subway (now Newark Light Rail) and H&M cost $42 million, borne almost evenly by the PRR and the City of Newark. The City Subway extension and H&M realignment opened on June 20, 1937, and the nearby Manhattan Transfer station was closed, along with the H&M's original Park Place station.  The Port of New York Authority (now the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey) bought the bankrupt H&M Railroad and reorganized it as Port Authority Trans-Hudson in 1962. New Jersey Department of Transportation's Aldene Plan redirected Central Railroad of New Jersey and Reading Railroad trains from Communipaw Terminal in Jersey City to Newark Penn Station in 1967. The Pennsylvania Railroad merged with longtime rival New York Central Railroad in 1968 to form Penn Central Railroad, but Newark kept the name "Penn Station." In 1970, Penn Station became the sole intercity station in Newark when the Erie Lackawanna ran its last intercity trains through Broad Street Station.  After Amtrak took over inter-city service in 1971, Penn Central continued to operate commuter service, despite being bankrupt. In 1976 the New Jersey Department of Transportation acquired Penn Central, Reading and Jersey Central passenger service, which included lines from as far away as Philadelphia's SEPTA diesel service along the West Trenton Line, with Conrail operating service under contract. New Jersey Transit acquired the rail line north of West Trenton in 1982, and established its rail operations division in 1983, acquiring almost all commuter rail service from Conrail within the state.  Newark Penn Station was extensively renovated in 2007, with restoration of the facade and historic interior materials (e.g., plaster ceilings, marble and limestone, windows, lighting fixtures), as well as train platform and equipment improvements.  In August 2019 the United States Department of Transportation awarded $18.4 million to NJ Transit to rehabilitate and repair Platform "D" that serves Tracks 3 & 4 and is a major transfer point for Amtrak and NJ Transit.

Current operations.

Despite being from New York Penn, the busiest train station in North America, Newark Penn is a major station in its own right. In 2014 it was the 14th busiest station in the Amtrak system, the eighth busiest in the Mid-Atlantic region (behind New York Penn, Washington Union, Philadelphia, Baltimore Penn, Albany-Rensselaer, BWI Airport and Wilmington) and by far the busiest of the six Amtrak stations in New Jersey. This is mainly because since the 1970s, it has been the only intercity rail station in heavily populated northeastern New Jersey.  It is served by all 11 services running along the Northeast Corridor, providing a second option for Amtrak riders traveling through the New York area.  Due to the wide availability of these routes, as well as the "Northeast Regional" and "Acela Express," passengers on most of Amtrak's southbound medium and long-distance routes are not allowed to detrain in Newark, nor are they allowed to entrain on Amtrak's nouthbound medium and long-distance routes.  Newark Penn Station carries the IATA airport code of ZRP.

New Jersey Transit.

Three NJ Transit commuter rail lines converge here: the Northeast Corridor Line, North Jersey Coast Line and the Raritan Valley Line. The former two continue to New York via Secaucus Junction, with the Coast Line offering limited service to Hoboken. The Raritan Valley Line generally terminates here, with the exception of select trains that continue to New York and one inbound weekday train that continues to Hoboken. However, all Raritan Valley Line trains presently terminate at Newark to allow for the installation of positive train control.

PATH.

Newark Penn is the western terminus of the Newark–World Trade Center line of the PATH train, operated by the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey. Trains terminate on the upper level and return to service on the lower level. Until the opening of Secaucus Junction, NJ Transit commuter rail passengers had to transfer to PATH here in order to reach Jersey City or Hoboken.

Newark Light Rail.

On the lower level is the southern terminus of the Newark Light Rail (formerly the Newark City Subway), with three outbound tracks and two inbound tracks. Passengers on this light rail system from Newark and its nearby suburbs can transfer to Amtrak, NJ Transit or PATH trains, or travel to Newark Broad Street or downtown Newark. The Broad Street extension, opened in 2006, was intended to ease transfers between the former Erie Lackawanna commuter routes that call at Broad Street and the Amtrak and former PRR commuter routes that call at Newark Penn. Previously, passengers had to make their own way (usually by taxi or bus) between the two stations.

Tracks and platforms.

Newark Penn has 8 tracks and 6 platforms for both NJT and PATH (Newark Light Rail not included), but PATH trains from NYC arrive on the upper level and ones from South Street arrive on the lower level.

Platform layout.

Note: Shows platform layouts only, not the actual station layout.

Pennsylvania Station (also known as Newark Penn Station) is an intermodal passenger station in Newark, New Jersey. One of the New York metropolitan area's major transportation hubs, Newark Penn Station is served by multiple rail and bus carriers, making it the seventh-busiest rail station in North America, and the fourth-busiest in the New York area. Located at Raymond Plaza, between Market Street and Raymond Boulevard, it is served by the Newark Light Rail, three NJ Transit commuter rail lines, the PATH rapid transit system, and all 11 of Amtrak's Northeast Corridor services (including the "Acela Express"). The station is also Newark's main intercity bus terminal; it is served by carriers Greyhound, Peter Pan, and Trailways. Additionally, it is served by 33 local and regional bus lines operated by NJ Transit Bus Operations and ONE Bus (Orange-Newark-Elizabeth).

宾夕法尼亚车站(英语:Pennsylvania Station),又称「纽瓦克宾州车站」(英语:Newark Penn Station)是新泽西州纽瓦克一个主要交通枢纽。车站位于介乎市场街及雷蒙林荫路之间的雷蒙广场,纽瓦克宾州车站有不同的铁路和巴士路线停靠。停靠的铁路包括纽瓦克轻铁、新泽西交通(3条通勤铁路线)、往曼哈顿的PATH地铁系统以及美铁(11条路线,包括Acela特快)。全国性巴士包括灰狗、彼得潘和径路,当地巴士包括新泽西交通和ONE(橙县-纽瓦克-伊利沙伯),分别有31条和2条路线。


瓦西里·瓦西里耶维奇·戈里津

Life.

