Etymology.

"Beta" is the ancient Latin name for beets, possibly of Celtic origin, becoming "bete" in Old English around 1400. "Root" derives from the late Old English "rōt", itself from Old Norse "rót".

History.

Beets were domesticated in the ancient Middle East, primarily for their greens, and were grown by the Ancient Egyptians, Greeks and Romans. By the Roman era, it is thought that they were cultivated for their roots as well. From the Middle Ages, beetroot was used as a treatment for a variety of conditions, especially illnesses relating to digestion and the blood. Bartolomeo Platina recommended taking beetroot with garlic to nullify the effects of "garlic-breath".  During the middle of the 19th century, wine often was coloured with beetroot juice.

Cultivars.

Below is a list of several commonly available cultivars of beets. Generally, 55 to 65 days are needed from germination to harvest of the root. All cultivars can be harvested earlier for use as greens. Unless otherwise noted, the root colours are shades of red and dark red with different degrees of zoning noticeable in slices.

Food.

Usually the deep purple roots of beets are eaten boiled, roasted, or raw, and either alone or combined with any salad vegetable. A large proportion of the commercial production is processed into boiled and sterilized beets or into pickles. In Eastern Europe, beet soup, such as borscht, is a popular dish. In Indian cuisine, chopped, cooked, spiced beet is a common side dish. Yellow-coloured beetroots are grown on a very small scale for home consumption.  The green, leafy portion of the beet is also edible. The young leaves can be added raw to salads, whilst the mature leaves are most commonly served boiled or steamed, in which case they have a taste and texture similar to spinach. The domestication of beets can be traced to the emergence of an allele which enables biennial harvesting of leaves and taproot.  Beetroot can be boiled or steamed, peeled, and then eaten warm with or without butter as a delicacy; cooked, pickled, and then eaten cold as a condiment; or peeled, shredded raw, and then eaten as a salad. Pickled beets are a traditional food in many countries.  A traditional Pennsylvania Dutch dish is pickled beet egg. Hard-boiled eggs are refrigerated in the liquid left over from pickling beets and allowed to marinate until the eggs turn a deep pink-red colour.  In Poland and Ukraine, beet is combined with horseradish to form popular "ćwikła" or "бурачки" (burachky), which is traditionally used with cold cuts and sandwiches, but often also added to a meal consisting of meat and potatoes. Similarly in Serbia where the popular cvekla is used as winter salad, seasoned with salt and vinegar, with meat dishes. As an addition to horseradish, it is also used to produce the "red" variety of "chrain", a popular condiment in Ashkenazi Jewish, Hungarian, Polish, Lithuanian, Russian, and Ukrainian cuisine.  Popular in Australian hamburgers, a slice of pickled beetroot is combined with other condiments on a beef patty to make an Aussie burger.  In Northern Germany, beetroot is mashed with "Labskaus" or added as its side order. When beet juice is used, it is most stable in foods with a low water content, such as frozen novelties and fruit fillings. Betanins, obtained from the roots, are used industrially as red food colourants, e.g. to intensify the colour of tomato paste, sauces, desserts, jams and jellies, ice cream, sweets, and breakfast cereals.  Beetroot can also be used to make wine.  A moderate amount of chopped beetroot is sometimes added to the Japanese pickle "fukujinzuke" for color.  Food shortages in Europe following World War I caused great hardships, including cases of "mangelwurzel" disease, as relief workers called it. It was symptomatic of eating only beets.

Nutrition.

Raw beetroot is 88% water, 10% carbohydrates, 2% protein, and less than 1% fat (see table). In a 100-gram amount providing 43 calories, raw beetroot is a rich source (27% of the Daily Value - DV) of folate and a moderate source (16% DV) of manganese, with other nutrients having insignificant content (table).

Preliminary research.

In preliminary research, beetroot juice reduced blood pressure in hypertensive people. Tentative evidence has found that dietary nitrate supplementation, such as from beets and other vegetables, results in a small improvement in endurance exercise performance.

Other uses.

Betanin, obtained from the roots, is used industrially as red food colorant, to improve the color and flavor of tomato paste, sauces, desserts, jams and jellies, ice cream, candy, and breakfast cereals, among other applications.  The chemical adipic acid rarely occurs in nature, but happens to occur naturally in beetroot.

Safety.

The red colour compound betanin is not broken down in the body, and in higher concentrations may temporarily cause urine or stools to assume a reddish colour, in the case of urine a condition called beeturia. Although harmless, this effect may cause initial concern due to the visual similarity to what appears to be blood in the stool, hematochezia (blood passing through the anus, usually in or with stool) or hematuria (blood in the urine).  Nitrosamine formation in beet juice can reliably be prevented by adding ascorbic acid.

The beetroot is the taproot portion of a beet plant, usually known in Canada and the USA as beets while the vegetable is referred to as beetroot in British English, and also known as the table beet, garden beet, red beet, dinner beet or golden beet. It is one of several cultivated varieties of "Beta vulgaris" grown for their edible taproots and leaves (called beet greens); they have been classified as "B. vulgaris" subsp. "vulgaris" 'Conditiva' Group.

甜菜头(beetroot)也称为红菜头,是植物甜菜的轴根。是甜菜的栽培品种之一,种植的目的是为了其可食用的轴根以及叶子。在生物分类学上的名称为"B. vulgaris" subsp. "vulgaris" Conditiva 品种群。


Synopsis.

It was usually thought that the person who had made a pact also promised the demon to kill children or consecrate them to the devil at the moment of birth (many midwives were accused of this, due to the number of children who died at birth in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance), take part in Witches' Sabbaths, have sexual relations with demons, and sometimes engender children from a succubus, or an incubus in the case of women.  The pact can be either oral or written. An oral pact may be made by means of invocations, conjurations, or rituals to attract the demon; once the conjurer thinks the demon is present, he/she asks for the wanted favour and offers his/her soul in exchange, and no evidence is left of the pact. But according to some witch trials, even the oral pact left evidence, the Witches' mark, an indelible mark where the marked person had been touched by the devil to seal the pact. The mark could be used as a proof to determine that the pact was made. It was also believed that on the spot where the mark was left, the marked person could feel no pain. A written pact consists in the same forms of attracting the demon, but includes a written act, usually signed with the conjurer's blood (although sometimes it was also alleged that the whole act had to be written with blood; meanwhile some demonologists defended the idea of using red ink instead of blood and others suggested the use of animal blood instead of human blood).  These acts were presented often as a proof of diabolical pacts, though critics claim there is no proof of whether they were authentic, written by insane persons believing they were actually dealing with a demon, or just were fake acts presented by the tribunals. Usually the acts included strange characters that were said to be the signature of a demon, and each one had his own signature or seal. Books like "The Lesser Key of Solomon" (also known as "Lemegeton Clavicula Salomonis") give a detailed list of these signs, known as diabolical signatures.  The "Malleus Maleficarum" discusses several alleged instances of pacts with the Devil, especially concerning women. It was considered that all witches and warlocks had made a pact with one of the demons, usually Satan.  According to demonology, there is a specific month, day of the week, and hour to call each demon, so the invocation for a pact has to be done at the right time. Also, as each demon has a specific function, a certain demon is invoked depending on what the conjurer is going to ask.  In the narrative of the Synoptic Gospels, Jesus is offered a series of bargains by the devil, in which he is promised worldly riches and glory in exchange for serving the devil rather than God. After Jesus rejects the devil's offers, he embarks on his travels as the Messiah. (see Temptations of Christ).

Theophilus of Adana, servant of two masters.

The predecessor of Faustus in Christian mythology is Theophilus ("Friend of God" or "Beloved of God") the unhappy and despairing cleric, disappointed in his worldly career by his bishop, who sells his soul to the devil but is redeemed by the Virgin Mary. His story appears in a Greek version of the 6th century written by a "Eutychianus" who claims to have been a member of the household in question.  A 9th-century "Miraculum Sancte Marie de Theophilo penitente" inserts a Virgin as intermediary with "diabolus", his "patron", providing the prototype of a closely linked series in the Latin literature of the West.  In the 10th century, the poet nun Hroswitha of Gandersheim adapted the text of Paulus Diaconus for a narrative poem that elaborates Theophilus' essential goodness and internalizes the seduction of good and evil, in which the devil is "magus", a necromancer. As in her model, Theophilus receives back his contract from the devil, displays it to the congregation, and soon dies.  A long poem on the subject by Gautier de Coincy (1177/8–1236), entitled "Le miracle de Théophile: ou comment Théophile vint à la pénitence" provided material for a 13th-century play by Rutebeuf, "Le Miracle de Théophile", where Theophilus is the central pivot in a frieze of five characters, the Virgin and the bishop flanking him on the side of good, the Jew and the devil on the side of evil.

Metaphorical use of the term.

The term "a pact with the devil" is also used metaphorically to condemn a person or persons perceived as having collaborated with an evil person or regime. An example of this is the Nazi-Jewish negotiations during the Holocaust, both positively and negatively. Under Jewish law, the principle of pikuach nefesh ("saving life") is an obligation to compromise one's principles in order to preserve human life. However, Rudolf Kastner was accused of negotiating with the Nazis to save a select few at the expense of the many. According to some, the term served to inflame public hatred against Kastner, culminating in his assassination.

A deal with the devil (also known as a compact or pact with the devil) is a cultural motif in European folklore, best exemplified by the legend of Faust and the figure of Mephistopheles, as well as being elemental to many Christian traditions. According to traditional Christian belief about witchcraft, the pact is between a person and Satan or a lesser demon. The person offers their soul in exchange for diabolical favours. Those favours vary by the tale, but tend to include youth, knowledge, wealth, fame, or power.

魔鬼交易(英语:Deal with the Devil),又称魔鬼条约或浮士德的交易,是西方广泛流传的文化主题。与之相关的浮士德、梅菲斯特是人熟知的基督教民间传说人物。在阿尔奈-汤普森分类法里,这个主题被放在 AT 756B 类:“恶魔的契约”。


Political party (1999–2008).

