Services.

As the most important trunk line of Shikoku, the line has many limited express services. These include:  There are two rapid services. The "Sunport Nanpū Relay-Gō" rapid service connects Takamatsu and Iyo-Saijō. The "Marine Liner" rapid service connects Takamatsu with Okayama via the Seto-Ōhashi Line.  Local service typically serves one of four sections of the Yosan Line, generally divided at Kan'onji, Iyo-Saijō, and Matsuyama.

History.

The first segment of the line, from Tadotsu to Marugame, was constructed by the Sanuki Railway Co. and commenced operation in 1889. The Marugame - Takamatsu section opened in 1897, and in the company was nationalised in 1906.  The line was extended west from Tadotsu in sections commencing in 1913, reaching Matsuyama in 1927. Further west, a private 762mm (2'6") gauge line was opened from Iyo Nagahama - Iyo Ozu, with the line being privatised in 1933. The line from Matsuyama was extended in sections to Iyo Nagahama between 1927–35, with the former private line being regauged to 1067mm (3'6") gauge in 1935. Further western extensions opened 1936-45, when Uwajima (and the Yodo Line) was connected to the Yosan line.  On August 1, 1933, the entire line was renamed the Yosan Main Line. In 1987, with the privatization of the Japanese National Railways, the line became simply the Yosan Line.  The Takamatsu - Tadotsu section was duplicated 1965-70, and CTC signalling commissioned in 1985 between Takamatsu - Matsuyama. The 'direct line' between Mukaibara - Iyo Ozu (including the 6,012m Inuyose tunnel) opened in 1986, incorporating part of the former Uchicko branch and shortening the route by 6.3 km.  The Takamatsu - Tadotsu section was electrified in 1987, enabling direct Takamatsu - Okayama services when the Seto Ohashi Bridge system opened the following year.  The Iyo Hojo - Matsumoto - Iyoshi section was electrified in 1990, with the Tadotsu - Imabari section being energised in 1992, and the Imabari - Iyo Hojo section in 1993, enabling direct Matsuyama - Okayama electric services to be introduced.  Following the Tohoku major earthquake, JR Shikoku, JR East, and JR Freight announced that JR Shikoku's popular Ampanman Torokko Train would tour areas devastated by the earthquake and tsunami.

Former connecting lines.

Sakaide station -  Niihama Station - The Sumitomo Copper Co. operated a 15 km 762 mm gauge line to Hinokiogawa (known as the 'bottom line') opened in 1893 which included a 3 km duplicated section. It carried passengers 1929-55, and was electrified at 600 V DC in 1950. The mine closed in 1973 and the railway 4 years later. An isolated 5.5 km 762 mm line, situated at 80 0m elevation (known as the 'top line') and connected to the bottom line by a cableway operated 1893–1911.

References.

This article incorporates material from the corresponding article in the Japanese Wikipedia

The is the principal railway line on the island of Shikoku in Japan, connecting the major cities of Shikoku, and via the Honshi-Bisan Line, with Honshu. It is operated by the Shikoku Railway Company (JR Shikoku), and is aligned approximately parallel with the Inland Sea coast, connecting the prefectural capitals of Takamatsu (Kagawa Prefecture) and Matsuyama (Ehime Prefecture) and continuing on to Uwajima. The name of the line comes from and, the old names of Ehime and Kagawa, respectively.

予赞线()是一条由四国旅客铁道(JR四国)营运的铁道路线。予赞线自香川县高松市高松车站开始,经爱媛县松山市松山车站,连接爱媛县宇和岛市宇和岛车站,贯通濑户内海与宇和海沿岸地区。


History.

1940s.

The CVB-41-class vessels (then unnamed) were originally conceived in 1940 as a design study to determine the effect of including an armored flight deck on a carrier the size of the. The resulting calculations showed that the effect would be a reduction of air group size—the resulting ship would have an air group of 64, compared to 72 for the standard "Essex"-class fleet carriers. As it progressed, the design also became heavily influenced by the wartime experience of the Royal Navy's armored carriers:  The concept went to finding a larger carrier that could support both deck armor and a sufficiently large air group. Unlike the Royal Navy's aircraft carriers, for which the armored deck was part of the ship structure, the "Midway" class retained their "strength deck" at the hangar deck level and the armored flight deck was part of the superstructure. The weight-savings needed to armor the flight deck were achieved by removing the planned cruiser-caliber battery of guns and reducing the 5-inch antiaircraft battery from dual to single mounts. They would be the last USN carriers to be so designed; the size of the supercarriers would require the strength deck to be located at flight deck level. The heavily subdivided arrangement of the machinery spaces was based on that of the. While the "Essex"-class carriers had eight main engineering compartments, the "Midway"-class had 26, including twelve boiler rooms well off the centerline and four widely separated engine rooms. More extensive use of electric arc-welding than in previous warships reduced the weight by about 10 percent of what would have been required for riveted structural assembly.  The resulting carriers were very large, with the ability to accommodate more planes than any other carrier in the U.S. fleet (30–40 more aircraft than the "Essex" class). In their original configuration, the "Midway"-class ships had an airwing of almost 130 aircraft. It was soon realized that the coordination of so many planes was beyond the effective command and control ability of one ship. However, their size did allow these ships to more easily accommodate the rapid growth in aircraft size and weight that took place in the early jet age. The forward flight deck was designed for launching 13-ton aircraft; and the aft flight deck was designed for landing 11-ton aircraft, assuming in-flight expenditure of fuel and ordnance. While "Midway" and "Coral Sea" followed the US Navy's policy of naming aircraft carriers after battles (two "Casablanca"-class escort carriers gave up their names for the larger ships) USS "Franklin D. Roosevelt" inaugurated the policy of naming aircraft carriers after former US Presidents that the US Navy generally follows today.  While the resulting ships featured excellent protection and unprecedented airwing size, they also had several undesirable characteristics. Internally, the ships were very cramped and crowded. Freeboard was unusually low for such large carriers; in heavy seas, they shipped large amounts of water (only partially mitigated by the fitting of a hurricane bow during the SCB-110/110A upgrades) and corkscrewed in a manner that hampered landing operations. In addition, in contrast with the earlier, and -classes, the beam (width) of the "Midway"-class carriers meant that they could not pass through the Panama Canal.  Although they were intended to augment the US Pacific fleet during World War II, the lead ship of the class,, was not commissioned until 10 September 1945, eight days after the Surrender of Japan.

1950s.

None of the class went on war cruises during the Korean War. As the three ships became essential to the Navy's strategic nuclear weapons role in Europe, they were mainly deployed to the Atlantic and Mediterranean. Until the availability of the "Forrestal"-class, they were the premier commands sought by senior naval aviators. They were "admiral makers" for many of their commanding officers including future CNOs George Whelan Anderson Jr. and David L. McDonald. During the 1950s, all three ships underwent the SCB-110 modernization program (similar to SCB-125 for the Essex-class carriers), which added angled decks, steam catapults, mirror landing systems, and other modifications that allowed them to operate a new breed of large, heavy naval jets.

1960s.

All three of the "Midway" class made combat deployments in the Vietnam War. deployed to the Gulf of Tonkin six times, deployed on three occasions, and made one combat deployment before returning to the Mediterranean.  In the late 1960s, "Midway" underwent an extensive modernization and reconstruction program, which proved to be controversial and expensive and thus was not repeated on the other ships. While $82 million had been budgeted for the modernization, the actual cost was $202 million, in comparison to $277 million for simultaneous construction of the brand-new.

1970s.

By the 1970s, "Franklin D. Roosevelt" and "Coral Sea" were showing their age. All three retained the McDonnell Douglas F-4 Phantom II in their air wings, being too small to operate the new Grumman F-14 Tomcat fleet defense fighter or the S-3 Viking anti-submarine jet. In 1977, "Franklin D. Roosevelt" was decommissioned. On her final deployment, "Roosevelt" embarked AV-8 Harrier jump jets to test the concept of including VSTOL aircraft in a carrier air wing.

1980s.

"Coral Sea" was rescued from imminent decommissioning by the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980. Reagan's proposed 600-ship Navy gave the remaining ships a new lease on life. "Coral Sea" underwent extensive refits to address the ship's poor condition. When the McDonnell Douglas F/A-18 Hornet became operational in the mid-1980s, the Navy quickly deployed them to the "Midway" and "Coral Sea" to replace the older F-4s. A 1986 refit for "Midway" removed her 6" armor belt and bulged her hull to try to increase freeboard. While successful in this regard, the bulges also resulted in a dangerously fast rolling period that prevented "Midway" from operating aircraft in heavy seas. The bulging was therefore not repeated on "Coral Sea".

1990s.

The Reagan era reprieve could not last. In 1990, "Coral Sea", which had long since earned the nickname "Ageless Warrior", was decommissioned. "Midway" had one last war in which to participate, and was one of the six aircraft carriers deployed by the U.S. against Iraq during Operation Desert Storm. A few months after the campaign, the last of the class left Navy service.  "Coral Sea" was slowly scrapped in Baltimore as legal and environmental troubles continually delayed her fate. "Midway" spent five years in the mothball fleet at Bremerton, Washington before being taken over by a museum group. The ship is now open to the public as a museum in San Diego, California.

The "Midway"-class was a class of three United States Navy aircraft carriers. The lead ship,, was commissioned in September of 1945 and decommissioned in 1992. was commissioned in October of 1945, and taken out of service in 1977. was commissioned in April of 1947, and decommissioned in 1990.

中途岛级航空母舰曾在美国海军跨越数个历史时期服役,有“三朝元老”之称。该级航母共有CVB-41中途岛号、CVB-42罗斯福号、CVB-43珊瑚海号三艘,在二战期间建造,而后经历了喷气时代的改装,直到海湾战争、冷战结束仍服役一段时间,在历经近半个世纪的风风雨雨之后,陆续退出历史舞台。


Structure.

Citrate synthase's 437 amino acid residues are organized into two main subunits, each consisting of 20 alpha-helices. These alpha helices compose approximately 75% of citrate synthase's tertiary structure, while the remaining residues mainly compose irregular extensions of the structure, save a single beta-sheet of 13 residues. Between these two subunits, a single cleft exists containing the active site. Two binding sites can be found therein: one reserved for citrate or oxaloacetate and the other for Coenzyme A. The active site contains three key residues: His274, His320, and Asp375 that are highly selective in their interactions with substrates. The adjacent images display the tertiary structure of citrate synthase in its opened and closed form. The enzyme changes from opened to closed with the addition of one of its substrates (such as oxaloacetate).

Function.

Mechanism.