Golitsyn spent his early days at the court of Tsar Aleksey Mikhailovich (reigned 1645-1676), where he gradually rose to the rank of boyar. In 1676 he was sent to Ukraine to restrain the Crimean Tatars and took part in the Chigirin campaign of the Russo-Turkish War of 1676-1681. Personal experience of the inconveniences and dangers of the prevailing system of preferment - the so-called "mestnichestvo", or rank priority, which had paralyzed the Russian armies for centuries - induced him to propose its abolition, which Tsar Feodor III carried out in 1678.  The May revolution of 1682 placed Vasily Golitsyn at the head of the Posolsky Prikaz, or Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and during the regency (1682-1689) of Sophia (the half-sister of Peter the Great) whose intimate friend he became, he served as the principal minister of state (1682–1689) and as keeper of the great seal, a title bestowed upon only two Russians before him, Afanasy Ordin-Nashchokin (1605-1680) and Artamon Matveyev (1625-1682). In home affairs his influence was insignificant, but his foreign policy was distinguished by the Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689), which set the Russo-Chinese border north of the Amur River, and by the Eternal Peace Treaty of 1686 with Poland, whereby Russia at last definitively recovered Kiev. By the terms of the same treaty, Russia acceded to the grand league against the Porte, but Golitsyn's two expeditions against the Crimea (Crimean campaigns of 1687 and 1689) proved unsuccessful and made him extremely unpopular.  Only with the utmost difficulty could Sophia get the young tsar Peter to decorate the defeated commander-in-chief as if he had returned a victor. In the political contest between Sophia and Peter of August–September 1689, Golitsyn half-heartedly supported his mistress and shared her ruin. Peter spared his life - owing to the supplications of his cousin Boris - but deprived him of his boyardom, confiscated his estates and banished him successively to Kargopol, to Mezen and to Kholmogory, where he died on 21 April 1714.  Golitsyn was unusually well educated. He was a great friend of foreigners, who generally alluded to him as "the great Golitsyn". He expounded to them some drastic reform measures, such as the abolition of serfdom, the promotion of religious toleration, and the development of industrial enterprises. As Golitsyn was eager to avoid all forms of violence and repression, his program was more cautious and "realistic" than that of Peter the Great. Political upheavals prevented him from executing any of these plans.

Prince Vasily Vasilyevich Golitsyn (, tr. ; 1643–1714) was a Russian aristocrat and statesman of the 17th century. He belonged to the Golitsyn as well as Romodanovsky Muscovite noble families and his main political opponent was his cousin Prince Boris Alexeyevich Golitsyn.

瓦西里·瓦西里耶维奇·戈里津王子(,1643年-1714年-4月21日),17世纪时期俄罗斯帝国贵族、政治家。他出生于戈里津家族,其主要政敌是其堂兄弟鲍里斯·阿列克谢耶维奇·戈里津。


The Club history.

Origins (1970–1971).

Although B71 is one of the youngest football-teams in the Faroe Islands, there has always been a considerable amount of interest in sports on the particular island from which the team fares. Football had been played well before B71 was established in 1970, but since sand-surfaces were deemed unsuitable for football, a team had yet to be formed.  In the late 1960s, two of the island's towns, Sandur and Skopun, started to compete. There were no goals, so instead they used two rocks each, representing goalposts. This rivalry between two of Sandoy's biggest towns went on for several summers, bringing in truckloads of people from Skopun, even though cars had yet to be accessible to the common man.  At around the same time, a new school was being built on Sandoy, where there also would be built a field on which to play sports. As a result of this, people started talking about forming a new team and on New Year's Day 1970, a sports team was established. The preliminary year, the team was called "Sand", since only players from the town of Sandur were fielded. But the following year the team's name was changed to B71. Since players from the entire island wanted to be a part of the team, it no longer seemed fitting to name the team after just one town.  The first year only two teams were fielded. One senior team, playing in, what in those days was referred to as "Meðaldeildin" and one boys-team.

The Early Years (1972–1985).

In the beginning, B71 took baby-steps towards their eventual greater years in the late 1980s, early-to-mid-1990s. Players like Eli Hentze, Torbjørn Jensen, brothers Róin and Jóan Petur Clementsen, and many more, were still playing in the youth divisions, and would not feature prominently until they came of age in the second half of the 1980s.

Faroese Champions (1986–1989).

Nothing really spectacular happened until B71 became 3. division champions in 1986. Two years later, in 1988, they won the 2. division and then, remarkably, they became 1. division champions in 1989, without losing a single game that year. When all was said and done, B71 ended up with a resounding 31-point tally, as opposed to a more modest 22 points by runners-up HB, who, coincidentally, were pummeled 6–2 in the final match of the season against none other than, B71.  B71's success has, in later years, been attributed largely to the successful blend of a Polish influence, consisting of coach Jan Kaczynski, robust midfielder, turned coach, Piotr Krakowski, goalkeeper Waldemar Nowicki, and uniquely solid local players, including, Eli Hentze, Ib Mohr Olsen, Páll á Reynatúgvu, Torbjørn Jensen, brothers Róin and Jóan Petur Clementsen, and many more.  B71 also reached the final of the Faroese Cup in 1989. The initial match resulted in a 1–1 draw, but they ended up losing 2–0 after the replay.  In the space of 3–4 years B71 had gone from being an obscure 3. division side, to Faroese 1. division champions.

Relegation shocker (1990).

For some reason or another, B71 were unable to defend their title the following year. Instead, everything ended in catastrophe. Rather than posing a title challenge, B71 were relegated, forced to spend at least a year in the second-best division. The shame would, however, be short-lived, since B71 immediately bounced back and were promoted the very next year.

The infamous Faroese Cup finals (1993–1994).

Although B71 continued to pose a threat in the Faroese top-division during the early 1990s, (never finishing lower than 4th) they never captured the league trophy a second time. Instead, focus turned to the Faroese Cup, where B71 had even greater success during their reign as one of the top sides in Faroese football.  B71 reached the finals in two consecutive years. The first time in 1993 against HB who they beat 2–0, winning the trophy for the first and only time so far, and again the year later, in 1994 where they lost 2–1 against KÍ.

Relegation/Promotion saga (1996–2006).

After nearly a decade of mostly good results, it was inevitable that B71 eventually would have some misfortune. But no one would suspect that misfortune to last another decade. B71 went from finishing 4th in 1995 to finishing 8th in 1996, and subsequently finishing bottom of the league a year later. This meant being relegated to the second division, only to gain promotion in 1998.  Instability tainted the play of B71, who, in spite of this, managed to escape relegation for a couple of years, until they finally went down in 2001, after having lost the relegation playoff against Skála. B71 would have to wait until the 2006 season before finally gaining promotion again, to what had since been renamed Formuladeildin, for the fourth time since 1988.

Rise of the women's game.

During this time, when the B71 men disappointed time and time again, it was the women's team that really shone. Getting the results and winning match after match was a daily occurrence for the women of B71 through much of the 1990s.  The youth squads of B71 also seemed to produce quality players, greatly due to the hiring of youth-coach Martin Kúrberg who stayed with B71 for many years.  Several of the players from the youth-ranks would become regular B71 players, but the women's team, which got off to a stellar start, slowly declined until B71 were unable to enter a team to the women's competition altogether. Efforts have since been made in resurrecting the team, but so far they have been unable to match the success of B71's "Golden Girls".

B71's Resurgency (2007).