The SPS was established in 1999, following a merger of several smaller liberal parties, including Democratic Choice of Russia and Democratic Russia. In the 1999 parliamentary elections the SPS won 8.6% of the vote and 32 seats in the Russian State Duma (lower house of the Federal Assembly of Russia).  In the 2000 presidential election, the SPS supported Vladimir Putin's candidacy, though many of the party leaders supported Grigory Yavlinsky. The SPS' parliamentarians overwhelmingly voted against reintroducing the Soviet-era national anthem in 2000.  From 2000 to 2003, the SPS was led by former Deputy Prime Minister Boris Nemtsov. Under Nemtsov's leadership, SPS strongly opposed what they saw to be the authoritarian policies of President Vladimir Putin and argued that political and media freedoms in Russia had been curtailed.  In the 2003 parliamentary elections the SPS, according to official results, received 4% of the vote and failed to cross the 5% threshold necessary for parliamentary representation. A number of SPS candidates came second in single-mandate electoral districts the party had previously held, such as Irina Khakamada in St. Petersburg, Vladimir V. Kara-Murza in Moscow, or Boris Nadezhdin in the Moscow region. Despite allegations of fraud, Boris Nemtsov accepted responsibility for the election defeat and resigned as SPS leader in January 2004. On 28 May 2005 Nikita Belykh was elected as the new leader of the party.  Plans to merge with Yabloko were shelved in late 2006.  The party won 0.96% of votes in the 2007 elections, not breaking the 7% barrier, and thus received no seats in the Duma.  In 2008, Nikita Belyh left his chair to Leonid Gozman. On 1 October 2008, the federal political council of the party voted to dissolve the party and merge it with Civilian Power and Democratic Party of Russia, forming a new liberal-democratic party called Right Cause, which succeeded the SPS as a member of the International Democrat Union.

Political public organization (2011–present).

In 2011, a group of former members accused the Right Cause of being too close to the Russian government under Vladimir Putin and refounded the SPS, registering it as a "political public organization". As a consequence, the International Democrat Union suspended the membership of the Right Cause and returned it to the new SPS.  On 27 February 2014, the SPS formally condemned the 2014 Russian military intervention in Ukraine.

The Union of Right Forces political party, or SPS (/Soyuz Pravykh Sil), is a Russian liberal-conservative political public organization and former party, initially founded as an electoral bloc in 1999 and associated with free market reforms, privatization, and the legacy of the "young reformers" of the 1990s: Anatoly Chubais, Boris Nemtsov, and Yegor Gaidar. The party officially self-dissolved in 2008. Nikita Belykh was the party's last leader from 2005 to 2008.

右翼力量联盟 ( / Soyuz Pravykh Sil,缩写:SPS )是一个俄罗斯公共政治组织和前政党,最初于1999年作为选举集团成立,主要关注自由市场改革, 私有化和20世纪90年代的“年轻改革家”安纳托里·邱拜斯、鲍里斯·涅姆佐夫和叶戈尔·盖达尔的政治遗产。该党于2008年正式解散。尼基塔·贝利赫是最后一任党首。


Taxonomy.

The ibises are gregarious, long-legged wading birds with long down-curved bills. Along with the spoonbills they form one subfamily within the family Threskiornithidae. The northern bald ibis' closest relative, and the only other member of the genus, is the southern bald ibis, "G. calvus", of southern Africa. The two "Geronticus" species differ from other ibises in that they have unfeathered faces and heads, breed on cliffs rather than in trees, and prefer arid habitats to the wetlands used by their relatives.  The northern bald ibis was described and illustrated by Swiss naturalist Conrad Gesner in his "Historiae animalium" in 1555, and given the binomial name "Upupa eremita" by Carl Linnaeus in his 1758 "Systema Naturae". It was moved to its current genus by the German herpetologist Johann Georg Wagler in 1832. This species has an interesting history of description, oblivion and rediscovery.  The species probably split

Description.

The northern bald ibis is a large, glossy black bird, long with a wingspan and an average weight of. The plumage is black, with bronze-green and violet iridescence, and there is a wispy ruff on the bird's hind neck. The face and head are dull red and unfeathered, and the long, curved bill and the legs are red. In flight, this bird has powerful, shallow, and flexible wing beats. It gives guttural "hrump" and high, hoarse "hyoh" calls at its breeding colonies, but is otherwise silent.  The sexes are similar in plumage, although males are generally larger than females, and, as with other ibises that breed in colonies, have longer bills. The longer-billed males are more successful in attracting a mate. The downy chick has uniformly pale brown plumage,

Habitat and range.

Unlike many other ibises, which nest in trees and feed in wetlands, the northern bald ibis breeds on undisturbed cliff ledges, and forages for food in irregularly cultivated, grazed dry areas such as semi-arid steppes, and fallow fields. The close proximity of adequate steppe feeding areas to breeding cliffs is an important habitat requirement.  The northern bald ibis was once widespread across the Middle East, northern Africa, and southern and central Europe; fossil bones have been found at Solothurn dated to the Mesolithic and Neolithic Periods. It bred along the Danube and Rhone Rivers, and in the mountains of Spain, Italy, Germany, Austria and Switzerland (Gesner's original description was of a Swiss bird), and most probably also in the Upper Adriatic region. It used castle battlements as well as cliff ledges for nesting before vanishing from Europe at least three centuries ago. It is also extinct over most of its former range, and now almost the entirety of the wild breeding population of just over 500 birds is in Morocco, at Souss-Massa National Park, where there are three documented colonies, and near the mouth of the Oued Tamri (north of Agadir), where there is a single colony containing almost half the Moroccan breeding population. There is some movement of birds between these two sites.  Religious traditions helped this species to survive in one Turkish colony long after the species had disappeared from Europe, since it was believed that the ibis migrated each year to guide Hajj pilgrims to Mecca. The ibis was protected by its religious significance, and a festival was held annually to celebrate its return north. The Turkish ibis population was centred near the small town of Birecik in the southeast of the country, and during

Behaviour.

Breeding.

The northern bald ibis breeds in loosely spaced colonies, nesting on cliff ledges or amongst boulders on steep slopes, usually on the coast or near a river. Volunteer climbers have created extra ledge spaces in the Souss-Massa colonies to ensure that breeding population is not limited by the availability of nest ledges, and artificial nest boxes are used in the managed colony at Birecik. In the past, the birds also nested in buildings.  This ibis starts breeding at three to five years of age, and pairs for life. The male chooses a nest site, cleans it, and then advertises for a female by waving his crest and giving low rumbling calls.

Feeding.

This gregarious species commutes in flocks from the cliff breeding sites or winter roosts to its feeding areas, flying in a V formation. The flocks may contain up to 100 birds in winter. During the breeding season, the ibises regularly forage up to from the colony, and, although steppe not in current cultivation is preferred for feeding, they will also use fallow ground, and occasionally even actively cultivated fields.

Conservation status.

Although the northern bald ibis was long extinct in Europe, many colonies in Morocco and Algeria survived until the early 20th century, when they began to decline more rapidly, the last colony in Algeria disappearing in the late 1980s. In Morocco there were about 38 colonies in 1940 and 15 in 1975, but the last migratory populations in the Atlas Mountains had vanished by 1989. The species is endangered according to the IUCN scale, with an estimated population in 2018 of around 147 breeding pairs in the wild and over 1,000 in captivity. It was formerly considered critically endangered until heavy conservation action secured the breeding sites in Morocco and even allowed the birds to expand to other sites, as well as the semi-wild population conserved in Turkey as well as the reintroduction projects in Europe. The northern bald ibis is one of the key species to which the draft "Agreement on the Conservation of African-Eurasian Migratory Waterbirds" (AEWA) applies, and it has a detailed, internationally agreed conservation action plan under the agreement. As a species that is threatened with extinction, it is listed on Appendix 1 of CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora), which means that trade in wild-caught birds is illegal, and may be licensed only in exceptional circumstances.  The northern bald ibis has declined for several centuries, at least partly as a consequence of unidentified natural causes. The more rapid decline in the past hundred years, with a loss of 98% of the population between 1900 and 2002, is the result of a combination of factors. These include significant human persecution, especially hunting, and also the loss of steppe and non-intensive agricultural areas (particularly in Morocco), pesticide poisoning, disturbance, and dam construction. The discovery in Jordan of three dead adults from the Turkish colony seemed to confirm that the overuse of pesticides is still a cause of death on migration. These birds were tracked by satellite after leaving Birecik; they stopped off briefly at the Syrian colony, and were later found dead in the Jordanian desert. Although the cause of death was initially thought to have been from poison, probably laid by chicken farmers to kill rodents, the autopsy revealed that they had actually been electrocuted whilst standing on electricity pylons

Wild populations.

Morocco.

Monitoring of Moroccan wild population is guaranteed by BirdLife International partners, especially by RSPB, SEO/BirdLife and, recently GREPOM in cooperation with Souss-Massa National Park administration and the support of institutions like Prince Albert II of Monaco Foundation which is the Species Champion for Northern Bald Ibis. For the first time in the species' recorded history, there is now evidence of population growth in the wild, and the population in Morocco increased to 100 breeding pairs in the decade prior to 2008 and reached a record of 113 breeding pairs in 2013. Simple site and species protection has facilitated this growth. Quantitative assessments of the importance of sites for breeding, roosting, and foraging have guided actions to prevent disturbance and the loss of key areas to mass tourism development. Wardening by members of the local community has reduced human intrusion and increased the perceived value of the birds. The provision of drinking water and the removal and deterrence of predators and competitors enhances breeding

Syria.

Conservation efforts for the Northern bald ibis in Syria began with the discovery of an unreported relict colony of this species in early 2002 in the Palmyra desert. The bald ibises still breeding in Syria, discovered during an extensive biodiversity survey carried out as part of a FAO cooperation project, are the last living descendants of those depicted in Egyptian hieroglyphs from 4500 years ago. The discovery was made possible through the use of traditional ecological knowledge of the Bedouin nomads.  Following the discovery in Syria, a

Turkey.

With the loss of the genuinely wild Turkish population, the Ministry of Environment and Forestry's Directorate of Natural Preservation and National Parks established a new semi-wild colony at Birecik. This was heavily managed, with birds taken into captivity after the breeding season to prevent migration. The program was successful, with numbers at 205 as of March 2016. The intent is to allow the birds to migrate once the population reaches a stable 100 pairs, excluding young.  The birds are released in late January or early February to breed outside the cages on ledges and, mainly, in the nest boxes in the breeding station compound. The ibises are free flying and forage around the Birecik area in forest nurseries, agricultural fields, and along the Euphrates, but supplementary food is also provided. Following the end of the breeding season, the birds are taken into cages in late July or early August to prevent migration. A trial migration using tagged birds confirmed the risks presented to travelling birds by pesticides. Later on the Syrian Civil War added one more reason to keep preventing migration.

Reintroductions.

