Organization.

The company is organized into four divisions:  The Sulzer Ltd shares are registered at the SIX Swiss Exchange. As of April 11, 2018, Renova Group held a total of 48.83% of Sulzer's share capital.

History.

Formation and growth.

The company "Gebrüder Sulzer, Foundry in Winterthur" was founded in 1834 by Johann Jacob Sulzer. His sons, Johann Jakob and Solomon produced cast iron, built fire extinguishers, pumps, and apparatus for the textile industry; later they also started installing heaters. In 1836 the workforce grew to around forty journeymen, subworkers and apprentices. In 1839 a foundry was added, a mechanical workshop was set up and the first steam engine was built in Winterthur. In 1859, the first "partnership agreement" between the Sulzer brothers was signed. New products were introduced, first steam engines, later also ships, new organization, and production methods. Around 1860 Sulzer opened his first foreign sales office in Turin, and in 1867 the company participated in the world exhibition in Paris. The workforce had grown to more than 1,000 workers.  From 1880, steam engines, in particular, contributed to the growth to around 2,000 employees. In 1881 a branch was founded in Ludwigshafen am Rhein. In 1898, the first Sulzer diesel engine was developed in cooperation with Rudolf Diesel. Around 1900 the company had over 3,000 employees and sales offices in Milan, Paris, Cairo, London, Moscow and Bucharest, from 1914 also in the Japanese Kobe.  As a family business, the company had grown over the years in the form of a general partnership, and in June 1914 it was converted into two stock corporations with registered offices in Winterthur and Ludwigshafen am Rhein, both of which were renamed Gebrüder Sulzer Aktiengesellschaft. In 1917, both companies were bundled in a holding structure under the name Sulzer-Unternehmungen AG and subsequently the foreign sales offices were also transferred to independent companies. During the 1930s, production fell by two thirds as a result of the global economic crisis, and personnel was massively reduced.

World War II.

Out of political and personal considerations, Sulzer decided to sell its subsidiaries in Germany by the beginning of the war.  Sulzer was blacklisted by the Allies during World War II due to an increase in trade with Axis countries. Sulzer refused to sign an agreement to limit the future sale of marine diesel engines to the Axis countries, and was blacklisted by the Allies as a result.

Postwar period.

From 1945, a growth phase began with a flourishing economy and strong expansion of foreign activities. In the 1950s, increasing production was carried out by guest workers, mainly from southern Europe. New divisions for energy, plant engineering and textile machinery were created, accompanied by better working conditions, expansion of social benefits, women's work for "lighter factory work" and housing subsidies in surrounding communities.  During the second heyday after the Second World War, the Sulzer Tower was built in the early 1960s - the company's new headquarters, a landmark of Winterthur and the tallest building in Switzerland at the time.  In 1961, Swiss Locomotive and Machine Works (SLM) in Winterthur was acquired, and the large diesel engine became Sulzer's flagship product worldwide. In 1966, Sulzer acquired a 53 percent stake in Escher Wyss & Cie. in Zurich, reaching an all-time high of over 30,000 employees. In 1969, Escher Wyss AG was taken over in full.

Crisis in the 1970s and 1980s.

In the 1970s, the oil crisis announced a new orientation towards the technology group and the development of materials technologies. Sulzer reacted to the global decline in capital goods in the 1970s after losses in the second half of the 1980s. In 1982, the weaving machine business was expanded.  In 1984, Sulzer recorded losses and underwent massive restructuring.  Medical technology was expanded by the purchase of the American Intermedics Group for one billion Swiss francs. The Winterthur machine factory was closed in 1990 and the founding site in Winterthur was vacated. For the first time, Sulzer employed more people abroad than in Switzerland. On May 14, 1993, Gebrüder Sulzer, Aktiengesellschaft was renamed Sulzer Ltd. In 1996, a technology centre was built in the Oberwinterthur Industrial Park. In 2000, Sulzer acquired the Finnish company Ahlstrom Pumps. In the middle of the year, the steam locomotive and machine factory DLM became independent, the remains of the former SLM became Winpro AG in 2001 through a management buyout.

A new start.

The time since 2003 is called a new beginning. Since then, the Group has been smaller but more profitable and has recorded strong growth. Sulzer increased operating income and net income by more than 50 percent.  In 2010, the British Dowding & Mills, a leading provider of maintenance and repair services for generators and engines, was acquired. This strengthened the Sulzer Turbo Services division and expanded its field of activity. This step also served to strengthen the service business, away from the cyclical new business.  In spring 2011, Sulzer announced the acquisition of the Cardo Flow Solutions pump division of the Swedish company Assa Abloy for CHF 858 million, thus strengthening the Sulzer Pumps division in the promising water and wastewater market. The deal added the ABS and Scanpumps brands to Sulzer's workforce with 1,800 new employees.  Sulzer added a fourth division to its reporting structure at the beginning of 2017. Since then, the Sulzer Mixpac Systems unit, which has been manufacturing applicators for industrial adhesives since 2006, has formed the new Applicator Systems Division together with the businesses acquired from Geka and PC Cox in 2016.

Rail traction.

Sulzer developed a series of rail traction engines in the 1930s and 1940s which were used extensively in diesel locomotives in the UK, Europe and South America. A small number were used in locomotives in Africa and Australia. The Sulzer LDA (prefixed by the number of cylinders, and with a suffix related to the cylinder bore) engine was widely used by British Rail and Romanian Railways. Many were built under licence by Vickers-Armstrong at Barrow as six-, eight- and twelve-cylinder form, and in Romania, by Reșița works for Electroputere Craiova. The twelve-cylinder engine was used in the British Rail Class 47, Romanian Railways Class 60/62, Polish Railways Class ST43, China Railways ND2, and several others. The 12LDA28 engine was a double bank engine having, in effect, two six-cylinder engines side by side, rather than a V-type as favoured by many other manufacturers. Sulzer V-type engines for rail use bore the type number LVA (with a 50-degree angle between the banks).  In the late 1970s, locomotive rebuilder Morrison Knudsen installed a series of Sulzer power units into several existing locomotives. The first applications were of the marine based 6ASL25/30 & 8ASL25/30 series used in a Morrison-Knudsen demonstrator and four M-K TE70-4S units for the Southern Pacific. This was merely reworking of an existing design into a new application  Ten 16 ASV25/30 3,600 hp power units were installed into locomotives belonging to the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe and the Union Pacific. Teething problems plagued these machines and their operation in revenue earning service was brief. Research into correcting their problems continued but was eventually curtailed by Morrison Knudsen late in 1982. These power units were descendants of the LVA range.

New Sulzer Diesel.

In 1990, Sulzer spun off the diesel engine division into a separate company named "New Sulzer Diesel" (NSD) and sold most of the shares in it, retaining only a minority ownership. In 1997, NSD was absorbed by Wärtsilä, creating "Wärtsilä NSD". Wärtsilä NSD makes the world's largest diesel engine, the Wärtsilä-Sulzer RTA96-C. They are also one of the few companies that create a camshaftless intelligent diesel main propulsion engine.

Sulzer Ltd. is a Swiss industrial engineering and manufacturing firm, founded by Salomon Sulzer-Bernet in 1775 and established as Sulzer Brothers Ltd. (Gebrüder Sulzer) in 1834 in Winterthur, Switzerland. Today it is a publicly traded company with international subsidiaries. The company's shares are listed on the Swiss Stock Exchange.