B71 were touted as sure relegation candidates before the 2007 season, even before the first match, but halfway through the season, B71 had proven all of the pundits wrong, with sparkling results, such as a 0–3 away win at holders HB, a 1–0 home win against B36 and a 4–2 away thrashing against title-contenders EB/Streymur. At the end of the season B71 were well out of relegation danger and in the safe-zone.

Pre-season row, relegation and manager-shifts (2008–2009).

The 2008 season was kicked off with B71 once again being named underdogs, but this time B71 didn't provide many surprises. Instead they went on a losing streak, only to salvage the first half of the season on the finishing line, when they played convincingly and won three of their last matches.  B71 had been unsettled pre-season, with the departure and absence of many key-players. The most prominent of which was one Magnus Olsen. There was much controversy and tension between B71 and B36 regarding the player in question. Allegations of tapping up and player-poaching echoed from the B71 camp, while B36 kept refuting the claims, suggesting that the B71 board had been notified of the club's interest in Magnus.  This resulted in many appeals and re-appeals to the highest footballing authority in The Faroe Islands, FSF. B71 were eventually deemed to have no case and Magnus Olsen's much coveted player license was transferred to B36.  Apart from Magnus Olsen, players including Hanus Clementsen, Jóhannis Jensen and Clayton Soares were all ruled out, while successful defender Anders Rasmussen had left, during pre-season. Three games into the season, B71's talented young winger Rasmus Nielsen was injured in a bout with Fróði Benjaminsen and would be out for the entire first half of the season.  The second part of the season was considered somewhat better than the first, with the team playing better football and producing fair results, but in the end they came up short with a meager 22 points. Despite the low point tally, B71 did have slim chances of avoiding relegation right up until the second-last match of the season, when they lost 0–1 at home against Víkingur  Since the relegation became a reality, two key-players from the B71 squad signed with different clubs. Goalkeeper Símun Rógvi Hansen and talented midfielder Gudmund Nielsen, both 21, signed with HB and champions EB/Streymur, respectively. In addition to this, winger Rasmus Nielsen left during the break, to play for, then, newly promoted Tórshavn side, AB, while three of B71's four Brazilian players were released, leaving Clayton Soares as the only Brazilian to reprise his role in the team.  At around the same time, coach Eli Hentze announced he had made the decision to step down from coaching B71's first-team. He was later replaced by Frankie Jensen, who hales from Sandoy, but lives in Tórshavn.  Subsequently, it was announced that Frankie Jensen had been released from his contract, and Eli Hentze was appointed new head-coach, for the third time in his career and at the end of the '09 season, Eli Hentze stepped down, and former 07 Vestur coach, Piotr Krakowski, succeeded him. Appointing Piotr Krakowski has been dubbed "coming home", by the media, for the highly rated coach, because of his affiliation with the team in the 1990s.  B71 had, before this, clinched promotion to top-flight football, on the second to last match-day of the season, after just the one year in 1. Deild

Relegations (2010–2013).

B71 managed to keep themselves up in the 2010 season, finishing 8th, but had a torrid time during the following 2011 season. Efforts were made to sign foreign players Tijani Mohammed and Joseph Bassene as well as re-sign previous B71 players like goalkeeper Símun Rógvi Hansen and Serbian defender Bojan Zivic. This didn't seem to have the intended effect and the team was on a terrible losing streak going into the second half of the season. Ghambian-born Dane Bakari Bojang and Andrezej Bednarz from Poland were recruited to try and salvage an otherwise miserable season, but to no avail. Despite slightly improved results, B71 finished dead last with only 11 points from 27 matches. Being relegated to second tier football didn't help results either. Most of the players from the previous season left the club, leaving only young players to pick up the pieces. B71 finished just above relegation in 8th place in 2012 and could not improve a year later, finishing dead last for the second time in 3 years. This meant a return to third tier football for the first time since the initial promotion in 1986, 28 years ago.

2. division (2014).

2014 marked an unwelcome return to third tier football for the club. It was touch and go a couple of times and ultimately B71 needed a win in the second to last round in order to secure promotion, before meeting, already promoted and division winners, MB on the last day of the campaign.  Initially, promotion looked unsure, as B71 unexpectedly lost 2–0 away against ÍF and by all accounts had to win the very last match. However, ÍF had used an illegal player in this 2–0 victory and B71 won their appeal to the Faroese Football Association, thus clinching promotion on a technicality.

1. division (2015–2016).

2015 had its ups and downs result wise. Though the team was composed of some well known local talent, that didn't result in better than 7th place in the league at the end of the season; it was safe from relegation, yet miles away from promotion.  Perhaps this was the reason for the teams lacklustre second year in the division. Accumulating only 13 points in 27 matches and rock bottom of the league. Once again heading to the third best tier for at least a season.

Promotion (2017).

2017 marked major changes for Sandoyar Ítróttarfelag B71. Though the club was financially healthy and with a good youth set up, the flagship men's team was haemorrhaging points and struggling to keep the attention of the local community. In order to reinvigorate the club, the entire board made the decision to step down and new board members were elected. This was not without problems in the initial phase, but what followed was new life for the men's first team, as well as the continuation of the progress that the previous board had made. Promotion was secured well before the end of the season, as well as winning the league before the last match day.

Back in 1. division (2018–2019).

After just one year in the 2nd division, B71 embarked on another season in the second tier, lead by head coach, Bakary Bojang, who had one year left of his tenure. After some good results in the firsta half of the season, though, Bakary had to step down as head coach due to personal reasons. The club got to work in bringing in a replacement and hired Swedish coach Stefan Hansson to finish the remainder of the season. However, differences between the club and coach meant that newly appointed Hansson stepped down before the last game of the season. Former B71 player and coach, now Faroese U21 national team coach, Eli Hentze, came in to rescue the men's team from relegation danger. Eli and the B71 first men's team managed to salvage enough points before the end of the season and secured another year in the second tier.  2019 was poised to be a different story. The club searched arduously for a new head coach and thought they might have found a long term solution in Coerver coach, Heiðar Birnir Torleifsson. Disaster struck towards the end of the first half of the season, when Heiðar, also left the club due to personal reasons. The club was now in an identical situation as before. Once again, Eli Hentze took the reigns for the initial couple of matches in the second half of the season, as caretaker. A month into the second half, B71 appointed Irish born Christopher Harrington as new head coach until the end of the season. Harrington managed to climb the table from relegation danger and B71 finished in a more respectable 7th position. After the end of the season, it was announced that Christopher Harrington would leave B71 to join HB as joint women's- and head of youth coach. B71 appointed Englishman Richard Goffe from ÍBV as new head coach, days before Christmas, on a 2-year deal, until the end of the 2021 season.

Rise of the women's game pt. II.

