History.

2005–06: Formation and early years.

The group was formed in Andover, Massachusetts in the final months of 2005, when vocalist Martin Johnson, formerly of the Boston act Fake ID/The Drive, wrote a handful of songs he wanted to record. He recruited bassist Bryan Donahue and drummer John Keefe. Keefe brought along lead guitarist Paul DiGiovanni, with whom he had recorded a brief demo, to complete the line-up. Some of the demo's titles were "Free", "If You Could See Me Now", and "The Only Way That I Know How To Feel". Some months later Keefe and DiGiovanni learned that they were distant cousins. The group later changed their name to Boys Like Girls.  The quartet soon opened a PureVolume account to showcase their music, and uploaded a rough demo of "The Great Escape" and an acoustic rendition of "Thunder". By the end of the year, the group was on the No. 1 spot on the website's "Top Unsigned Artists" chart and within a few months had completed nationwide tours with Cute Is What We Aim For, Hit the Lights, All Time Low and Butch Walker.  Eventually, in 2006, the popularity of the band was overheard by booking agent Matt Galle and record producer Matt Squire, who contacted the band about a future collaboration. With their full support, Boys Like Girls embarked on their first nationwide tour with A Thorn for Every Heart, Hit the Lights and Keating in late February 2006. Following the month-long venture, the group immediately entered the recording studio with Squire to record their debut album for Columbia Records/Red Ink.  During their time in the studio Squire introduced the band to another of his alumni, Cute Is What We Aim For, who offered Boys Like Girls an opening slot on their upcoming headlining tour. Once the album was recorded, Boys Like Girls played back-to-back tours, including the Cute Is What We Aim For tour in June, as well as a two-week stint with Butch Walker in late July. In between tours the band filmed their first music video for their album's lead single, "Hero/Heroine", directed by Mark Serao and Chris Vaglio of Grey Sky Films.

2006–09: "Boys Like Girls".

On August 22, 2006, the eponymous "Boys Like Girls" was released. As of August 2008, the album has sold over 580,000 copies within the United States. While, as the title might suggest, songs about boys liking girls clearly prevail on the album, Johnson occasionally touched upon themes such as his mother's battle with cancer, leaving home, and promiscuous adolescents. Concerning the latter, he discussed the motivation behind the song "Dance Hall Drug":  The song "On Top of the World" is about Johnson's late mother.  In 2007, they began with a short headlining run with Self Against City, after which the group joined Cobra Starship supporting a two-month Cartel tour in February. In between releasing their album's second single, "The Great Escape" (reaching No. 9 on the Pop 100), performing on Jimmy Kimmel Live! on February 22, 2007, and eventually charting the Billboard 200 for the first time in April 2007, Boys Like Girls played their first international concerts during the Canada leg of a North American tour with Hellogoodbye and the UK festival Give It A Name 2007.  In mid-2006, the group performed on the annual Vans Warped Tour for the first time and on July 31, 2007 the band reached the No. 1 spot on the MTV show Total Request Live. The following month, on August 20, 2006, Boys Like Girls members Johnson and DiGiovanni played a private show at 105.1 The Buzz radio station. They announced that they would be performing five shows in Japan and said how much Good Charlotte helped their career.  In September 2006, Boys Like Girls released a three-song acoustic set for AOL's Sessions Under Cover as an EP in the iTunes Store, containing "The Great Escape", "Thunder" and a cover of Frou Frou's "Let Go". On December 4, 2007, the band performed a concert with Good Charlotte, with opening act NLT, for New Orleans radio station B97's "The Night B97 Stole Christmas" at the New Orleans House of Blues, located in the French Quarter.  Boys Like Girls played at the Slam Dunk Festival on the Glamour Kills stage, in Leeds, on Sunday, May 25, 2008. The group shared the stage with bands such as, Cute Is What We Aim For, Kids in Glass Houses, Valencia, We the Kings, You Me at Six and The Red Jumpsuit Apparatus. The band was also the opening act for Avril Lavigne's 2008 Best Damn Tour throughout the majority of North America.  During mid-2008, Boys Like Girls toured with Good Charlotte, The Maine, and Metro Station, for the Soundtrack of Your Summer Tour. The tour kicked off in Southaven, Mississippi with a performance named Red White and Boom hosted by Q107.5 on June 3, 2008. On July 4, 2008, they played in Pigeon Forge, Tennessee at the 2008 Starjam concert, along with Metro Station, Good Charlotte, Ace Young, and Menudo. Two months later, on August 5, 2008, Boys Like Girls and Metro Station performed together at Six Flags St. Louis in Missouri. In between tour dates, they worked alongside Nickelodeon pop singer Miranda Cosgrove on her upcoming debut album, released in 2009.  In 2008, five songs that were believed to be on the band's second album leaked onto the internet. The fan based EP, entitled "Heavy Heart", consists of five demo songs that were recorded, but did not make it onto the band's first album. None of the songs would appear on their second record.  Boys Like Girls supported Fall Out Boy on their UK tour in October, along with You Me at Six. A month later the band's debut DVD, "Read Between the Lines", was released on November 4, 2008.  In January 2009, Boys Like Girls toured the UK with Metro Station and Every Avenue supporting.

2009–10: "Love Drunk".

Johnson announced on his website that the band had begun to record their new album on February 10, 2009. It was recorded half in Vancouver and half in New York City with two different producers/production teams, in two different environments, and with two different styles of inspiration. The band embarked upon a 2009 fall tour with Cobra Starship, A Rocket to the Moon, The Maine, and VersaEmerge. The tour, known as 'The Op Tour' began on October 14 with the first show being in Buffalo, New York. On June 18, Boys like Girls confirmed the title for their second album would be "Love Drunk". The album was officially released on September 8, 2009. On June 24, 2009, the band released their first single, the title track of the album. The "Love Drunk" music video features actress and singer Ashley Tisdale. The group released their second single "She's Got a Boyfriend Now" on iTunes in August. The fourth song from "Love Drunk" is called "Two Is Better Than One," featuring and written with Taylor Swift. The song is about Johnson's previous relationship with a longtime girlfriend. Johnson had previously worked with Swift to write the song "You'll Always Find Your Way Back Home"., which is featured in Hannah Montana: The Movie. They have also written a song which has yet to be released, called "Drama Queen". The new album contains eleven tracks including Heart Heart Heartbreak, Love Drunk, She's Got a Boyfriend Now, Two is Better than One, Contagious, Real Thing, Someone Like You, The Shot Heard 'Round the World, The First One, Chemicals Collide, and Go.  The band made history on August 15, 2009 when it was featured alongside The All-American Rejects, Hoobastank, Raygun, Kasabian, Pixie Lott and Misha Omar as one of the live acts at Asia's very first MTV World Stage Live concert that was held in Malaysia.  The album is available for purchase on iTunes, Amazon, as well as many major retailers around the country. On iTunes, there is a "Deluxe Version" of the album that contains 3 bonus tracks; "Love Drunk(Acoustic)", "Heart Heart Heartbreak(Acoustic)" and a Mark Hoppus remixed version of "Love Drunk".  Boys Like Girls made a video for their most recent single "Heart Heart Heartbreak". Boys Like Girls was on VH1's "Top Twenty Countdown" on February 13 to talk about their hit single "Two is Better Than One", which landed a number 8 spot on the countdown. The video was on the countdown for 8 consecutive weeks. When asked if they were filming a 3-D video or not, Johnson said they had already filmed the music video. Boys Like Girls second album, released in September 2009, was Love Drunk. In its first week, it sold more than 41,000 copies, landing it on the No. 8 spot on Billboard 200.  In March 2010, Boys Like Girls supported Hedley along with Stereos and FeFe Dobson on select dates across Canada.  Boys Like Girls co-headlined The Bamboozle Roadshow 2010 between May and June 2010. All Time Low, Third Eye Blind, and LMFAO co-headlined with Boys Like Girls. Along with numerous other supporting bands, including 3OH!3, Good Charlotte, Forever The Sickest Kids, Cartel, and Simple Plan. Martin Johnson and Paul DiGiovanni had a small cameo in Good Charlotte's "Like It's Her Birthday" music video, along with The Maine's John O'Callaghan and Kennedy Brock.

2010–11: Hiatus/solo projects.