The guidelines for the conservation and reintroduction of the northern bald ibis were established in 2003 at an International Advisory Group for Northern Bald Ibis (IAGNBI) conference in Innsbruck at the Alpenzoo, which maintains the European studbook for the northern bald ibis.  Decisions taken at the meeting included:  A second conference in Spain in 2006 stressed the need to survey potential and former sites in north-west Africa and the Middle East for currently undetected colonies. The need to raise the standards of hygiene and husbandry in the Birecik aviaries was reiterated, and the prevalence of skin problems in a number of zoos reinforced the view that no zoo birds should be used for any free-flying trials. In future captive breeding and releasing programmes, only birds of known origin should be used.

Zoo populations.

There are 850 northern bald ibises in European zoos and a further 250 in captivity in Japan and North America. The 49 European zoos keeping this species produce 80 to 100 young birds per year, and earlier attempts at releasing captive-bred birds included close to 150 birds between 1976 and 1986 from an aviary at Birecik, 75 from Tel Aviv Zoo in 1983, and an unspecified number from a project in Almería, Spain, from 1991 to 1994; all these attempts were unsuccessful. All northern bald ibises in zoos, other than those in Turkey, are of the western population,

Europe.

In 1504, a decree by Archbishop Leonhard of Salzburg made the northern bald ibis one of the world's earliest officially protected species. They nested in the cliffs and on castles and ruins in the Graz/Steiermark and Salzburg regions of Austria and vanished around 1630–1645. Young birds were hunted as a delicacy at feasts for the nobility. Despite the decree, it died out in Austria as elsewhere in Europe. There are now two ibis reintroduction projects in the Austria, at Grünau and Kuchl. A research station at Grünau has a breeding colony managed, like the Turkish population, as a free-flying flock which is caged at migration time. The aim here is to investigate flock interactions and hormonal

Northern Morocco.

There is a planned reintroduction of the ibis at Ain Tijja-Mezguitem in the north-east of Morocco. Since the wild populations further south remain vulnerable, and the porous sandstone of their breeding ledges is exposed to erosion, the intention is to establish a non-migratory population (stocked from German, Swiss, and Austrian zoos) in an area where this species was known to have bred up to about 1980. The station in the Rif mountains was built in 2000, and stocked with the first group of zoo-bred birds. A second

In culture.

According to local legend in the Birecik area, the northern bald ibis was one of the first birds that Noah released from the Ark as a symbol of fertility, and a lingering religious sentiment in Turkey helped the colonies there to survive long after the demise of the species in Europe, as described above.  This ibis was revered as a holy bird and a symbol of brilliance and splendour in Ancient Egypt, where, together with the sacred ibis, it was regarded as an embodiment of Thoth, scribe of the gods, who was usually depicted with a man's body and the head of an ibis. The Old Egyptian word "akh", "to be resplendent, to shine", was denoted in hieroglyphs by a bald ibis, presumably as a reference to its glossy plumage. In a more abstract sense, "akh" stood for excellence, glory, honour, and virtue. It has also been used to signify the soul or spirit, one of five elements constituting personality.  Herodotus wrote of the man-eating Stymphalian birds, which had wings of brass and sharp metallic feathers they could fire at their victims. Ridding Lake Stymphalia in Arcadia of these creatures was one of the twelve labours of Heracles. These mythical birds are sometimes considered to be based on the northern bald ibis, but since they were described as marsh birds, and usually depicted without crests, the legendary species is more likely to be derived from the sacred ibis. Some depictions, such as the 6th-century BC Athenian black-figure amphora in the British Museum, clearly show the black head and white body of the sacred ibis. After the bald ibis became extinct in Central Europe, some later writers thought that Gesner's description was one of several in his book depicting mythical creatures.  The bird painted in 1490 in one of the Gothic frescoes in the Holy Trinity Church in Hrastovlje (now southwestern Slovenia) in the Karst by John of Kastav was most probably the northern bald ibis. A small illustration of the northern bald ibis is found in the illuminated "St Galler Handschrift" of 1562, a drawing by Joris Hoefnagel in "Missale Romanum" (1582-1590) and in paintings in the collection of Rudolf II at Vienna. It is believed that it had also been depicted at other places in Istria and Dalmatia, where it was presumably native during the Middle Ages, e.g. in the local church in Gradišče pri Divači and in the coat of arms of the noble family Elio from Koper. The portal of Lukovec Castle in Lukovica pri Brezovici (central Slovenia) also features this species.  In Birecik, Turkey an ancient celebration 'Kelaynak yortusu' held in mid-February to mark the return of the birds from Africa was revived in the 1950s.  Several countries have produced postage stamps which depict the northern bald ibis. They include Algeria, Morocco, Sudan, Syria, Turkey, and Yemen, which are breeding or migration locations; Austria, which is seeking to reintroduce the bird; and Jersey, which has a small captive population.

The northern bald ibis, hermit ibis, or waldrapp ("Geronticus eremita") is a migratory bird found in barren, semi-desert or rocky habitats, often close to running water. This glossy black ibis, which, unlike many members of the ibis family, is non-wading, has an unfeathered red face and head, and a long, curved red bill. It breeds colonially on coastal or mountain cliff ledges, where it typically lays two to three eggs in a stick nest, and feeds on lizards, insects, and other small animals.

隐<unk>(学名:"")是栖息在荒芜、半沙漠或岩石环境的一种隐<unk>属鸟类。 牠们不像其他朱鹭科般在水上生活。牠们长70-80厘米,身体呈光泽黑色,红色的面部及头部没有羽毛,喙长而弯。牠们在岸边或山崖的地盘繁殖,每次产2-3只蛋。牠们主要吃蜥蜴、昆虫及其他细小的动物。


Hebrew Bible.

The source for the name "Beelzebub" is in the Books of Kings (), written "Ba'al Zəbûb", referring to a deity worshipped by the Philistines. The title "Baal", meaning "Lord" in Ugaritic, was used in conjunction with a descriptive name of a specific god. Opinions differ on what the name means.  In one understanding, "Ba'al Zəbûb" is translated literally as "lord of the flies". It was long ago suggested that there was a relationship between the Philistine god, and cults of flies—referring to a view of them as pests, feasting on excrement—appearing in the Hellenic world, such as Zeus Apomyios or Myiagros. This is confirmed by the Ugaritic text which depicts Baal expelling flies, which are the cause of a person's sickness. According to Francesco Saracino (1982) this series of elements may be inconclusive as evidence, but the fact that in relationship to Baal Zebub, the two constituent terms are here linked, joined by a function ("ndy") that is typical of some divinities attested in the Mediterranean Sea world, is a strong argument in favor of the authenticity of the name of the god of Ekron, and of his possible therapeutic activities, which are implicit in, etc.  Alternatively, the deity's actual name could have been "Ba'al Zəbûl", "lord of the (heavenly) dwelling", and "Ba'al Zebub" could have been a derogatory pun used by the Israelites. In regard to the god of Ekron, the belief that "zebub" may be the original affix to Baal and that it is a substitute for an original "zbl" which, after the discoveries of Ras Shamra, has been connected with the title of "prince", frequently attributed to Baal in mythological texts. Ba'al Zebub was used in the Hebrew language as a "pun" with Ba'al Zebul, where Zebul meant "of the manor", and in a derogatory manner Ba'al Zebub was used to offend the enemies of the Israelites.  The Septuagint renders the name as "Baalzebub" () and as "Baal muian" (, "Baal of flies"). However, Symmachus may have reflected a tradition of its offensive ancient name, when he rendered it as "Beelzeboul".

Testament of Solomon.

In the Testament of Solomon, Beelzebul (not Beelzebub) appears as prince of the demons and says (6.2) that he was formerly a leading heavenly angel who was (6.7) associated with the star Hesperus (which is the normal Greek name for the planet Venus (Aphrodite, Αφροδíτη) as evening star). Seemingly, Beelzebul here is synonymous with Lucifer. Beelzebul claims to cause destruction through tyrants, to cause demons to be worshipped among men, to excite priests to lust, to cause jealousies in cities and murders, and to bring on war. The Testament of Solomon is an Old Testament pseudepigraphical work, purportedly written by King Solomon, in which Solomon mostly describes particular demons whom he enslaved to help build Solomon's Temple, with substantial Christian interpolations.

Christian Bible.

In Mark 3:22, the scribes accuse Jesus of driving out demons by the power of Beelzebul, the prince of demons, the name also appearing in the expanded version in Matthew 12:24,27 and Luke 11:15, 18–19. The name also occurs in Matthew 10:25.  It is unknown whether Symmachus the Ebionite was correct in identifying these names, because we otherwise know nothing about either of them. "Zeboul" might derive from a slurred pronunciation of "zebûb"; from "zebel", a word used to mean "dung" in the Targums; or from Hebrew "zebûl" found in in the phrase "bêt-zebûl", "lofty house".  In any case, the form "Beelzebub" was substituted for "Beelzeboul" in the Syriac translation and Latin Vulgate translation of the gospels, and this substitution was repeated in the King James Version, the resulting form "Beelzeboul" being mostly unknown to Western European and descendant cultures until some more recent translations restored it.  Beelzebub is also identified in the New Testament as the Devil, "the prince of demons". Biblical scholar Thomas Kelly Cheyne suggested that it might be a derogatory corruption of "Ba'al Zəbûl", "Lord of the High Place" (i.e., Heaven) or "High Lord".  In Arabic translations, the name is rendered as "Baʿl-zabūl" ().

Gnostic tradition.

Texts of the Gospel of Nicodemus vary; they use "Beelzebul" or "Beelzebub". The name is used by Hades as a secondary name for the Devil, but it may vary with each translation of the text; other versions separate Beelzebub from the Devil.

Christian tradition.

Beelzebub is commonly described as placed high in Hell's hierarchy. According to the stories of the 16th-century occultist Johann Weyer, Beelzebub led a successful revolt against the Devil, is the chief lieutenant of Lucifer, the Emperor of Hell, and presides over the Order of the Fly. Similarly, the 17th-century exorcist Sébastien Michaëlis, in his "Admirable History" (1612), placed Beelzebub among the three most prominent fallen angels, the other two being Lucifer and Leviathan. John Milton, in his epic poem "Paradise Lost", first published in 1667, identified an unholy trinity consisting of Beelzebub, Lucifer, and Astaroth, with Beelzebub as the second-ranking of the many fallen angels. Milton wrote of Beelzebub "than whom, Satan except, none higher sat." Beelzebub is also a character in John Bunyan's "The Pilgrim's Progress", first published in 1678.  Sebastien Michaelis associated Beelzebub with the deadly sin of pride. However, according to Peter Binsfeld, Beelzebub was the demon of gluttony, one of the other seven deadly sins, whereas Francis Barrett asserted that Beelzebub was the prince of false gods.  Within religious circles, the accusation of demon possession has been used as both an insult and an attempt to categorize unexplained behavior. Not only had the Pharisees disparagingly accused Jesus of using Beelzebub's demonic powers to heal people (Luke 11:14–26), but others have been labeled possessed for acts of an extreme nature. Down through history, Beelzebub has been held responsible for many cases of demonic possession, such as that of Sister Madeleine de Demandolx de la Palud, Aix-en-Provence in 1611, whose relationship with Father Jean-Baptiste Gaufridi led not only to countless traumatic events at the hands of her inquisitors, but also to the torture and execution of that "bewitcher of young nuns", Gaufridi himself. Beelzebub was also imagined to be sowing his influence in Salem, Massachusetts; his name came up repeatedly during the Salem witch trials, the last large-scale public expression of witch hysteria in either North America or Europe, and afterwards, the Rev. Cotton Mather wrote a pamphlet titled "Of Beelzebub and his Plot".