Much of the excitement from this year, however, did not originate solely from the men's team, but also by the newly formed women's team, led by youth and head coach, Bakary Bojang. The women were, rather optimistically, entered into the Premier Division for their first season back and this was close to derail the entire venture, suffering heavy losses for a couple of matches, before being allowed to relegate to a lower division, which hadn't started the season at that point. in turn, this move was especially beneficial for the team, who finished third in the division with some great results and success stories along the way.  A year later in 2018, ambitions were higher and the women's team finished in second place in the second women's tier. In 2019, the women were hungry for gold, but yet again they finished second, a couple of points behind leaders 07 Vestur.

The Kit and The Crest.

The Kit.

Although B71 is, and always has been, considered a small club, even by Faroese standards, it has, nonetheless, had its fair share of kits. Lately, there has almost been a new one every year, but there has also been a variety before this; some more loved than others, during B71 almost 40-year history. The primary B71 kit is yellow and blue. B71 has never had a kit yet which didn't include either of these colours.  The first ever B71 kit was an all yellow jersey (except for the blue sleeves and neck-line), blue shorts and yellow socks. As B71 didn't have any sponsors during its humble beginnings, the only decorative item on the shirt was the crest. The yellow colour of the initial jerseys was also a considerably lighter shade, than they would be in later years.  During the 2007 season, B71's away kit was white, mixed with blue, resembling the Faroese flag.  To mark the 2018 and a new modern approach for the club going forward, the kit was changed from the normal yellow shirt/blue shorts combination to an all-yellow kit.

The Crest.

The club's crest shows the Faroese flag (a red, white and blue Scandinavian Cross) centred on a shield. On top of the flag, sits a yellow football, representing the primary colour of the team and the sport they play, upon which the team's name is displayed.  The crest has never been changed or altered in any way since 1970, except for the shade of yellow sometimes getting darker or lighter.

UEFA club competition record.

Home results in bold.

Other sports.

B71 has always been mentioned as being a football club, however this is technically not true. The "B" in the club's name stands for "Ball Club", while "Sandoyar Ítróttarfelag" translates to "Sandoy Sports Club". While it's true that the main focus has always been the football side of the club, a variety of sports have recently been undertaken by the club, mainly for youths and children, largely due to the construction of the indoor sports hall in 2012.

Futsal.

Football had been played indoors in the school gym since its construction in 1971, but the indoor sports hall made the concept of Futsal possible on Sandoy. It's mainly played during the winter, when the freezing temperatures and short daylight hours make playing football outside too difficult.

Kidsvolley.

The last couple of years children have been participating in a "simplified" version of volleyball, aptly named: Kidsvolley. As of a couple of years ago, "kidsvolley" is now being referred to by the Faroese term "Flogbørn".

Handball.

As soon as the indoor sports hall was constructed, handball practice for children was instigated. Recently, it was announced that B71 will be entering youth teams into handball competitions for the first time in the club's history.

Vípan.

While, now defunct women's handball team, "Vípan" never had any direct affiliation with B71, it is oftentimes spoken of in the same breath and even mentioned in B71's official club history. Founded in 1942 by doctor Leif Dahl and later coached by teacher Kjartan Hentze, Vípan was very successful during its short lifespan, winning the Faroese handball championship in 1944 and again in 1949, before the team quietly faded into the history books.  As of a couple of years ago the name Vípan has emerged again as B71 Vípan, the current name for kid's handball teams in Sandoy.

B71 (Sandoy) (B71 being short for Bóltfelagið 1971 – literal translation: "Ball Club 1971") is a Faroese sports club, playing their home games "Inni í Dal", Sandur. Teams are made up of players from all the towns on the island of Sandoy.

B71桑多伊(法罗语:Sandoyar Ítróttarfelag B71;英语:B71 Sandoy)是法罗群岛的足球俱乐部,现属于法罗群岛第二级联赛球队,位于桑多伊,俱乐部创建于1970年1月1日,球队属于业余足球俱乐部,队员皆为普通市民。球队曾在1989年和1993年分别夺得过法罗甲联赛和法罗群岛杯赛的冠军,球队的队色为黄衣蓝裤黄袜,球队在2007赛季再次升入甲级联赛中。


Operations.

Offensive.

The initial primary goal of the operation was declared as "to impose upon Russia the will of the United States and the British Empire. Even though 'the will' of these two countries may be defined as no more than a square deal for Poland, that does not necessarily limit the military commitment". (The Soviet Union is referred to as "Russia" throughout the document, a metonym that was common in the West throughout the Cold War.)  The chiefs of staff were concerned that given the enormous size of Soviet forces deployed in Europe at the end of the war and the perception that the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin was unreliable, there was a Soviet threat to Western Europe. The Soviet Union had yet to launch its attack on Japanese forces and so one assumption in the report was that the Soviet Union would instead ally with Japan if the Western Allies commenced hostilities.  The hypothetical date for the start of the Allied invasion of Soviet-held Europe was scheduled for 1 July 1945, four days before the UK general election. The plan assumed a surprise attack by up to 47 British and American divisions in the area of Dresden, in the middle of Soviet lines. That represented almost half of the roughly 100 divisions available to the British, American and Canadian headquarters at that time.  The plan was taken by the British Chiefs of Staff Committee as militarily unfeasible because of to an anticipated 2.5 to 1 superiority in divisions of Soviet land forces in Europe and the Middle East by 1 July, where the conflict was projected to take place. Most of any offensive operation would have been undertaken by American and British forces, as well as Polish forces and up to 10 divisions of the former German Wehrmacht, remobilised from POW status. Any quick success would be caused by surprise alone. If a quick success could not be obtained before the onset of winter, the assessment was that the Allies would be committed to a protracted total war. In the report of 22 May 1945, an offensive operation was deemed "hazardous".

Defensive.

In response to an instruction by Churchill of 10 June 1945, a follow-up report was written on "what measures would be required to ensure the security of the British Isles in the event of war with Russia in the near future". US forces were relocating to the Pacific for a planned invasion of Japan, and Churchill was concerned that the reduction in supporting forces would leave the Soviets in a strong position to take offensive action in Western Europe. The report concluded that if the United States focused solely on the Pacific Theatre, Britain's odds "would become fanciful".  The Joint Planning Staff rejected Churchill's notion of retaining bridgeheads on the Continent as having no operational advantage. It was envisaged that Britain would use its air force and navy to resist, but a threat from mass rocket attack was anticipated, with no means of resistance except for strategic bombing.

Subsequent discussions.

By 1946, tensions and conflicts were developing between Allied-occupied and Soviet-occupied areas of Europe. They were seen as being potential triggers for a wider conflict. One such area was the Julian March (an area of southeastern Europe now split among Croatia, Slovenia and Italy), and on 30 August 1946 informal discussions took place between the British and US chiefs of staff concerning how such a conflict could develop and the best strategy for conducting a European war. Again, the issue of retaining a bridgehead on the continent was discussed, with Dwight D. Eisenhower preferring a withdrawal to the Low Countries, rather than Italy, because of their proximity to the United Kingdom.