Rumors surfaced on the internet about a year after the release of the band's second studio album "Love Drunk", stating that "the band is currently writing new material for their upcoming third studio album".  On September 1, 2010, the band posted a video on their official YouTube account announcing that they would be heading back to the studio to "do some preps and record" for album number 3.  On December 17, 2010, Johnson confirmed that they have completed writing the songs to be included in the upcoming record and that the band is currently recording demos-to-be-done in the studio with producer Matt Squire, with whom the band had worked on their self-titled album, "Boys Like Girls".  In early 2011, rumors started spreading that Boys Like Girls had broken up, with no update from the band, its members or management team. They had no shows scheduled and told fans they were in the studio since September which turned out to be false. Drummer John Keefe was quick to deny these rumors, but along with the rest of the band has issued no statement to say that they are still recording and/or playing together.  As of February 2011, the band's members are working on individual projects. Johnson has been in the studio recording solo material as he prepares to tour in the summer playing his self written songs. He is also currently working with producers John Feldman and Tommy Brown who has previously worked with Black Eyed Peas. On the other hand, bassist Donahue is continuing with his side project Early Morning Blues, along with guitarist Paul DiGiovanni. DiGiovanni has also opened his own clothing range named "Black Carbon Custom" which he runs himself.  In June 2011, Johnson debuted several songs of his "solo material" on Kiss FM. Johnson also stated that the band would be going on an "indefinite hiatus", providing sufficient time for [Bryan/Paul] to tour in the later parts of the year as they remain in "Early Morning Blues" and himself to finish up his solo record, which was near its finishing touches. Johnson also confirmed that he was set to perform and tour under his very own name "Martin Johnson".

2011–present: Departure of Bryan Donahue and "Crazy World".

In November 2011, Martin tweeted that he would post a video update the following day, which was later accompanied by a second tweet "...#boyslikegirlsisback". It was later revealed that the band would be commencing the preparation of the upcoming third studio album in the frontman's place back at Los Angeles.  On November 19, 2011, another video update from the official Boys Like Girls YouTube channel was uploaded, confirming that Boys Like Girls is currently recording a new album. However, the band's bassist Bryan Donahue unwillingly left the band. Reasons told were that Bryan had too many plans disrupting the band's progress and was apparently too "engrossed" in his other solo projects, "Early Morning Blues" and "The Tower and the Fool".  In December 2011, the band posted a "studio update" video on their YouTube channel, revealing the trio undergoing recording session in the Sound Factory studio in LA. Also, frontman Martin had uploaded a picture on his Instagram, displaying a hand-written note which what seems like lyrics to a song the band has been recording titled "Be Your Everything". The band have been posting videos of them in the studio recording a track called "Life of the Party", it also features gospel singers on the bridge. The band also posted on Instagram a picture taken of a hand-written note displaying lyrics of the song they are recording, which was later revealed to be titled "Stuck in the Middle". Johnson also stated that the song "Be Your Everything" would most probably be released as the untitled album's first single. On May 17, 2012 the name of the album was revealed as Crazy World which would be released sometime in Fall 2012.  As of May 2012, the band has confirmed that the new record to be released would be titled "Crazy World" and is set for a fall 2012 release. Martin & guitarist Paul have also confirmed several titles off the record, which are: "Be Your Everything", "Cheated", "Stuck in the Middle", "Leaving California", "Shoot", "Crazy World", "Take Me Home", "Red Cup, Hands Up, Long Brown Hair", "Life of the Party", "Hey You" & "The First Time". The band also made a small announcement that Morgan Dorr would be inducted as the band's permanent bassist, who is on tour with them currently.  On July 17, they released the "Crazy World" EP, containing three songs off the upcoming full-length album of the same name. The three songs are "Be Your Everything", "Life of the Party" and "The First Time".  In September 2012, the band kicked off a U.S Tour in New Hampshire headlining with The All American Rejects which also featured supporting bands such as Parachute and The Ready Set. This two-month nationwide tour, from the east coast to the west, instituted a comeback for the band on the road and on stage. They included mainly some of their older material alongside songs from their EP "Crazy World."  Following the release of "Crazy World", a music video for "Be Your Everything" was created and a lyric video for "Life of the Party" was released as well. Paul has announced that the band has no plans to make any more music videos for "Crazy World".  In August 2016, the band embarked on a tour to celebrate the ten-year anniversary of their self-titled debut album.  In a 2017 interview with "New York City Monthly" about his project The Night Game, Johnson stated the band hasn't broken up and may continue writing and recording.

Side projects and clothing labels.

Early Morning Blues.

On December 26, 2010, it was announced that the band's former bassist Donahue was releasing an EP, "Newest Versions", that contained four exclusive tracks, of the group name "Early Morning Blues". It was recorded by several artists including Joey Heartland, Kevin Sanders, Paul DiGiovanni, Jimmy Welsh, Connor Bissett and Alex Correia.

Black Carbon Custom.

On March 17, 2011, the band's lead guitarist, Paul DiGiovanni, appeared on The Gunz Show and announced that he is starting a new clothing line named "Black Carbon Custom". Up to date, there are only four shirts, "Black Burn", "Bombs", "Burning World" and "Snake", and a hoodie, "Shut Up and Color" released under the clothing label.

The Rebels.

In early 2011, John Keefe, the band's drummer, began collaborating with the Rebels, a Boston-based band. They have now changed their name to "Empire Kids".

Best of Friends.

John Keefe, the band's drummer, and Morgan Dorr, the bassist, collaborated on a side project that began July 2012 but wasn't released until mid April 2013 that consists of them, Ethan Dorr, Allyn Dorr, Kevin Mchugh, Jamel Hawke and Mario Fanizzi. Their new side project is a modern Americana vibe, that began with a small performance for Kevin's wedding. The six-song debut ep was released in three parts.

Country music.

Paul DiGiovanni has been occasionally involved in the genre of country music. He co-wrote Dan + Shay's single "How Not To", which reached No. 1 on Country Airplay in 2017, and produced "Home State", the debut album of singer Jordan Davis.

Musical style.

Stylistically, the band lists its musical influences as a variety of contemporary, emo pop, punk, and alternative rock bands, such as Jimmy Eat World, Blink-182, Secondhand Serenade, Relient K, The Academy Is..., and Dashboard Confessional. While these tendencies are clearly audible in guitarwork and drumming, punk rock influences are far less obvious as far as vocal patterns and lyricism are concerned. Given Johnson's characteristic tenor vocal melodies, the band's all-around sound is geared to late '90s alternative radio rock, along the lines of Vertical Horizon, Goo Goo Dolls, and Eve 6.

Critical reception.

While the online community crowned Boys Like Girls "2006's Fall Out Boy" (in reference to the pop punk band's commercial success with 2005's "From Under the Cork Tree"), album sales were less convincing. Despite promotional front page features (such as Spin's "Artist of the Day" or Absolutepunk.net's "Featured Band" and "Absolute Exclusive: Album Leak"), "Boys Like Girls" scanned a mere 1,472 units within its first week of sales, thus failing to chart the "Billboard" 200. However, continuous touring and promoting helped gaining the record a No. 179 entry into the chart in April 2007. It continued to gain popularity as the single, "The Great Escape", climbed the charts and eventually peaked at No. 55 in August 2007. After nearly falling off the "Billboard" 200, the re-release of the single "Hero/Heroine" jumped the album back up to No. 61 and was certified Gold shortly after.

Band members.

Current members  Former members  Timeline

Boys Like Girls is an American rock band from Boston, Massachusetts. Formed in 2005, the group gained mainstream recognition when it released its self-titled debut album which went on to sell over 700,000 albums in the United States earning a Gold Record from the RIAA. The group's second studio album "Love Drunk", was released on September 8, 2009 and their third album "Crazy World", was released December 11, 2012.

男生爱女生(英语:Boys Like Girls)是一支来自美国马塞诸塞州波士顿的流行摇滚乐团。乐团于2005年成立,在发行首张专辑《爱情初始化》后一举成名。2008年,乐团随狂野夏洛特在美国开启了Soundtrack of Your Summer Tour。2009年9月8日,乐团的第2张录音室专辑《爱昏头》发行。


Early life.

Kaufman was born to a Jewish family in New York City, New York, the son of Ruth ("née" Fried) and Stanley Lloyd Kaufman Sr., a lawyer.

Career.

Early career.