苏尔寿有限公司(英语:Sulzer Ltd.,)是瑞士一家著名的工业工程技术及机械制造企业,也是世界著名的跨国工业集团之一,总部位于瑞士苏黎世州温特图尔,主要从事纺织机械、医疗技术、水力机械、热力涡轮机械、工艺流程及成套设备、往复压缩机、离心机、工业泵等机械产品的研发和生产。目前在150个国家有常驻代表,世界各地雇员约32万人,每年销售额达60亿瑞士法郎。


Description.

The station has six platform tracks, four for regional and long-distance services and two for the S-Bahn. Outside the four-arch train shed there is also a freight track. It has the DB Station code of BSPD, while the code of the S-Bahn section is BSPA.  The station building was built between 1996 and 1998, while rail railway operations continued, to the design of the architectural bureau of Gerkan, Marg and Partners. It has a striking vaulted roof of glass that completely covers the platforms over a length of 432 metres in the style of classic railway architecture. A direct platform tunnel has been built under the tracks on the western side parallel to the new street of "Am Bahnhof Spandau" and a path giving access to the platforms runs to the east of the entrance hall near Klosterstraße.  The entrance hall is 16 metres wide.

History.

As early as 1871, there was a station at this point on the newly opened Berlin–Lehrte railway, which was called the "Lehrter Bahnhof" (“station on the railway to Lehrte”) to distinguish it from the "Hamburger Bahnhof" (“station on the railway to Hamburg”) in Spandau. This station was closed for passengers on 1 October 1890, so that local and long-distance trains only stopped in Spandau at the Hamburger Bahnhof, which was now called the "Spandau Personenbahnhof" (“Spandau passenger station”). The Lehrter Bahnhof took over the freight operations in Spandau and operated as Spandau freight yard ("Güterbahnhof") on the grounds where the shopping centre of "Spandau Arcaden" (“arcades”) is now located. The half-timbered building of the former Lehrter Bahnhof was dismantled in 1890 and in 1891 the "Stadtpark" restaurant was built; this was demolished in 1966.

Spandau West.

This station was opened next to the freight depot on 15 July 1910, originally as "Spandau Vorortbahnhof" (suburban station). Its name was changed to "Spandau West" in the same year, about the same time as "Hamburger Bahnhof" (Spandau station) was renamed "Spandau Hauptbahnhof" (main station).  The new suburban station was better located than the main station, as it was closer to the Spandau old town ("Altstadt") and the new town hall, which was under construction. The platforms were on an embankment and below the tracks at the ends of the platforms there were entrance halls connecting to Galenstraße and also to the intersection of Staakener Straße and Seegefelder Straße, where a subway led to the station of the East Havelland District Railways ("Osthavelländische Kreisbahnen"). The station had three tracks next to two platforms, with the regularly-used tracks on either side of an island platform. The Spandau Suburban Line, which connected to the Stadtbahn, ended at the station. The passenger tracks of the "Hamburg-Lehrter Bahn" (that is the tracks of the lines to Hamburg and Lehrte that had been rebuilt as a single set of tracks between Berlin and Spandau) from "Lehrter Stadtbahnhof" (Lehrter Stadtbahn station, now part of Berlin Hauptbahnhof) ran as the long-distance lines to the north and the south of the platforms.  The suburban trains from Lehrter Stadtbahn station also crossed over on to the station's passenger tracks and continued to Nauen and Wustermark over the Spandau suburban tracks. To the west of the station was the junction of the tracks of the Hamburg and Lehrte railways, where they formed the suburban and long-distance passenger tracks that ran into Berlin. The Spandau suburban line ended in Spandau at four storage sidings.  The busy flow of commuters between Berlin, Spandau, and towns in the East Havelland at the station compared to the current modest regional service is hard to imagine today. Even after the electrification of the Spandau suburban line from Berlin with the Ringbahn, the Stadtbahn and the suburban railways (referred to as the S-Bahn from 1930), the operation of steam-hauled commuter trains from the Lehrter Stadtbahn station continued.  In the 1930s, the steam-hauled suburban trains ran from Lehrter station to Spandau West station to the end of the electrified line at 10-minute intervals and then continued alternatively to Nauen or Wustermark at 20-minute intervals. Eyewitnesses reported enthusiastically on the interchange between S-Bahn and the suburban railways, because it was possible to interchange quickly and easily on the same platform.  At the current Berlin-Spandau station the complicated arrangements for interchange between the S-Bahn and regional services is an obstacle, which has led to support for the extension of the S-Bahn through Spandau to promote the recovery of commuter traffic and to promote the development of the outskirts.  On 23 August 1928, electric trains ran to Spandau, running over the Spandau Suburban Line rather than using the route of the long-distance trains. It was intended that Spandau West would be a terminus for only a few years as an extension to Wustermark or Falkensee and Nauen was always planned.  The development scheme planned in the 1930s and 1940s was partially implemented. As of 1951, the first S-Bahn trains continued through Spandau West to Falkensee or along the Lehrter Railway to Staaken. In the opposite direction it was possible to take the S-Bahn to Jungfernheide and the Ringbahn. Simultaneously the Lehrter station in Berlin was closed in 1951. Deutsche Reichsbahn terminated the steam-hauled suburban trains at the S-Bahn terminuses and only S-Bahn trains stopped at Spandau West.  The building of the Berlin Wall on 13 August 1961 affected the station indirectly. The S-Bahn trains to Falkensee were cut back to Spandau West. The S-Bahn service to Staaken was interrupted for several months. Thereafter, the line and thus also the station was affected by the boycott of the S-Bahn by West Berliners. Unneeded infrastructure was exposed to the ravages of time, maintenance was rare as services on the lines were increasingly thinned out. The S-Bahn's low point was reached when the West Berlin-based employees of Deutsche Reichsbahn went on strike from 17 September 1980. Deutsche Reichsbahn did not address the demands of the employees and almost all S-Bahn services in the western part of the city were closed. The Spandau lines, including Spandau West station, were closed on 25 September 1980. The abandoned station was only used by freight trains and passenger trains ran to and from Hamburg on the long-distance tracks without stopping.

Berlin-Spandau station.

The acquisition of the S-Bahn by the Berliner Verkehrsbetriebe on 9 January 1984 was expected to lead to the reopening of the line to Staaken via a new S-Bahn station called "Rathaus Spandau" (rather than Spandau West). However, this was postponed, as U-Bahn line U7 was completed to Rathaus Spandau (located next to Spandau West station) on 1 October 1984.  The initial plans for the Hanover–Berlin high-speed railway were developed during the same decade. Negotiations with East Germany for what was initially intended as a transit route between West Germany and West Berlin began in autumn 1988. The fall of the Berlin Wall and the completion of negotiations with an agreement on the route in June 1990, gave further impetus to planning.  The transfer of the station from across the Havel (the former Hamburger station, later Spandau Hauptbahnhof) directly to the site near the Old Town and the Town Hall—where in any case the replacement of worn out equipment was necessary—had already been contemplated during the reconstruction of Spandau railway facilities in 1910. It was also proposed to resume S-Bahn services over the Spandau Suburban Line with the option of an extension to the west.  A design of the Spanish architect Santiago Calatrava won a closed urban design competition for the new long-distance and S-Bahn station in 1993. Calatrava imagined that the platforms would be flanked by office buildings—as later implemented for the new Berlin Hauptbahnhof. This was difficult to finance and caused a long controversy over the plan. Finally, the third-ranked design of the German architectural bureau of Gerkan, Marg and Partners was developed between 1996 and 1998 after a review of the original design, which had a roof that was open on both sides. Objections of the passenger associations during the planning approval process achieved a better design for access to the S-Bahn platform.  The first platform of the new Berlin-Spandau station was opened to traffic on 19 May 1997, initially only for long-distance and regional services. S-Bahn services were extended when the train shed was finished on 30 December 1998.  With the completion of the new Berlin railway node on 28 May 2006, the number of daily regional services was reduced from 250 to 212 and the number of long-distance services increased from 66 to 100. The design of the station has been criticised as inadequate. The station is considered to be part of a congested railway. Passenger trains are only allowed to stop at the platform for a maximum of six minutes between 5 AM and 8 PM. Trains are only allowed to reverse at the platform if either the scheduled stay does not take longer than six minutes or it would use less capacity than to move to a siding.