Possible Soviet awareness.

In June 1945 senior Soviet Army commander Marshal Georgi Zhukov suddenly ordered Soviet forces in Poland to regroup and prepare their positions for defence. According to Edinburgh University professor John Erickson, Operation Unthinkable helps to explain why he did it. If the plans of the operation had been transmitted to Moscow by the Cambridge Five, that would explain the sudden orders to regroup and prepare for defence, however, it is just as possible that it was Soviet mistrust of Western Allies. If the Soviets had indeed known that the Western Allies were planning a possible attack, the element of surprise would have been lost before operations against the Soviets even began, further reducing the chances of Operation Unthinkable's success.

Operation Unthinkable was the name given to two related but unrealised plans by the Western Allies against the Soviet Union. The creation of the plans was ordered by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in 1945 and developed by the British Armed Forces' Joint Planning Staff at the end of World War II in Europe.

不可思议行动(英语:Operation Unthinkable)是有关西方盟国和苏联间冲突的两份计划的代号。两份计划都是1945年由时任英国首相丘吉尔下令制定,并由英国武装力量联合计划参谋部于第二次世界大战末开发。


Geography.

According to the 2010 census, Morton has a total area of, of which (or 99.66%) is land and (or 0.34%) is water.

Demographics.

At the 2010 census there were 16,267 people, 6,622 households, and 4,507 families living in the village. The population density was 1,251.9 people per square mile (481.8/km2). There were 6,973 housing units at an average density of 536.6 per square mile (199.7/km2). The racial makeup of the village was 96.3% White, 0.7% African American, 0.2% Native American, 1.3% Asian, <0.1% Pacific Islander, 0.6% from other races, and 1.0% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.7%.  Of the 6,622 households 28.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 58.4% were married couples living together, 7.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 31.9% were non-families. 27.6% of households were one person and 12.4% were one person aged 65 or older. The average household size was 2.41 and the average family size was 2.95.  The age distribution was 23.6% under the age of 18, 6.9% from 18 to 24, 23.8% from 25 to 44, 26.8% from 45 to 64, and 19.0% 65 or older. The median age was 41.4 years. For every 100 females there were 92.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 90.0 males.  The median household income was $70,878 and the median family income was $87,800. Males had a median income of $54,055 versus $27,629 for females. The per capita income for the village was $34,632. About 3.3% of families and 4.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including 3.9% of those under age 18 and 5.4% of those age 65 or over.

Economy.

Morton's economy has been shaped by its proximity to both east/west and north/south interstates (I-74, I-474, I-155, I-55), central location between Chicago, St. Louis and Indianapolis, the presence of Caterpillar's logistics center, proximity to Caterpillar's corporate headquarters in Peoria, and the surrounding fertile farmland. Morton is a net importer of workforce due to the high concentration of major employers and has an unemployment rate (approximately 4%) below the regional, state and national averages. Major industry clusters include advanced manufacturing and logistics/distribution.

Schools.

Morton Community Unit School District 709 is the local public school district; it has one high school (Morton High School), one junior high school for grades seven and eight, and four primary schools for kindergarten through grade six. Private schools in the village are Blessed Sacrament and Bethel Lutheran, both private grade schools with preschool through eighth grade.

Morton is a village in Tazewell County, Illinois, United States, known for its pumpkins and annual Pumpkin Festival. The population was 16,267 at the 2010 census. Morton, the home of a Caterpillar Inc. distribution facility and a Libby's pumpkin cannery, is part of the Peoria, Illinois Metropolitan Statistical Area. Morton is a suburb of Peoria where it is only a 14 minute commute to downtown. Morton is also home to the corporate headquarters of Morton Buildings Inc.

莫顿(英语:Morton)是位于美国伊利诺伊州塔兹韦尔县的一个村落。


Implementation.

FreeRTOS is designed to be small and simple. The kernel itself consists of only three C files. To make the code readable, easy to port, and maintainable, it is written mostly in C, but there are a few assembly functions included where needed (mostly in architecture-specific scheduler routines).  FreeRTOS provides methods for multiple threads or tasks, mutexes, semaphores and software timers. A tick-less mode is provided for low power applications. Thread priorities are supported. FreeRTOS applications can be completely statically allocated. Alternatively RTOS objects can be dynamically allocated with five schemes of memory allocation provided: There are none of the more advanced features typically found in operating systems like Linux or Microsoft Windows, such as device drivers, advanced memory management, user accounts, and networking. The emphasis is on compactness and speed of execution. FreeRTOS can be thought of as a 'thread library' rather than an 'operating system', although command line interface and POSIX-like I/O abstraction add-ons are available.  FreeRTOS implements multiple threads by having the host program call a thread tick method at regular short intervals. The thread tick method switches tasks depending on priority and a round-robin scheduling scheme. The usual interval is 1/1000 of a second to 1/100 of a second, via an interrupt from a hardware timer, but this interval is often changed to suit a particular application.  The download contains prepared configurations and demonstrations for every port and compiler, allowing rapid application design. The FreeRTOS.org site also contains a lot of documentation and RTOS tutorials (additional manuals and tutorials are available for a fee), as well as details of the RTOS design.

Derivations.

Amazon FreeRTOS.

Amazon provides an extension of FreeRTOS, referred to as "a:FreeRTOS". This is FreeRTOS with libraries for IOT support, specifically for Amazon Web Services. Since version 10.0.0 in 2017, Amazon has taken stewardship of the FreeRTOS code, including any updates to the original kernel.

SAFERTOS.

SAFERTOS was developed as a complementary version of FreeRTOS, with common functionality but designed specifically for safety-critical implementation. FreeRTOS was subjected to HAZOP, and weaknesses were identified and resolved. The result was put through a full IEC 61508 SIL 3 development life cycle, the highest level for a software-only component.  SAFERTOS was developed by WITTENSTEIN High Integrity Systems, in partnership with Real Time Engineers Ltd, primary developer of the FreeRTOS project. Both SAFERTOS and FreeRTOS share the same scheduling algorithm, have similar APIs, and are otherwise very similar, but they were developed with differing objectives. SAFERTOS was developed solely in the C language to meet requirements for certification to IEC61508.  SAFERTOS can reside solely in the on-chip read only memory of a microcontroller for standards compliance. When implemented in hardware memory, SAFERTOS code can only be utilized in its original, already-certified, configuration. This means certification of systems do not need to re-test the kernel portion of their designs. SAFERTOS is included in the ROM of some Stellaris Microcontrollers from Texas Instruments. SAFERTOS source code does not need to be separately purchased. In this usage scenario, a C header file is used to map SAFERTOS API functions to their location in read-only memory.