Kaufman graduated from Yale University with the class of 1968, where he majored in Chinese studies. His fellow Yale classmates included Oliver Stone and George W. Bush. Originally intending to become a social worker, he became fast friends with student filmmaker Robert Edelstein and Eric Sherman (son of filmmaker Vincent Sherman), who introduced him to his future lifelong obsession, cinema. Some of Lloyd's favorite filmmakers include John Ford, Kenji Mizoguchi, Ernst Lubitsch, Stan Brakhage and Franklin Schaffner.  In 1966, Lloyd went on a hiatus from his studies and spent a year in Chad for USAID as a pathfinder for the Peace Corps.  Returning to Yale, he produced Robert Edelstein's low-budget film "Rappaccini" and directed his own first feature film, an experimental black and white film titled "The Girl Who Returned". The film was presented at film societies at Yale, Harvard, and other east coast institutions. Following his graduation, Kaufman went on to work for Cannon Films, where he met John G. Avildsen (future Academy Award-winning director of "Rocky" and "The Karate Kid"). The two collaborated for several years, making low-budget films including "Joe" and "Cry Uncle!" During this period, Kaufman also directed and starred in his second feature film, "The Battle of Love's Return", which garnered positive reviews in publications such as "The New York Times", wrote and produced the lesbian thriller "Sugar Cookies" (with Oliver Stone), and wrote and directed another film, the Israeli comedy flop "Big Gus, What's the Fuss?". Kaufman also served as executive in charge of locations for "Saturday Night Fever", and was influential in choosing 2001 Odyssey as the nightclub in the film.  From 1973-1979, Kaufman produced and directed a handful of adult films in New York under the pseudonym "Louis Su". He directed at least three movies: "The Divine Obsession", "The Newcomers" and "Sweet & Sour", and has been credited for producing at least three more.

Troma Studios.

In 1974, Kaufman and his business partner Michael Herz founded Troma Entertainment and began producing and distributing independent action and comedy films. In order to pay the bills, Kaufman did some freelance work for major Hollywood productions, including "Rocky" (edited on Troma's flatbed machines), "Saturday Night Fever", and "The Final Countdown", which he also produced (Kaufman has said that it was his experience on this film that made him never want to deal with a major studio again). From 1979 to 1981, the two wrote, produced and directed a series of profitable "sexy comedies" including "Squeeze Play!", "Waitress!", "Stuck on You!" and "The First Turn-On!". On most of these early films, Kaufman is credited as "Samuel Weil." Kaufman also made a small appearance in "Rocky" and served as the production manager on Louis Malle's "My Dinner With Andre".  In 1985, Troma experienced mainstream success with the violent, darkly comic superhero film "The Toxic Avenger". "Toxic" went on to become Troma's most popular movie, inspiring two sequels, a fourth independent film sequel, a Saturday morning children's television show, comic books and tons of merchandise. The Toxic Avenger, or "Toxie," is now Troma's official mascot.  Kaufman's follow-up to "The Toxic Avenger" was "Class of Nuke 'Em High", which he co-directed with Richard W. Haines. Riding on the success of the "Toxic Avenger", "Nuke 'em" inspired two sequels, a fourth independent film sequel, and a healthy run on late night cable shows such as "USA Up All Night". At one time, "Class of Nuke 'Em High" was the highest-selling VHS for Troma.  Troma's popularity waned after the box office failure of "Troma's War", a contributing factor to the company's collapse as a major film studio, forcing the Kaufman to eventually downsize his business into an independent film studio. Kaufman attributed the film's lack of success to cuts made to the movie after the MPAA refused to release it with an R-rating in its intended form. Troma's attempt to regain its popularity with the superhero satire "Sgt. Kabukiman N.Y.P.D." was unsuccessful, failing to make an impression at the box office. From 1995 to 2000, Kaufman retrofitted the studio into an independent film company, finding success amongst cult movie fans and critics with the independent film "Tromeo and Juliet" (1996), a loose parody of Shakespeare's play. Other independent films that followed were the less successful and poorly reviewed. "Terror Firmer" (1999), a slasher film set on the set of a Troma movie (with Kaufman playing a caricature of himself), and the fourth installment, "" which proved to be an ultimately unsuccessful revival of the series, both films failing to make an impression at the box office.  It would not be long, however, before Troma would once again experience financial hardship, this time after the expensive botched funding of a low-budget video feature titled "Tales from the Crapper", which cost $250,000 despite most of the footage being unusable. Lloyd supervised a reshoot in an attempt to salvage the film, dividing the footage into two parts, and recasting the film as a double-feature. "Tales from the Crapper" was released on DVD in September 2004.  Troma still produces and acquires independent films. Troma Films has distributed many films from third parties including Trey Parker's "Cannibal! The Musical". Lloyd himself encourages independent filmmaking, making cameo appearances in low-budget horror films, often for free. Recent appearances include screen time in former collaborator James Gunn's directing debut, "Slither", as well as Gunn's "Super" and Mark Neveldine and Brian Taylor's "Crank" and "Gamer".  Kaufman's long-time editor Gabriel Friedman co-directed and wrote the screenplay to his follow-up film, "Poultrygeist: Night of the Chicken Dead", a musical zom-com which made its official New York premiere on May 9, 2008 (although the film had previewed numerous times on single screens for over a year). The film opened to positive reviews from "Entertainment Weekly" and "The New York Times". "Poultrygeist" grossed $22,623 in the United States and Canada.  In September 2008, a staged musical version of "The Toxic Avenger" opened at the George Street Playhouse in New Brunswick, New Jersey. Directed by Tony Award winner John Rando, "The Toxic Avenger Musical" features music from Bon Jovi founding member, David Bryan. On September 17, 2009, Kaufman announced he would have a cameo in the remake of the Charles Kaufman/Troma movie "Mother's Day" alongside his brother Charles.  Kaufman is the subject of the forthcoming book "Toxic Schlock: Conversations with Lloyd Kaufman" by Andrew J. Rausch and Chris Watson. An author himself, Kaufman has most recently been working on adding to his "Your Own Damn Movie!" series. Having completed "Make Your Own Damn Movie!", "Direct Your Own Damn Movie!" and "Produce Your Own Damn Movie!", he is now working on "Sell Your Own Damn Movie!".  As of July 2010, Troma is preparing for both the remake of "The Toxic Avenger" by Akiva Goldsman, Richard Saperstein and Charlie Corwin, and the upcoming "Father's Day", a shocking film from Canadian powerhouse "Astron-6" which Troma is producing. Kaufman appeared on the Discovery Channel series, Oddities, on season 3 episode ten.  In 2012, Kaufman starred in the anthology horror film "Horror House", playing Joe the Real Estate Agent in each of the film's five story scenarios.  On April 30, 2013, Kaufman appeared on an episode of "Angry Video Game Nerd", reviewing the video game "Toxic Crusaders" on various consoles. Kaufman also appears in "" as himself, and was interviewed by James Rolfe.  In December 2013, Lloyd Kaufman revealed on the podcast Chimichanga Talk that he found lost behind-the-scenes footage of the film "Rocky". Kaufman directed this footage and it was shot on Super-8. He also stated that he has completed a commentary of the footage and that it will be included in the 40th Anniversary release of "Rocky" on Blu-ray and DVD.  In 2013, Troma premiered "Return to Class of Nuke 'Em High Vol.1" (2013) at the Cannes Film Festival. "Return to Nuke 'Em High: Vol. 1" was a collaboration between Troma and Starz/Anchor Bay, it is also the first film Kaufman has directed on digital. The film has been well received premiering all over the world picking up awards and critical praise along the way. The New York Times stated "Powered by ribald bursts of bad taste and bodily fluids... The overall effect is [sic] joyous." Fangoria said "Return to Nuke 'Em High: Vol. 1 is undeniably funny, brave and so unlike anything else being put out today that it practically demands respect."  The Museum of Modern Art selected "Return to Nuke 'Em High: Vol. 1" as part of its prestigious "Contenders" series - a collection of influential, innovative films made in the past 12 months that are believed will stand the test of time - honoring Kaufman along with such luminaries as David Lynch, Woody Allen, the Coen Brothers, and Sofia Coppola.

Filmography.

As director.

All films from "Waitress" to "Sgt. Kabukiman N.Y.P.D." were co-directed with college friend and Troma Vice President Michael Herz

Stanley Lloyd Kaufman Jr. (born December 30, 1945) is an American film director, producer, screenwriter, and actor. With producer Michael Herz, he is the co-founder of Troma Entertainment film studio, and the director of many of their feature films, such as "The Toxic Avenger" and "Tromeo and Juliet".

小史丹利·劳埃德·考夫曼(英语:Stanley Lloyd Kaufman, Jr.,1945年-12月30日)是一名美国男导演、制片人、编剧与演员,为特罗马电影公司的联合创办人,也是特罗马多部著名电影的导演。他通常将自己的名字发音成"KOFF-man",也曾使用艺名Samuel Weil(其外祖母的名字)。


Background.