Citrate synthase has three key amino acids in its active site (known as the catalytic triad) which catalyze the conversion of acetyl-CoA [HCC(=O)−SCoA] and oxaloacetate [OCCHC(=O)CO] into citrate [OCCHC(OH)(CO)CHCO] and H−SCoA in an aldol condensation reaction. This conversion begins with the negatively charged carboxylate side chain oxygen atom of Asp-375 deprotonating acetyl CoA’s alpha carbon atom to form an enolate anion which in turn is neutralized by protonation by His-274 to form an enol intermediate [HC=C(OH)−SCoA]. At this point, the epsilon nitrogen lone pair of electrons on His-274 formed in the last step abstracts the hydroxyl enol proton to reform an enolate anion that initiates a nucleophilic attack on the oxaloacetate’s carbonyl carbon [OCCHC(=O)CO] which in turn deprotonate the epsilon nitrogen atom of His-320. This nucleophilic addition results in the formation of citroyl−CoA [OCCHCH(CO)CHC(=O)−SCoA]. At this point, a water molecule is deprotonated by the epsilon nitrogen atom of His-320 and hydrolysis is initiated. One of the oxygen’s lone pairs nucleophilically attacks the carbonyl carbon of citroyl−CoA. This forms a tetrahedral intermediate and results in the ejection of −SCoA as the carbonyl reforms. The −SCoA is protonated to form HSCoA. Finally, the hydroxyl added to the carbonyl in the previous step is deprotonated and citrate [OCCHC(OH)(CO)CHCO] is formed.

Inhibition.

The enzyme is inhibited by high ratios of ATP:ADP and NADH:NAD, as high concentrations of ATP and NADH show that the energy supply is high for the cell. It is also inhibited by succinyl-CoA and propionyl-CoA, which resembles Acetyl-coA and acts as a competitive inhibitor to acetyl-CoA and a noncompetitive inhibitor to oxaloacetate. Citrate inhibits the reaction and is an example of product inhibition. The inhibition of citrate synthase by acetyl-CoA analogues has also been well documented and has been used to prove the existence of a single active site. These experiments have revealed that this single site alternates between two forms, which participate in ligase and hydrolase activity respectively. This protein may use the morpheein model of allosteric regulation.

The enzyme citrate synthase E.C. 2.3.3.1 (previously 4.1.3.7)] exists in nearly all living cells and stands as a pace-making enzyme in the first step of the citric acid cycle (or Krebs cycle). Citrate synthase is localized within eukaryotic cells in the mitochondrial matrix, but is encoded by nuclear DNA rather than mitochondrial. It is synthesized using cytoplasmic ribosomes, then transported into the mitochondrial matrix. Citrate synthase is commonly used as a quantitative enzyme marker for the presence of intact mitochondria. Maximal activity of citrate synthase indicates the mitochondrial content of skeletal muscle. The maximal activity can be increased by endurance training or high-intensity interval training, but maximal activity is increased more with high-intensity interval training.

柠檬酸合成酶(英语:Citrate synthase,)几乎存在于所有活细胞中并且是催化三羧酸循环第一步的一个限速酶。此酶存在于真核细胞的线粒体中,但它是由细胞核DNA而非线粒体DNA编码而成;细胞质核糖体合成后,运输到线粒体基质中。


Geography and climate.

Situated 10 miles from the coast in the Southeastern corner of New York, Armonk shares a border with Connecticut. The landscape is hilly and forested, with a mean elevation of 387 feet, and is home to the highest point in Westchester County with an elevation of 1,396 feet.  Armonk has a humid subtropical climate (Type Cfa) with cold, wet winters with occasional snow and hot, humid summers. Precipitation is plentiful, with the winter months receiving more precipitation than the summer months. Snowfall varies a lot from year to year, some years seeing just a few inches while others may see upwards of 35 inches, but average snowfall is 28 inches. Winter precipitation comes mainly in the form of coastal storms that bring rain, snow and wind to New England and the Mid-Atlantic. Summer brings mostly stable, hot weather with 18 days per summer reaching 90o. Summer is relatively dry but not rainless, with scattered thunderstorms and the risk of a rare tropical storm in August and September. Spring and fall are transition seasons with moderate temperatures and moderate precipitation.

Demographics.

As of the census of 2000, there were 3,461 people, 1,172 households, and 995 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 568.9 per square mile (219.8/km). There were 1,204 housing units at an average density of 197.9/sq mi (76.5/km). The racial makeup of the CDP was 93.38 percent white, 0.61 percent African American, 0.06 percent Native American, 4.16 percent Asian, 0.00 percent Pacific Islander, 0.40 percent from other races, and 1.24 percent from two or more races. 3.76 percent of the population were Hispanic and Latino Americans.  There were 1,172 households, out of which 44.5 percent had children under the age of 18 living with them, 74.7 percent were married couples living together, 7.7 percent had a female householder with no husband present, and 15.1 percent were non-families. 13.1 percent of all households were made up of individuals, and 6.0 percent had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.95 and the average family size was 3.23.  In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 29.8 percent under the age of 18, 4.4 percent from 18 to 24, 27.2 percent from 25 to 44, 26.7 percent from 45 to 64, and 11.8 percent who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females, there were 90.6 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 90.2 males.  As of the census of 2013, the median income for a household in the CDP was $159,530, and the median income for a family was $189,163. The per capita income for the CDP was $92,750. 1.3 percent of the population and 0.0 percent of families were below the poverty line. Out of the total population, 0.0 percent of those under the age of 18 and 3.9 percent of those 65 and older were living below the poverty line.

Education.

The Byram Hills Central School District serves North Castle, New Castle, Mount Pleasant, and Bedford. All of the schools in the district are located in Armonk. The district has one high school, Byram Hills High School (for students in grades 9–12), one middle school, H. C. Crittenden Middle School (grades 6–8), and two primary schools, Wampus Elementary School (grades 3–5) and Coman Hill Elementary School (grades K–2). Before 2002, grade 5 was in Crittenden, grades 3 and 4 were in Coman Hill, and grades K through 2 were in Wampus. The Byram Hills district placed first at the 2006 National Academic Championship, and H.C. Crittenden is the winner of the National Blue Ribbon award.  Athletics at the high school have seen success in the soccer, track and baseball teams. In 2001 and 2006, the soccer team finished second in the state tournament for Class A. In 2007, the team won the first team state championship in school history.  The Byram Hills track team finished second among class B teams at the cross country state meet in the fall 2006 season. In the 2006–2007 indoor season, they finished fifth at the Nike indoor national meet in the 4×800 relay. In the spring 2007 season, they set Section One records in the 4×1600 relay and the distance medley relay. They placed third at the Nike Outdoor National meet, while on player finished second individually in the 2000m steeplechase. The team won eighteen All New York State honors and thirteen All America honors in two years. In 2015, the Byram Hills baseball team captured the Class A State Championship. The 2015 Byram Hills Baseball team now joins the 2007 Soccer Team as the only two Byram Hills High School State Champions across almost 50 years of athletic history.

Economy.

IBM has its world headquarters in Armonk. In addition, M. E. Sharpe also has its headquarters in Armonk. The second-largest reinsurance company in the world, Swiss Re, has had its U.S. headquarters in Armonk since 1999. It was expanded in 2004, and has more than 1,200 employees. The 127-acre site overlooks Westchester County's Kensico Reservoir. The Indian information technology giant Wipro also hosts its headquarters here.

Historic sites.

The Smith Tavern, a historical site and landmark of the Revolutionary War, is located in Armonk and is the home of the North Castle Historical Society. It is listed on the National Register of Historic Places along with the Bedford Road Historic District. The Witthoefft House was added to the National Register in 2011. Near current day Elide plaza was once a small airport, at which Charles Lindbergh landed.

Annual events.

Armonk is host to several annual events. The Armonk Outdoor Art Show is a fine art and crafts juried show sponsored by Friends of the North Castle Public Library ("the Friends") where approximately 200 artists gather at Community Park to show and sell their work. The event involves local volunteers with the proceeds from the show benefiting the North Castle Public Library and its Whippoorwill Hall performance auditorium. One week before the Art Show, the Armonk Chamber of Commerce sponsors the "Jamie's 5K Run For Love" run/walk road race. The proceeds from this event also go to the library with a portion reserved specifically for children's programs. The Friends also sponsors the Armonk Players, a community theater group that stages two full productions and several readings each year at Whippoorwill Hall.  In addition, the Armonk chapter of the Lions Club sponsors a Fol-De-Rol, held during either the first or second weekend in June. The four-day event takes place in Wampus Brook Park and by Wampus Elementary School. It draws local businesses and artisans to set up tents and sell their merchandise. In addition, local restaurants set up tents to sell food and there are rides and midway games for children. Local student and professional music groups play in the gazebo to entertain the crowds.  Armonk also holds a community-wide Relay For Life during the first weekend in May. The event is sponsored locally by the Byram Hills chapter of Youth Against Cancer.  The latest Armonk tradition is Frosty Day. A parade goes down Main Street onto Bedford Road, past the "Village Square" mentioned in the song "Frosty the Snowman" to Wampus Brook Park for a gala holiday lighting ceremony. Steve Nelson, the song's lyricist, was a frequent visitor to Armonk after World War II from his home in nearby White Plains. In 1950, he wrote the song's lyrics which he put to Walter E. Rollins' music; it was the same year that he was looking for land in Armonk on which to build his new home.

Housing boom and construction.

Armonk experienced a surge in new housing construction and development beginning in the late 1990s. New condominiums, town houses, and larger single-family homes were constructed primarily north of the Armonk business district and just to the west. Armonk's Thomas Wright Estates or Sands Mill Estates, consisting primarily of large homes, were constructed in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Armonk real estate prices have increased substantially since the late 1990s, having peaked in the mid-2000s, and never returning to their pre-2000s rates despite the subprime mortgage crisis. The new construction projects and increased housing costs have increased Armonk's recent reputation as an affluent town, with the residents' profile moving away from the middle-working class and towards a much wealthier upper class image. In a construction project, a real estate company purchased the long-standing Schultz's Cider Mill just south of Main Street and had it razed. The company then constructed a premium gated community of 27 townhouses and homes (named "Cider Mill") in its place. As a result, the population of Armonk increased significantly but caused the public schools to become overcrowded and push forth a series of expensive school expansion projects that significantly raised property taxes.  Much of the new construction was pinned on the connections that former Town Supervisor John Lombardi had with the areas' construction and development companies. In 2005, after over 40 years in office, Lombardi was ousted in the election by political newcomer Reese Berman. A former librarian at the town's middle school, Berman's campaign promise was to put a moratorium on new residential construction to be enacted during her term in office. As of Berman's election, no new purely residential projects have broken ground in Armonk. A new community; Cider Mill was added in 2007–2008.

Businesses.

Armonk Square is a 3.5-acre development of shops, banking center, offices, one-bedroom apartments and food market.  Organizations located in the hamlet include Whippoorwill Country Club and the North Castle Public Library, which is part of the Westchester Library System.

Notable people.

Notable current and former residents of Armonk include:

Armonk is a hamlet and census-designated place (CDP) in the town of North Castle, New York located in Westchester County. As of the 2010 census, Armonk's CDP population was 4,330 and it has a total area of, of which is land and, or 1.54 percent, is water. Notably, Armonk is the headquarters of IBM.