OPENRTOS.

OPENRTOS is a commercially-licensed version of Amazon FreeRTOS, sold by WITTENSTEIN High Integrity Systems. This product provides support and allows companies to use the Amazon FreeRTOS kernel and libraries without the a:FreeRTOS MIT license.

FreeRTOS is a real-time operating system kernel for embedded devices that has been ported to 35 microcontroller platforms. It is distributed under the MIT License.

FreeRTOS是一个热门的嵌入式装置用即时操作系统核心,它于2003年由Richard Barry设计,并已被经成功移植到35种不同的微控制器上。FreeRTOS采用MIT许可证授权。


Plot.

Undisputed heavyweight boxing champion George "Iceman" Chambers (Rhames) is convicted of rape and sentenced to a new prison in the desert, called Sweetwater. The high-security facility is populated by hardened criminals. Unaware of the prison's ways and its unique hierarchy, the pompous and bratty Chambers tries to impress upon the inmates his status as a champion boxer.  The prison camp, within its own walls, has a riveting competition on which a betting syndicate thrives. Criminals fight in boxing matches with very lax rules, thus making it a very addictive and lucrative venture for the syndicate. The most popular boxer behind bars is Sweetwater's undefeated Monroe Hutchens (Snipes), who ends up in solitary confinement after Chambers picks a fight with him in the mess hall.  Sensing the brewing hatred for the heavyweight champion, an incarcerated mob boss named Ripstein (Falk) senses potential in a match between the modest Hutchens and the egomaniacal Chambers. Ripstein, a lifelong boxing fan, proposes a match and the warden (Arndt) is persuaded to look the other way.  As all the arrangements are finally organized, an eagerly awaited fight night arrives. All hell breaks loose with the haughty professional champ going all out against the unputdownable prison warrior. Chambers knocks down Hutchens twice (and with the London Prize Ring Rules, each knockdown counts as the end of a round, as the boxer is given only 60 seconds to get up.) In the third round, Hutchens charges back and knocks Chambers down for the first time in his career, sending the crowd of prisoners into a frenzy. Finally, in the fourth round Hutchens officially KO's Chambers to become the undisputed champion.  Ripstein's Mexican assistant reveals in a voice over that Ripstein died three weeks after the fight, but in his will, he left him $2,000,000. Chambers was released on parole, and Hutchens received the money for his sister, who was experiencing hardship on the outside.  It is also revealed that Chambers and his manager denied that the fight with Hutchens ever occurred, and that it was all a rumor. Months later, Chambers wins back the Heavyweight Championship of the World. The whole cell block watches the televised fight, and laugh and cheer Monroe's name after hearing Chambers being crowned the 'undisputed' heavyweight champion of the world.

Production.

Development and writing.

The film was based on an original script by Walter Hill and David Giler. Hill had just come off the science fiction film "Supernova" on which he had been recut by Francis Ford Coppola among others. "One, it was embarrassing and, two, it made me think about quitting," said Hill. "While Coppola's intentions were honorable, I think he made a bad situation worse. I didn't do anything for a year. I was fortunate enough that I could buy my children a hot lunch. Then, I decided I wanted to work again."  Hill had always wanted to make a boxing film, being a fan of the sport since he was young. "Boxing is easy to indict," says Hill. "There are a lot of terrible things about boxing. However, that's only one side of the coin. The other side is that boxing has a power and a beauty and a drama and fascination that makes it a very compelling sport."  Hill and Giler were having lunch one day and discussed Mike Tyson, who was sentenced to prison for rape in 1992. Giler said they thought "it's amazing how no studio has made a film out of this basic situation of the heavyweight champion of the world going to prison, the toughest environment in the world," said Giler. Hill went and wrote some paragraphs about the idea then he and Giler wrote a full script.  However Hill says while the Tyson case was the departure point, "There are a number of prize fighters who have been in trouble with the law. Our story looks at how a tough guy and celebrity would handle life in prison. The more we wrote, the more we wrote away from the Tyson story." Hill says he was really interested in what happened when "a heavyweight champion goes to the toughest environment possible in American culture, the American prison system."  "What we tried to show is how, under odd circumstances, a convicted murderer and a convicted rapist are capable of a moment of grace," said Hill. "They're both heroic."  The film refuses to say if the champion boxer was actually guilty. "It is absolutely ambiguous in this movie, ambiguous in the sense that it is very clear that he believes himself to be innocent. It is also absolutely clear that the woman involved believes herself to have been abused and raped... If you want to know what I suspect, I suspect they're both right. It has to do with different terms, different values and different understanding of the basic compact when men and women go to bed together."

Casting.

Hill said the film needed to be cast with black actors to have "serious credibility," and that he "was determined not to have a movie where it looked like the actors couldn't box." He took the treatment to Wesley Snipes who was interested in the story even before the script had been written. "I told him it was conceivable that he could play either [lead] role, but what will not change is the fight and who wins in the end," Hill said.  Hill then sent the script to Ving Rhames, who called back the next day, saying he wanted to play the Ice Man; Snipes was happy to play the other role. Rhames was in peak physical condition having been preparing for two years to star in a film about Sonny Liston, "Night Train", that ultimately was never made. He said that "Undisputed" was "not "Rocky"... It's not clear-cut who you're supposed to root for." He had worked together with Snipes on Broadway earlier, the last time in 1986 in "The Boys of Winter".  It was a battle to get the film financed with two black stars, particularly as the film need to appeal to international audiences. "There was a lot of pressure to change one of the characters to be white," Giler said, "but we thought it would be unrealistic... We haven't seen a white fighter of merit since Rocky Marciano." Hill said that "heavyweight boxing within the past 50 years has been the purview of black men with a couple of tiny exceptions. This is a movie about boxing so we wanted to get it right. I think that the idea of the heavyweight champion of the world not being a black man would seem extraordinary. But if you did cast a black man as the heavyweight champion and then out him into a prison where the prison champion is white guy - well, what are we talking about?" There was also pressure to make the film less "tough".  Snipes recalled, "The film was on. It was off. The money came. The money fell out. Every day, it was a wonder we were making this movie. Then, after we made the film, nobody knew whether it was ever going to come out." He prepared for the role by training with Emanuel Steward, who had trained 29 world champions, including Tommy Hearns and Lennox Lewis. "[My character] was supposed to be the best," Snipes said, "so if I've got to look like the best, and live up to this character, I've got to get the best and work with the best." Rhames was already in peak condition due to preparing for the aborted Liston film; the film's fight choreographer Cole McKay took over training of Rhames once filming began.

Filming.