World War I took a chaotic turn in 1918 for the Ottoman Empire. With Yudenich's Russian Caucasus Army deserting after the collapse of the Russian Empire, the Ottomans regained ground in Armenia and even pushed into formerly Russian-controlled Caucasus with, at first, Vehip Pasha's Ottoman 3rd Army and, later beginning in June 1918, with Nuri Pasha's Army of Islam which excluded German officers and men. The Caucasus Campaign put the Ottomans at odds with their ally, Germany, which had been hoping to purchase Caucasus oil from the Bolshevik government in Moscow. The Ottomans wanted to establish its eastern borders The Ottoman armies advanced far into Caucasus, gathering supporters as far away as Tashkent, on the eastern side of the Caspian Sea. Additionally, with the Bolsheviks in power in Moscow, chaos spread in Persia, as the Russo-British favoring government of Ahmad Shah Qajar lost authority outside of the capital. In contrast, in Syria, the Ottomans were steadily pushed back by British forces, culminating in the fall of Damascus in October 1918. Hopes were initially high for the Ottomans that their losses in Syria might be compensated with successes in the Caucasus. Enver Pasha, one of the most influential members of the Ottoman government, maintained an optimistic stance, hid information that made the Ottoman position appear weak, and led most of the Ottoman elite to believe that the war was still winnable.  Developments in Southeast Europe quashed the Ottoman government's hopes. The Macedonian front, also known as the Salonika campaign, had been largely stable since 1916. In September 1918, the Allied forces (under the command of Louis Franchet d'Espèrey) mounted a sudden offensive which proved quite successful. The Bulgarian army was defeated, and Bulgaria was forced to sue for peace in the Armistice of Salonica. That undermined both the German and Ottoman cause simultaneously, as the Germans had no troops to spare to defend Austria-Hungary from the newly formed vulnerability in Southeastern Europe after the losses it had suffered in France, and the Ottomans suddenly faced having to defend Constantinople against an overland European siege without help from the Bulgarians.  Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha visited Berlin, Germany, and Sofia, Bulgaria in September 1918. He came away with the understanding that the war was no longer winnable. With Germany likely seeking a separate peace, the Ottomans would be forced to do so as well. Talaat convinced the other members of the ruling party that they must resign, as the Allies would impose far harsher terms if they thought the people who started the war were still in power. He also sought out the United States to see if he could surrender to them and gain the benefits of the Fourteen Points despite the Ottoman Empire and the United States not being at war; however, the Americans never responded, as they were waiting on British advice as to how to respond that never came. On October 13, Talaat and the rest of his ministry resigned. Ahmed Izzet Pasha replaced Talaat as Grand Vizier. Two days after taking office, he sent the captured British General Charles Vere Ferrers Townshend to the Allies to seek terms on an armistice.

Negotiations.

The British cabinet received word of the offer and were eager to negotiate a deal. The standing terms of the alliance was that the first member that was approached for an armistice should conduct the negotiations; the British government interpreted that to mean that Britain conduct the negotiations alone. The motives for this are not entirely clear, whether it was the sincere British interpretation of the alliance terms, fears that the French would insist on over-harsh demands and foil a treaty, or a desire to cut the French out of territorial "spoils" promised to them in the Sykes–Picot Agreement. Townshend also indicated that the Ottomans preferred to deal with the British; he did not know about the American contact or that Talaat had sent an emissary to the French as well but that emissary had been slower to respond back. The British cabinet empowered Admiral Calthorpe to conduct the negotiations with an explicit exclusion of the French from them. They also suggested an armistice rather than a full peace treaty, in the belief that a peace treaty would require the approval of all of the Allied nations and be too slow.  The negotiations began on Sunday, October 27 on HMS "Agamemnon", a British battleship. The British refused to admit French Vice-Admiral Jean Amet, the senior French naval officer in the area, despite his desire to join; the Ottoman delegation, headed by Minister of Marine Affairs Rauf Bey, indicated that it was acceptable as they were accredited only to the British, not the French.  Both sides did not know that the other was actually quite eager to sign a deal and willing to give up some of their objectives to do so. The British delegation had been given a list of 24 demands, but were told to concede on any of them if pressed, except occupation of the forts on the Dardanelles and free passage through the Bosphorus; the British desired access to the Black Sea for the Rumanian front. Prime Minister David Lloyd George also wanted to make a deal quickly before the United States could step in; according to the diary of Maurice Hankey:  The Ottoman authorities, for their part, believed the war to be lost and would have accepted almost any demands placed on them. As a result, the initial draft prepared by the British was accepted largely unchanged; the Ottoman side did not know it could have pushed back on most of the clauses, and the British did not know they could have demanded even more. Still, the terms were largely pro-British and close to an outright surrender; the Ottoman Empire ceded the rights to the Allies to occupy "in case of disorder" any Ottoman territory, a vague and broad clause.  The French were displeased with the precedent; French Premier Georges Clemenceau disliked the British making unilateral decisions in so important a matter. Lloyd George countered that the French had concluded a similar armistice on short notice in the Armistice of Salonica, which had been negotiated by French General d'Esperey and that Great Britain (and Tsarist Russia) had committed the vast majority of troops to the campaign against the Ottoman Empire. The French agreed to accept the matter as closed. The Ottoman educated public, however, was given misleadingly positive impressions of the severity of the terms of the Armistice. They thought its terms were considerably more lenient than they actually were, a source of discontent later when it seemed that the Allies had violated the offered terms during the Turkish War of Independence.

Aftermath.

The Armistice of Mudros officially brought hostilities to an end between the Allies and the Ottoman Empire. However, incursions by the Italians and Greeks into Anatolia in the name of "restoring order" soon came close to an outright partition of the country. The Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 officially partitioned the Ottoman Empire into zones of influence; however, the Turkish War of Independence (1919–23) saw the rejection of the treaty by Turkish nationalist forces based in Ankara, who eventually took control of the Anatolian Peninsula. Ottoman territory in Syria, Palestine, and Arabia stayed as distributed by the Treaty of Sèvres while the borders of the Turkish nation-state were set by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.

The Armistice of Mudros (), concluded on 30 October 1918, ended the hostilities, at noon the next day, in the Middle Eastern theatre between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies of World War I. It was signed by the Ottoman Minister of Marine Affairs Rauf Bey and the British Admiral Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe, on board HMS "Agamemnon" in Moudros harbor on the Greek island of Lemnos.

穆兹罗斯停战协定(;希腊语:Συνθήκη του Μούδρου;英语:Armistice of Mudros)是第一次世界大战中东战场的停战协定,由奥斯曼帝国与代表协约国的英国在1918年10月30日于爱琴海中央利姆诺斯岛的穆兹罗斯签订。


Location.

The ghetto was located outside the city walls east of the medieval city wall (Staufenmauer) and formed a slight curve from today's Konstablerwache to Börneplatz, near the river Main. The street was about 330 meters long, three to four meters wide, and had three town gates. The gates were locked at night as well as on Sundays and Christian holidays. Due to

History before the creation of the Ghetto.

It is likely that Jews were amongst the earliest inhabitants of Frankfurt. On January 18, 1074, Henry IV granted the citizens and Jews of Worms, the ShUM-cities and other locations, including Frankfurt, certain privileges relating to reductions in fees and import duties. Eighty years later the Mainz based Rabbi Elieser ben Nathan (who died between 1145 and 1152) mentioned the Jewish community in Frankfurt in his book "Eben ha Eser". Most likely the community was still very small at this point.  Until the Late Middle Ages, the Frankfurt Jews lived in the present-day old city, between the Saint Bartholomew's Cathedral, "Fahrgasse" and the Main River. This prosperous section of the city was also the center of political life in Frankfurt. The town hall, the mint and a mansion of the Archbishop of Mainz were located in this area. During this time the Frankfurt Jews were allowed to travel throughout the city, which was an unusual freedom in the Holy Roman Empire. Additionally, many non-Jews lived in the Jewish section of town.

The first "Judenschlacht" of 1241.

In May 1241, a pogrom, known as the "Judenschlacht" (from the German; "Slaughter of the Jews") took place in Frankfurt, brought on by conflicts over Jewish-Christian marriages and the enforced baptism of children of such marriages. The Erfurt Dominican Friars recorded that a few Christians and 180 Jews died during the pogrom. It also records that 24 Jews avoided death by accepting baptism, while under the protection of the city fathers. During the attacks, the synagogue was plundered and the Torah scrolls were destroyed. All of this occurred despite the fact that the Jews had been protected by the Holy Roman Emperor, Frederick II since 1236, and had a royal appointee running much of the city government.  It seems possible that the "Judenschlacht"

The second "Judenschlacht" of 1349.

By the 14th century, Frankfurt was granted the status of a Free Imperial City by the Emperor Ludwig the Bavarian and Charles IV. As a Free Imperial City, Frankfurt was only responsible to the Holy Roman Emperor and not to local princes. The city operated as a virtual City-state with limited control from the Emperor. This new wealth and freedom led to the total domination of city government by a few wealthy patricians.  In the mid-14th century, renewed violence was directed against the Frankfurt Jews. Ludwig the Bavarian (Luis IV) arrested some members of the Jewish community for alleged crimes. Reacting to the arrests, many local Jews fled the city. The Frankfurt Jews had paid a special tax to the Emperor for his protection and support. When a large number fled the city, he lost a source of income. To make up for this loss, he confiscated houses of those who had fled and sold them to the city of Frankfurt. Those who returned to the city were allowed by the Emperor to negotiate with the city of Frankfurt to repurchase their belongings.  In June 1349 the Emperor Charles IV transferred the special Jewish

The reestablishment of the Jewish community.