Judaism.

The name "Baʿal Zəvûv" () is found in, where King Ahaziah of Israel, after seriously injuring himself in a fall, sends messengers to inquire of Ba'al Zebûb, the god of the Philistine city of Ekron, to learn if he will recover.  Elijah the Prophet then condemns Ahaziah to die by God's words because Ahaziah sought counsel from Ba'al Zebûb rather than from God.  Rabbinical literature commentary equates Baal Zebub of Ekron as lord of the "fly". The word "Ba'al Zebûb" in rabbinical texts is a mockery of the Ba'al religion, which ancient Hebrews considered to be idol worship.  Jewish scholars have interpreted the title of "Lord of the Flies" as the Hebrew way of calling Ba'al a pile of dung and comparing Ba'al followers to flies.

Beelzebub or Beelzebul ( or ; "Baʿal Zəvûv") is a name derived from a Philistine god, formerly worshipped in Ekron, and later adopted by some Abrahamic religions as a major demon. The name Beelzebub is associated with the Canaanite god Baal.

巴力西卜(Beelzebub 或 Beel-Zebub),又译为别西卜,天主教译为贝耳则步,意思为“苍蝇王”,非利士人的神,新约圣经中称别西卜为「魔王」,圣经中七大罪的暴食。传说祂原本是炽天使中圣歌队的成员,在创世纪战争中战败而堕落。恶魔学里认为他是地狱的最高统帅,约翰·弥尔顿将其描绘成是外貌威严的智者,是最强大的堕天使。


History.

In a 1904 paper, Jan Baudouin de Courtenay emphasised the need to distinguish between language similarities arising from a genetic relationship ("rodstvo") and those arising from convergence due to language contact ("srodstvo"). Nikolai Trubetzkoy introduced the Russian term (; "language union") in a 1923 article. In a paper presented to the first International Congress of Linguists in 1928, he used a German calque of this term, "Sprachbund", defining it as a group of languages with similarities in syntax, morphological structure, cultural vocabulary and sound systems, but without systematic sound correspondences, shared basic morphology or shared basic vocabulary. Later workers, starting with Trubetzkoy's colleague Roman Jakobson, have relaxed the requirement of similarities in all four of the areas stipulated by Trubetzkoy.

Examples.

The Balkans.

The idea of areal convergence is commonly attributed to Jernej Kopitar's description in 1830 of Albanian, Bulgarian and Romanian as giving the impression of ""nur eine Sprachform... mit dreierlei Sprachmaterie"", which has been rendered by Victor Friedman as "one grammar with the three lexicons". The Balkan Sprachbund comprises Albanian, Romanian, the South Slavic languages of the southern Balkans (Bulgarian, Macedonian and to a lesser degree Serbo-Croatian), Greek, Balkan Turkish, and Romani. All but one of these are Indo-European languages but from very divergent branches, and Turkish is a Turkic language. Yet they have exhibited several signs of grammatical convergence, such as avoidance of the infinitive, future tense formation, and others. The same features are not found in other languages that are otherwise closely related, such as the other Romance languages in relation to Romanian, and the other Slavic languages such as Polish in relation to Bulgaro-Macedonian.

Indian subcontinent.

In a classic 1956 paper titled "India as a Linguistic Area", Murray Emeneau laid the groundwork for the general acceptance of the concept of a sprachbund. In the paper, Emeneau observed that the subcontinent's Dravidian and Indo-Aryan languages shared a number of features that were not inherited from a common source, but were areal features, the result of diffusion during sustained contact. These include retroflex consonants, echo words, subject–object–verb word order, discourse markers, and the quotative.  Emeneau specified the tools to establish that language and culture had fused for centuries on the Indian soil to produce an integrated mosaic of structural convergence of four distinct language families: Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Munda and Tibeto-Burman. This concept provided scholarly substance for explaining the underlying Indian-ness of apparently divergent cultural and linguistic patterns. With his further contributions, this area has now become a major field of research in language contact and convergence.

Mainland Southeast Asia.

The Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area is one of the most dramatic of linguistic areas in terms of the surface similarity of the languages involved, to the extent that early linguists tended to group them all into a single family, although the modern consensus places them into numerous unrelated families. The area stretches from Thailand to China and is home to speakers of languages of the Sino-Tibetan, Hmong–Mien (or Miao–Yao), Tai–Kadai, Austronesian (represented by Chamic) and Mon–Khmer families.  Neighbouring languages across these families, though presumed unrelated, often have similar features, which are believed to have spread by diffusion. A well-known example is the similar tone systems in Sinitic languages (Sino-Tibetan), Hmong–Mien, Tai languages (Kadai) and Vietnamese (Mon–Khmer). Most of these languages passed through an earlier stage with three tones on most syllables (but no tonal distinctions on checked syllables ending in a stop consonant), which was followed by a tone split where the distinction between voiced and voiceless consonants disappeared but in compensation the number of tones doubled. These parallels led to confusion over the classification of these languages, until André-Georges Haudricourt showed in 1954 that tone was not an invariant feature, by demonstrating that Vietnamese tones corresponded to certain final consonants in other languages of the Mon–Khmer family, and proposed that tone in the other languages had a similar origin.  Similarly, the unrelated Khmer (Mon–Khmer), Cham (Austronesian) and Lao (Kadai) languages have almost identical vowel systems. Many languages in the region are of the isolating (or analytic) type, with mostly monosyllabic morphemes and little use of inflection or affixes, though a number of Mon–Khmer languages have derivational morphology. Shared syntactic features include classifiers, object–verb order and topic–comment structure, though in each case there are exceptions in branches of one or more families.

Northeast Asia.

Some linguists, such as Matthias Castrén, G. J. Ramstedt, Nicholas Poppe and Pentti Aalto supported the idea that the Mongolic, Turkic, and Tungusic families of Asia (and some small parts of Europe) are genetically related, in a controversial group they call Altaic. Koreanic and Japonic languages, which are also hypothetically related according to some scholars like William George Aston, Shōsaburō Kanazawa, Samuel Martin and Sergei Starostin, are sometimes included as part of the purported Altaic family. This latter hypothesis was supported by people including Roy Andrew Miller, John C. Street and Karl Heinrich Menges. Gerard Clauson, Gerhard Doerfer, Juha Janhunen, Stefan Georg and others dispute or reject this. A common alternative explanation for similarities between said Altaic languages such as vowel harmony and agglutination is that they are due to areal diffusion.

A sprachbund (, "federation of languages"), also known as a linguistic area, area of linguistic convergence, diffusion area or language crossroads, is a group of languages that share areal features resulting from geographical proximity and language contact. The languages may be genetically unrelated, or only distantly related, but the sprachbund characteristics might give a false appearance of relatedness.

语言联盟(;英语:Sprachbund, linguistic convergence;),也称语言区域、语言的区域分类,指没有亲属关系的语言,由于长期共处于一个地区而在语言结构上产生共同区域特征的现象。语言联盟中的不同语言,词汇上相互有大量的借代,而且语音、语法系统有着一些共同的结构格局、结构规则,这不是因为这些语言同源,在发展的过程中留存了历史上的同一语言的特征,而是语言长期密切接触的结果。但语言联盟中的诸民族,在经济、文化、人口比例上相差不很悬殊,因此还能保持各自语言的本质,相当多的核心词根继承了自己语言的祖语。


History.

Tiramisu appears to have been invented in the 1960s or 1970s, but beyond that, its origins are unclear.  Recipes named "tiramisu" are unknown in cookbooks before the 1960s. The word appears in print in Italian in 1980, and in English in 1982.  Some accounts of the origin of tiramisu date its invention to the 1960s in the region of Veneto, Italy, at the restaurant "Le Beccherie" in Treviso. Specifically, the dish is claimed to have first been created by a confectioner named Roberto Linguanotto, owner of "Le Beccherie".  Some debate remains, however.  It is sometimes claimed that Tiramisu has aphrodisiac effects and was served in brothels in Treviso. Le Beccherie is supposed to have invented it on 24 December 1969. Other sources report the creation of the cake as originating towards the end of the 17th century in Siena in honour of Grand Duke Cosimo III.  There is also evidence of a "Tiremesù" semi-frozen dessert served by the Vetturino restaurant in Pieris, in the Friuli Venezia Giulia, since 1938. This may be the name's origin, while the recipe for Tiramisu may have originated as a variation of another layered dessert, "Zuppa Inglese".  It is mentioned in a 1983 cookbook devoted to cooking of the Veneto.  Tiramisu is similar to other desserts, in particular with the Charlotte, in some versions composed of a Bavarian cream surrounded by a crown of ladyfingers and covered by a sweet cream; the Turin cake ("dolce Torino"), consisting of ladyfingers soaked in rosolio and alchermes with a spread made of butter, egg yolks, sugar, milk, and dark chocolate; and the "Bavarese Lombarda", which is a similar composition of ladyfingers and egg yolks (albeit cooked ones). In "Bavarese", butter and rosolio (or alchermes) are also used, but not mascarpone cream nor coffee.  Interest in tiramisu in the United States increased in 1993 when Tom Hanks' protagonist in the comedy "Sleepless in Seattle" heard of it only as a mysterious thing that modern women loved.  On July 29, 2017, Tiramisu was entered by the Ministry of Agricultural, Food and Forestry Policies on the list of traditional Friulian and Giulian agri-food products in the Friuli Venezia Giulia region.

Original characteristics.