Train services.

The station is served by several Intercity-Express, Intercity and regional services operated by Deutsche Bahn, as well as line S5 of the Berlin S-Bahn. The nearby Rathaus Spandau U-Bahn station is served by line U7 and numerous bus routes (including M32, M37 and M45) operated by the "Berliner Verkehrsbetriebe" and regional bus companies from the surrounding area.  In spring 2006, plans were finalised for an extension of a single-track S-Bahn line to Falkensee. However, its construction depended on financing becoming available. After the 2011 state election, the SPD and the CDU formed a grand coalition. The coalition agreement included a commitment to develop plans to extend the S-Bahn line "from Spandau station to the west to Falkensee".  The station is serves by the following services:

U-Bahn station.

The Rathaus Spandau U-Bahn station is the western terminus of line U7 the Berlin U-Bahn. It was opened on 1 October 1984. Although the station is very close to Spandau S-Bahn station, it has kept its name. The buses of "Berliner Verkehrsbetriebe" always show the destination as "S+U Rathaus Spandau", although the S-Bahn station is only signed as "Spandau".

Berlin-Spandau station is a Deutsche Bahn station in the Berlin district of Spandau on the south-western edge of the old town of Spandau. The railway junction station is one of the 80 stations classified by Deutsche Bahn as a category 2 station. It has the longest train shed (440 metres) in Germany.

斯潘道站()是德国铁路设于柏林市辖区斯潘道的一座铁路车站,地处的西南缘。这座是德铁车站及服务所划分的80余座二等车站之一,并拥有全德国最长的铁路站台(440米)。设有6条到发线的高流量车站是(ICE、IC/EC)和短途客运(S-Bahn、RB或RE)的换乘点。它也提供由柏林运输公司经营的市内公共交通服务,例如巴士或经停斯潘道市政厅站的地铁7号线。


Legal status.

The "communauté de communes" was created by a statute of the French Parliament enacted on February 6, 1992. The statute was modified by the Chevènement Law of 1999.  Unlike the "communautés d'agglomération" and the "communautés urbaines", "communautés de communes" are not subjected to a minimum threshold of population to come into existence. The only constraint is geographical continuity.  According to the "" (general law over regional administrative structures), a "communauté de communes" is a public establishment of inter-communal cooperation (EPCI), formed by several French municipalities, which cover a connected territory without enclave.  In 1999 when the Chevènement Law regulatory modifications came into force, "communautés de communes" already in existence that did not meet the criterion of geographical continuity were left untouched.  The communes involved build a space of solidarity with a joint project of development, infrastructure building, etc.

Constitutional.

The "communautés de communes" are currently funded by local taxes:  The is a modified version of the tax whereby a proportion of the monies levied by the "communautés des communes" is paid back to the individual communes. The is sometimes presented as an unfair burden on the economy or even as a device for exporting jobs outside France, and it has been subject to a series of reforms over the years but central government undertakings to abolish it (and presumably to replace it) have yet to come to fruition. If they do, funding of the "communautés de communes" will change fundamentally.  A "communauté de communes" is administered by a council "(conseil communautaire)" made up of delegates from the municipal councils of each member commune. The number of seats allocated to each commune reflects the size of the commune. A member commune must have at least one seat on the council, and no individual commune may have more than half of the seats on the "conseil communautaire".

Objectives.

Article 5214-16 of the CGCT requires the "communauté de communes" to exercise its responsibilities in the following policy areas:  The "communauté de communes" may also choose to exercise its responsibilities in at least one of the following six policy areas:  The "communauté de communes" may define its own personnel requirements and appoint appropriately qualified employees. In addition, and subject to départemental agreement it may exercise directly powers and responsibilities in certain social policy areas which are more normally handled at the départemental level.  Subject to these requirements, it is for the communes themselves to determine precisely which competences they will delegate to the "communauté de communes": they will do this based on their view of the individual commune's best interests. Once powers and responsibilities have been delegated to the "communauté de communes", they shall be exercised collectively through the "communauté de communes" and may no longer be exercised independently by individual member communes.  In 2008 there were 2,393 "communautés de communes" in France. Of these, roughly 1,000 had been in existence for less than a year. New "communautés" are currently being created at a more rapid rate than in the early years. Nevertheless, there are still many rural communes that have not joined one of these groupings.

A communauté de communes (, "community of communes") is a federation of municipalities (communes) in France. It forms a framework within which local tasks are carried out together. It is the least-integrated form of "intercommunality".

市镇公共社区(communauté de communes,)是法国的一种有财政管辖权的市镇公共合作组织(EPCI à fiscalité propre),对成员市镇进行有限的整合。


Early life and career.

Peljidiin Genden was born in present-day Khujirt district of Övörkhangai Province in either 1892 or 1895 (sources differ). In 1922 he joined the Mongolian Revolutionary Youth League (MRYL) and a year later he was appointed acting head of his local cell. He attended the first session of the Mongolian Great Khural in Ulaanbaatar in November 1924 as a delegate from Övörkhangai. There, Prime Minister Balingiin Tserendorj took notice of his outspokenness and based on his recommendation Genden was elected chairman of the Presidium of the State Small Khural or "Baga Khural", the small assembly that controlled day-to-day matters of state. This made him the effective head of state of Mongolia, a position he would hold from November 29, 1924 to November 15, 1927, and served concurrently as the Chairman of the Central Bureau of Mongolia's Trade Unions.

Leftist Deviation.

Genden served as one of three secretaries of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party's Central Committee from December 11, 1928 to June 30, 1932. Together with fellow secretaries Ölziin Badrakh and Bat-Ochiryn Eldev-Ochir (and later Zolbingiin Shijee) Genden pushed for rapid and forced implementation of socialist economic policies such as compulsory collectivization, the abolition of private enterprises and the closure of monasteries and the confiscation of church property. The policy proved disastrous as traditional herders were forced off the steppe and into badly managed collective farms, destroying one third of Mongolian livestock. Over 800 properties belonging to the nobility and the Buddhist church were confiscated and over 700 head of mostly noble households were executed. As a result, open revolt broke out in several provinces between 1930 and 1932. In response, Moscow ordered the suspension of what it termed the "Leftist Deviation" policies of the Mongolian government and in May 1932 several party leaders (including Badrah, Shijee, and Prime Minister Tsengeltiin Jigjidjav) were purged for trying to implement socialist measures "prematurely".

Prime Minister.