In 1360 the Emperor again granted the right for a Jewish settlement in Frankfurt. The Emperor claimed the right to taxes raised from the newly resettled population. The right to half the taxes was then sold to the Archbishop of Mainz, who then sold the rights to Frankfurt. An Imperial representative was sent to Frankfurt to collect the taxes and safeguard the rights of the Jews. In 1372 the city purchased the office from the Emperor for 6,000 marks. This put the control of Jewish taxes back to the city.  By the end of 14th century, the Jewish community had grown large enough to establish a new synagogue, where the Jews participated in services, conducted business, swore judicial oaths, and

The Jewish Code of Residence (German: "Judenstättigkeit").

The term "Judenstättigkeit" refers to the set of special regulations which defined the rights and restrictions applicable to a Jewish resident from the Middle Ages to the 19th century.Before the slaughter of the Jewish community in 1349, Frankfurt's Jews were listed in its "Burgerlisten" (German, lit. "Citizens List", a list of people who lived in the city and were granted any rights and privileges due to that

Crisis and growth of the community in the 15th century.

In the 14th century, Frankfurt lacked a powerful mercantile upper class. Despite the fair, which already existed, trade was less established in Frankfurt than in other German cities. Therefore, many Frankfurt Jews worked as bankers and provided loans to craftsmen, farmers, and nobles from the area surrounding Frankfurt. As a side business, they often bought and sold pawned goods. This led to a small trade in horses, wine, and grain as well as cloth, dresses, and jewelry. Because of the limited market, these enterprises remained small. Based on the amount of tax paid by the Frankfurt Jews, the wealth of the community was inferior to that of the Jewish communities in Nuremberg, Erfurt, Mainz or Regensburg.  At the end of the 14th century, the Frankfurt Jews were subject to increased restrictions. Legislation of 1386 forbade the employment of Christians and restricted the number of Jewish servants in a household. A general "Jewish Debt Amnesty" issued by Emperor Wenceslaus essentially disowned the Jewish money lenders to

The Frankfurt Ghetto.

Leading up to the Ghetto.

By 1431 the town council considered options for dealing with the Jews. Since the town was often in conflict with either the emperor or the Archbishop of Mainz over the Jewish population, this had become a pressing issue. The council debated the creation of a ghetto in both 1432 and 1438 without reaching a conclusion. In 1442 the Emperor Frederick III ordered the resettlement of all Jews living near the cathedral,

Construction of the Ghetto.

After another order from the Emperor Frederick III, in 1458, the council finally began building houses outside the city wall and moat. In 1462 the Jews were forced to relocate into these houses. This was the beginning of the isolated and closed off ghetto. In 1464 the city established eleven houses, one dance hall, two pubs, and a community center at its own expense. The cold bath and synagogue were built by the Jewish community.  This first ghetto synagogue, known as the "Altschul" (German “old school”), was built on the east side of the "Judengasse". As any synagogue, this was used for more than just religious services. It was also the social center of the community where members could carry out many everyday activities. This close connection between religious and everyday life was common in ghetto life. The creation of the ghetto and the corresponding isolation created a sense of self-sufficiency in the Jewish community. Within the synagogue Jewish leaders were selected, regulations from the Rabbis were issued,

Life in the ghetto.

The ghetto remained a very crowded section of town owing to both rapid population growth and the refusal of Frankfurt's municipal authorities to allow the ghetto's area to expand.  Virtually every facet of life was regulated by the council's regulations pertaining to the Jewish community. For example, Jews were not allowed to leave the ghetto during nights, Sundays, Christian holidays or during the election and coronation of the Holy Roman Emperor. In addition to isolating the Jews, these

The rabbinical conference of 1603.

The Jewish community of Frankfurt was one of the most important in Germany in the 16th century. A Talmudic Academy had been established where the halakhic rabbis taught. Additionally, Kabbalahic works were printed in the ghetto. Whenever the Jewish communities of Germany collected money for the poor Jews in Palestine, the money was sent to Frankfurt for transferal.  The central role of Frankfurt's Jews in Jewish spiritual life is best illustrated in the Rabbinical Conference held in Frankfurt in 1603. Many of the most important

The Fettmilch Rising.

Tensions between the patricians and the guilds led to the 1614 Fettmilch Rising, named after its ringleader, Vincenz Fettmilch. During the riot, the "Judengasse" was attacked and looted, and the Jews were expelled from the city.  The tension was caused by the demand of the guilds for greater participation in urban and fiscal policies. The guilds wanted a reduction in grain prices, as well as some anti-Jewish regulations, such as a limitation in the number of Jews and a

The Jewish Code of Residence of 1616.

As a reaction to the Fettmilch Rebellion, a new set of regulations were issued in 1616. However, these laws, originating with the Imperial Commissioners from Hessen and the Mainz palatinate (Kurmainz), were based largely on anti-Semitic attitudes and did little to support the rights of the Jewish community.  The regulations determined that no more than 500 Jewish families live in Frankfurt. In the 60 years before the pogrom, the Jewish population had increased tenfold from 43 to 453. The law now put an upper limit on the growth that was allowed in the Jewish community. Jewish marriages were limited to 12 per year, whilst Christians had to prove only that their wealth allowed a marriage.  In business the Jews were broadly granted the same rights that Christian non-citizen residents had. These non-citizen rights, which had evolved during the Middle

The Great Ghetto Fire of 1711.

On January 14, 1711, one of the largest fires that ever occurred in Frankfurt broke out in the "Judengasse". The fire started at about 8 p.m. in the House "Eichel" (German: Acorn) owned by the senior Rabbi Naphtali Cohen. The house was one of the largest in the ghetto, with a frontage of 9.5 meters (30 ft) and was located directly opposite to the synagogue. Strong winds and the density of the buildings spread the fire. Additionally, the timber-framed construction of houses, the general lack of fire walls and the corbelled upper floors allowed the fire to race through the ghetto.  Out of fear of looting, the gates to the ghetto were locked. The neighboring Christians finally allowed the Jews to flee the burning ghetto when it appeared that the fire would spread if it could not be contained. Even with the additional firefighting help the residents were unable to save the ghetto. Within 24 hours every house had burned to the ground. Fortunately,

The Ghetto Fire of 1721.

Only ten years later, a second fire broke out in the ghetto on January 28, 1721. Within eleven hours, the entire northern part of the lane was in flames. Over 100 houses burned down and some houses were looted and damaged by Christian inhabitants. Due to the damage and theft, Emperor Charles VI demanded the town council

The Bombardment of 1796.

In July 1796 troops under Jean Baptiste Kléber besieged Frankfurt. As the city was garrisoned with Austrian troops, Kléber positioned his troops to attack the garrison. The French army's cannons were positioned north of the city between the Eschenheimer Gate and the All Saints Gate. Kléber hoped to make the Austrian Commander von Wartensleben surrender by bombarding the

The end of the ghetto.

Frankfurt was one of the last cities in Europe to allow the Jews to leave the ghetto. The Frankfurt city council was generally anti-semitic. In 1769 the council responded to a Jewish petition to leave the ghetto on Sunday afternoons as "... an example of the unbounded arrogance of this people, who expend every effort to take all opportunities to set themselves up as equals to the Christian citizens."  In 1779 the drama "Nathan the Wise" by Gotthold Lessing, a fervent plea for religious tolerance, was published. The Frankfurt town council immediately banned the book and any copies found were confiscated. Frankfurt's Jews intensely lobbied both the Emperor and the German Parliament in Regensburg for an improvement

The Ghetto in the 19th and early 20th centuries.

Following the end of the Confederation of the Rhine and reestablishment of the Free City of Frankfurt in 1816, the Senate agreed upon a series of articles to the Constitution. Acknowledging the desires of the Christian majority, the rights of the Jews were again curtailed. However, the requirement to live in the Ghetto was not renewed. In 1864 Frankfurt became the second German city, following the Grand Duchy of Baden (1862), to remove all restrictions on citizens' rights and to grant civic equality to Jews.  Due to the crowded and unsanitary conditions on the "Judengasse" most Jews had left the former ghetto during the 19th century and settled in the neighboring suburb, "Ostend". After the Jews had moved out of the "Judengasse", the poor of Frankfurt moved in. Although the picturesque streetscape attracted tourists and painters, the city wanted to redevelop the urban area. So, in 1874

Remnants of the Ghetto.