Traditional tiramisu contains a short list of ingredients: finger biscuits, egg yolks, sugar, coffee, mascarpone cheese, cocoa powder and sometimes liquor.  The original shape of the cake is round, although the shape of the biscuits also allows the use of a rectangular or square pan. However, it is often assembled in round glasses, which show the various layers, or pyramid. Modern versions can have the addition of whipped cream or whipped egg, or both, combined with mascarpone cream. This makes the dish lighter, thick and foamy. Among the most common alcoholic changes includes the addition of Marsala. The cake is usually eaten cold.  Another variation involves the preparation of the cream with eggs heated to sterilize it, but not so much that the eggs scramble. Over time, replacing some of the ingredients, mainly coffee, there arose numerous variants such as tiramisu with chocolate, amaretto, berry, lemon, strawberry, pineapple, yogurt, banana, raspberry, and coconut. These are however not considered true Tiramisu as these variations only share the layered characteristic of Tiramisu; these examples more closely resemble variations of trifle.  Numerous variations of Tiramisu exist. Some cooks use other cakes or sweet, yeasted breads, such as "panettone", in place of ladyfingers (savoiardi). Bakers living in different Italian regions often debate the use and structural qualities of utilising other types of cookies, such as pavesini for instance, in the recipe. Other cheese mixtures are used as well, some containing raw eggs, and others containing no eggs at all. Marsala wine can be added to the recipe, but other liquors are frequently substituted for it in both the coffee and the cheese mixture, including dark rum, Madeira, port, brandy, Malibu, or Irish cream and especially coffee-flavoured liqueurs such as Tia Maria and Kahlúa. Disaronno is also often used to enhance the taste of tiramisu.

Tiramisu (from the Italian language, spelled "tiramisù",, meaning "pick me up" or "cheer me up") is a coffee-flavoured Italian dessert. It is made of ladyfingers (savoiardi) dipped in coffee, layered with a whipped mixture of eggs, sugar and mascarpone cheese, flavoured with cocoa. The recipe has been adapted into many varieties of cakes and other desserts. Its origins are often disputed among Italian regions Veneto and Friuli Venezia Giulia.

提拉米苏(;威尼斯语:),又可译成堤拉米酥,是一种有名的意大利式蛋糕,它是由泡过咖啡或兰姆酒的手指饼干,加上一层马斯卡邦尼奶酪、蛋黄、糖的混合物,然后再在蛋糕表面洒上一层可可粉而成,口感细腻饱满,老少皆宜


History.

The term "alienation" has been used over the ages with varied and sometimes contradictory meanings. In ancient history it could mean a metaphysical sense of achieving a higher state of contemplation, ecstasy or union—becoming alienated from a limited existence in the world, in a positive sense. Examples of this usage have been traced to neoplatonic philosophers such as Plotinus (in the Greek "alloiosis"). There have also long been religious concepts of being separated or cut off from God and the faithful, alienated in a negative sense. The New Testament mentions the term "apallotrioomai" in Greek—"being alienated from". Ideas of estrangement from a Golden Age, or due to a fall of man, or approximate equivalents in differing cultures or religions, have also been described as concepts of alienation. A double positive and negative sense of alienation is broadly shown in the spiritual beliefs referred to as Gnosticism.  Alienation has also had a particular legal-political meaning since at least Ancient Roman times, where to alienate property ("alienato") is to transfer ownership of it to someone else. The term alienation itself comes from the Latin "alienus" which meant 'of another place or person', which in turn came from "alius", meaning "other" or "another". An alienus in ancient Roman times could refer to someone else's slave. Another usage of the term in Ancient Greco-Roman times was by physicians referring to disturbed, difficult or abnormal states of mind, generally attributed to imbalanced physiology. In Latin "alienatio mentis" (mental alienation), this usage has been dated to Asclepiades. Once translations of such works had resurfaced in the West in the 17th century, physicians again began using the term, which is typically attributed to Felix Platter.  In medieval times, a relationship between alienation and social order has been described, mediated in part by mysticism and monasticism. The Crusades and witch-hunts have been described as forms of mass alienation.

17th century.

In the 17th century, Hugo Grotius put forward the concept that everyone has'sovereign authority' over themselves but that they could alienate that natural right to the common good, an early social contract theory. In the 18th century, Hutcheson introduced a distinction between alienable and unalienable rights in the legal sense of the term. Rousseau published influential works on the same theme, and is also seen as having popularized a more psychological-social concept relating to alienation from a state of nature due to the expansion of civil society or the nation state.  In the same century a law of alienation of affection was introduced for men to seek compensation from other men accused of taking away 'their' woman.  In the history of literature, the German Romantics appear to be the first group of writers and poets in whose work the concept of alienation is regularly found. Around the start of the 19th century, Hegel popularized a Christian (Lutheran) and Idealist philosophy of alienation. He used German terms in

Marx.

Marx was initially in the Young Hegelian camp and, like Feuerbach, rejected the spiritual basis, and adapted Hegel's dialectic model to a theory of (historical) materialism. Marx's theory of alienation is articulated most clearly in the "Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844" and "The German Ideology" (1846). The 'young' Marx wrote more often and directly of alienation than the'mature' Marx, which some regard as an ideological break while others maintain that the concept remained central. There is generally held to be a transition from a philosophical-anthropological (Marxist humanism) concept (e.g. internal alienation from the self) to a structural-historical interpretation (e.g. external alienation by appropriation of labor), accompanied by a change in terminology from alienation to exploitation to

Late 1800s to 1900s.

Many sociologists of the late 19th and early 20th centuries were concerned about alienating effects of modernization. German sociologists Georg Simmel and Ferdinand Tönnies wrote critical works on individualization and urbanization. Simmel's "The Philosophy of Money" describes how relationships become more and more mediated by money. Tönnies' "Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft" ("Community and Society") is about the loss of primary relationships such as familial bonds in favour of goal-oriented, secondary relationships. This idea of alienation can be observed in some other contexts, although the term may not be as frequently used. In the context of an individual's relationships within society, alienation can mean the unresponsiveness of society as a whole to the individuality of each member of the society. When collective decisions are made, it is usually impossible for the unique needs of each person to be taken into account.  The American sociologist C. Wright Mills conducted a major study of alienation in modern society with

Powerlessness.

Alienation in the sense of a lack of power has been technically defined by Seeman as "the expectancy or probability held by the individual that his own behaviour cannot determine the occurrence of the outcomes, or reinforcements, he seeks." Seeman argues that this is "the notion of alienation as it originated in the Marxian view of the worker's condition in capitalist society: the worker is alienated to the extent that the prerogative and means of decision are expropriated by the ruling entrepreneurs". More succinctly, Kalekin-Fishman (1996: 97) says, "A person suffers from alienation in the form of 'powerlessness' when she is conscious of the gap between what she would like to do and what she feels capable of doing".  In discussing powerlessness, Seeman also incorporated

Meaninglessness.

A sense of meaning has been defined by Seeman as "the individual's sense of understanding events in which he is engaged". Seeman (1959: 786) writes that meaninglessness "is characterized by a low expectancy that satisfactory predictions about the future outcomes of behaviour can be made." Whereas powerlessness refers to the sensed ability to control outcomes, this refers to the sensed ability to predict outcomes. In this respect, meaninglessness is closely tied to powerlessness; Seeman (Ibid.) argues, "the view that one lives in an intelligible world might be

Normlessness.

Normlessness (or what Durkheim referred to as anomie) "denotes the situation in which the social norms regulating individual conduct have broken down or are no longer effective as rules for behaviour". This aspect refers to the inability to identify with the dominant values of society or rather, with what are perceived to be the dominant values of society. Seeman (1959: 788) adds that this aspect can manifest in a particularly negative manner, "The anomic situation [...] may be defined as one in which there is a high expectancy that socially unapproved behaviours are required to achieve given goals". This negative manifestation is dealt with in detail by Catherine Ross and John Mirowski in a series of publications on mistrust, powerlessness, normlessness and

Relationships.

One concept used in regard to specific relationships is that of parental alienation, where a child is distanced from and expresses a general dislike for one of their parents (who may have divorced or separated). The term is not applied where there is child abuse. The parental alienation might be due to specific influences from either parent or could result from the social dynamics of the family as a whole. It can also be understood in terms of attachment, the social and emotional process of bonding

Social isolation.

Social isolation refers to "The feeling of being segregated from one's community". Neal and Collas (2000: 114) emphasize the centrality of social isolation in the modern world: "While social isolation is typically experienced as a form of personal stress, its sources are deeply embedded in the social organization of the modern world. With increased isolation and atomization, much of our daily interactions are with those who are strangers to us and with whom we lack any ongoing social relationships."  Since the fall of the Soviet Union and the end

Political alienation.

One manifestation of the above dimensions of alienation can be a feeling of estrangement from, and a lack of engagement in, the political system. Such political alienation could result from not

Self-estrangement.

Self-estrangement is an elusive concept in sociology, as recognized by Seeman (1959), although he included it as an aspect in his model of alienation. Some, with Marx, consider self-estrangement to be the end result and thus the heart of social alienation. Self-estrangement can be defined as "the psychological state of denying one's own interests – of seeking out, activities...". It could be characterized as a feeling of having become a stranger to oneself, or to some parts of oneself, or alternatively as a problem of self-knowledge, or authenticity.  Seeman (1959) recognized the problems inherent in defining

Mental disturbance.

Until early in the 20th century, psychological problems were referred to in psychiatry as states of mental alienation, implying that a person had become separated from themselves, their reason or the world. From the 1960s alienation was again considered in regard to clinical states of disturbance, typically using a broad concept of a'schizoid' ('splitting') process taken from psychoanalytic theory. The splitting was said to occur within regular child development and in everyday life, as well as in more extreme or dysfunctional form in conditions such as schizoid personality and schizophrenia. Varied concepts of alienation and self-estrangement were used to link internal schizoid states with observable symptoms and with external socioeconomic divisions, without necessarily explaining or evidencing underlying causation. R. D. Laing was particularly influential in arguing that dysfunctional families and socioeconomic oppression caused states of alienation and ontological insecurity in people, which could be considered adaptations but which were diagnosed as disorders by mainstream psychiatry and society.(Laing,[1967] 1959). The specific theories associated with Laing and others at that time are not widely accepted, but work from other theoretical perspectives sometimes addresses the same theme.  In a related vein,

Disability.

Differences between persons with disabilities and individuals in relative abilities, or perceived abilities, can be a cause of alienation. One study, "Social Alienation and Peer Identification: A Study of the Social Construction of Deafness", found that among deaf adults one theme emerged consistently across all categories of life experience: social rejection by, and alienation from, the larger hearing community. Only when the respondents described interactions with deaf people did the theme of isolation give way to comments about participation and meaningful interaction. This

In art.