阿蒙克(英语:Armonk)是美国纽约州威斯特彻斯特郡北城的小镇。根据2000年人口普查,该镇人口为3,461。


History.

ASEAN Football Federation was founded on 31 January 1984 by the meeting in Jakarta of six founding member are Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Philippines and Thailand. The idea of founding the federation came from the initial meeting of founding the sub-continential football association in Bangkok in 1982 that was attended by Hamzah Abu Samah, Peter Velappan, Hans Pandelaki, Fernando G. Alvarez, Pisit Ngampanich, Teo Chong Tee and Yap Boon Chuan. The ASEAN Football Federation headquarter was located on Petaling Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia.

Member associations.

AFF has 12 member associations, all of whom are members of the Asian Football Confederation.

Competitions.

International.

The AFF runs the AFF Championship (since 2008 known as the Suzuki Cup for sponsorship reasons) and AFF Women's Championship - both competitions are held every two years and determine the Champions of Southeast Asia.  The AFF also organises the AFF–EAFF Champions Trophy (cooperate with EAFF), AFF Futsal Championship, AFF Beach Soccer Championship, various age-level international youth football tournaments, the AFF U-16 Championship, AFF U-19 Youth Championship, AFF U-16 Women's Championship and AFF U-19 Women's Championship.

Club.

The only AFF club competition is the Mekong Club Championship, which started in the 2014 season and includes the champions from 5 of the 6 countries through which the Mekong river flows (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam).  The AFF also runs an annual Southeast Asian futsal club competition, the AFF Futsal Club Championship.

Rankings.

Men's national football teams.

Rankings are calculated by FIFA.  Last updated 19 December 2019. Top Ranked Men's National Football Teams

Men's elo rankings.

Ratings are calculated by Elo Ratings.  Last updated 22 December 2019  <nowiki>*</nowiki>Rank changes are based on 3-month rank changes from www.eloratings.net.

Women's national teams.

Rankings are calculated by FIFA. Last updated 13 December 2019  <nowiki>*</nowiki> Provisionally listed due to not having played more than five matches against officially ranked teams. <nowiki>**</nowiki> Inactive for more than 18 months and therefore not ranked. Top Ranked Women's National Football Teams

Men's club.

Last update 1 March 2020

AFC Club Competitions ranking.

The AFC Club Competitions Ranking ranks its member associations by results in the AFC competitions. Rankings are calculated by the AFC.

AFF Awards.

AFF President His Royal Highness Sultan of Pahang HE Sultan Ahmad Shah said that:  "In recent years, ASEAN football has cultivated some serious talent, and the region is growing as a football powerhouse. We are gaining traction at a global level, and the time is right to honour the men and women who have dedicated their lives to the evolution and honour of the world’s most popular sport."  Sultan Haji Ahmad Shah, who is also chairman of the Awards Selection Committee, said that as football in the region continued to develop and mature, the commitment demonstrated by ASEAN’s finest needed to be acknowledged.  The AFF Awards is held every two years.  AFF Life Service Award : H. Kardono

The ASEAN Football Federation (AFF) is a smaller organisation within the greater Asian Football Confederation (AFC), and centres on Southeast Asia, founded in 1984 by the nations of Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. ASEAN stands for Association of Southeast Asian Nations, although the AFF also includes East Timor (not a member of ASEAN) and Australia (not a member of Southeast Asia or ASEAN).

东南亚足球协会(ASEAN Football Federation,AFF),为东南亚国家所组成隶属于亚洲足协的足球组织。该组织由文莱、印尼、马来西亚、菲律宾、新加坡和泰国等国家于1984年共同成立。柬埔寨、老挝、缅甸和越南在1996年加入。1996年协会举办了第一届老虎杯,之后进一步扩大它的作用。2004年东帝汶加入。2006年1月1日澳洲加入亚洲足协,并派青年队参加东南亚青年锦标赛。2008年8月7日协会宣布铃木株式会社成为东南亚足球锦标赛新的赞助商。


阿维尔·萨弗洛诺维奇·耶努吉泽

Early Career.

Yenukidze was the son of a peasants, born in a village in Kutaisi province, Georgia. After graduating from Tiflis Technical College, he was employed in the main workshop of the Transcaucasian railways in 1897-1900. He joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) in 1898. In 1900, he moved to Baku, to work on the railways there, and created Baku's first RSDLP organisation. He was also one of the organisers of an underground printing press in Baku, used to print RSDLP literature.. He was arrested twice in 1902, escaped from Siberia in 1903 and lived in a cellar with the illegal printing press in Baku in 1903-06. After the split in the RSDLP, he joined the Bolshevik faction. He was arrested again in 1907, 1908, 1910 and 1911, but escaped every time. In 1914, he was arrested for the seventh time, and deported to Turukhansk, then drafted into the Russian army.

Political Career.

Yenukidze was stationed with the Petrograd garrison at the time of the February Revolution. He quit the army in April, when he was elected to the Executive Committee of the Soviets. During 1918, he was appointed Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Soviets, which meant that he was in charge of administration and security in the Kremlin. As one of the three most senior native Georgians in the Soviet leadership, after Josif Stalin and Sergo Ordzhonikidze, he was of four authors of "The Life of Stalin", a hagiography published to coincide with Stalin's 50th birthday. His co-authors were Ordzhonikidze, Kliment Voroshilov and Lazar Kaganovich. In 1922-1934, he was also chairman of the boards of the Bolshoi Theatre and Moscow Art Theatre. In February 1934, he was elected a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CC CPSU).

Personality.

By all accounts, Yenukidze was one of the most amiable and least ambitious officials in Stalin's circle. Leon Trotsky acknowledged that "he was no careerist and certainly not a scoundrel." Alexander Barmine described him as "the very soul of kindness and sensitiveness towards the needs and feelings of other...human..., sympathetic." And the French communist, Victor Serge wrote that:

The "Kremlin Affair".

In February 1935, Yenukidze was removed from his post administering the Kremlin, and appointed Chairman of the Central Executive Committee (ie President) of the Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, which would have meant sending him back to his native Georgia. In the same month, the NKVD began a series of security checks on Kremlin staff, in the wake of the assassination of Sergei Kirov. By summer, 110 had been arrested, of whom two were sentenced to death, the rest to prison terms.. They included a brother of Stalin's former opponent, Lev Kamenev. In May, Yenukidze - who apparently had not taken up his new job - pleaded not to be made to move to Tiflis, on health grounds, and asked to be given post either in Moscow or the North Caucasus. He was sent to the North Caucasus to supervise mineral resorts.  Two weeks after taking up this position, he returned to Moscow for a plenum of the CC CPSU, apparently unaware that it had been called to denounce him. Nikolai Yezhov, the future head of the NKVD, made his debut as a recently appointed Secretary of the CC, accusing Yenukidze of having put Stalin's life at risk by allowing potential assassins to work in the Kremlin. He was also attacked by his fellow Georgians, Ordzhonikidze and Lavrentiy Beria over his practice of giving money to former Bolsheviks who had been deprived of their livelihoods for opposing Stalin. He was expelled from the Central Committee and appointed head of the automobile works in Kharkov.  While the accusation of lax security in the Kremlin was the pretext for humiliating Yenukidze, the real reason may have been his failure to contribute adequately to the glorification of Stalin. In particular, memoirs published in the 1920s, including Yenukidze's, principally attribute the creation of the illegal printing press in Baku to the late Lado Ketskhoveli, and made no mention of Stalin, who was then based in Tiflis, being involved. He complained privately of being under pressure to change the record for Stalin's benefit, saying: "I am doing everything he has asked me to do, but it is not enough for him. He wants me to admit that he is a genius." On 16 January 1935, Yenukdize was forced to publish a public apology, altering the record to say that Ketskhoveli was'sent to Baku' by Stalin and others to set up and to create the party organisation in Baku. Six months later, Beria published a history of the Bolshevik organisation in Transcaucasia, which accused Yenukidze of having "deliberately and with hostile intent" falsified the record.

Arrest and Execution.

Yenukidze was arrested on 11 February 1937. During the purges, it was comparatively rare for the Soviet press to publicise executions, apart from those of the defendants at show trials (citation needed). In a rare exception to this rule, it was reported in "Pravda" that Yenukdize and six others had been tried in private on 15 December 1937, and executed on 20 December. His co-defendants were said to have been the Armenian diplomat, Lev Karakhan, the former Georgian party secretary Mamia Orakhelashvili, two former leading official from the North Caucasus, V.F.Larin and Boris Sheboldayev, the diplomat Vladimir Tsukerman, and the mysterious 'Baron' Boris Steiger. During the largest of the Moscow Trials, in March 1938, Yenukidze was posthumously denounced by one of the leading defendants, the former head of the NKVD, Genrikh Yagoda as the linchpin of the supposed 'rightist conspiracy' and the principal organiser of the assassination of Kirov, and the supposed murder by poisoning of Maxim Gorky.  This was all untrue, including the report of a secret trial. After the archives were opened, it emerged that Yenukdize was actually shot in October 1937. He was rehabilitated and posthumously readmitted to the communist party in 1960.

In Literature.

A character named Arkady Apollonich Sempleyarov, 'chairman of the Moscow Theatres' Acoustics Commission', based on Yenukidze appears briefly in The Master and Margarita by Mikhail Bulgakov. The malicious Koroviev, one of the Devil's companions, is giving a stage performance and is challenged by Sempleyarov, who speaks in "a pleasant and supremely self-confident baritone" to explain how he performs his magic tricks. Fagotto's response is to reveal to the entire audience that Sempleyarov, whose wife is sitting alongside him, had secretly spent four hours the previous evening with an actress, when he claimed to have been at a meeting.

Avel Safronovich Yenukidze (, "Abel Enukidze", ; ; —30 October 1937) was a prominent "Old Bolshevik" and, at one point, a member of the Soviet Central Committee in Moscow. In 1932, along with Mikhail Kalinin and Vyacheslav Molotov, Yenukidze co-signed the infamous "Law of Spikelets".

阿维尔·萨弗洛诺维奇·耶努吉泽(,,1877年-5月7日-1937年-10月30日)他是中央监察委员会主席团的成员、中央执行委员会成员,参加过二月革命、十月革命。1935年因克里姆林宫事件被开除出党,1937年遭到逮捕,判处枪决。1960年平反。1901年与列昂尼德·克拉辛等人在巴库设立俄罗斯社会民主工党的打印点。


Research.