Following the destruction of World War II, the area was completely leveled and built over. From 1952 to 1955 roads were built including the Kurt-Schumacher-Straße (named after Kurt Schumacher) and Berliner Straße. Börneplatz (which would not return to this name until 1978) became the location of the Blumengroßmarkthalle (German: Flower wholesale market) which disappeared in the 1970s. Börne Street was not rebuilt, which makes it nearly impossible to identify the "Judengasse".  The northern half of the current road "An der Staufenmauer" south of the "Konstablerwache" basically follows the northern end of Börne Street and the former "Judengasse". Along this road the last remnants of the old wall that made up the west side of the ghetto can be seen. The wide "Kurt Schumacher" Street cuts across a section of the former "Judengasse" at an angle and covers much of the former ghetto. The main synagogue is in "Kurt Schumacher" Street opposite to the junction of "Allerheiligen" Street. A memorial plaque on the synagogue indicates the location of Number 41 "Judengasse".  The south end of the "Judengasse" is under the Customer Service Center for the Frankfurt Public Utilities, which was built in 1990. This south end is accessible from the "Museum Judengasse".

Museum Judengasse.

In the 1980s, during the construction of the new Administration Building for the city's Public Utilities, portions of the Mikwe (ritual bath) and several foundations of Jewish houses were discovered. This led to a nationwide debate on the future of these remnants of Jewish culture. In 1992, the

Kristallnacht.

Most of the synagogues in Frankfurt were severely damaged or destroyed by the Nazis on "Kristallnacht". These included the synagogues at Alt Heddernheim 33, Börneplatz, Börnestraße, Conrad-Weil-Gasse, Freiherr-vom-Stein-Straße, Friedberger Anlage 5-6, Hermesweg 5-7, Inselgasse 9, Marktplatz (Ortsteil Höchst), Obermainanlage 8, Ostendstraße 18, Rechneigrabenstraße 5 (Niederhofheim'sche Synagoge), Schloßstraße 5, and Unterlindau

Jewish Cemetery on Battonnstraße.

A further witness to the Jewish ghetto is the large (11,850 m or 2.93 acres) Jewish Cemetery along the modern "Battonnstraße". First mentioned in 1180, the cemetery had served the Jewish community until 1828. The oldest graves date from about 1270, which makes the Frankfurt Jewish Cemetery the second oldest in Germany (after Worms). The best known grave in the cemetery is Mayer Amschel Rothschild's tomb.  From 1828 until 1929 Jews were buried in the Jewish Cemetery,

Further reading.

Note: The following are all in German:

The Frankfurter Judengasse ("Jews' Lane" in German) was the Jewish ghetto of Frankfurt and one of the earliest ghettos in Germany. It existed from 1462 until 1811 and was home to Germany's largest Jewish community in early modern times.

法兰克福犹太巷(德语:Frankfurter Judengasse)是德国和法兰克福最早的犹太隔都之一。它存在于1462年到1811年,是近代早期德国最大的犹太社区。


Biography.

Schopper was born in Lanškroun, Bohemia, to a family of Austrian descent. He obtained his diploma and doctorate from the University of Hamburg studying under Wilhelm Lenz and Rudolf Fleischmann. In 1950-51 he was a research assistant with Lise Meitner at Stockholm and in 1956-57 at the Cavendish Laboratory under Otto Robert Frisch.  During these fellowships, Schopper worked on nuclear physics and contributed substantially to the evidence of parity violation in weak interactions. He measured the circular polarization of gamma rays following a beta decay, thought unfeasible by Lee and Yang, and showed in the same experiment that the helicities of neutrino and antineutrino are opposite. Later, he was involved in an experiment to test time reversal symmetry. In 1956, he followed Fleischmann to the University of Erlangen where he continued to do research in optics and solid-state physics, with emphasis on thin metal layers, which he had started at Hamburg. Also he developed, along with Clausnitzer, the first source of polarised protons. In 1957 he became Privatdozent at the University of Erlangen.  From 1958 to 1961, Schopper was an Associate Professor at the University of Mainz where he established the Institute for Experimental Nuclear Physics. In 1960-61 he worked under Robert R. Wilson at Cornell University to be introduced to elementary particle physics, namely the use of electron scattering to study the structure of the proton and neutron.  Schopper was appointed Professor at the University of Karlsruhe in 1961 and Director of the newly established Institutes for Experimental Nuclear Physics of TH Karlsruhe and the Karlsruhe Nuclear Research Centre. In order to continue his research on electron scattering he set up a group to carry out one of the first experiments at DESY. He also created a group at CERN to investigate neutron scattering at high energies at the Proton Synchrotron (PS) and Intersecting Storage Rings (ISR). These experiments where then continued at the Institute for High Energy Physics (IHEP) in Serpukhov, Russia. The group made important contributions to the study of neutron-proton and neutron-nuclei scattering cross sections. For this purpose, the first hadron calorimeter was developed and optimised by Monte Carlo simulations. Another group at Karlsruhe developed the first superconducting high frequency cavities in Europe, a technology which was transferred to CERN for particle separators and later for particle acceleration at LEP.  At CERN, he was a Research Associate in 1966-67, became Division Leader of the Nuclear Physics Division in 1970, member of the Directorate responsible for the Co-ordination of the Experimental Programme until 1973 and Chairman of the ISR Committee from 1973 to 1976.  In 1973 Schopper became Professor at the University of Hamburg and the Chairman of the Directorate of DESY, serving until end of 1980. He was responsible for the installation of the ARGUS detector at DORIS which later resulted in the first evidence of B – B bar mixing. Also, by establishing HASYLAB at DORIS synchrotron light science became an important branch of research at DESY. He proposed and completed the construction of the electron-positron collider PETRA which led to the discovery and study of the gluon. During his mandate, DESY, a national laboratory became as far as science was concerned an international particle physics laboratory. This included the start of the first collaboration with China.  From 1977 to 1979, Schopper was Chairman of the Association of the German Large Research Centres (now Helmholtz Association) and member of various advisory bodies of the Federal Ministry of Research, the Deutsche Forschungs Gemeinschaft and the Max Planck Society.  After being member of the Scientific Policy Committee at CERN, Schopper was elected Director General and served from 1981 to 1988. His first task was to unite the two CERN laboratories existing at that time under two Directors General. The Large Electron–Positron Collider (LEP) was also proposed and constructed under his leadership. This facility allowed the verification of the standard model of particle physics, namely that it is a renormalizable field theory, leading to the award of the Nobel Prize to the theoreticians Veltman and t’Hooft. Furthermore, it enabled the precise determination of fundamental parameters of the electroweak force, such as the W± and Z masses, and proved the existence of three neutrino families. Thus, this particle accelerator transformed high energy physics into a field of precision measurements and provided estimates to the mass of the top quark, Higgs boson and other supersymmetric and hypothetical particles. LEP was approved under the condition of a reduced and constant budget with the consequence that some unique activities at CERN (e.g. ISR) had to be abandoned. Schopper was obliged to introduce a new way of international collaboration for the four LEP experiments since CERN could not provide funds for them. The experiments became rather independent activities organised in a rather democratic way bringing together hundreds of scientists from many universities and national organisations. The LEP experiments became a model for the later LHC experiments, shaping the way this organization works today. He contributed to the globalisation of research at CERN and was also responsible for the return of Spain and Portugal in the CERN’s member states.  Schopper is Professor Emeritus at the University of Hamburg since 1989. From 1992 to 1994 he was President of the German Physical Society and President of the European Physical Society in 1995-97. For many years he was Member of the Scientific Council of the Joint Institute for Nuclear Research in Dubna and of the Board of Trustees of the Max Planck Institute for Plasma Physics in Garching.  At UNESCO, he served as Member of the Physics Action Council and Chairman of the Working Group on Large Facilities, President of the Scientific Council of the Regional Office for Science and Technology ROSTE of UNESCO in Venice (2001-2002) and in 2003-2009 he was the Chairman of the International Advisory Committee for the International Basic Science Programs.  Schopper’s vision of science without borders resulted in him becoming a founding father of SESAME, the laboratory for Synchrotron-Light for Experimental Science and Applications in the Middle East, which provides an extremely bright light source to investigate a broad range of domains from condensed matter to biology and archeology. In 1999-2008 he became President of the Preliminary International Council and later, after the formal foundation of SESAME, of the International Council. Without his dedication this international research facility would probably not have been built. SESAME was founded analogous to CERN, under the umbrella of UNESCO, with presently nine member states: Bahrain, Cyprus, Egypt, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Pakistan, the Palestinian Authority and Turkey. It provides an environment where countries with different political systems, traditions, religions and mentalities are able to work together peacefully.  Schopper is a Founding member of The Cyprus Institute at Nicosia, Cyprus, and since 2000 Member of the Board of Trustees and was Chairman of the Scientific Council and Member of the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees of the Cyprus Institute.  Currently, he works as an advisor and goodwill ambassador on science for peace. He writes articles about research policy, science and religion and also science and society.