Alienation is most often represented in literature as the psychological isolation of an individual from society or community. In a volume of Bloom's Literary Themes, Shakespeare's "Hamlet" is described as the'supreme literary portrait' of alienation, while noting that some may argue for Achilles in the "Iliad". In addition, "Bartleby, the Scrivener" is introduced as a perfect example because so many senses of alienation are present. Other literary works described as dealing with the theme of alienation are: "The Bell Jar", "Black Boy", "Brave New World", "The Catcher in the Rye", "The Chosen", "Dubliners", "Othello", "Fahrenheit 451", "Invisible Man", "Mrs Dalloway", "Notes from Underground", "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest", "The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde", "The Stranger" and "The Myth of Sisyphus", "The Trial", "The Castle", "Waiting for Godot", "The Waste Land", and "Young Goodman Brown". Contemporary British works noted for their perspective on alienation include "The Child in Time", "London Fields", "Trainspotting", and "Regeneration" (Senekal, 2008 & 2010b: 102–123).  Sociologist Harry Dahms has analysed The Matrix Trilogy of films in the context of theories of alienation in modern society. He suggests that the central theme of "The Matrix" is the "all-pervasive yet increasingly invisible prevalence of alienation in the world today, and difficulties that accompany attempts to overcome it".  See also Langman's study of "punk, porn, and resistance" (2008) and Senekal's (2011) study of Afrikaans extreme metal.  British progressive rock band Pink Floyd's concept album "The Wall" (1979) and British alternative rock band Radiohead's album "OK Computer" (1997), both deal with the subject of alienation in their lyrics.

Social alienation is "a condition in social relationships reflected by a low degree of integration or common values and a high degree of distance or isolation between individuals, or between an individual and a group of people in a community or work environment". It is a sociological concept developed by several classical and contemporary theorists. The concept has many discipline-specific uses, and can refer both to a personal psychological state (subjectively) and to a type of social relationship (objectively).

社会异化(Social alienation)是「在个体间或个体与社群或工作环境间,低程度的社会关系和共同价值以及高程度的距离感和社会孤立所反映出的社会关系状态」。此社会学概念是由数名古典和当代的理论家发展而来,并受到多方面的学术引用,可以参照一人的心理状态(主观地)或一类社会关系(客观地)。


Tradition.

Mehndi is a ceremonial art form which originated in the ancient Indian subcontinent. It is typically applied during weddings - for Muslim and Hindu brides. In Rajasthan, the grooms are given designs that are often as elaborate as those for brides. In Assam, apart from marriage, it is broadly used by unmarried women during Rongali bihu.  Muslims in Afghanistan also started to use it as an indication of coming of age. In the Middle East and Africa, it is common for women to apply henna to their fingernails and toenails and to their hands.

Process.

Henna paste is usually applied to the skin using a plastic cone, a paintbrush or a stick. After about 15–20 minutes, the mud will dry and begin to crack, and during this time, a mixture of lemon juice and white sugar can be applied over the henna design to remoisten the henna mud so that the henna will stain darker. The painted area is then wrapped with tissue, plastic, or medical tape to lock in body heat, creating a more intense colour on the skin. The wrap (not a traditional method), is worn for two to six hours, or sometimes overnight, and then removed. When first removed, the henna design is pale to dark orange in colour and gradually darkens through oxidation, over the course of 24 to 72 hours. The final color is reddish brown and can last anywhere from one to three weeks depending on the quality and type of henna paste applied, as well as where it was applied on the body (thicker skin stains darker and longer than thin skin). Moisturizing with natural oils, such as olive, sesame seed, or coconut, will also help extend the lifetime of the stain. Skin exfoliation causes the henna tattoo to fade.

In weddings.

Traditional Hindu or Sikh weddings in India can often be long, ritualistic, and elaborate affairs with many pre-wedding, wedding and post-wedding ceremonies. South Asian Muslim weddings may also have pre-wedding, wedding and post-wedding ceremonies. Different countries and regions of a country celebrate the ceremonies in different ways according to their own marriage customs, rituals, and culture. A henna/mehndi party is a tradition held before a wedding in many South Asian, Middle Eastern, and North African cultures. Mehndi parties were often held in the house that the bride was going to live in, and the guests included girls and women from the bride and groom's side of the family. The bride and all of her guests wore embroidered dresses called "bindalli". In addition to this, the bride also wore a red veil that covered her face.  According to Hindu tradition, the ceremony is mainly held at the bride's house or at a banquet hall on the eve of the marriage ceremony or few days before the marriage. Generally, the bride and groom attend the event together and on the occasion, a professional mehndi artist or a relative applies mehndi to the bride's hands and feet. The designs are very intricate. Often hidden within the mehndi pattern, the name or initials of the groom are applied. The event generally has a celebratory festival feel to it with the women dancing and singing traditional songs and the girls wearing vivid colors such as hot pink and yellow, often if the bride to be wishes to tease her future groom she will make him wear purple. The groom usually wears jutti instead of western footwear.  In Pakistan, the Mehndi ceremony is referred to Rasm-e-Heena and is often one of the most important pre-wedding ceremonies, which is celebrated by the bride's family. In Bangladesh, the Mehndi ceremony has traditionally been separated into two events; one organized by the bride's family and one, by the groom's family. Mehndi ceremonies take place outside the Indian subcontinent amongst the South Asian community and places like Birmingham in the UK are such known hotspots for lavish Mehndi celebrations.

Example of a wedding tradition.

The henna, a dye produced from a henna plant, would be delivered by the groom's relatives on a silver tray containing two burning candles. Before the application of the henna, the guests would throw coins over the bride's head as a symbol of fertility. Then, the bride's soon to be mother-in-law would then bring out a piece of silk cloth as a gift to the bride. The bride would then walk along the unrolled piece of silk cloth in the direction of her future mother-in-law and kiss her hand. <br > Once this is done, fruits, nuts, and pastries would be brought out and songs would be sung in hopes of making the bride cry. This was done because it was thought that the bride's crying would bring good luck. The bride would then sit on a cushion while her mother-in-law placed a gold coin in her hand as another sign of good luck. Once the bride was given the gold coin, the henna would be applied.  The person who applied the henna was always someone who was already known to be happily married; that person would apply the henna onto the bride's palms, fingers, and toes. The henna was made from dried henna leaves, and the process of application took a long time. For this reason, it was suggested that it be applied between thirty-two and forty-eight hours before the wedding so that it may have enough time to stain the skin. In addition to the bride, most women at the mehendi ceremony also apply the henna to their hands for aesthetics.

Mehndi is a form of body art originating in ancient India, in which decorative designs are created on a person's body, using a paste, created from the powdered dry leaves of the henna plant ("Lawsonia inermis"). Dating back to ancient India, "mehndi" is still a popular form of body art among the women of the Indian subcontinent, Africa and the Middle East.

曼海蒂(Mehndi或Mehendi,印地语:मेहन्दी;又称Henna,阿拉伯语:الحناء,al-ḥinnā)彩绘纹身是一种以印度指甲花为颜料的人体彩绘艺术,它源于美索不达米亚,已有千多年的历史,至12世纪成为印度文化,盛行于印度、巴基斯坦及中东,尤其在婚嫁时,都会在新娘的手掌及脚上绘上悦目的图案作为装饰。


History of the building itself.

Imperial and Weimar Republic eras.

Construction of the building began well after the unification of Germany in 1871. Previously, the parliament had assembled in several other buildings in Leipziger Straße in Berlin but these were generally considered too small. So, in 1872 an architectural contest with 103 participating architects was carried out to erect a new building. After a short survey of possible sites, a parliamentary committee recommended the east side of the Königsplatz (today, Platz der Republik), which was occupied by the palace of a Polish-Prussian aristocrat,.  Work did not start until ten years later, owing to various problems with purchasing the property as well as arguments between Wilhelm I, Otto von Bismarck, and the members of the Reichstag over how the construction should be performed. After lengthy negotiations, the Raczyński Palace was purchased and demolished, making way for the new building.  In 1882, another architectural contest was held, with 200 architects participating. This time, the winner—the Frankfurt architect Paul Wallot—would actually see his Neo-Baroque project executed. The direct model for Wallot's design was Philadelphia's Memorial Hall, the main building of the 1876 Centennial Exhibition. Some of the Reichstag's decorative sculptures, reliefs, and inscriptions were by sculptor Otto Lessing. On 29 June 1884, the foundation stone was finally laid by Wilhelm I, at the east side of the Königsplatz. Before construction was completed by Philipp Holzmann A.G. in 1894, Wilhelm I died (in 1888, the Year of Three Emperors). His eventual successor, Wilhelm II, took a more jaundiced view of parliamentary democracy than his grandfather. The original building was acclaimed for the construction of an original cupola of steel and glass, considered an engineering feat at the time. But its mixture of architectural styles drew widespread criticism.  In 1916 the iconic words "Dem Deutschen Volke" ("To the German People") were placed above the main façade of the building, much to the displeasure of Wilhelm II, who had tried to block the adding of the inscription for its democratic significance. After World War I had ended and Wilhelm had abdicated, during the revolutionary days of 1918, Philipp Scheidemann proclaimed the institution of a republic from one of the balconies of the "Reichstag" building on 9 November. The building continued to be the seat of the parliament of the Weimar Republic (1919–1933), which was still called the "Reichstag". Up to 42 protesters died during the Reichstag Bloodbath of January 13, 1920, when workers tried to protest a law that would restrict their rights, it was the bloodiest demonstration in German history.

Nazi period.

The building caught fire on 27 February 1933, under circumstances still not entirely known. This gave a pretext for the Nazis to suspend most rights provided for by the 1919 Weimar Constitution in the Reichstag Fire Decree, allowing them to arrest Communists and increase police action throughout Germany. The burning of Reichstag had also created fear in the capitalists (US and west European states) of rise of communism in Germany. This furthered their policy of appeasement towards Hitler (who had portrayed himself as anti-Communist).  During the 12 years of Nazi rule, the "Reichstag" building was not used for parliamentary sessions. Instead, the few times that the "Reichstag" convened at all, it did so in the Kroll Opera House, opposite the "Reichstag" building. This applied particularly to the session of 23 March 1933, in which the "Reichstag" surrendered its powers to Adolf Hitler in the Enabling Act, another step in the so-called "Gleichschaltung" ("coordination"). The main meeting hall of the building (which was unusable after the fire) was instead used for propaganda presentations and, during World War II, for military purposes. It was also considered for conversion to a flak tower but was found to be structurally unsuitable.  The building, never fully repaired after the fire, was further damaged by air raids. During the Battle of Berlin in 1945, it became one of the central targets for the Red Army to capture, due to its perceived symbolic significance. Today, visitors to the building can still see Soviet graffiti on smoky walls inside as well as on part of the roof, which was preserved during the reconstructions after reunification.  On 2 May 1945, Yevgeny Khaldei took the photo "Raising a flag over the Reichstag", which symbolized the victory of the USSR over Germany.