Genden deftly survived the purge by meeting with Joseph Stalin in 1932 and securing his favor. Moscow then had Genden appointed prime minister (chairman of the Assembly of People's Commissaries) on July 2, 1932, replacing the purged Jigjidjav. Genden was charged overseeing execution of "New Turn" or "New Reform" policy, a relaxation of communist economic principles closely modeled on Vladimir Lenin's New Economic Policy in the USSR. Under the new policy, taxes were reduced, private enterprise grew, and religious institutions were left generally unmolested. Genden's popularity increased as the general economic situation improved and shortages were reduced. For the first time since the revolution the government was in a more dominant position vis-à-vis the MPRP.

The Lkhümbe Affair.

In 1933 a personal feud between two party functionaries led to trumped up accusations of widespread conspiring within the party with Japanese spies, especially among Buryats. Several of those arrested and interrogated by Soviet agents in Ulaanbaatar fingered Jambyn Lkhümbe, then secretary of the MPRP Central Committee, as their leader. Genden, party leader Eldev-Ochir, and Security Directorate Chief D. Namsrai backed the subsequent investigation that saw several hundred innocent persons, including Lkhümbe, arrested. 56 were eventually executed (including pregnant women), 260 were jailed for three to ten years and 126 were sent to the USSR. The vast majority of those persecuted were Buryats. Public opinion at the time held that Genden and D. Namsrai, head of the Internal Affairs Committee, had initiated the affair to purge political enemies, but there is evidence that the affair was driven in large part by Soviet agents looking to weaken the Buryat population in Mongolia.

Resisting Stalin.

Ties between Stalin and Genden began to fray as early as 1934 when, at a meeting with Genden in Moscow, Stalin pressured him to destroy Mongolia's Buddhist clergies by exterminating more than 100,000 of the country's lamas, which Stalin called "the enemies within". Genden, a deeply religious man who once said "On earth there are two great geniuses – Buddha and Lenin," had openly declared his desire in 1933 "not to fight against religion" and allowed lamas to practice their faith openly in defiance of Stalin's instructions. Weary of growing Soviet domination in Mongolia, Genden worked to postpone both a 1934 bilateral Gentlemen's Agreement in which the USSR promised the Soviet protection of Mongolia in the event of an invasion as well as the 1936 "Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation" that allowed Soviet troops to be stationed in Mongolia. Genden's hoped to stave off Soviet domination by exploiting USSR-Japanese tensions to Mongolia's benefit, but the policy would later backfire as accusations in 1936 that he was working with the Japanese would lead to his downfall. Genden likewise hesitated on Stalin's recommendations that he elevate Mongolia's internal affairs committee to a fully independent ministry and that he increase the size of Mongolia's military.  In December 1935, Genden was called back to Moscow where Stalin again rebuked him for failing to act on his guidance. Later, a heavily intoxicated Genden publicly scolded Stalin at a Mongolian Embassy reception, shouting "You bloody Georgian, you have become a virtual Russian Czar". Genden then allegedly slapped Stalin and broke his pipe, while hinting that Mongolia was considering an alliance with Japan.

Purged.

Upon Genden's return to Mongolia, Khorloogiin Choibalsan, acting under Stalin's orders, organized the second plenary meeting of Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party in March 1936 in Ulaanbaatar to remove him from office irreversibly. Party members led by Dorjjavyn Luvsansharav heavily criticized Genden for his actions in Moscow and accused him of sabotaging Mongol-Soviet relations. He was subsequently removed from his offices of the prime minister and the foreign minister and placed under house arrest. Anandyn Amar was appointed as the prime minister for the second time in his place. With the purge of Genden, Choibalsan became Stalin's new favorite in Ulaanbaatar and was named head of the new Internal Affairs Ministry, becoming "de facto" the most powerful person in Mongolia.

Death.

Genden was "invited" to the USSR, ostensibly for medical treatment, in April 1936. He then spent a whole year at the Black Sea resort town of Foros. In summer 1937, he was arrested as part of Stalin's Great Purge and under interrogation admitted to conspiring with "lamaist reactionaries" and "Japanese spies" He was executed in Moscow on November 26, 1937 by the order of Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR for 'his attempt to political coup and being a spy of Japan'.

Rehabilitation.

Genden was declared a non-person. He was rehabilitated by the order of Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR in 1956. However, his history remained obscured until the country's democratic revolution in 1990.  His daughter Tserendulam opened the "Memorial Museum for Victims of Political Repression" in his house in 1993. It offers information on the victims of the political prosecutions, which according to some estimates affected up to 14% of the population.

Peljidiin Genden (; 1892 or 1895 – November 26, 1937) was a prominent political leader of the Mongolian People's Republic who served as the country's first President (1924 to 1927; Navaandorjiin Jadambaa was just the acting president) and the ninth Prime Minister (1932–1936). As one of three MPRP secretaries, Genden was responsible for pushing rapid and forced implementation of socialist economic policies in early 1930s. In 1932 he secured Joseph Stalin's backing to become Prime Minister, but then increasingly resisted pressure from Moscow to liquidate institutional Buddhism and permit increased Soviet influence in Mongolia. His independent temperament, outspokenness (he became famous for fearlessly confronting Stalin during their public meetings in Moscow and was one of the few to stand up to Stalin's strong personality), and growing nationalist sentiments ultimately led to his Soviet-orchestrated purge in March 1936. Accused of conspiring against the revolution and spying for the Japanese, he was executed in Moscow on November 26, 1937.

钓<unk>(学名:')又称<unk>,为辐鳍鱼纲<unk>目<unk>亚目<unk>科的其中一种,分布于东大西洋区,从巴伦支海至黑海海域,栖息深度20-1000米,体长可达200公分,生活在沙泥底质海域,为底栖性鱼类,会将身体埋藏在沙泥中伏击猎物,属肉食性,以鱼类、海鸟等为食,为高经济价值的食用鱼,适合各种烹饪方式食用。


Description.

"Celtis" species are generally medium-sized trees, reaching tall, rarely up to tall. The leaves are alternate, simple, long, ovate-acuminate, and evenly serrated margins. Diagnostically, "Celtis" can be very similar to trees in the Rosaceae and other rose motif families.  Small flowers of this monoecious plant appear in early spring while the leaves are still developing. Male flowers are longer and fuzzy. Female flowers are greenish and more rounded.  The fruit is a small drupe in diameter, edible in many species, with a dryish but sweet, sugary consistency, reminiscent of a date.

Uses and ecology.

Several species are grown as ornamental trees, valued for their drought tolerance. They are a regular feature of arboreta and botanical gardens, particularly in North America. Chinese hackberry ("C. sinensis") is suited for bonsai culture, while a magnificent specimen in Daegu-myeon is one of the natural monuments of South Korea. Some, including common hackberry ("C. occidentalis") and "C. brasiliensis", are honey plants and pollen source for honeybees of lesser importance. Hackberry wood is sometimes used in cabinetry and woodworking. The berries of some, such as "Celtis douglasii", are edible, and were consumed by the Mescalero Apaches.

Lepidoptera.

"Celtis" species are used as food plants by the caterpillars of certain Lepidoptera. These include mainly brush-footed butterflies, most importantly the distinct genus "Libythea" (beak butterflies) and some Apaturinae (emperor butterflies):

Pathogens.

The plant pathogenic basidiomycete fungus "Perenniporia celtis" was first described from a "Celtis" host plant. Some species of "Celtis" are threatened by habitat destruction.

Celtis is a genus of about 60–70 species of deciduous trees, commonly known as hackberries or nettle trees, widespread in warm temperate regions of the Northern Hemisphere, in southern Europe, southern and eastern Asia, and southern and central North America, south to central Africa, and northern and central South America. The genus is present in the fossil record at least since the Miocene of Europe, and Paleocene of North America and eastern Asia.