No physical evidence for the existence of a historical people that fit the description of the Menehune has been discovered.  In Martha Warren Beckwith's "Hawaiian Mythology", there are references to several other forest dwelling races: the "Nawao", who were large-sized wild hunters descended from Lua-nuu, the "mu" people, and the "wa" people.  Some early scholars hypothesized that there was a first settlement of Hawaii, by settlers from the Marquesas Islands, and a second, from Tahiti. The Tahitian settlers oppressed the "commoners", the "manahune" in the Tahitian language, who fled to the mountains and were called Menahune. Proponents of this hypothesis point to an 1820 census of Kauai by Kaumualii, the ruling "alii aimoku" of the island, which listed 65 people as "menehune".  Folklorist Katharine Luomala believes that the legends of the "Menehune" are a post-European contact mythology created by adaptation of the term "manahune" (which by the time of the colonization of the Hawaiian Islands by Europeans had acquired a meaning of "lowly people" or "low social status" and not diminutive in stature) to European legends of brownies. It is claimed that "Menehune" are not mentioned in pre-contact mythology, although this is unproven since it was clearly an oral mythology; the legendary "overnight" creation of the Alekoko fishpond, for example, finds its equivalent in the legend about the creation of a corresponding structure on Oahu, which was supposedly indeed completed in a single day — not by "menehune" but, as a show of power, by a local "alii" who commanded every one of his subjects appear at the construction site and assist in building.

Menehune are a mythological dwarf people in Hawaiian tradition who are said to live in the deep forests and hidden valleys of the Hawaiian Islands, hidden and far away from human settlements.

夜灵是夏威夷神话中的矮人,据说他们生活在夏威夷群岛的深森林和隐藏山谷中,这些区域都隐藏在远离人类住区的地方。


Geography.

Phú Quốc lies south of the Cambodian coast, west of Kampot, and west of Hà Tiên, the nearest coastal town in Vietnam. Roughly triangular in shape the island is long from north to south and from east to west at its widest. It is also located 17 nautical miles from Krong Kampot, from Rạch Giá and nearly from Laem Chabang, Thailand. A mountainous ridge known as "99 Peaks" runs the length of Phú Quốc, with Chúa Mountain being the tallest at.  Phú Quốc Island is mainly composed of sedimentary rocks from the Mesozoic and Cenozoic age, including heterogeneous conglomerate composition, layering thick, quartz pebbles, silica, limestone, rhyolite and felsite. The Mesozoic rocks are classified in Phú Quốc Formation (K pq). The Cenozoic sediments are classified in formations of Long Toàn (middle - upper Pleistocene), Long Mỹ (upper Pleistocene), Hậu Giang (lower - middle Holocene), upper Holocene sediments, and undivided Quaternary (Q).

Economy.

Phú Quốc is famous for its two traditional products: fish sauce and black pepper. The rich fishing grounds offshore provides the anchovy catch from which the prized sauce is made. As widely agreed among the Vietnamese people, the best fish sauce comes from Phú Quốc. The island name is very coveted and abused in the fish sauce industry that local producers have been fighting for the protection of its appellation of origin. Pepper is cultivated everywhere on the island, especially at Gành Dầu and Cửa Dương communes. The pearl farming activity began more than 20 years ago when Australian and Japanese experts arrived to develop the industry with advanced technology. Some Vietnamese pearl farms were established at that time including Quốc An.  Tourism plays an important role in the economy, with the beaches being the main attraction. Phú Quốc was served by Phú Quốc Airport with air links to Ho Chi Minh City (Saigon) Tan Son Nhat International Airport, Hanoi (Noi Bai International Airport), Rạch Giá (Rạch Giá Airport) and Can Tho (Can Tho International Airport). Phú Quốc Airport was closed and replaced by the new Phú Quốc International Airport from December 2, 2012. Phú Quốc is also linked with Rạch Giá and Hà Tiên by fast ferry hydrofoils.  Air Mekong used to have its headquarters in An Thới.  Many domestic and international projects related to tourism have been carried out, including the latest direct flights from Bangkok to Phú Quốc by Bangkok Airways, which could make Phú Quốc a new tourist hub in Southeast Asia.  With the combination of Vinpearl Phú Quốc Resorts and the opening of the new Vinmec Phú Quốc International Hospital in June 2015, Phú Quốc will add an additional source of revenue to the local economy in terms of medical services, medical tourism, and medical education.

History.

Phú Quốc was a simple native fishing village until Western geopolitics began to impact it.  The French missionary Pigneau de Behaine used the island as a base during the 1760s and 1780s to shelter Nguyễn Ánh, who was hunted by the Tây Sơn army.  An 1856 record mentions the island: "... King Ang Duong (of Cambodia) apprise Mr. de Montigny, French envoy in visit to Bangkok, through the intermediary of Bishop Miche, his intention to yield Phu Quoc to France." Such a proposition aimed to create a military alliance with France to avoid the threat of Vietnam on Cambodia. The proposal did not receive an answer from the French.  While the war between Vietnam and France was about to begin, Ang Duong sent another letter, dated November 25, 1856, to Napoleon III to warn him on Cambodian claims on the lower Cochinchina region: the Cambodian king listed provinces and islands, including Koh Trol កោះត្រល់ (Phú Quốc), as being parts of Vietnam for several years or decades (in the case of Saigon some 200 years). Ang Duong asked the French emperor to not annex any part of these territories because, as he wrote, despite this relatively long Vietnamese rule, they remained Cambodian lands. In 1867, Phú Quốc's Vietnamese authorities pledged allegiance to French troops just conquering Hà Tiên.  In 1939, the Governor-general of French Indochina, Jules Brévié, drew a line to delimit the administrative boundaries for islands in the Gulf of Thailand: those north of the line were placed under Cambodia protectorate; those south of the line were managed by the colony of Cochinchina. Brévié made the point that the decision merely addressed administrative tasks, and that no sovereignty decision had been made. As a result, Phú Quốc remained under Cochinchina administration. Later, Cochinchina's sovereignty was handed over to the State of Vietnam and remained so after France left.  After Mainland China fell under the control of the Chinese Communist Party in 1949, General Huang Chieh moved 33,000+ Republic of China Army soldiers mostly from Hunan Province to Vietnam and they were interned on Phú Quốc. Later, the army moved to Taiwan in June 1953.  From 1953 to 1975, the island housed South Vietnam's largest prisoner camp (40,000 in 1973), known as Phú Quốc Prison.  On May 1, 1975, a squad of Khmer Rouge soldiers raided and took Phú Quốc, but Vietnam soon recaptured it. This was to be the first of a series of incursions and counter-incursions that would escalate to the Cambodian–Vietnamese War in 1979. Cambodia dropped its claims to Phú Quốc in 1976. But the bone of contention involving the island between the governments of the two countries continued, as both have a historical claim to it and the surrounding waters. A July 1982 agreement between Vietnam and The People's Republic of Kampuchea ostensibly settled the dispute, but since Vietnam's withdrawal from Cambodia, the agreement has not been recognized and the island is still the object of irredentist sentiments. The opposition Cambodian National Rescue Party still claims the island as Cambodian territory.

Climate.

The island's monsoonal sub-equatorial climate is characterized by distinct rainy (April to November) and dry seasons (December to March). As is common in regions with this climate type, there is some rain even in the dry season. The annual rainfall is high, averaging. In the northern mountains up to has been recorded. April and May are the hottest months, with temperatures reaching.

Protections.

Phú Quốc has both a terrestrial national park and a marine protection.  Phú Quốc National Park was established in 2001 as an upgrade of a former conservation zone. The park covers 336.57 km of the northern part of the island.  Phú Quốc Marine Protected Area, or just Phú Quốc MPA, was established in 2007 at the northern and southern end of the island and covers 187 km of marine area. The sea around Phú Quốc is one of the richest fishing grounds in all of Vietnam, and the aim of the protected area is to secure coral reef zones, seagrass beds, and mangrove forests, all key spawning and nursery grounds for aquatic species, including blue swimming crabs. Among the aquatic animals in the protected area are green turtle, leather back turtles, dolphin and dugong.  Plastic waste is a growing problem in Phú Quốc, and the local community has organised clean-up efforts.

Phú Quốc () is the largest island in Vietnam. Phú Quốc and nearby islands, along with the distant Thổ Chu Islands, are part of Kiên Giang Province as Phú Quốc District, the island has a total area of and a permanent population of approximately 103,000. Located in the Gulf of Thailand, the district of Phú Quốc includes the island proper and 21 smaller islets. Dương Đông town is located on the west coast, and is also the administrative and largest town on the island. The other township is An Thới on the southern tip of the island.

富国岛(),又名玉岛 (),柬埔寨称为国多岛(),是越南实际控制的最大岛屿,目前行政区划上属于越南坚江省富国县管辖。


Background.

Internal elections.

In the month before the fall of the cabinet two parties held internal elections on who would lead their parties in the next elections, which were scheduled for 2007. In the internal election of the conservative liberal VVD the more liberal secretary of state for science and higher education Mark Rutte beat the more conservative minister without portfolio for immigration and integration Rita Verdonk. In the internal election of the progressive liberal D66 the more radical democratic minister without portfolio for government reform Alexander Pechtold beat the more social-liberal chair of the parliamentary party Lousewies van der Laan.

Fall of the Cabinet.

The next Dutch general election was originally scheduled for 15 May 2007 as the parliament was to be dissolved on 2 April 2007. However, it was announced that elections would be held on 22 November 2006, as Prime Minister, Jan Peter Balkenende, offered the resignation of the cabinet on 30 June 2006 after one of the coalition partners, D66, withdrew their support from the cabinet the day before over Rita Verdonk's treatment of the Ayaan Hirsi Ali case. A new cabinet continued for five months as a care taker cabinet until the elections. The opposition had pressed for speedy elections because they were on a winning streak. The late date for the elections probably worked to the advantage of the CDA because in those five months the economy improved and in the past the biggest coalition partner had always come out as the biggest party if the economy blooms. A major issue in the campaigns was whether this improving economy was because of or in spite of the right-wing government.

Splintered Fortuynists.

After the fall of the cabinet several new small right-wing parties announced that they would run. Most of these parties either came out of the remains of Pim Fortuyn's Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) or the liberal VVD. In the period before the elections the small right was characterized by a chaos of secessions, new formations and party switches. Former Rotterdam alderman Marco Pastors and member of parliament for the LPF Joost Eerdmans formed Eén NL. Party for the Netherlands was led by former LPF minister Hilbrand Nawijn, while Wilders recruited people for his new Party for Freedom, which would take part in the 2006 elections. Nawijn and Wilders became independent in parliament at that time, while Eerdmans has formed the "Group Eerdmans-Van Schijndel" along with former VVD MP Anton van Schijndel. Two other LPF politicians have formed one man fractions but they have not formed their own party: Gerard van As, former leader of the LPF, and Gonny van Oudenallen, also former LPF. Margot Kraneveldt left the LPF, returned her seat to the party and joined the social-democratic PvdA. Meanwhile, the LPF announced that it would also run the next elections, under the name "Fortuyn". The party is led by Olaf Stuger, who served as member of parliament in the period 2002–2003 and returned to parliament in 2006, to replace Gerard van As.