Cold War.

When the Cold War emerged, the building was physically within West Berlin lying in the British zone, but only a few metres from the border of East Berlin, which ran around the back of the building and in 1961 was closed by the Berlin Wall. During the Berlin blockade, an enormous number of West Berliners assembled before the building on 9 September 1948, and Mayor Ernst Reuter held a famous speech that ended with ""Ihr Völker der Welt, schaut auf diese Stadt!"" ("You peoples of the world, look upon this city!") After the war, the building was essentially a ruin. In addition, there was no real use for it, since the seat of government of West Germany had been established in Bonn in 1949. Still, in 1956, after some debate, the West German government decided that the "Reichstag" should not be torn down, but be restored instead. However, the cupola of the original building, which had also been heavily damaged in the war, was demolished. Another architectural contest was held, and the winner, Paul Baumgarten, reconstructed the building from 1961 to 1964. He removed all sumptuous heraldic statues, monuments, decorations, and the like that harked back to the mythology of the German past from the inside, and also the largest ones on the outside of the building. In effect, he created a plain building inside the historic Reichstag, retaining only the outer walls stripped of most of their statues and decoration.  The artistic and practical value of his work was the subject of much debate after German reunification. Under the 1971 Four Power Agreement on Berlin, Berlin was formally outside the bounds of either East or West Germany, and so the West German parliament, the "Bundestag", was not allowed to assemble formally in West Berlin. This prohibition was obeyed even though East Germany had declared East Berlin its capital, violating this provision. Until 1990, the building was thus used only for occasional representative meetings, and one-off events, such as a free concert given by British rock band Barclay James Harvest on the 30th August 1980. It was also used for a widely lauded permanent exhibition about German history called "Fragen an die deutsche Geschichte" ("Questions to the German history").

Reunification.

The official German reunification ceremony on 3 October 1990, was held at the "Reichstag" building, including Chancellor Helmut Kohl, President Richard von Weizsäcker, former Chancellor Willy Brandt and many others. The event included huge firework displays. One day later, the parliament of the united Germany would assemble in an act of symbolism in the "Reichstag" building.  However, at that time, the role of Berlin had not yet been decided upon. Only after a fierce debate, considered by many as one of the most memorable sessions of parliament, on 20 June 1991, did the "Bundestag" conclude with quite a slim majority in favour of both government and parliament returning to Berlin from Bonn. In 1992, Norman Foster won yet another architectural contest for the reconstruction of the building. His winning concept looked very different from what was later executed. Notably, the original design did not include a cupola.  Before reconstruction began, the Reichstag was wrapped by the Bulgarian-American artist Christo and his wife Jeanne-Claude in 1995, attracting millions of visitors. The project was financed by the artists through the sale of preparatory drawings and collages, as well as early works of the 1950s and 1960s.  During the reconstruction, the building was first almost completely gutted, taking out everything except the outer walls, including all changes made by Baumgarten in the 1960s. Respect for the historic aspects of the building was one of the conditions stipulated to the architects, so traces of historical events were to be retained in a visible state. Among them were graffiti left by Soviet soldiers after the final battle for Berlin in April–May 1945. Written in Cyrillic script, they include such slogans as "Hitler kaputt" and names of individual soldiers. However, graffiti with racist or sexist themes were removed, in agreement with Russian diplomats at the time.  The reconstruction was completed in 1999, with the Bundestag convening there officially for the first time on 19 April of that year. The "Reichstag" is now the second most visited attraction in Germany, not least because of the huge glass dome that was erected on the roof as a gesture to the original 1894 cupola, giving an impressive view over the city, especially at night.

Dome.

The large glass dome at the very top of the Reichstag has a 360-degree view of the surrounding Berlin cityscape. The main hall (debating chamber) of the parliament below can also be seen from inside the dome, and natural light from above radiates down to the parliament floor. A large sun shield tracks the movement of the sun electronically and blocks direct sunlight which would not only cause large solar gain, but dazzle those below. Construction work was finished in 1999 and the seat of parliament was transferred to the "Bundestag" in April of that year. The dome is open to visitors by prior registration.

The Reichstag ( ; officially: "Deutscher Bundestag – Plenarbereich Reichstagsgebäude" ) is a historic edifice in Berlin, Germany, constructed to house the Imperial Diet (German: "Reichstag") of the German Empire. It was opened in 1894 and housed the Diet until 1933, when it was severely damaged after being set on fire. After World War II, the building fell into disuse; the parliament of the German Democratic Republic (the Volkskammer) met in the Palast der Republik in East Berlin, while the parliament of the Federal Republic of Germany (the Bundestag) met in the Bundeshaus in Bonn.

德国国会大厦(,简称;官方名称为“帝国国会大厦大会场”,)是位于德国首都柏林米特区的一座建筑。1894至1918年间首先是德意志帝国的帝国议会,后来在魏玛共和国时期是共和国议会的议会会址。1933年毁于火焚。二战后遭到废弃,东德在东柏林另建共和国宫以召开人民议会,西德也在波恩以联邦大厦 (波恩)召开联邦议院。1960年代该建筑受到局部翻修,但是直到1990年10月3日两德统一的时候才得到完全恢复,此时根据建筑设计师诺曼·大众特的方案重建。从1994年开始每五年德国联邦大会在这里选举德国联邦总统。1999年开始它是德国联邦议院的会址。


Life.

The eldest son of Duke Boleslaus II "the Pious", probably with his first wife Adiva, he succeeded to the Bohemian throne upon the death of his father in 999. Boleslaus III turned out to be a weak ruler and soon entered into a fierce inheritance conflict with his younger brothers Jaromír and Oldřich. He had both expelled to the Bavarian court of Henry II in Regensburg, together with their mother Dowager Duchess Emma.  By 1002, a revolt organized by nobles of the rivalling Vršovci clan (along with Boleslaus's son-in-law) forced himself to flee to Germany, where he was received by Margrave Henry I of Austria. At first, Henry I ordered the arrest of his guest because of an old offence, but soon forgave him and promised support. Meanwhile, the Polish duke Bolesław I installed Boleslaus' kinsman Vladivoj on the Bohemian throne, however, he apparently was an alcoholic and died within a year. After the death of Vladivoj in 1003, the Bohemian nobles invited Jaromír and Oldřich back from exile. In turn, they each later assumed the throne at Prague.  On 9 February 1003, Boleslaus the Red was restored to authority with armed support from Duke Bolesław of Poland. Boleslaus's brothers Jaromír and Oldřich again fled to Germany and placed themselves under the protection of Henry II. Boleslaus soon undermined his own position by ordering a massacre of his leading nobles, the Vršovci, at Vyšehrad. According to the chronicler Thietmar of Merseburg, Boleslav slashed his son-in-law to death with his own sword.  Nobles who survived the massacre secretly sent messengers to Bolesław the Brave of Poland and entreated him to save them. The Polish duke willingly agreed and invited his Czech namesake to visit him at his castle (probably in Kraków). There, Boleslaus the Red was trapped, blinded and imprisoned. He never returned to Bohemia, probably dying in captivity some thirty years later. Bolesław the Brave claimed the ducal throne for himself, invaded Bohemia in 1003 and took Prague without any serious opposition; he ruled as Duke Boleslaus IV for a little over a year. He then gave up his claim to the duchy of Bohemia and was replaced by Jaromír, who, backed by Henry II, entered through the Prague gates and in 1004 received the Bohemian duchy as a fief from the hands of the German king.

Boleslaus III ( – 1037), called the Red (; to denote "red hair") or the Blind, a member of the Přemyslid dynasty, was duke of Bohemia from 999 until 1002 and briefly again during the year 1003. He was the "worst of all men who ever sat on the Bohemian throne." During his chaotic reign, Bohemia became a pawn in the long German–Polish War between King Henry II and Duke Bolesław I the Brave.

波列斯拉夫三世(,约965年-1037年)。普热米斯尔王朝的波希米亚公爵(999年-1003年在位)。波希米亚公爵波列斯拉夫二世的长子,被批评为波希米亚最差的在位者。


A14高速公路 (奥地利)

History.

Prehistory and plans.

Already in the mid-1930s, traffic planners recognized that the rapidly increasing motorized traffic would be too much for existing roads. A first study was commissioned before the Nazi era and had the title HaFraBa (motorway Hanseatic cities-Frankfurt-Basel).  After the annexation of Austria to the German Reich in 1939, another highway study was commissioned, which provided for a connection from Wangen im Allgäu to Feldkirch. It would only connect to the cities of Lindau, Bregenz, Dornbirn and Feldkirch. An alpine road would lead via the Pfänder to Scheidegg to the Queralpenstraße. These plans, however, were thrown out with the beginning of the war in 1939.  In occupied post-war Austria, motorization had reached its lowest level. Only in 1952 Baurat Netzer developed a study that envisaged the expansion of the Bundesstraße 1 with bypasses. An overload of the highways could only be divined in the local thoroughfares. The first large-scale traffic census in 1955 and a traffic forecast based on it showed that even in Vorarlberg, an extension of the Bundesstraße alone would not have the desired effect. A memorandum from 1956 mentions a motorway from Unterhochsteg to Feldkirch and from Lauterach to the Swiss border. The planning for these was started immediately, as there was a need, especially in the area of Bregenz.

Final planning and construction.

On October 29, 1965, ground was broken for the construction of the first section of the Rheintal Autobahn from Dornbirn Nord to Götzis Straßenhäuser. The rock material extracted from the Udelberg puncture was mainly used for this construction phase. The geological subsurface of this construction phase, in particular at Dornbirn-Nord, is unstable to this day and requires frequent adjustments and improvements. This motorway section was opened for traffic on 17 December 1971.  Only in 1973, after several years of preparation and uncertainty, did the planning of the Pfändertunnel begin as another important part of the new motorway. Already a year later, the directional tunnel was tendered, and breakthrough occurred on 4 December 1975. The full excavation of the tunnel began in the autumn of 1976. At the same time, access roads were built from the Austria-Germany border and to the Dornbirn-Nord junction. On December 10, 1980, the new tunnel was officially opened, but still without a connection to the city of Bregenz at this time. In the following years, the expansion of this highway to Feldkirch was sped up. The Ambergtunnel to Frastanz was opened on 16 July 1985, which opened the way to the Walgau. In the meantime, the motorway section in the Walgau had already been opened on June 5, 1981, which was now connected to the section in the Rhine Valley. With the Arlbergschnellstraße (S 16) there was thus a direct road connection from the German border near Hörbranz to the neighboring state of Tyrol, but only two lanes with oncoming traffic in the area of the two large tunnels.