朴属(学名:)是荨麻目榆科的一属,约60-70种落叶乔木,广泛分布在北半球暖温带地区,以及中非和南美洲部分地区。


History.

The first International Eucharistic Congress owed its inspiration to Bishop Gaston de Ségur, and was held at Lille, France, on June 21, 1881. The initial inspiration behind the idea came from a laywoman, Emilie-Marie Tamisier (1834-1910) Marie-Marthe-Baptistine Tamisier who spent a decade lobbying clergy. The sixth congress met in Paris in 1888, and the great memorial Church of the Sacred Heart on Montmartre was the center of the proceedings. Antwerp hosted the next congress, from in 1890, at which an immense altar of repose was erected in the Place de Meir, and an estimated 150,000 persons gathered around it when Cardinal Goossens, Archbishop of Mechelen, gave the solemn Benediction. Bishop Doutreloux of Liège was then president of the Permanent Committee for the Organization of Eucharistic Congresses, the body which has charge of the details of these meetings. Of special importance also was the eighth congress, held in Jerusalem in 1893, as it was the first congress held outside Europe.  In 1907, the congress was held in Metz, Lorraine, and the German government suspended the law of 1870 (which forbade processions), in order that the usual solemn procession of the Blessed Sacrament might be held. Each year the congress had become more and more international in nature, and at the invitation of Archbishop Bourne of Westminster it was decided to hold the nineteenth congress in London, the first among English-speaking members of the Church. The presidents of the Permanent Committee of the International Eucharistic Congresses, under whose direction all this progress was made, were: After each congress this committee prepared and published a volume giving a report of all the papers read and the discussions on them in the various sections of the meeting, the sermons preached, the addresses made at the public meetings, and the details of all that transpired.

In the Catholic Church, a eucharistic congress is a gathering of clergy, religious, and laity to bear witness to the Real Presence of Jesus in the Eucharist, which is an important Roman Catholic doctrine. Congresses bring together people from a wide area, and typically involve large open-air Masses, Eucharistic adoration (Blessed Sacrament), and other devotional ceremonies held over several days. Congresses may both refer to National (varies by country) and International Eucharistic Congresses.

圣体大会(Eucharistic Congress)是天主教会举办的以敬礼圣体为中心的聚会,见证天主教的重要教义——耶稣真实地存在于饼酒之中。大会通常包含大型的露天弥撒、朝拜圣体等仪式,持续数天。圣体大会可分为国际圣体大会及各国天主教会自办的全国圣体大会。


Founding and early history.

The National Party was founded in Bloemfontein in 1914 by Afrikaner nationalists soon after the establishment of the Union of South Africa. Its founding was rooted in disagreements among South African Party politicians, particularly Prime Minister Louis Botha and his first Minister of Justice, J. B. M. Hertzog. After Hertzog began speaking out publicly against the Botha government's "one-stream" policy in 1912, Botha removed him from the cabinet. Hertzog and his followers in the Orange Free State province subsequently moved to establish the National Party to oppose the government by advocating a "two-stream" policy of equal rights for the English and Afrikaner communities. Afrikaner nationalists in the Transvaal and Cape provinces soon followed suit, so that three distinct provincial NP organisations were in existence in time for the 1915 general elections.  The NP first came to power in coalition with the Labour Party in 1924, with Hertzog as Prime Minister. In 1930 the Hertzog government worked to undermine the vote of Coloureds (South Africans of mixed White and non-White ancestry) by granting the right to vote to White women, thus doubling White political power. In 1934 Hertzog agreed to merge his National Party with the rival South African Party of Jan Smuts to form the United Party. A hardline faction of Afrikaner nationalists led by Daniel François Malan refused to accept the merger and maintained a rump National Party called the "Gesuiwerde Nasionale Party" (Purified National Party). The Purified National Party used opposition to South African participation in World War II to stir up anti-British feelings amongst Afrikaners. This led to a reunification of the Purified Nationalists with the faction that had merged with the South African Party; together they formed the "Herenigde Nasionale Party" (Reunited National Party), which went on to defeat Smuts' United Party in 1948 in coalition with the much smaller Afrikaner Party. In 1951, the two amalgamated to once again become known simply as the National Party.

Apartheid.

Upon taking power after the 1948 general election, the NP began to implement a program of apartheid – the legal system of political, economic and social separation of the races intended to maintain and extend political and economic control of South Africa by the White minority.  In 1959 the Bantu Self-Government Act established so-called Homelands (sometime pejoratively called Bantustans) for ten different Black tribes. The ultimate goal of the NP was to move all Black South Africans into one of these homelands (although they might continue to work in South Africa as "guest workers"), leaving what was left of South Africa (about 87 percent of the land area) with what would then be a White majority, at least on paper. As the homelands were seen by the apartheid government as embryonic independent nations, all Black South Africans were registered as citizens of the homelands, not of the nation as a whole, and were expected to exercise their political rights only in the homelands. Accordingly, the three token parliamentary seats that had been reserved for White representatives of Black South Africans in the Cape Province were scrapped. The other three provinces – Transvaal Province, the Orange Free State Province, and Natal Province had never allowed any Black representation.  Coloureds were removed from the Common Roll of Cape Province in 1953. Instead of voting for the same representatives as White South Africans, they could now vote only for four White representatives to speak for them. Later, in 1968, the Coloureds were disenfranchised altogether. In the place of the four parliamentary seats, a partially elected body was set up to advise the government in an amendment to the Separate Representation of Voters Act. This made the electorate entirely White, as Indian South Africans had never had any representation.  In a move unrecognised by the rest of the world, the former German colony of South-West Africa (now Namibia), which South Africa had occupied in World War I, was effectively incorporated into South Africa as a League of Nations mandate, with seven members elected to represent its White citizens in the Parliament of South Africa. The White minority of South-West Africa, predominantly Germans and Afrikaners, considered its interests akin to those of the Afrikaners in South Africa and therefore supported the National Party in subsequent elections.  These reforms all bolstered the NP politically, as they removed Black and Coloured influence – which was hostile to the NP – from the electoral process, and incorporated the pro-nationalist Whites of South-West Africa. The NP increased its parliamentary majority in almost every election between 1948 and 1977.  Numerous segregation laws had been passed before the NP took power in 1948. Among the most significant were the 'Natives Land Act, No 27 of 1913', and the 'Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923'. The former made it illegal for Blacks to purchase or lease land from Whites except in reserves, which restricted Black occupancy to less than eight percent of South Africa's land. The latter laid the foundations for residential segregation in urban areas. apartheid laws passed by the NP after 1948 included the 'Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act', the 'Immorality Act', the 'Population Registration Act', and the 'Group Areas Act', which prohibited non-white males from being in certain areas of the country (especially at night) unless they were employed there.

From dominion to republic.