"Undisputed" was going to be filmed in a closed-down prison in Jean, Nevada. However, according to Jeanne Corcoran, the Nevada Film Office's production manager, the prison "didn't have the right look. It has a great fence, a good tower, but the interiors tend to be more dormitory-like." Instead it was decided to shoot the film in an unopened wing of the medium-security High Desert State Prison in Indian Springs, Nevada.  Shooting took place in January and February 2001. The film was shot over 39 days with finance raised from a number of American and European companies.  During the final fight, Snipes weighed only 178 pounds while Rhames was around 220 pounds. To mask the disparity, fight choreographer Cole McKay had Snipes fight upright and Rhames hunch forward in a crouching stance. For the final fight, Snipes said he and McKay would "choreograph six or seven movements and then we'd improvise. We improvised the tail-end of each round, and that gave a certain amount of spontaneity and reality to it."  Neither actor used a body double, and all of the body shots are real. "Everybody on the set was wanting to see, 'Man who's going to win the fight?' " Steward recalls. "There were no 'John Wayne punches' in this movie at all. It was the closest that I have ever saw to real fightin'. I was mad because we didn't have [someone] to knock out for real."  Hill later said, "Some say Hollywood movies that are made about boxing are just metaphors for other things, I think I've made one that's actually about boxing and not a metaphor."

Post-production.

Distribution rights were purchased by Miramax Pictures for a reported $4.5 million. There were press reports that Miramax head Harvey Weinstein wanted additional scenes reshot which made Wesley Snipes more sympathetic, but that Snipes refused to do them.

Music.

Soundtrack.

A soundtrack containing hip hop music was released on March 5, 2002 by Universal Records. It peaked at #101 on the "Billboard" 200 and #41 on the Top R&B/Hip-Hop Albums.

Release.

Critical response.

The film received mixed reviews. Rotten Tomatoes gives the film a score of 48% based on reviews from 104 critics. The site's consensus is: "While not the deepest boxing movie out there, "Undisputed" is successful at hitting its aspiration of being nothing more than a genre picture."  Hill said he was "very happy about" the film. "I mean no film is beyond criticism, but I think we've made a very modest movie. Heck, we did it in 39 days, it cost $20 million, which is very cheap for Hollywood standards, and tells a good story. I guess it's the literary equivalent of a short story... With all the action in it and the tough guy aspects, it's going to appeal mainly to a young male audience. But, also the nostalgia of the sport might appeal to older males. Based on some of the reviews I've read already, the women don't seem to be enjoying it as much. But you hope for the best."  The film debuted at number 8 at the box office making $4.7 million in its first week.

Sequels.

The film received three direct-to-video sequels. The first was "", which was released in 2006. A second sequel, "", was released in 2010, and follows "Undisputed II"s Yuri Boyka as the main character. A third sequel, again focusing on the latter character, "", was released in 2017.

Undisputed is a 2002 American action sports film written, produced and directed by Walter Hill and starring Wesley Snipes and Ving Rhames. It was released in the United States on August 23, 2002.

《终极斗士》(英语:Undisputed)是一部2002年美国剧情运动电影列表,由华特·希尔执导、监制和编剧,卫斯里·史奈普和文·雷姆斯主演。美国于2002年8月23日上映。


The Internal Morality of Law.

In his 1958 debate with Hart and more fully in "The Morality of Law" (1964), Fuller sought to steer a middle course between traditional natural law theory and legal positivism. Like most legal academics of his day, Fuller rejected traditional religious forms of natural law theory, which view human law as rooted in a rationally knowable and universally binding "higher law" that derives from God. Fuller accepted the idea, found in the writings of some traditional natural law theorists, that in some cases unjust laws or legal systems are not law. In his famous Reply to Professor Hart in the Hart-Fuller debate, he wrote: I would like to ask the reader whether he can actually share Professor Hart's indignation that, in the perplexities of the postwar re-construction, the German courts saw fit to declare this thing not a law. Can it be argued seriously that it would have been more beseeming to the judicial process if the postwar courts had undertaken a study of "the interpretative principles" in force during Hitler's rule and had then solemnly applied those "principles" to ascertain the meaning of this statute? On the other hand, would the courts really have been showing respect for Nazi law if they had construed the Nazi statutes by their own, quite different, standards of interpretation? (p. 655)  Professor Hart castigates the German courts and Radbruch, not so much for what they believed had to be done, but because they failed to see that they were confronted by a moral dilemma of a sort that would have been immediately apparent to Bentham and Austin. By the simple dodge of saying, "When a statute is sufficiently evil it ceases to be law," they ran away from the problem they should have faced.  This criticism is, I believe, without justification. So far as the courts are concerned, matters certainly would not have been helped if, instead of saying, "This is not law," they had said, "This is law but it is so evil we will refuse to apply it." (p. 655)  To me there is nothing shocking in saying that a dictatorship which clothes itself with a tinsel of legal form can so far depart from the morality of order, from the inner morality of law itself, that it ceases to be a legal system. When a system calling itself law is predicated upon a general disregard by judges of the terms of the laws they purport to enforce, when this system habitually cures its legal irregularities, even the grossest, by retroactive statutes, when it has only to resort to forays of terror in the streets, which no one dares challenge, in order to escape even those scant restraints imposed by the pretence of legality - when all these things have become true of a dictatorship, it is not hard for me, at least, to deny to it the name of law. (p. 660) Fuller also denied the core claim of legal positivism that there is no necessary connection between law and morality. According to Fuller, certain moral standards, which he calls "principles of legality," are built into the very concept of law, so that nothing counts as genuine law that fails to meet these standards. In virtue of these principles of legality, there is an inner morality to the law that imposes a minimal morality of fairness. Some laws, he admits, may be so wicked or unjust that they should not be obeyed. But even in these cases, he argues, there are positive features of the law that impose a defensible moral duty to obey them.  According to Fuller, all purported legal rules must meet eight minimal conditions in order to count as genuine laws. The rules must be (1) sufficiently general, (2) publicly promulgated, (3) prospective (i.e., applicable only to future behavior, not past), (4) at least minimally clear and intelligible, (5) free of contradictions, (6) relatively constant, so that they don't continuously change from day to day, (7) possible to obey, and (8) administered in a way that does not wildly diverge from their obvious or apparent meaning. These are Fuller's "principles of legality." Together, he argues, they guarantee that all law will embody certain moral standards of respect, fairness, and predictability that constitute important aspects of the rule of law.  Fuller presents these issues in "The Morality of Law" with an entertaining story about an imaginary king named Rex who attempts to rule but finds he is unable to do so in any meaningful way when any of these conditions are not met. Fuller contends that the purpose of law is to subject "human conduct to the governance of rules". If any of the eight principles is flagrantly lacking in a system of governance, the system will not be a legal one. The more closely a system is able to adhere to them, the nearer it will be to the rule-of-law ideal, though in reality all systems must make compromises and will fall short of perfect ideals of clarity, consistency, stability, and so forth.  In a review of "The Morality of Law", Hart criticises Fuller's work, saying that these principles are merely ones of means-ends efficiency; it is inappropriate, he says, to call them a morality. Employing Fuller's eight principles of legality, one could just as well have an inner morality of poisoning as an inner morality of law, which Hart claims is absurd. Other critics have challenged Fuller's claim that there is a prima facie obligation to obey all laws. Some laws, it is claimed, are so unjust and oppressive that there is not even a presumptive moral duty to obey them.