Honours and awards.

Honorary academic degrees.

Schopper received honorary doctoral degrees from: University of Erlangen, Moscow State University, University of Geneva, University of London, Joint Institute for Nuclear Research (Dubna), Institute for High Energy Physics (Protvino) and The Cyprus Institute (Nicosia).

Publications and books.

Scientific publications.

Schopper wrote more than 200 original publications in optics, nuclear physics, elementary particle physics and accelerator technology. Some of the most important works are:

Herwig Franz Schopper (born 28 February 1924), is an experimental physicist and was the Director General of CERN from 1981 to 1988.

赫维希·弗朗茨·朔佩尔(,1924年-2月28日),实验物理学家,1981年至1988年担任欧洲核子研究中心总干事。


社会主义联盟 (澳大利亚)

History.

Formation and growth.

Socialist Alliance was founded in 2001 as a loose alliance of socialist organisations and individuals. The project was initiated by the Democratic Socialist Perspective and the International Socialist Organisation. Seven other organisations were included in the initial exploratory meeting: the Freedom Socialist Party, Socialist Alternative, Socialist Democracy, Worker-communist Party of Iraq, Workers League, Worker's Liberty, and Worker's Power. The aim of the merger was to create greater left unity in the aftermath of the S11 protests of the World Economic Forum in Melbourne on 11–13 September 2000.  Many non-aligned socialists were attracted by the idea of left unity, and soon after its formation Socialist Alliance grew to a point where a majority of its members were not members of any of the affiliate organisations.

Debate on form.

In response to this growth, the Democratic Socialist Perspective and many non-aligned members won a majority at successive national conferences for measures that would move Socialist Alliance in the direction of becoming a united socialist party, rather than simply an alliance of groups and individuals.  Most of the affiliate organisations, however, in particular the International Socialist Organisation, preferred to keep Socialist Alliance as a broad left-wing electoral front for socialist organisations and individuals.  In late 2003, the Democratic Socialist Party resolved to become "a Marxist tendency in the Socialist Alliance", renaming itself the "Democratic Socialist Perspective" as a step towards turning the Socialist Alliance into a "Multi-Tendency Socialist Party". This move was supported by some 75% of conference delegates at Socialist Alliance's national conference that year, although other affiliates remained opposed.  The 2005 National Conference saw the emergence of a number of particularly sharp political differences. These centred on: the extent to which Socialist Alliance should criticise the Australian Labor Party; whether the organisation should have a formal relationship with the newspaper associated with the Democratic Socialist perspective, "Green Left Weekly", as a step towards Socialist Alliance itself having its own newspaper; and whether non-aligned members should have an automatic majority on the organisation's national executive.

Mergers and withdrawals.

Following this conference three of the leading members of a "Non-Aligned Caucus" and most of the active affiliate organisations gradually withdrew from the Socialist Alliance. The "Non Aligned Caucus" was an "ad hoc" grouping of members who weren't aligned to any affiliated organisation which formed in the lead up to the 2003 national conference.  In 2006, Workers Power left the Alliance. In 2007, the International Socialist Organisation also left.  In January 2010, the Democratic Socialist Perspective voted to merge into the Socialist Alliance, in effect ceasing to exist as an affiliate organisation.  In September 2012 the Socialist Alliance initiated unity discussions with Socialist Alternative, the other main group on the Australian far-left. At the time, Socialist Alternative were in unity discussions with the Revolutionary Socialist Party (Australia) which led to a merger in early 2013.  After approximately a year of leadership discussions, joint forums and participation by Socialist Alliance at Socialist Alternative's "Marxism" conference, the Socialist Alternative leadership publicly announced that they were pulling out unity discussions in November 2013, but remained open to ongoing collaboration. Socialist Alternative claimed the Socialist Alliance's approach to a transitional program and electoral politics was "not sufficiently similar to carry through a sustained and productive unity."  While the Socialist Alliance welcomed the opportunity for ongoing collaboration, it was critical of Socialist Alternative's reasons for withdrawal. Leading Socialist Alliance member Dave Holmes accused the Socialist Alternative of "sticking with its very narrow, propagandist view of socialist politics" rather than seeking to unite to appeal to socialists more broadly. The Socialist Alliance published the full correspondence on the unity discussions in its discussion bulletin, "Alliance Voices".  At its national conference in 2014, the socialist youth organisation Resistance voted to merge with the Socialist Alliance and become its official youth organisation. The new organisation renamed itself Resistance: Young Socialist Alliance.  Resistance elects its own leadership body to coordinate the party's youth work and organise its youth conference, Radical Ideas.

Victorian Socialists.

On the 5th of February 2018, it was announced that Socialist Alliance, the Socialist Alternative, community activists and trade unionists would work together to form an electoral alliance named the Victorian Socialists in order to contest the 2018 Victorian state election. The leading candidates for the Northern Metropolitan Region included Yarra councillor Stephen Jolly, and also featured Moreland councillor Sue Bolton (Socialist Alliance) and asbestos lawyer Colleen Bolger (Socialist Alternative). Socialist Alliance's Tim Gooden, former Geelong Trades Hall Secretary and CFMEU organiser, led the ticket for the Western Victoria Region. Although the party gained 4.6% of the vote, the highest of any minor party in the Northern Metropolitan Region, it failed to win a seat following preference deals.  The Victorian Socialists ran candidates in the electorates of Calwell, Wills, and Cooper during the 2019 federal election, gaining 4.6%, 4.5%, and 4.2% of the vote respectively.

Branches and membership numbers.

In addition to having branches in major capital cities Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth, Adelaide, Canberra, and Hobart, the Socialist Alliance also maintains branches in and around a number of regional centres, including in Newcastle, Armidale, Darwin, Fremantle, and Geelong. The Socialist Alliance also has individual members spread across rural and regional Australia.  The Socialist Alliance is a registered political party at a federal level, and annually maintains electoral registration in New South Wales and in Victoria.  Federal registration requires 500 members, Victorian registration also requires 500 members in Victoria, and 750 members are needed for NSW registration.  These figures reflect electorally registered members, however, and may not be an accurate measure of active or financial membership. A Socialist Alliance Perspectives resolution published in "Alliance Voices" in February 2012, suggests a membership figure of approximately 600, making it the largest organisation on the Australian far-left - approximately twice the size of the next-largest group, Socialist Alternative.  Socialist Alliance members are generally organised in branches of at least 7 financial members, however the party Constitution allows for “at large” members living in areas with no nearby branch structure to join.

Publications.

The Socialist Alliance website carries all of the organisation's press releases, public statements and articles by members, as well as the Constitution and a detailed set of policy documents. Socialist Alliance local councillors Sam Wainwright and Sue Bolton also maintain the individual websites (Sam's Freo Report and Sue's Moreland Report).  In addition to material published on the party website, in 2012 the Socialist Alliance produced a draft programmatic document called "Towards a Socialist Australia", which was made available both online and in print form. This was not intended to be a final document, but rather as a means of starting “a broad discussion about socialism we will advance and further unite the socialist movement in Australia.”  The Socialist Alliance internal discussion bulletin Alliance Voices is published online and is publicly available as a downloadable file on an "ad hoc" basis.  The newspaper "Green Left Weekly" – which is politically associated with the Socialist Alliance – runs a weekly Socialist Alliance column called "Our Common Cause". The Socialist Alliance also has a close working relationship with "Links – International Journal of Socialist Renewal". The Brisbane local newspaper "The Westender" has also run a column written by the Socialist Alliance, and its members have been published on sites such as ABC's "The Drum" and "Online Opinion".  For around one year the Socialist Alliance published a quarterly journal, "Seeing Red", the final issue of which came out in March 2006.  The Socialist Alliance and its members have also published a large number of pamphlets and books, primarily through Resistance Books, on a range of historical, political and social justice issues.

Grassroots campaigning.

While Socialist Alliance, its affiliates and non-aligned members continue to put forward and argue for socialist politics in the electoral arena, the organisation places a stronger emphasis on building successful grassroots campaigns as a way of promoting socialist politics. In the recent unity discussions with Socialist Alternative, the Socialist Alliance re-emphasised its support for this “transitional method” towards campaigns, arguing that campaign work is key to leading people to understanding the need to transform the whole capitalist system.  Socialist Alliance has been involved in a broad range of campaigns since its formation, reflecting both its own developing political orientation, as well as the activities and politics of its affiliates. These include in trade union movement, education, and climate change movements, as well as numerous other grass roots campaigns including refugee rights, same-sex marriage rights, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander rights, climate change, and international solidarity with movements such as the Palestinian struggle for national self-determination, the Bolivarian Revolution in Latin America, and social-justice and pro-democracy movements in South East Asia.