The NP was a strong advocate of republicanism. Republics had existed in South Africa prior to the British invasion, and Afrikaner nationalists had been pursuing them ever since. The republican ideal was a new one to Cape Dutch descended Afrikaners but not to those of Boer descent: in the 1830s, the Great Trek had brought about the formation of three independent Boer republics – the ephemeral Natalia Republic (today KwaZulu-Natal), the South African Republic (later Transvaal) and the Orange Free State (called simply Free State today). Boers governed themselves within these republics and were not required to answer to the British. This liberty was short-lived however, as the United Kingdom extended its rule over all of southern Africa. Natalia was annexed in the 1840s, and the other two republics were taken over by the British in the Second Boer War.  The republican ideal was not crushed, however. In 1914, the Afrikaners led the failed Maritz Rebellion against the government; in 1916 an NP congress called initially for a return to republicanism but then decided that it was too early; 1918 saw the founding of the Broederbond (Brother Bond), a cultural establishment with powerful Afrikaner nationalist and republican overtones. The Republican Bond was established in the 1930s, and other republican organisations such as the Purified National Party, the Voortrekkers, Noodhulpliga (First-Aid League) and the Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurverenigings (Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organisations) also came into being. There was a popular outpouring of nationalist sentiment around the 1938 centenary of the Great Trek and the Battle of Blood River. It was seen to signify the perpetuation of white South African culture, and anti-British and pro-republican feelings grew stronger.  It was obvious in political circles that the Union of South Africa was headed inexorably towards republicanism. Although it remained a British dominion even after unification in 1910, the country became all the more self-regulating; indeed, it already had complete autonomy on certain issues. It was agreed in 1910 that domestic matters would be looked after by the South African government but that the country's external affairs would still remain British-controlled.  Hertzog's trip to the 1919 Paris Peace Conference was a definite (if failed) attempt to gain independence. In 1926, however, the Balfour Declaration was passed, affording every British dominion within the British Empire equal rank and bestowing upon them their own right of direction of foreign issues. This resulted the following year in the institution of South Africa's first-ever Department of Foreign Affairs. 1931 saw a backtrack as the Statute of Westminster resolved that British dominions could not have "total" control over their external concerns, but in 1934 the Status and Seals Acts were passed, granting the South African Parliament even greater power than the British government over the Union.  The extreme NP members of the 1930s were known collectively as the Republikeinse Bond. The following organisations, parties and events promoted the republican ideal in the 1930s:

Daniel François Malan.

There was some confusion about the republican ideal during the war years. The "Herenigde Nasionale Party", with Hertzog its leader, pushed the issue into the background. After Hertzog left the party, however, it became republican. In 1942 and 1944 Daniel François Malan introduced a motion in the House of Assembly in favour of the establishment of a republic, but this was defeated.  When the NP came to power in 1948 (making it the first all-Afrikaner cabinet since 1910), there were two uppermost priorities which it was determined to fulfill:  Between 1948 and 1961, Prime Ministers D. F. Malan, J. G. Strijdom and Hendrik Verwoerd all worked very hard for the latter, implementing a battery of policies and changes in a bid to increase the country's autonomy. Divided loyalty, they felt, was holding South Africa back. They wanted to break the country's ties with the United Kingdom and establish a republic, and many South Africans grew confident that a republic was possible.  Unfortunately for its republicans, however, the NP was not in a strong parliamentary position. Although it held a majority (only five) of seats, a large number of these were in rural constituencies, which had far fewer voters than urban constituencies. The United Party held a 100,000-vote lead. Consequently, the NP had to rely on the Afrikaner Party's support. It did not, therefore, have the groundswell of public support that it needed to win a referendum, and only when it had that majority on its side could a referendum be held on the republican matter. However, with a small seating majority and a total vote-tally minority, it was impossible for now for Malan and his ardently republican nats to bring about a republic constitutionally. In the interim, the NP would have to consolidate itself and not antagonise the British.  Many English-speakers did not want to break their ties with the United Kingdom. However, in 1949, at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference in London (with Malan in attendance), India requested that, in spite of its newly attained republican status, it remain a member of the British Commonwealth. When this was granted the following year by the London Declaration, it roused a great deal of debate in South Africa between the pro-republican NP and the anti-republican UP (under Strauss). What it meant was that, even if South Africa did become a republic, it did not automatically have to sever all of its ties with the UK and the British Commonwealth. This gained the movement further support from the English-speaking populace, which was less worried about being isolated; and the republican ideal looked closer than ever to being fulfilled.  Although he could not yet make South Africa a republic, Malan could prepare the country for this eventuality. In his term of office, from 1948 to 1954, Malan took a number of steps to break ties with the UK:  The 1953 ballot votes saw the NP fortify its position considerably, winning comfortably but still falling well short of the clear majority it sought: it had 94 seats in parliament to the UP's 57 and the Labour Party's five.

J. G. Strijdom.

Malan retired in 1954, at the age of eighty. The two succession contenders were J. G. Strijdom (Minister of Lands and Irrigation) and Havenga (Minister of Finance). Malan personally preferred the latter and, indeed, recommended him. Malan and Strijdom had clashed frequently over the years, particularly on the question of whether a republican South Africa should be inside or outside the Commonwealth.  Strijdom, however, had the support of Verwoerd and Ben Schoeman, and he was eventually voted in as Prime Minister. Strijdom was a passionate and outspoken Afrikaner and republican, and he wholeheartedly supported apartheid. He was completely intolerant towards non-Afrikaners and liberal ideas, utterly determined to maintain White rule, with zero compromise. Known as the "Lion of the North", Strijdom made few changes to his cabinet and pursued with vigour the policy of apartheid. By 1956, he successfully placed the Coloureds on a separate voters' roll, thus further weakening ties with the Commonwealth and gaining support for the NP.  He also took several other steps to make South Africa less dependent on Britain:  Anti-republican South Africans recognised the shift and distancing from Britain, and the UP grew increasingly anxious, doing all that it could to persuade Parliament to retain Commonwealth links. Strijdom, however, declared that South Africa's participation (or otherwise) in the Commonwealth would be determined only by its best interests.

Hendrik Verwoerd.