Lon Luvois Fuller (June 15, 1902 – April 8, 1978) was a noted legal philosopher, who criticized legal positivism and defended a secular and procedural form of natural law theory. Fuller was a professor of Law at Harvard University for many years, and is noted in American law for his contributions to both jurisprudence and the law of contracts. His debate in 1958 with the prominent British legal philosopher H. L. A. Hart in the "Harvard Law Review" (Vol. 71) was important in framing the modern conflict between legal positivism and natural law theory. In his widely discussed 1964 book, "The Morality of Law", Fuller argues that all systems of law contain an "internal morality" that imposes on individuals a presumptive obligation of obedience. Robert S. Summers said in 1984: "Fuller was one of the four most important American legal theorists of the last hundred years".

朗·卢福瓦·富勒("',1902年-6月15日-1978年-4月18日)是著名的法哲学家,写了名著《法律的道德性》("The Morality of Law",1964),探讨了法与道德的关系。富勒长期是哈佛大学法学教授。他和H·L·A·哈特曾对法与道德的关系展开过一场著名的辩论,对自然法学派和法律实证主义之间的对抗意义深远。罗纳德·德沃金在哈佛大学法学院时是富勒的学生,深受富勒影响。


Description.

"Proatheris superciliaris" is a small species that averages 40 to 50 cm (about 16 to 20 inches) in total length (body + tail), with a maximum total length of. The females are slightly larger than the males. The head has a somewhat elongated appearance, the top of which is covered with small scales except for a pair of large supraocular scales, which are almost twice as long as they are wide.

Common names.

Common names for the "Proatheris" include the lowland viper, swamp viper, lowland swamp viper, eyebrow viper, swamp adder, Peter's viper, flood-plain viper, Mozambique viper, African lowland viper, and the domino viper.

Geographic range.

It is found in East Africa. The southern part of its range begins near Beira, in central Mozambique, extends up north over the Mozambique Plain to Quissanga, and through Malawi and as far north as the floodplains of southern Tanzania at the northern end of Lake Malawi.  The type locality given is ""Terra Querimba"" (= Quissanga mainland opposite Ilha Quirimba, Mozambique).  Its range is apparently centered on the lower section of the Zambezi River and spreads out into the coastal plain of central Mozambique and the Shire Valley to Lake Chilwa and Malawi. However, other specimens have been found far from this region, such as in Cape Delgado Province, in north-eastern Mozambique, and Mwaya in south-western Tanzania.

Habitat.

It is almost always found in low-lying marshes, floodplains and land frequently used for grazing cattle. The soil is never too dry, since this would make it difficult for the rodents that they feed on to dig their burrows. These snakes are entirely terrestrial and are usually found in or around these rodent burrows.

Behaviour.

One of the distinguishing characteristics of the "Atheris" group (to which "Proatheris" is closely related), is that they have prehensile tails. With "Proatheris", the young and subadults have this capability, but it is diminished in the adults.

Feeding.

Preys mainly on small frogs and toads. Occasionally, it also feeds on small rodents.

Reproduction.

This species is viviparous, with typically 3-16 neonates.

Venom.

The first known case of a survivor of snakebite by this species was reported by Els (1988), involving a juvenile and 24-year-old victim penetrated by a single fang. The results were painful, but there were none of the strongly hemotoxic symptoms that had been associated with "Atheris" venom up to that point.  In a second case in 1996, a victim experienced severe hemolysis and complete platelet destruction after which his liver and kidneys began to fail. When it was feared that the patient might die from hemolytic-uremic syndrome, plasmapheresis was performed. Luckily, the patient survived, but it is now obvious that "P. superciliaris" venom is very hemotoxic.

Taxonomy.

This species was previously placed in the genus "Atheris" based on skull characteristics and because of its partially prehensile tail.

Etymology.

The generic name, "Proatheris", is Latin for "before-"atheris"".

Proatheris (commonly referred to as the lowland viper and swamp viper among other names) is a monotypic genus created for the venomous viper species, "Proatheris superciliaris". This is a small terrestrial species endemic to East Africa. No subspecies are currently recognized.

泽蝮蛇属(学名:"Proatheris")是蛇亚目蝰蛇科蝰亚科下的一个单型有毒蛇属,属下只有泽蝮蛇("P. superciliaris")一种分布於坦桑尼亚、莫桑比克、马拉维一带的陆行蛇种。目前未有任何亚种被确认。


Format.

The UCI Track Cycling World Cup is a key event within the Track Cycling calendar, with only the World Championships and the Olympic Games attracting more World Ranking points.  The series is open to national teams and registered trade teams who compete over a number of track cycling disciplines. The overall classification is decided on a points system with riders or teams amassing points in each discipline competed during each round of the series. The rider or team that has the greatest number of points in each discipline wears a white jersey in that discipline in the following round to denote their status as leader. The World Cup trophy is presented to the nation with the greatest number of points in each discipline at the end of the final round of the series.  The inaugural round of the UCI Track Cycling World Cup Classics (as it was then known) was held in Copenhagen, Denmark in May 1993. The series is held over a track cycling season which was initially between February and June of each year; however since 2004–05 this has changed to between October and February. The number of rounds within each series has varied each year but has generally been between 3 and 6 rounds.  The name UCI Track Cycling World Cup was adopted from the 2011–12 series. From 2021, the competition will be renamed to UCI Track Cycling Nations Cup and will be held from March to September. The number of rounds will be 3 rounds.

History.

A summary of the World Cup trophy winning nations by year is shown below:

The UCI Track Cycling World Cup (formerly known as the UCI Track Cycling World Cup Classics) is a multi race tournament held over a track cycling season - usually between October and February. Each series is divided into several rounds, each held in a different country.

场地自行车世界杯(英语:UCI Track Cycling World Cup)是世界自行车总会推出的一系列由世界顶尖场地自行车运动员之间的比赛,重要性仅次于奥运及世界场地自行车锦标赛。这项于世界各地巡回举办的赛事由1993年开始。世界杯于每年的场地自行车季节(十月至翌年二月)举办,会有大约三至六个分站,赛事积分用作计算世界排名,全季冠军以及入围下届世界场地自行车锦标赛及奥运之用。