Exodus of prominent politicians.

Several prominent politicians announced they would step down before the elections. Some commentators spoke of a large exodus. Within the liberal VVD former chair of the parliamentary party Jozias van Aartsen announced he would retire, as did his vice-chair Bibi de Vries, Frans Weisglas the current speaker of parliament, and ministers Hans Hoogervorst, Sybilla Dekker, state secretary Melanie Schultz van Haegen and Henk van Hoof. Within the CDA, ministers Cees Veerman and Karla Peijs announced they would not return, as did state secretary Clemence Ross. Both D66's current chairperson Lousewies van der Laan and her predecessor Boris Dittrich also announced they would not return.

Turkish-Dutch candidates and the Armenian Genocide.

On 26 September 2006, a candidate for the Labour Party, Erdinç Saçan, was removed by his party, because he would not hold to the party stance that the Armenian Genocide was caused by the Young Turks. That same evening, the CDA announced that two of their candidates, Ayhan Tonca and Osman Elmaci, have been removed as well, because of the same issue. Both parties agreed that all their members should openly conform to the party's point of view on this sensitive human rights issue. The sensitivity over these issues was underlined when the speaker of the Turkish parliament, Bülent Arınç, in response threatened the Netherlands with diplomatic action over this incident. Namik Tan, spokesperson for the Turkish Department of Foreign Affairs said that "we are deeply worried about the one-sided approach of our ally Netherlands’ political parties on the so-called Armenian genocide as this puts a limit on the freedom of expression." Labour Party leader Wouter Bos later said that the term genocide is used too easily, and that he rather speak of the "Armenian Question."

News of possible mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners in 2003.

"De Volkskrant" newspaper published a story just a week before the election saying that Dutch soldiers "tortured" Iraqi prisoners in Iraq, back in 2003. Defense minister Henk Kamp ordered an immediate (re-)investigation into the matter, but said that earlier information about this case did not result in the military police and Dutch public prosecutors to start a criminal investigation. Left-wing parties, such as the Labour Party (PvdA), which demanded an immediate parliamentary investigation were later rebuked by military commander Dick Berlijn, who stated that the left-wing opposition tarnished the reputation of the Dutch Department of Defense by their incriminating language, while nothing happened in Iraq. Mark Rutte, leader of the VVD, even went as far as to say that this Iraq story was a manipulation in order to influence the elections. In an open letter to De Volkskrant on the day of the Dutch elections, defense minister Kamp said the news about possible mistreatment was deceptive, and that the editor of De Volkskrant should feel being misused by the sources for this story. The Department of Defense in the meantime is demanding a rectification of the story published by De Volkskrant.  A Dutch magazine, Elsevier, later (January 2007) reported that the no.5 candidate of the Labour Party (PvdA), Ton Heerts, "advised" the Volkskrant on how to report on the story.

Voting Tools.

Several organisations launched a voting tool which helped voters to decide between the multitude of parties. The Institute for Public and Politics (IPP), a government agency, had the "Stemwijzer" (the "Voting-pointer"). The Stemwijzer consisted out of thirty propositions like "Citizens should elect the Prime Minister." and voters could show their support for these propositions by clicking either "agree", "don't agree" or "don't know". The Stemwijzer than showed to which extent the voters agreed with each party, showing them from most to least similarity in answers, advising the voter to vote for the party which agreed with them most. The Stemwijzer had also been made for General, European, Provincial and Municipal elections since 1989.  Kieskompas (Electoral Compass) was launched by the newspaper Trouw in cooperation with the VU University Amsterdam in order to compete with the Stemwijzer. This system was supposed to give considerably more information. Here voters could show their support for thirty six propositions on a five-point scale. Next they show whether they thought the current cabinet had performed well. Finally Kieskompas showed users their attitude towards party leaders as competent and trustworthy. The voters were shown a two-axis system (similar to a Nolan Chart) and their own position as well as the position of each party in this chart. It stated which party was the closest to them and which party the farthest. It also gave them the possibility to see which coalition best matched their political preferences.  Other voting tools where the "Wie Kies Jij?" (the "Who do You Vote for") of the IPP which helped find the perfect candidate by his/her age, sex, dietary habits and political experience and the Stomwijzer (the "Stupid Pointer") which mocked the StemWijzer, but still gave reasonable voting advice

De Stemming 2006.

Comedian Freek de Jonge performed an 'election show' ('verkiezingsconference') on public television on the night before the elections. It was called "De Stemming 2006" (an ambiguous name which means both "The Vote 2006" and "The Mood 2006") In his ironic comedy show, which was totally focused on the elections, he ridiculed the candidates, making such a show a uniquely Dutch phenomenon. When asked whether this show would influence the upcoming elections de Jonge stated he would make a fool out of everyone, not favoring a single person. This was the second time he did such a show. The first one was in 2003, when it was the thirty-third best watched TV-programme in the Netherlands that year. This year, the show was watched by 2,016,000 viewers.

Campaign.

The main issue at stake during the elections was the economic performance of the centre-right Second Balkenende cabinet – which consisted of the Christian-democratic CDA, the conservative liberal VVD and the progressive liberal D66 – as well as the composition of the new government and the future of the Dutch economy. Other issues were integration and the environment.

Power question.

The most important question of the elections was which party would become the largest, the governing Christian-democratic CDA or the main opposition party, the social-democratic PvdA. This was similar to the situation of the elections of 2003. The largest party will have the initiative in the cabinet formation talks. Furthermore, if it becomes part of the cabinet, the largest party supplies the prime minister. The media have framed the elections as a 'Clash of the Titans' between prime minister Jan Peter Balkenende (CDA) and candidate prime minister Wouter Bos (PvdA).  Both parties had consciously kept their options open and expressed a preference for the composition of a new cabinet. The other parties did express clear preferences: the VVD wanted to continue to govern with the CDA, while the Socialist Party and the GreenLeft (GL) wanted to form a leftist coalition, the so-called "Left-wing Spring". Broadly speaking, it appeared that there were three options: a continuation of the third Balkendende cabinet with CDA and VVD, a left-wing coalition of PvdA, SP and GL or a centre-left coalition of PvdA and CDA.  In 2004 and 2005, the polls indeed indicated that the united left could gain a majority in the House of Representatives. The polls predicted two head-to-head races. One between the PvdA and ruling CDA and another between the left-wing bloc (PvdA, SP, GreenLeft) and the right-wing bloc (CDA, VVD) with neither gaining a majority. Early November polls however showed that the CDA was gaining on and surpassing the PvdA. Mid-November polls indicated that the PvdA was bleeding votes to the SP while the CDA remained more or less stable. The left- and right-wing blocks remained in an equilibrium with neither side gaining enough votes for an overall majority. Small centrist parties such as the ChristianUnion could play a decisive role.

Social-economic issues.

The debates were dominated by social-economic questions and especially the performance of the Balkenende cabinets.  In the last four years the three Balkenende cabinets had implemented an ambitious program of social-economic reforms, including tax cuts, reforms to the social welfare system and investments in education. Their aim was to jump start the Dutch economy. Initially there was great public dissatisfaction with this policy, with large demonstrations in 2003, 2004 and 2005 by the main labour union FNV and the three main opposition parties. They criticised the government for taking these measures at the wrong point in time, during a recession, and they claimed that the government made the poor and socially weaker pay for the economic recovery. A major focus of this debate was on the fact that more than 10% of the people were said to live in poverty, as exemplified by the rising number of 'voedselbanken' (give-away shops for food). As the economy began to perform better in 2006 the public dissatisfaction decreased.  There were roughly three positions on the future of the Dutch economy. The CDA claimed that the reforms were finished and that the following cabinet would not have to take any serious measures. The VVD wanted to continue reforming to increase the performance of the Dutch economy. They wanted to continue to cut taxes and reduce bureaucracy. The opposition parties PvdA, SP, GL, joined by the ChristianUnion wanted to revert some of the measures and pay more attention to the public sector, especially to the health care-sector and the poor. The PvdA and the GreenLeft however also announced that they wanted to reform part of the economy and welfare system. For instance several months before the elections, Wouter Bos, the leader of Labour Party, announced that he wanted to tax the elderly pension in such a way that rich elderly would pay more taxes on their pensions than poor elderly. The Dutch pension system consists of government supplied (AOW) and mandatory self-saved pensions. It is the latter portion Bos wanted to tax progressively. The proposal led to considerable controversy, both outside and within Bos' own party. Former minister and de Volkskrant columnist Marcel van Dam wrote a critical column on 22 June concerning Bos' proposal. The second man of the Christian Democratic Appeal Maxime Verhagen used soundbites from the proposal continually to emphasise that the PvdA was an unreliable partner for the elderly. Bos later moderated his plans: only new cases would pay taxes over their pension.

Immigration and integration.

Immigration and integration, which had dominated the 2002 and 2003 elections, were clearly less important during these elections.  The focus was on the policy of Rita Verdonk, minister of immigration and integration, who had reduced the influx of immigrants and implemented mandatory integration courses for migrants. Verdonk's attitudes toward immigrants were again in the spotlight after her treatment of the crisis around the naturalisation of Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali caused the cabinet to fall.  In the debates one issue was especially important: the treatment of 26,000 asylum seekers which had been in legal procedures for over five years. The left-wing opposition parties PvdA, SP, GL and CU, joined by former coalition-partner D66 wanted a general pardon for this group, granting them all a residence permit. The CDA, VVD and the smaller right-wing parties of Geert Wilders and Marco Pastors opposed such a permit because it would attract illegal immigrants. Minister Verdonk claimed that she had actually already taken care of these 26,000 asylum seekers, sending many back to their own country and granting many a residence permit.  A minor issue was the ban on burqas and other face-covering clothing in public which minister Verdonk announced on 17 November 2006. The opposition Labour Party, called the law an "election ploy", and a Muslim leader described it as "a big law for a small problem."  Several right-wing parties, such as One NL and Party for Freedom, had campaigned extensively on the issue of immigration and integration. Wilders of the Party for Freedom wanted a halt of immigration from non-Western countries, abolish double citizenship, and stop the building of new mosques. Wilders said that the "Islamisation of the Netherlands" is a "tsunami" that needed to be stopped, "because it threatens our culture."

The environment.

The environment finally also became a secondary issue during the elections.  The first attention to environmental issues was attracted by Greenpeace who interfered in the CDA party congress on 30 September 2006. During a speech of parliamentary chairman Maxime Verhagen, activists of Greenpeace rolled down a large sign saying "CDA chooses for 240,000 years of nuclear waste," referring to the news a day earlier that the CDA junior minister of the environment Pieter van Geel is open to new possibilities for nuclear energy in the Netherlands. Four activists were apprehended by the police afterwards.  Other important events increasing the attention on environmental issues were the Stern report of the United Kingdom government and the visit of Al Gore to Amsterdam promoting his movie "An Inconvenient Truth".  The GreenLeft focused on this issue during its campaigns and sponsored ads which read: "Who votes strategically when the polar caps are melting?" The Party for the Animals had campaigned on one issue closely related to environmental problems: the position of animals in Dutch society and especially in agriculture.