Adaptation to traffic conditions.

As a result of the massive increase in traffic in the 1980s and 1990s, plans for the second tube of the Amberg Tunnel began before the turn of the millennium. In December 2003, it was opened to traffic. Finally, in the summer of 2004, the original tube, which had been in existence since 1985, was completely refurbished and adapted for one-way operation.  The plans for a second Pfändertunnel tube could only begin with a change in the transport concept of Vorarlberg in 2001. Up to this time, it was planned to prevent the expansion in order to maintain the gatekeeper effect on the traffic. However, since this gatekeeping effect did not occur and the traffic load in the secondary road network was increasingly higher due to congestion avoidance traffic in Bregenz and the surrounding area, this concept was finally changed and the planning started. Construction of the second tube began in April 2006 and was completed in June 2012, after which the old tube was completely renovated. The full operation of both tubes in directional traffic began on 3 July 2013.  The project for the construction of a junction "Rheintal Mitte" in Dornbirn is currently being planned. In the area of today's underpass of the L 45 Schmitternstraße under the Rheintal/Walgau Autobahn, a new motorway junction is to be built, which, in connection with the expansion of the L 45, should connect the operating areas in the south of Dornbirn to the highest-ranking road network. The start of construction is scheduled to begin in 2018 at the earliest.  The Wolfurt-Lauterach half-interchange is to be expanded, with the conversion of the Wolfurt freight yard, to a full interchange, in order to counteract the steadily growing truck traffic of the municipalities of Lauterach and Wolfurt.

The Rheintal/Walgau Autobahn (A14) is a motorway in the Austrian state of Vorarlberg.

A14高速公路(),又称莱茵河谷/瓦尔高高速公路,是奥地利一条高速公路,纵贯最西部的福拉尔贝格邦,北起接壤德国边境的赫尔布兰茨(96号高速公路),中间经过州府布雷根兹、费尔德基希等州内城市,南至布卢登茨,并经阿尔贝格快速道路可连接到奥地利其他地区。全长61公里。


Status and use.

The Indian Government has legislated Sindhi as a language of option and a medium of study in India, so that students can choose to learn Sindhi. Sindhi is an optional third language in the Indian states of Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh.  Prior to the inception of Pakistan, Sindhi was the national language of Sindh. Pakistan Sindh Assemble has ordered compulsory teaching of Sindhi language in all private schools of Sindh. According to the Sindh Private Educational Institutions Form B (Regulations and Control) 2005 Rules, "All educational institutions are required to teach children the Sindhi language. Sindh Education and Literacy Minister, Syed Sardar Ali Shah and Secretary School Education, Qazi Shahid Pervaiz has ordered to employ Sindhi teachers in all private schools in Sindh, so that this language can be easily and widely taught. Sindhi is taught in all province private schools that follow Matric system and not the one that follow Cambridge system.  There are many Sindhi language television channels broadcasting in Pakistan such as KTN, Sindh TV, Awaz Television Network, Mehran TV and Dharti TV. Besides this, the Indian television network Doordarshan has been asked by the Indian High Court to start a news channel for Sindhi speakers in India.

History.

The name "Sindhi" is derived from "Sindhu", the original name of the Indus River.  Like other languages of this family, Sindhi has passed through Old Indo-Aryan (Sanskrit) and Middle Indo-Aryan (Pali, secondary Prakrits, and Apabhramsha) stages of growth, and it entered the New Indo-Aryan stage around the 10th century CE.  In the year 1868, the Bombay Presidency assigned "Narayan Jagannath Vaidya" to replace the Abjad used in Sindhi, with the "Khudabadi script". The script was decreed a standard script by the Bombay Presidency thus inciting anarchy in the Muslim majority region. A powerful unrest followed, after which Twelve Martial Laws were imposed by the British authorities.  According to Islamic Sindhi tradition, the first translation of the Quran into Sindhi was completed in the year 883 CE / 270 AH in Mansura, Sindh. The first extensive Sindhi translation was done by Akhund Azaz Allah Muttalawi (1747–1824 CE / 1160–1240 AH) and first published in Gujarat in 1870. The first to appear in print was by Muhammad Siddiq (Lahore 1867).  When Sindh was occupied by British army and was annexed with Bombay, governor of the province Sir George Clerk ordered to make Sindhi the official language in the province in 1848. Sir Bartle Frere, the then commissioner of Sindh, issued orders on August 29, 1857 advising civil servants in Sindh to qualify examination in Sindhi. He also ordered Sindhi to be used in all official communication. Seven-grade education system commonly known as Sindhi-Final was introduced in Sindh. Sindhi Final was made a prerequisite for employment in revenue, police and education departments.

Phonology.

Sindhi has a relatively large inventory of both consonants and vowels compared to other languages. Sindhi has 46 consonant phonemes and 16 vowels. The consonant to vowel ratio is around average for world's languages at 2.8. All plosives, affricates, nasals, the retroflex flap and the lateral approximant /l/ have aspirated or breathy voiced counterparts. The language also features four implosives.

Consonants.

The retroflex consonants are apical postalveolar and do not involve curling back of the tip of the tongue, so they could be transcribed in phonetic transcription. The affricates are laminal post-alveolars with a relatively short release. It is not clear if is similar, or truly palatal. is realized as labiovelar or labiodental in free variation, but is not common, except before a stop.

Vowels.

The vowels are modal length and short. (Note are imprecisely transcribed as in the chart.) Consonants following short vowels are lengthened: 'leaf' vs. 'worn'.

Vocabulary.

Sindhi has borrowed from English and Hindustani. Today, Sindhi in Pakistan is slightly influenced by Urdu, with more borrowed Perso-Arabic elements, while Sindhi in India is influenced by Hindi, with more borrowed tatsam Sanskrit elements.

Example extract.

"The following extract is from the about the Sindhi language and is written in the 52-letter Sindhi-Arabic script, Devanagari and transliterated to Latin."  Sindhi-Arabic script:  Devanagari script:  Transliteration (ISO):

Dialects.

The dialects of Sindhi include Siroli, Vicholi, Lari, Lasi, Kathiawari Kachhi, Thari or Thareli, Macharia, Dukslinu and Muslim Sindhi. The "Siroli or Siraiki" dialect in northern Sindh is distinct from the Saraiki language of South Punjab and has variously been treated either as a dialect of it, or as a dialect of Sindhi. The Sindhi dialects previously known as "Siraiki" are nowadays more commonly referred to as "Siroli".

Script.

Written Sindhi is mentioned in the 8th century, when references to a Sindhi version of the Mahabharata appear. However, the earliest attested records in Sindhi are from the 15th century.  Before the standardisation of Sindhi orthography, numerous forms of Devanagari and Lunda (Laṇḍā) scripts were used for trading. For literary and religious purposes, a Perso-Arabic script developed by Abul-Hasan as-Sindi and Gurmukhi (a subset of Laṇḍā) were used. Another two scripts, "Khudabadi" and "Shikarpuri", were reforms of the Landa script. During British rule in the late 19th century, the Perso-Arabic script was decreed standard over Devanagari.  Medieval Sindhi devotional literature (1500–1843) comprises Sufi poetry and Advaita Vedanta poetry. Sindhi literature flourished during the modern period (since 1843), although the language and literary style of contemporary Sindhi writings in Pakistan and India were noticeably diverging by the late 20th century; authors from the former country were borrowing extensively from Urdu, while those from the latter were highly influenced by Hindi.

Laṇḍā scripts.

Laṇḍā-based scripts, such as Gurmukhi, Khojki and the Khudabadi script were used historically to write Sindhi.

Khudabadi.

The Khudabadi alphabet was invented in 1550 CE, and was used alongside other scripts by the Hindu community until the colonial era, where the sole usage of the Arabic script for official purposes was legislated.  The script continued to be used in a smaller scale by the trader community until the Partition of India in 1947.

Khojki.

Khojki was employed primarily to record Muslim Shia Ismaili religious literature, as well as literature for a few secret Shia Muslim sects.

Gurmukhi.

The Gurmukhi script was also used to write Sindhi, mainly in the North of Sindh, and also by Hindu women.

Perso-Arabic script.

During British rule in India, a variant of the Persian alphabet was adopted for Sindhi in the 19th century. The script is used in Pakistan today. It has a total of 52 letters, augmenting the Persian with digraphs and eighteen new letters () for sounds particular to Sindhi and other Indo-Aryan languages. Some letters that are distinguished in Arabic or Persian are homophones in Sindhi.

Devanagari script.

In India, the Devanagari script is also used to write Sindhi. A modern version was introduced by the government of India in 1948; however, it did not gain full acceptance, so both the Sindhi-Arabic and Devanagari scripts are used. In India a person may write a Sindhi language paper for a Civil Services Examination in either script. Diacritical bars below the letter are used to mark implosive consonants, and dots called "nukta" are used to form other additional consonants.

Gujarati script.

The Gujarati script is used to write the Kutchi Language in India.

Roman Sindhi.

The Sindhi-Roman script or Roman-Sindhi script is the contemporary Sindhi script usually used by the Sindhis during texting messages on their mobile phones.

Computing resources.

Sindhi language software such as Sindhi language keyboards have been developed for the Windows OS, Android smartphones. Various other online websites provide Sindhi keyboard such as (Keymanweb.org), M.B Sindhi keyboard by Majid Bhurgri. Software has also been developed for the transliteration between the main writing systems. A transliteration website also exists on the internet that can transliterate between different scripts of Sindhi language (including the newly proposed Latin Script) and the website's source code is openly available on GitHub for anyone to view and use anywhere.

Sindhi (;,,, ) is an Indo-Aryan language of the historical Sindh region in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent, spoken by the Sindhi people. It is the official language of the Pakistani province of Sindh. In India, Sindhi is one of the scheduled languages officially recognized by the central government, though Sindhi is not an official language of any of the states in India.

信德语 (, "sindhī"),辛德语,是南亚信德族的语言,主要使用地区是巴基斯坦的信德省。能说信德语的人在巴基斯坦境内大约有1700万,在印度也有280万。两个国家都承认信德语为法定语言。巴基斯坦境内的信德语人都集中在信德省,此外也集中于俾路支省东部和印度古吉拉特邦的卡奇区,其他的就散布各地。在1947年,印度脱离英国独立,信德省成了巴基斯坦的一部分,大量信德人移民到此。现在信德语一般以印度天城体或扩充阿拉伯文字体书写的。