The question of apartheid dominated the 1958 election and the NP took 55% of the vote, thus winning a clear majority for the first time. When Strijdom died that same year, there was a tripartite succession contest between Swart, Dönges and Verwoerd. The latter, devoted to the cause of a republican South Africa, was the new Prime Minister. Verwoerd, a former Minister of Native Affairs, played a leading role in the institution of the apartheid system. Under his leadership, the NP solidified its control over South African apartheid-era politics.  To gain support of the English-identified population of South Africa, Verwoerd appointed several English-speakers to his cabinet. He also cited the radical political movements elsewhere in the African continent as vindication of his belief that White and Black nationalism could not work within the same system. Verwoerd also presented the NP as the party best equipped to deal with the widely perceived threat of communism.  By the end of his term (caused by his assassination), Verwoerd had solidified the NP's domination of South African politics. In the 1966 elections the party won 126 out of the 170 seats in Parliament.  By 1960, however, much of the South African electorate were calling for withdrawal from the Commonwealth and the establishment of South Africa as a republic. It was decided that a republican referendum was to be held in October. International circumstances made the referendum a growing necessity. In the aftermath of the World War II, former British colonies in Africa and Asia were gaining independence and publicising the ills of apartheid. Commonwealth members were determined to isolate South Africa.  There were numerous internal factors which had paved the way for and may be viewed as influences on the result:  The opposition accused Verwoerd of trying to break from the Commonwealth and the west, thus losing South Africa all of its trade preferences. The NP, however, launched a vigorously enthusiastic political campaign, with widely advertised public meetings. The opposition found it very difficult to fight for the preservation of British links.  There were numerous pro-republican arguments:  There were also, of course, numerous arguments the establishment of a republic:  On 5 October 1960, 90.5% of the White electorate turned out to vote on the issue. 850,458 (52%) voted in favour of a republic, while 775,878 were against it. The Cape, Orange Free State and Transvaal were all in favour; Natal, a mainly English-speaking province, was not. It was a narrow victory for the republicans. However, a considerable number of Afrikaners did vote against the measure. The few Blacks, Indians and Coloureds allowed to vote were decidedly against the measure.  English-speakers who voted for a republic had done so on condition that their cultural heritage be safeguarded. Many had associated a republic with the survival of the White South Africans. Macmillan's speech had illustrated that the British government was no longer prepared to stand by South Africa's racist policies. Nevertheless, the referendum was a significant victory for Afrikaner nationalism as British political and cultural influence waned in South Africa.  However, one question remained after the referendum: would South Africa become a republic outside the Commonwealth (the outcome favoured by the most Afrikaner nationalists)? Withdrawal from the Commonwealth would likely alienate English-speakers and damage relations with many other countries. Former British colonies such as India, Pakistan and Ghana were all republics within the Commonwealth, and Verwoerd announced that his would follow suit "if possible".  In January 1961, Verwoerd's government brought forth legislation to transform the Union of South Africa into the Republic of South Africa. The constitution was finished in April. It merged the authority of the British Crown and Governor-General into a new post, State President. The State President would have rather little political power, serving more as the ceremonial head of state. The political power was to lie with the Prime Minister (head of government). The Republic of South Africa would also have its own monetary system, employing Rands and cents.  In March 1961, Verwoerd visited the Imperial Conference in London to discuss South Africa becoming a republic within the Commonwealth, presenting the Republic of South Africa's application for a renewal of its membership to the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth had earlier declined to predict how republican status would affect South Africa's membership, it did not want to be seen to be meddling in its members' domestic affairs. However, many of the Conference's affiliates (prominent among them the Afro-Asia group and Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker) attacked South Africa's racial policies and rebuffed Verwoerd's application; they would go to any lengths to expel South Africa from the Commonwealth. In the UK, numerous anti-apartheid movements were also campaigning for South Africa's exclusion. Some member countries warned that, unless South Africa was expelled, they would themselves pull out of the organisation. Verwoerd discarded the censure, arguing that his Commonwealth cohorts had no right to question and criticise the domestic affairs of his country. On this issue, he even had the support of his parliamentary opposition.  Thus, on 15 March 1961, ostensibly to Britain an awkward decision and causing a split within the Commonwealth, but more likely to avoid further condemnation and embarrassment, Verwoerd withdrew his application and announced that South Africa would become a republic outside the Commonwealth. His decision was received with regret by the Prime Ministers of the UK, Australia and New Zealand, but was met with obvious approval from South Africa's critics. Verwoerd issued a statement the next day to the effect that the move would not affect South Africa's relationship with the United Kingdom. On his homecoming, he was met with a rapturous reception. Afrikaner nationalists were not at all deterred by the relinquishment of Commonwealth membership, for they regarded the Commonwealth as little more than the British Empire in disguise. They believed that South Africa and the United Kingdom had absolutely nothing in common, and even UP leader Sir De Villiers Graaff praised Verwoerd for his handling of the situation.  On 31 May 1961, South Africa became a republic. The date was a significant one in Afrikaner history, as it heralded the anniversary of a number of historical events, the 1902 Treaty of Vereeniging, which ended the Anglo-Boer War; South Africa's becoming a union in 1910; and the first hoisting of the Union flag in 1928. The Afrikaner republican dream had finally come to reality.  The significance of Commonwealth withdrawal turned out to be less than had been expected. It was not necessary for South Africa to amend its trading preferences, and Prime Minister Macmillan reciprocated Verwoerd's assurance that withdrawal would not alter trade between South Africa and the UK.  South Africa had now its first independent constitution, although the only real constitutional change was that the State President, in charge for seven years, would assume the now-vacant position of the Queen as Head of State. C. R. Swart, the State President elect, took the first republican oath as State President of South Africa before Chief Justice Steyn (DRC).  Although White inhabitants were generally happy with the republic, united in their support of Verwoerd, the Blacks defiantly rejected the move. Nelson Mandela and his National Action Council demonstrated from 29 to 31 May 1961. The republican issue would strongly intensify resistance to apartheid.

Support.

The NP won a majority of parliamentary seats in all elections during the apartheid era. Its popular vote record was more mixed: While it won the popular vote with a comfortable margin in most general elections, the NP carried less than 50% of the electorate in 1948, 1953, 1961, and 1989. In 1977, the NP got its best-ever result in the elections with support of 64.8% of the White voters and 134 seats in parliament out of 165. After this the party's support declined as a proliferation of right wing parties siphoned off important segments of its traditional voter base.  Throughout its reign, the party's support came mainly from Afrikaners, but other White people were courted by and increasingly voted for the NP after 1960. By the 1980s however, in reaction to the "verligte" reforms of P. W. Botha, the majority of Afrikaners drifted to the Conservative Party of Andries Treurnicht, who called for a return to the traditional policies of the NP. In the 1974 general elections for example 91% of Afrikaners voted for the NP; however, in the 1989 general elections, only 46% of Afrikaners cast their ballot for the National party.

Division and decline.

Following the assassination of Verwoerd, John Vorster took over as party leader and Prime Minister. From the 1960s onwards, the NP and the Afrikaner population in general was increasingly divided over the application of apartheid (the legal opposition being similarly divided over its response), leading to the emergence of the ""verkramptes"" and ""verligtes"". They were divided over such issues as immigration, language, racially-mixed sporting teams, and engagement with Black African states. In 1969, members of the ""verkrampte"" faction including Albert Hertzog and Jaap Marais, formed the "Herstigte Nasionale Party", which claimed to be the true upholder of pure Verwoerdian apartheid ideology and continues to exist today. While it never had much electoral success, it attracted sufficient numbers to erode support for the government at crucial points, although not to the extent that the Conservative Party would do. Meanwhile, the "verligtes" began to gain some traction inside the party in response to growing international opposition to apartheid. Perhaps a precursor to the split came around 1960 when Japie Basson, a moderate, was expelled for disagreements on racial questions and would form his own National Union Party, he would later join the United Party and Progressive Federal Party before rejoining the NP in the 1980s. Former Interior Minister Theo Gerdener formed the Democratic Party in 1973 to attempt its own verligte solution to racial questions. Beginning in the early 1980s, under the leadership of Pieter Willem Botha, Prime Minister since 1978, the NP began to reform its policies. Botha legalised interracial marriages and multiracial political parties and relaxed the Group Areas Act. Botha also amended the constitution to grant a measure of political representation to Coloureds and Indians by creating separate parliamentary chambers in which they had control of their "own affairs". The amendments also replaced the parliamentary system with a presidential one. The powers of the Prime Minister were essentially merged with those of the State President, which was vested with sweeping executive powers. Although portraying the new system as a power-sharing agreement, Botha ensured that the real power remained in White hands, and in practice, in the hands of the NP. Whites had large majorities in the electoral college which chose the State President, as well as on the President's Council, which settled disputes between the three chambers and decided which combination of them could consider any piece of legislation. However, Botha and the NP refused to budge on the central issue of granting meaningful political rights to Black South Africans, who remained unrepresented even after the reforms. Most Black political organisations remained banned, and prominent Black leaders, including Nelson Mandela, remained imprisoned.  While Botha's reforms did not even begin to meet the opposition's demands, they sufficiently alarmed a segment of his own party to engender a second split. In 1982, hardline NP members including Andries Treurnicht and Ferdinand Hartzenberg formed the Conservative Party, committed to reversing Botha's reforms, which by 1987 became the largest parliamentary opposition party. The party later merged into the Freedom Front, which today represents Afrikaner nationalism. On the other hand, some reformist NP members also left the party, such as Dennis Worrall and Wynand Malan, who formed the Independent Party which later merged into the Democratic Party (a similar breakaway group existed for a time in the 1970s). The loss of NP support to both the DP and CP reflected the divisions among White voters over continued maintenance of apartheid. In the midst of rising political instability, growing economic problems and diplomatic isolation, Botha resigned as NP leader, and subsequently as State President in 1989. He was replaced by F. W. de Klerk in this capacity. Although conservative by inclination, De Klerk had become the leader of an "enlightened" NP faction that realised the impracticality of maintaining apartheid forever. He decided that it would be better to negotiate while there was still time to reach a compromise, than to hold out until forced to negotiate on less favourable terms later. He persuaded the NP to enter into negotiations with representatives of the Black community. Late in 1989, the NP won the most bitterly contested election in decades, pledging to negotiate an end to the very apartheid system that it had established. On 2 February 1990, the African National Congress was legalised, and Nelson Mandela was released after twenty-seven years of imprisonment. In the same year, the NP opened its membership to all racial groups and moves began to repeal the racial legislation which had been the foundations of apartheid. A referendum in 1992 gave De Klerk plenipotentiary powers to negotiate with Mandela. Following the negotiations, a new interim constitution was drawn up, and non-racial democratic elections were held in 1994. These elections were won by the African National Congress. The NP remained in government, however, as a coalition partner to the ANC in the Government of National Unity until 30 June 1996, when it withdrew to become the official opposition.