Voting issues.

Voting machine controversy.

A report by action group "Wij vertrouwen stemcomputers niet" ("We don't trust voting computers") detailed serious security flaws in the Nedap voting machines used by 90% of the voters in the election. The report alleged it was easy to open the voting machine casing. The inner casing around the electronics was only protected by a very simple lock. Thus replacements of software and even hardware were relatively easily possible (by a simple memory chip swap, meaning that the memory that holds the voting data is not encrypted). Another machine is made by SDU and called "NewVote". It is based on a PC and uses a touchscreen instead of buttons. Only ten small districts still use paper and pencil.  "Wij vertrouwen stemcomputers niet" has threatened to bring minister Atzo Nicolaï to court since they are not convinced by his assurances that there will be no fraud in the upcoming election. In response to the allegations, Nicolaï introduced new security measures for the voting machines. Currently Nedap is checking all its machines for tampering, is installing new chips and software that is less easily hacked, and seals the machines with a unique metal seal. Based on inspections, on 30 October the government decided that there was a problem with SDU voting machines because within a radius of 10 metres the machines could be wirelessly monitored, so that these machines could not guarantee anonymity of voting to a sufficient degree. These machines, which are in use in 35 municipalities, including Amsterdam, have to be improved or replaced with an alternative before the elections. Many municipalities, including Amsterdam, decided to switch to the traditional paper and red pencil method of voting instead of the SDU machines. Machines made by Nedap are still in use.

Experiments.

Two experiments were conducted during these elections:  "Stemmen in een Willekeurig Stemlokaal" (SWS) ('voting in a random polling-booth') Because a lot of people could not vote because of problems caused by this experiment a group of citizens started procedures to nullify the results in all 311 area's where the experiment was conducted.  Another experiment is "Kiezen Op Afstand" (KOA) ('remote voting'), also called the experiment with internetstemmen (internet voting).  In an experiment in Breukelen, a voting machine was placed in a petrol station. However, non-Breukelen citizens had to convert their 'voting pass' ('stempas') to an 'elector's pass' ('kiezerspas').

Public debates.

More than during previous elections, there was a strong focus on the leaders, especially Bos of PvdA and Balkenende of CDA, regarding who of the two might become prime minister. This irritated not only other parties but also analysts who complained that elections should be about issues and parties, not about who becomes prime minister.

Radio debate.

The first public election debate between the leaders of the seven largest parties was held on 29 October 2006, on public radio. Mark Rutte, whose VVD is junior partner in the third Balkenende cabinet of CDA prime-minister Jan Peter Balkenende, was worried that the CDA will choose for a coalition with the PvdA after the elections, as this, at the time of the debate, was the only two-party coalition possible according to polls. Balkenende, however, kept his options open, and did not rule out a coalition with the PvdA. The PvdA's Wouter Bos stated that he will not become a deputy prime-minister in case Balkenende leads a CDA-PvdA coalition. He will then remain as chairman of the parliamentary party.

RTL 4 debate.

This debate took place on 3 November 2006 and was televised by RTL4. Participants were Jan Peter Balkenende and Wouter Bos. Balkenende focused on his achievements the last four years, stating "We are much better off than four years ago. We were behind in Europe and now we’re ahead but our work is not yet done." Bos felt that under Balkenende the gap between rich and poor had grown, stating "What have you asked of the wealthiest? Everybody has been asked to dig into their pockets to contribute to the economy." In an opinion poll conducted by TNS-Nipo following the televised debate, 50 percent of respondents thought Wouter Bos won the debate, against 46 percent for Jan Peter Balkenende.

NOS Jeugdjournaal debate.

This debate was broadcast on 11 November 2006 and was televised by the Jeugdjournaal (YouthNews) of the NOS. The debate was aimed at children from 8 to 14 years of age. Participants were top-candidates from the four parties leading the polls: Jan Peter Balkenende (CDA), Wouter Bos (PvdA), Mark Rutte (VVD) and Jan Marijnissen (SP). A poll among the young watchers after the debate showed that the Dutch children preferred Wouter Bos as the next prime minister (46%), before Marijnissen (26%), Balkenende (22%) and Mark Rutte (6%).

EenVandaag debate.

This debate took place on 15 November 2006 and was organised by EenVandaag. Participants were Jan-Peter Balkenende, Wouter Bos, Mark Rutte, Jan Marijnissen, Femke Halsema and André Rouvoet. According to an opinion poll following the debate, Jan Marijnissen won the debate.

Results.

Turnout.

As voting has been voluntary in the Netherlands since the elections of 1971, not all voters exercise their right to vote. Parliamentary elections tend to draw between 70% and 90% turnout; the 2006 election drew a turnout of 80.1%.  Due to this low rate of registration, votes of the Dutch living abroad had a negligible effect on the outcome of the elections.

Seat allocation.

There are two things to note about the allocation to seats: first the division of remainder seats and second the MPs elected because of preference seats.  The Netherlands use a D'Hondt method to allocate remainder seats. In order to get more of these seats two combined lists were formed. In the distribution of these seats the Socialist Party and the GreenLeft formed one block, as did the ChristianUnion and the SGP. The GreenLeft-SP alliance got one rest seat, the CDA got two, the PvdA got two, D66 got one and the PVV also got one. This means that these parties are slightly overrepresented in parliament.  With the Dutch system of open list proportional representation, voters may indicate their preference for a particular candidate on a party's list. Usually the vast majority of people vote for the top candidate, however this is not always the case.  In this election the number two candidate on the VVD list, Immigration Minister Rita Verdonk received a greater number of preference votes (620,555) than the party's lijsttrekker Mark Rutte (553,200). This was attributed to her greater national profile.  Also, the number six candidate on the D66 list, Fatma Koşer Kaya received the second highest number of D66 preferences (34,564), second only to lijsttrekker Alexander Pechtold (95,937).  This resulted from the CDA and PvdA removing candidates of Turkish origin from their lists because of their position on the Armenian Genocide of 1915–17. As a result, the influential Turks Forum advised voters of Turkish origin to vote for Koser Kaya, who is of Turkish origin, although her position on the genocide is ambiguous.  Any candidate reaching the quota (16,397 votes in this election) is elected, taking preference over other candidates on the list. This means Koser Kaya is elected, despite being at number six on the list. D66 will receive only three seats, according to its share of the national vote.

Opinion polls.

In the Netherlands there are three agencies that conduct frequent polls throughout the year (usually weekly). There is usually a small difference which may be due to different sampling and surveying methods applied. From 1 November the 'Politieke Barometer' started with two polls each week, and from 13 November they increased the frequency to daily polls.  The last polls prior to the election of the Politieke Barometer, the poll by NOVA and Interview-NSS, the TNS-NIPO polls by RTL4, and the poll by Maurice de Honds' peil.nl yield the following results:  The day before the elections, about one third of the electorate had not yet made up their minds, resulting in polls giving strongly varying results. For this reason campaigning continued on election day itself. An aspect of this was tactical voting, with SP telling PvdA voters that a strong SP would force PvdA to form a left-wing coalition, VVD saying something similar to CDA voters concerning a right-wing coalition, PvdA and CDA saying they need to be strong to prevent the other party from forming or dominating a coalition and ChristenUnie saying it has the best cards to participate in any coalition. Shortly before the elections, PvdA leader Bos showed himself more interested in the much talked about left-wing coalition of PvdA, SP and GroenLinks (possibly with ChristenUnie), which he had refused to talk about for months. Many suspected he changed his mind to stop the exodus of PvdA voters to SP. During the municipal elections earlier that year PvdA grew strong and after that they even grew to 60 seats in the polls, but after March a gradual decline had set in, almost halving the size of PvdA in the polls.

Cabinet formation.

Since no party held an absolute majority in the House of Representatives, the formation of a coalition government, consisting of parties who together have enough seats to propose laws that can count on a majority in the House of Representatives was necessary. This is most commonly achieved by building a coalition that has a majority; although a minority cabinet that arranges ad-hoc majorities for its proposals is possible. With the 2006 results a majority coalition required at least three parties.  Initially, negotiations for a cabinet of CDA, PvdA and SP were started, but the parties seemed unwilling to form this cabinet. Later on, negotiations for a CDA-PvdA-ChristenUnie cabinet were started. This resulted in the formation of the Fourth cabinet Balkenende. It was installed by Queen Beatrix on 22 February 2007. In the meantime the Balkenende III cabinet continued as a caretaker cabinet, which is not supposed to make new policy.

Reactions.

In the final debate between the leaders of the major parties (CDA, PvdA, SP, VVD, PVV, GL and CU) it was pointed out that the seated government lost 9 seats and the left wing parties (PvdA, SP, GL, PvdD) won 8 seats, which was interpreted as a signal from the voters that government policy should be more social. On the right, the PVV gained 9 seats, but other parties are silent about a possible coalition with the PVV. In the debate between party leaders – after the election was over – the question was raised if any of the leaders would want a coalition with the PVV. All kept quiet. When Wilders called this a "cordon sanitaire," VVD leader Rutte responded fiercely, saying that "there is no cordon sanitaire." Rutte believes the PVV is a "one-issue party," but also pointed out that he did not exclude the PVV as coalition partner.  When asked about the possibility of a CDA-PvdA-CU coalition, PvdA leader Bos responded that during the campaign the differences between CDA and PvdA have turned out to be rather big and that the big winner SP also deserves a place at the negotiating table. SP leader Marijnissen responded to this that the SP had never excluded CDA as a coalition partner, but that the CDA of the previous cabinet is not one with which the SP can enter a coalition. That, combined with the program of the CDA and the list of CDA MPs would constitute many 'road bumps' and 'bears on the road', and said he did not really want to start a coalition with this CDA program and this CDA MP list. Prime minister Balkenende responded that the CDA he wanted does not exist and that he has to enter talks with the CDA as it is now.

General elections were held in the Netherlands on 22 November 2006 following the fall of the Second Balkenende cabinet. The elections proved relatively successful for the governing Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA) which remained the largest party with 41 seats, a loss of only three seats. The largest increase in seats was for the Socialist Party (SP), which went from nine to 25 seats. The main opposition party, the social-democratic Labour Party (PvdA) lost nine of its 42 seats, while the right-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) and the progressive liberal Democrats 66 lost a considerable portion of their seats, six of 28 and three of six, respectively. New parties, such as the right-wing Party for Freedom (PVV) of former VVD MP Geert Wilders and the animal rights party Party for the Animals (PvdD) were also successful, with the PVV winning nine seats and the PvdD winning two, thereby becoming the first animal rights group to enter a European parliament.