Industrial.

Socialist Alliance places great importance on strengthening the union movement, with members active in a range of unions including, amongst others, the Australian Services Union, the Australian Education Union, the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union, the Australian Nursing Federation, the Community and Public Sector Union, the Construction, Forestry, Mining and Energy Union, the Electrical Trades Union, the Finance Sector Union, the National Tertiary Education Union, the National Union of Workers, the New South Wales Teachers Federation, the Rail, Tram and Bus Industry Union, the Transport Workers Union and United Voice.  In line with its criticism that the ALP is holding back and bureaucratising the union movement, Socialist Alliance encourages workers and unions to become independent of the ALP, to strengthen democracy in the unions and to set up a "new workers' party". However, it also works alongside rank-and-file union members on industrial campaigns, regardless of political affiliation.  In 2005 and 2006, the Socialist Alliance initiated and helped organise trade union "fight-back" conferences, in response to the Federal Government's "WorkChoices" legislation, attracting hundreds of union militants and members of other socialist groups. The Socialist Alliance was involved in the Your Rights at Work campaign against WorkChoices that followed, as well as the campaign to abolish the Australian Building and Construction Commission (ABCC).  Socialist Alliance has been highly critical of the Australian Labour Party's industrial policy for not returning enough rights to workers and for retaining the ABCC, describing the Rudd government's Fair Work Australia as little more than "WorkChoices-lite".  Notable Socialist Alliance trade union leaders have included Chris Cain, Western Australian State Secretary of the Maritime Union of Australia; Tim Gooden, former secretary of the Geelong Trades and Labour Council; and Craig Johnston, former Victorian State Secretary of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union, who was jailed for 9 months in 2004 after an industrial dispute at Johnson Tiles in 2001.

Anti-war and civil liberties.

Socialist Alliance is opposed to US and Australian military interventions such as the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Socialist Alliance, its affiliates and members played a central role in the campaigns against these wars in 2001 and 2013. Socialist Alliance also played a leading role in founding the Stop the War Coalition in a number of cities, and organising protests in the years that followed.  Socialist Alliance members are also active in promoting the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign against Israel.  Socialist Alliance opposes the "war on terror", claiming that it leads to increased racism against Arab and Muslim communities, and to government policies that threaten civil liberties. Socialist Alliance members were central to organising the protests in Sydney against APEC in 2007, and the visit of Pope Benedict XVI in 2008, in the face of increased police powers that were heavily criticised for violating civil liberties.  The party conducts this work alongside other activist and community groups as well as individual activists in broader coalitions like the Stop the War Coalition, and the Gaza Defence Committee.

The environment.

Socialist Alliance is involved in a variety of campaigns around environmental issues, most notably climate change, helping to organise the 2006 Walk Against Warming rallies in some cities, and producing detailed policies on combating climate change which have been created through an open wiki process with broad membership input. Since the 2007 Federal Election, the environmental website VoteClimate has rated Socialist Alliance environmental policy number 1 (ahead of the Greens).  Socialist Alliance members also helped to organise the Climate Action Summit in Canberra on 31 January – 1 February 2009, and is involved in building the new national Climate Action Network that grew out of that summit.  Socialist Alliance argues that no solution to the crisis caused by global warming is possible without overthrowing capitalism, and criticises "market mechanisms" such as carbon trading as being unworkable, profit-driven and reinforcing the capitalist relations that it alleges caused the pollution to begin with.

Indigenous rights.

Socialist Alliance has played a role in recent campaigns for justice for indigenous Australians, particularly around the inquiries into the deaths-in-custody of TJ Hickey in Redfern and Mulrunji Doomadgee on Palm Island. In the case of Mulrunji, leading indigenous activist, academic and Socialist Alliance member Sam Watson played a key role in organising the protests that led to the re-opening of the inquiry.  Socialist Alliance also opposes the Federal Government's Northern Territory intervention, and helped to organise the 12 February 2008 protests outside Parliament House in Canberra.

Anti-racism and immigrants rights.

Socialist Alliance has been able to build growing support among some ethnic community sectors in urban Australia such as among Somali youth, the Tamil community and from within the Latin American community. In the latter case, the Socialist Alliance has been an active supporter of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela and is affiliated to the Australia Venezuela Solidarity Network.  Socialist Alliance members have also been involved in the struggle for refugee rights, opposing mandatory detention of illegal immigrants, and calling for Australia to pursue a more humane policy on refugees.

Public services.

Socialist Alliance advocate the provision of quality public services by all levels of government, calling for increased funding in public education, healthcare, housing and transport. They also advocate expanding the public sector with the nationalisation of large multinational corporations. Furthermore, the party calls for capitalist enterprises that have received taxpayer-subsidies to either repay their subsidies back to the taxpayers in full or be nationalised without compensation.  Socialist Alliance is involved in campaigns against privatisation like those planned by the New South Wales Government (for example electricity and prisons), alongside the Greens, unions, ALP members and community groups. They maintain that all privatisations must be reversed with nationalisation.

Social justice.

Socialist Alliance is also active in a number of other social justice campaigns, including LGBTI rights, women's liberation, welfare rights, and prison reform, as well as around local issues. After an editorial by OUTinPerth accusing socialists of taking over the movement for equal marriage rights, prominent LGBTIQ campaigner and Socialist Alliance member Farida Iqbal issued a reply arguing that the Socialist Alliance and others had played a prominent role in the Australian movement for marriage equality since it began in 2004.

International solidarity.

The party also places a large emphasis on international socialist solidarity. It is actively involved in supporting many left-wing movements around the world, such as those relating to Venezuela and the Bolivarian Revolution in Latin America, Palestinian resistance, Kurdish self-determination in North Syria. Socialist Alliance also actively campaigns in solidarity with international pro-democracy movements as far ranging as Latin America, the Middle East, Western Sahara, Zimbabwe, South East Asia, and elsewhere.

Election results.

While the Socialist Alliance participates in elections, standing candidates at a range of levels, it does not see electoral politics as the most important vehicle for building socialism. Rather, it sees its participation in elections not as a way “to "represent" people's movements, but as a way to strengthen them and help them win their demands.” Socialist Alliance candidates also pledge to take only an average wage if elected, donating the remainder into the social movements.

Federal.

The Socialist Alliance first campaigned in the 2001 federal election, however, candidates were listed as independents on the ballot as its application for electoral registration was suspended when the election was called early.

State.

Victoria.

The Socialist Alliance first ran in the 2002 Victorian state election, securing 3,274 votes or 0.11% of the vote. In 2006, the party's vote dropped to 1,102 or 0.04%. In 2010 the party won 1,787 votes, or 0.06%. The results were stable for the next election in 2014 at 1,728 votes, 0.05% of the vote. For the 2018 election, the Socialist Alliance ran as part of the Victorian Socialists, which won 15,442 votes (0.44%) in the Legislative Assembly and 32,603 votes (0.91%) in the Legislative Council.

Council.

In the 2004 Victorian local government elections, Socialist Alliance did relatively well in two councils in Melbourne. In the Moreland City Council elections, two candidates exceeded 4%. In the election in the Boroondara City Council, a Socialist Alliance candidate won over 12% of the vote (in the absence of an Australian Labor Party-endorsed candidate) in Cotham ward.  The 2008 Victorian local government election results were also positive. The Socialist Alliance polled almost 19% in the Stoney Creek ward of the Melbourne municipality of Maribyrnong and polled over 10% in all wards bar one that it contested across the state.  In October 2009 the Socialist Alliance won its first election when Sam Wainwright was elected for the Hilton Ward of the Fremantle City Council. In October 2013, Sam Wainwright was re-elected to Fremantle's Hilton Ward with an outright majority of 58.33%.  In October 2012 the Socialist won its second election when Sue Bolton was elected to Moreland City Council in Melbourne's northern suburbs.  Bolton and Wainwright, along with the Victorian Socialists Stephen Jolly in Yarra Council, are currently the only politicians in Australia elected on an explicitly socialist platform.

Socialist Alliance is a socialist political party in Australia. The party was founded in 2001 as an alliance of various socialist organisations and activists.

社会主义联盟(英语:Socialist Alliance)是澳大利亚的一个极左翼政党。2001年,民主社会主义观点、国际社会主义组织及其它6个社会主义组织联合成立该党。该党的意识形态是社会主义、反资本主义、生态社会主义、环境保护主义。该党实行集体领导。该党的青年翼是抵抗:青年社会主义联盟。该党的总部位于新南威尔士州Ultimo。该党的的维多利亚州分支参加选举联盟维多利亚社会主义者。