2006年荷兰大选于11月22日第二届巴尔克嫩德内阁倒台后举行,此次选举基督教民主党(CDA)获得41席,继续保持第一大党地位,社会党(SP)为最大赢家,从9席升到25个席。主要的反对党社会民主工党(PvdA)失去9个席位,获得33席。右翼自由政党自由民主人民党(VVD)和进步自由派民主66损失了相当一部分的席位。新政党,如右翼政党——前VVD议员基尔特·威尔德斯的自由党 (PVV)和玛丽安·蒂姆的爱护动物党 (PvdD)也竞选成功,分别赢得九个席位和两个席位。爱护动物党也成为第一个动物权利保护组织尔进入欧洲议会


Characteristics.

Copernicus is visible using binoculars, and is located slightly northwest of the center of the Moon's Earth-facing hemisphere. South of the crater is the Mare Insularum, and to the south-south west is the crater Reinhold. North of Copernicus are the Montes Carpatus, which lie at the south edge of Mare Imbrium. West of Copernicus is a group of dispersed lunar hills. Due to its relative youth, the crater has remained in a relatively pristine shape since it formed.  The circular rim has a discernible hexagonal form, with a terraced inner wall and a 30 km wide, sloping rampart that descends nearly a kilometer to the surrounding mare. There are three distinct terraces visible, and arc-shaped landslides due to slumping of the inner wall as the crater debris subsided.  Most likely due to its recent formation, the crater floor has not been flooded by lava. The terrain along the bottom is hilly in the southern half while the north is relatively smooth. The central peaks consist of three isolated mountainous rises climbing as high as 1.2 km above the floor. These peaks are separated from each other by valleys, and they form a rough line along an east–west axis. Infrared observations of these peaks during the 1980s determined that they were primarily composed of the mafic form of olivine.  Based on high-resolution images from Lunar Orbiter 5, Terry W. Offield of the U.S. Geological Survey described the crater as having,  The crater rays spread as far as 800 kilometers across the surrounding mare, overlying rays from the craters Aristarchus and Kepler. The rays are less distinct than the long, linear rays extending from Tycho, instead forming a nebulous pattern with plumy markings. In multiple locations the rays lie at glancing angles, instead of forming a true radial dispersal. An extensive pattern of smaller secondary craters can also be observed surrounding Copernicus, a detail that was depicted in a map by Giovanni Cassini in 1680. Some of these secondary craters form sinuous chains in the ejecta.  In 1966 the crater was photographed from an oblique angle by Lunar Orbiter 2 as one of 12 "housekeeping" pictures that were taken to advance the roll of film between possible astronaut landing sites being surveyed. At the time this detailed image of the lunar surface was termed by NASA scientist Martin Swetnick and subsequently quoted by "Time" magazine as "one of the great pictures of the century."  The Apollo 12 mission landed south of Copernicus on mare basalts of Oceanus Procellarum that were believed to have been in the path of one of the crater's rays, and scientists hoped cosmic ray exposure ages of soil samples would help constrain the crater age. The results were inconclusive, but not inconsistent with the estimated 800 million year age of crater formation. Copernicus itself was a possible landing site for the canceled Apollo 20 mission.

Names.

Copernicus is named after the astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus. Like many of the craters on the Moon's near side, it was given its name by Giovanni Riccioli, whose 1651 nomenclature system has become standardized. Riccioli awarded Copernicus a prominent crater despite the fact that, as an Italian Jesuit, he conformed with church doctrine in publicly opposing Copernicus's heliocentric system. Riccioli justified the name by noting that he had symbolically thrown all the heliocentrist astronomers into the Ocean of Storms. However, astronomical historian Ewan Whitaker suspects that the prominence of Copernicus crater is a sign that Riccioli secretly supported the heliocentric system and was ensuring that Nicolaus Copernicus would receive a worthy legacy for future generations.  Earlier lunar cartographers had given the feature different names. Pierre Gassendi named it Carthusia after the Chartreuse Mountains. Michael van Langren's 1645 map calls it "Phillipi IV" after Philip IV of Spain. And Johannes Hevelius named it 'Etna M.' after Mount Etna.  Later the crater was nicknamed "the Monarch of the Moon" by lunar cartographer Thomas Gwyn Elger.

Satellite craters.

By convention these features are identified on lunar maps by placing the letter on the side of the crater midpoint that is closest to Copernicus.  Copernicus H, a typical "dark-halo" crater, was a target of observation by Lunar Orbiter 5 in 1967. Dark-halo craters were once believed to be volcanic in origin rather than the result of impacts. The Orbiter image showed that the crater had blocks of ejecta like other craters of similar size, indicating an impact origin. The halo results from excavation of darker material (mare basalt) at depth.

Copernicus is a lunar impact crater located in eastern Oceanus Procellarum. It was named after the astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus. It typifies craters that formed during the Copernican period in that it has a prominent ray system.

哥白尼环形山(Copernicus)是月球风暴洋东部一座陨石坑,属于保存完好、非常突出的月球环形山之一,周围环绕着巨大明亮的射纹系统,直径96.07公里,深度2.846公里。以世界日心说开创者-尼古拉·哥白尼的名字命名。


福尔里弗县 (南达科他州)

Geography.

Fall River County lies at South Dakota's SW corner. Its south borderline abuts the north borderline of the state of Nebraska, and its west borderline abuts the east borderline of the state of Wyoming. The Fall River County terrain contains a mountainous area in the north-central portion, with rolling hills in the rest of the county. Outside the mountainous area, the county's highest point is its SW corner, at 3,970' (1210m) ASL. Of the several peaks in the mountainous area, one in the NE portion of that zone rises to 4,646' (1416m) ASL. The terrain slopes to the north and east. Discharging from the Angosture Reservoir, the Cheyenne River flows northeasterly through the upper part of the county, departing the county through its north boundary line into Custer County.  Fall River County has a total area of, of which is land and (0.5%) is water.

Demographics.

2000 census.

As of the 2000 census, there were 7,453 people, 3,127 households, and 1,976 families in the county. The population density was 4 people per square mile (2/km2). There were 3,812 housing units at an average density of 2 per square mile (1/km2). The racial makeup of the county was 90.51% White, 0.32% Black or African American, 6.05% Native American, 0.23% Asian, 0.05% Pacific Islander, 0.30% from other races, and 2.54% from two or more races. 1.74% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. 33.6% were of German, 12.1% English, 9.5% Norwegian and 7.0% Irish ancestry.  There were 3,127 households out of which 23.70% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 50.90% were married couples living together, 8.50% had a female householder with no husband present, and 36.80% were non-families. 32.70% of all households were made up of individuals and 14.60% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.23 and the average family size was 2.82.  The county population contained 22.80% under the age of 18, 5.80% from 18 to 24, 20.60% from 25 to 44, 28.30% from 45 to 64, and 22.50% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 46 years. For every 100 females there were 109.80 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 103.80 males.  The median income for a household in the county was $29,631, and the median income for a family was $37,827. Males had a median income of $30,646 versus $20,017 for females. The per capita income for the county was $17,048. About 7.80% of families and 13.60% of the population were below the poverty line, including 18.90% of those under age 18 and 9.80% of those age 65 or over.

2010 census.

As of the 2010 census, there were 7,094 people, 3,272 households, and 1,899 families in the county. The population density was. There were 4,191 housing units at an average density of. The racial makeup of the county was 88.6% white, 7.1% American Indian, 0.7% black or African American, 0.4% Asian, 0.3% from other races, and 2.9% from two or more races. Those of Hispanic or Latino origin made up 2.2% of the population. In terms of ancestry, 39.7% were German, 12.6% were Irish, 11.2% were English, 8.4% were Norwegian, 5.9% were Dutch, and 2.3% were American.  Of the 3,272 households, 20.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 46.2% were married couples living together, 8.9% had a female householder with no husband present, 42.0% were non-families, and 37.6% of all households were made up of individuals. The average household size was 2.10 and the average family size was 2.74. The median age was 50.5 years.  The median income for a household in the county was $35,833 and the median income for a family was $53,750. Males had a median income of $36,495 versus $32,058 for females. The per capita income for the county was $21,574. About 11.4% of families and 17.4% of the population were below the poverty line, including 11.3% of those under age 18 and 21.3% of those age 65 or over.

Politics.

Fall River voters have been reliably Republican for decades. In no national election since 1936 has the county selected the Democratic Party candidate.

Fall River County is a county in the U.S. state of South Dakota. As of the 2010 United States Census, the population was 7,094. Its county seat is Hot Springs. The county was founded in 1883. It is named for Fall River which runs through it.

福尔里弗县(英语:Fall River County)是美国南达科他州西南角的一个县,西邻怀俄明州,南邻内布拉斯加州。面积4,530平方公里。根据美国2000年人口普查,共有人口7,453人。县治温泉市 (Hot Springs)也是香农县的行政中心 (该县并无县治)。


History.

By the end of the war, the Imperial Russian Army had occupied most of Finland, prompting Field-Marshal Trubetskoy and Chancellor Aleksey Bestuzhev to demand the application of uti possidetis principle in this case. By acquiring Finland, Russian politicians aspired to move the Swedish border considerably to the north, thus reducing the danger of Swedish attack on the Russian capital, Saint Petersburg. In the hope of gaining independence, the Finnish estates offered the ephemeral throne of their country to Duke Peter of Holsten-Gottorp, the heir apparent to the Russian Crown. Another party at the Russian court, represented by pro-Swedish Count Jean Armand de Lestocq and Peter's Holsteinian relatives, proposed to return Finland to the Swedes in recompense for having his uncle, Adolf Frederick of Holstein-Gottorp, elected as heir to the throne of Sweden. Empress Elizabeth of Russia lent her support to the latter faction, partly because she fondly remembered Adolf Frederick's brother, her projected spouse who had died several months before the wedding could take place (in June 1727).  According to the resultant treaty, Sweden ceded to Russia the areas east of the Kymi River with the fortress of Olavinlinna and the towns of Lappeenranta and Hamina. Hence, the Swedish border was moved to the north in accordance with the wishes of Bestuzhev's faction. On the other hand, the Swedes agreed to elect Adolf Frederick as the crown prince. This move exposed the country to the risk of war against Denmark, hence the Baltic Fleet sailed to Stockholm to protect the Swedish capital in case of Danish attack. The territories were incorporated into the Governorate of Vyborg.  After the treaty, Russia came to control the southern part of Karelia. However, Elizabeth guaranteed religion, properties, laws and privileges of the inhabitants of ceded territories. For example, these territories had just a few years earlier adopted (together with the rest of then-Sweden) the 1734 General Law of Sweden.

The Treaty of Åbo or the Treaty of Turku was a peace treaty signed between the Russian Empire and Sweden in Turku () on 7. August/ 18. August 1743 in the end of the Russo-Swedish War of 1741-1743.

奥布和约(,),又名图尔库和约(),是俄国和瑞典两国于1743年8月7日为结束俄瑞战争而于芬兰图尔库签订的和约。


Royal abbey.

Founded in the ninth century to house a relic of Saint John the Baptist, and rebuilt in the 14th, 17th and 18th centuries because of repeated destruction, then later abandoned, the Abbey is now a listed building. It remains the most remarkable piece of architecture of Saint-Jean-d'Angély, a town which has kept all its medieval charm. Situated on the pilgrim route that led to Santiago de Compostela the edifice still constitutes a major stopping-off point towards Santiago de Compostela. Since 1989, the Royal Abbey has housed the Centre of European Culture, which has breathed new life into the Abbey by restoring it as a historical and cultural site and as a place for the exchange of ideas.  From 1989 to 1997, the restoration of the monastic buildings has been carried out according to the needs of the Centre of European Culture, with an emphasis placed on accommodations, catering, as well as rooms for conferences, reunions and workshops. The Centre has been at the forefront of the revitalization of the building, to such a point that today the Centre and the Abbey have been linked in the minds of the residents.

Centre of European culture.

The Centre of European Culture at Saint-Jean-d'Angély, created in 1989 as a joint initiative taken by the Minister of Culture, the town of Saint-Jean-d'Angély, the regional council of Poitou-Charentes and the council of Charente Maritime, has hosted multinational sessions focused on European culture and citizenship that are dedicated to youngsters sixteen to nineteen years, coming from all European countries.

Modern Saint-Jean.

Saint-Jean D'Angely is now home to a vibrant and bustling town centre, with a twice-weekly market (on Saturdays and Wednesdays). Also present is a swimming and fitness centre, Atlantys, which is situated on the edge of the town.

Geography.

The Boutonne flows northwest through the commune; the town lies on its right bank.

Saint-Jean-d'Angély () is a commune in the Charente-Maritime department in southwestern France.

圣让当热利()是法国滨海夏朗德省的一个市镇,位于该省东部,也是该省的一个副省会,下辖圣让当热利区。该市镇总面积18.78平方公里,2015年时的人口为7851人。


Gene expression.

The protein encoded by the classic MBP gene is a major constituent of the myelin sheath of oligodendrocytes and Schwann cells in the nervous system. However, MBP-related transcripts are also present in the bone marrow and the immune system. These mRNAs arise from the long MBP gene (otherwise called "Golli-MBP") that contains 3 additional exons located upstream of the classic MBP exons. Alternative splicing from the Golli and the MBP transcription start sites gives rise to 2 sets of MBP-related transcripts and gene products. The Golli mRNAs contain 3 exons unique to Golli-MBP, spliced in-frame to 1 or more MBP exons. They encode hybrid proteins that have N-terminal Golli aa sequence linked to MBP aa sequence. The second family of transcripts contain only MBP exons and produce the well-characterized myelin basic proteins. This complex gene structure is conserved among species, suggesting that the MBP transcription unit is an integral part of the Golli transcription unit and that this arrangement is important for the function and/or regulation of these genes.

Role in disease.

Interest in MBP has centered on its role in demyelinating diseases, in particular, multiple sclerosis (MS). The target antigen of the autoimmune response in MS has not yet been identified. However, several studies have shown a role for antibodies against MBP in the pathogenesis of MS. Some studies have linked a genetic predisposition to MS to the MBP gene, though a majority have not.  A "molecular mimicry" hypothesis of multiple sclerosis has been suggested, in which T cells are, in essence, confusing MBP with human herpesvirus-6. Researchers in the United States created a synthetic peptide with a sequence identical to that of an HHV-6 peptide. Elevated levels of MBP can be found in the cerebrospinal fluid of patients with HIV infections with signs of encephalopathy, even it is suggested that it is rather an indicator of prognosis for the course of the disease. It is able to show that T cells were activated by this peptide. These activated T cells also recognized and initiated an immune response against a synthetically created peptide sequence that is identical to part of human MBP. During their research, they found that the levels of these cross-reactive T cells are significantly elevated in multiple sclerosis patients.  Some research has shown that inoculating an animal with MBP to generate an MBP-specific immune response against it increases blood–brain barrier permeability. Permeability is enhanced when the animal is inoculated against non-specific proteins.  A targeted immune response to MBP has been implicated in lethal rabies infection. The inoculation of MBP generates increases the permeability of the blood–brain barrier (BBB), allowing immune cells to enter the brain, the primary site of rabies virus replication. In a study of mice infected with Silver-haired bat rabies virus (SHBRV), the mortality rate of mice treated with MBP improved 20%-30% over the untreated control group. It is significant to note that healthy uninfected mice treated with MBP showed an increase in mortality rate between 0% and 40%.

Interactions.

Myelin basic protein has been shown to interact "in vivo" with proteolipid protein 1, and "in vitro" with calmodulin, actin, tropomyosin, tubulin, clathrin, 2',3'-cyclic-nucleotide 3'-phosphodiesterase and multiple molecules of the immune system.

Myelin basic protein (MBP) is a protein believed to be important in the process of myelination of nerves in the nervous system. The myelin sheath is a multi-layered membrane, unique to the nervous system, that functions as an insulator to greatly increase the velocity of axonal impulse conduction. MBP maintains the correct structure of myelin, interacting with the lipids in the myelin membrane.

人脑髓鞘碱性蛋白(英文:Myelin basic protein,简称MBP)是一种相信对在中央神经系统的神经髓鞘化过程非常重要的蛋白质。


Early life.

Charles Landry was born in 1948 and brought up and educated in Britain, Germany and Italy. Landry was born in London to German parents who had escaped from the Nazis. His father Harald was a philosopher and Nietzsche specialist and his mother an artist. He was educated at the Nymphenburger Gymnasium in Munich, Keele University in Staffordshire and Johns Hopkins in Bologna where he was assistant to Lord Robert Skidelsky. His dissertation was on problems of post-industrial society.

Career.

Landry was assistant to Lord Kennet, a former Labour government minister, on the "Europe Plus Thirty" an EEC study on forecasting (1973-1974) commissioned by Lord Ralf Dahrendorf. With colleagues he started "Publications Distribution Co-Op" in 1975, a company focused on distributing alternative literature and media for the then burgeoning system of non-mainstream publishers and bookshops. In parallel he was a specialist bookseller focusing on radical publications.  In 1978 he founded "Comedia", a think tank, publisher and consultancy. Comedia undertook much of the early work highlighting the importance of cultural resources as well as a methodological framework and evidence for what is now known as the creative economy, formerly cultural industries. Its publishing programme provided some of the intellectual backdrop to the emergence of cultural studies, involving authors such as Dave Morley, Ken Worpole, Geoff Mulgan. The provocative "What a way to run a Railroad: An Analysis of Radical Failure" (1985) assessed how the high failure rate of radical projects could be understood. Subsequently, Landry was criticized as being ‘a left wing Thatcherite’. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, a changing group of people developed projects concerned with urban life, culture and creativity and the future of cities including also Franco Bianchini, Phil Wood, Sir Peter Hall, Jude Bloomfield and Naseem Khan. After producing more than 100 books Comedia publishing was sold to Routledge in 1988. Initially Comedia's publishing wing was most well known for research and projects on the future of cities. Later Comedia's research became better known with long term projects including "The Creative City", "Culture at the Crossroads", "The Art of Regeneration", "Richness of Cities", and "Creativity at the Heart of Culture".

Outlook and concepts.

Charles Landry's focus shifted in 1986 towards the concept of "the creative city", a term he coined in response to the dramatic economic and social changes happening at that time. He argues that in such changing circumstances creativity at every level is required to address and adapt appropriately. He posits that conditions need to be created for people to think, plan and act with imagination in harnessing opportunities or addressing seemingly intractable urban problems. This means a city needs to embed a culture of creativity in the way it operates and to infuse how all of its organisations operate. Initially there was a focus on the contribution of the arts and the creative industries in driving innovation in cities and helping to make them distinctive. Increasingly he has focused on civic creativity and emphasised how the organizational culture needs to change to unleash the potential, resources and assets of a city. Traditional hierarchical structures restrict ideas generation and rethinking. This has been elaborated in his work on the Creative Bureaucracy. He contrasts the urban engineering approach to cities with creative city making. In the former there is a focus on the physical infrastructure or the hardware of the city, in the latter equal attention is paid to both hardware and software issues. Software is the human dynamics of a place, its connections and relationships as well as atmosphere. The publication of the John Howkins' book "The Creative Economy" (2001) and Richard Florida's "The Rise of the Creative Class" (2002) gave the creativity cities movement added popularity.  In his follow up book, "The Art of City Making" (2006) he discusses "the sensory landscape of cities" and how creativity needs to change its focus and be linked to an ethical foundation. This he calls being creative "for the world" so cities give something back to the wider community. He argues that the popularity of the term "creativity" is in danger of hollowing out the concept and making it meaningless. A main focus of creativity should be on addressing global issues and behavioural issues such as climate change or the balance between rich and poor. In addition a role of creativity is to help make cities more distinctive given the danger of homogeneity and global branding.  Work with his colleague Phil Wood has focused on the idea of "The Intercultural City" (2008). This looks at how diversity in cities can become an advantage and whether diversity can lead to innovation and wealth creation. Interculturalism goes beyond equal opportunities and respect for existing cultural differences, to the pluralist transformation of public space, institutions and civic culture. His overall aim has been to shift the intellectual architecture for city making. A series of short books have extended this concern, such as "The Sensory Landscape of Cities", "Culture & Commerce", "The Fragile City", "Cities of Ambition", "The Digitized City", "Psychology & the City". "The Civic City in a Nomadic World" (2017) focuses on where we belong when everything is on the move and how we create places of encounter and empathy.  In 2008 he developed "The Creative Cities Index" with Jonathan Hyams in collaboration with Bilbao. This assesses cities in terms of their comprehensive creativity economically, socially and culturally along four clusters: their capacity to nurture potential, the regulatory and incentives regime, the ability to harness and exploit creativity and the lived experience of place. The danger of the creativity agenda is that it too narrowly conceived and becomes hollowed out. His latest work emphasizes the need for civic creativity which is imaginative problem-solving applied to public good objectives.

Charles Landry (born July 1, 1948) is an author, speaker and international adviser on the future of cities best known for popularising the "Creative City" concept. His book "The Creative City: A Toolkit for Urban Innovators" became a movement to rethink the planning, development and management of cities. He has chaired multiple urban innovation juries including "The European Capital of Innovation Award – iCapital", "New Innovations in the Creative Economy (N.I.C.E.)" and "Actors for Urban Change". He is a fellow of "The Robert Bosch Academy" in Berlin.

查理斯‧兰德利1948年出生于英国,并成长受教育于德国与意大利。著有都市理论专书《创意城市》他所提倡的创意城市,影响全球多数城市重新思考定义都市规划、建设与管理的方式。他于1978年所创办的智库COMEDIA也开创了文化创意与城市转型之间的连接。