Post-apartheid era.

The NP won 20.39% of the vote and 82 seats in the National Assembly in the first democratic elections in 1994. This support extended well beyond the White community and into other minority groups. For instance, two-thirds of Indian South Africans voted for the NP. It became the official opposition in most provinces and also won a majority in the Western Cape, winning much of the White and Coloured vote. Its Coloured support also earned it a strong second place in the Northern Cape. The party was wracked by internal wranglings whilst it participated in the Government of National Unity, and finally withdrew from the government to become the official opposition in 1996. Despite this, it remained uncertain about its future direction, and was continually outperformed in parliament by the much smaller Democratic Party (DP), which provided a more forceful and principled opposition stance. In 1997, its voter base began to gradually shift to the DP. The NP renamed itself the New National Party towards the end of 1997, to distance itself from its past.  However, the NNP would quickly disappear from the political scene, faring poorly in both the 1999 and 2004 elections. Going back and forth on whether to oppose or work with the ANC, the two finally formed an alliance in late 2001. After years of losing members and support to other parties, the NNP's collapse in its previous stronghold in the Western Cape in the 2004 election proved to be the final straw; its federal council voted to dissolve the party on 9 April 2005, following a decision the previous year to merge with the ANC.

Re-establishment.

On 5 August 2008 a new party using the name of "National Party South Africa" was formed and registered with the Independent Electoral Commission. The new party had no formal connection with the now defunct New National Party. The relaunched National Party of 2008 pushes for a non-racial democratic South Africa based on federal principles and the legacy of F. W. de Klerk.

The National Party ([NP] ), also known as the Nationalist Party, was a political party in South Africa founded in 1914 and disbanded in 1997. The party was originally an Afrikaner ethnic nationalist party that promoted Afrikaner interests in South Africa. It first became the governing party of the country in 1924. It was an opposition party during World War II but it returned to power and was again in the government from 4 June 1948 until 9 May 1994.

国民党(,英语:National Party,也称为英语:Nationalist Party;缩写为NP,其党员简称为Nationalists或Nats),是南非一个于1914年至1997年存在的重要政党。该党最初是一个阿非利卡民族主义政党,旨在促进阿非利卡人在南非的利益。然而在20世纪90年代初,国民党成为南非的一个公民民族主义政党,试图代表所有南非人。1924年,该党首次成为南非的执政党。在第二次世界大战期间,国民党遭到反对,但于1948年6月4日至1994年5月9日,该党再次重新掌权。


艾德瓦利·亚肯努耶-阿嘉巴杰

Early life and education.

Akinnuoye-Agbaje was born in Islington, London, to Nigerian parents of Yoruba origin, who were students in the UK. When he was six weeks old, his biological parents gave him up to a white working-class family in Tilbury, Essex His foster parents had at least ten African children, including Akinnuoye-Agbaje's two sisters, living in their house at certain points. His foster father made a living as a lorry driver and struggled to support the family financially.  When he was eight years old, his biological parents brought him back to Nigeria but, as he was unable to speak the Yoruba language and forbidden by his parents to speak English, he was returned to Tilbury shortly thereafter. The brief exposure to Nigeria left him struggling to reconcile his heritage with the distinctly British culture and environment he was raised in. As a young boy, facing a cultural identity crisis, he joined a local skinhead gang in order to escape racial persecution at their hands. At 16 years old, having become a thief, his foster parents sent him to a boarding school in Surrey where he ultimately attempted suicide before coming to terms with his background and turning his life around.  He went on to earn a Law degree from King's College London and a Masters in Law from the University of London International Programme. While a university student, Akinnuoye-Agbaje worked in a clothes shop where he was introduced to the world of modelling.

Career.

Akinnuoye-Agbaje's modelling career led him to Hollywood, where he began his acting career with a 1995 role in "Congo".  His best known acting roles have been as the imposing convict Simon Adebisi in the 1990s HBO prison series "Oz" and as Mr. Eko on ABC's survivor drama "Lost". Film roles include "The Bourne Identity", in which he played a deposed African dictator, Hitu the police officer in "", Lock-Nah in "The Mummy Returns", and Heavy Duty in "". He was also featured in the video for singer-songwriter Grayson Hugh's hit "Talk It Over", which was in heavy rotation in 1989 on MTV and VH-1.  In 2009, Akinnuoye-Agbaje was in talks with Marvel Studios to play the superhero Black Panther in a proposed film of the same name. In an interview, he stated his excitement about the possibility, saying that "the timing is so right" for a black superhero, and "while I'm in my prime, this is the time... I'm going to keep knocking on their door." In 2014 Marvel did announce a Black Panther film, though with Chadwick Boseman in the title role.  He guest starred in the second episode of season 8 of "Monk", and played Derek Jameson in the 2011 film "The Thing". He portrayed Kurse in the Marvel Studios film "". He portrayed the character Malko in the fifth season of "Game of Thrones". In 2015 it was reported that Akinnuoye-Abaje voices the lead character of "Bilal", a film about the life of Bilal Ibn Rabah set to be released in the second half of the year. In 2016, he co-starred in the DC Comics film "Suicide Squad", as the Batman villain Killer Croc.

Directing career.

In 2012, Akinnuoye-Agbaje stated that he had been developing a film about his life story, which he also planned to direct. The film is called "Farming", in reference to the practise of Nigerian parents "farming out" their children to white UK families. In May 2017, he announced that casting on the film had begun with Damson Idris in the lead role as Enitan, Kate Beckinsale playing his abusive, neglectful foster mother and Gugu Mbatha-Raw as his teacher and mentor.

Personal life.

Akinnuoye-Agbaje lives in Los Angeles. He is a Nichiren Buddhist and a member of the Soka Gakkai International Buddhist association.  Akinnuoye-Agbaje asked to be written off "Lost", citing a desire to return to London after his parents' deaths and to direct a film there.

Adewale Akinnuoye-Agbaje (; born 22 August 1967) is a British actor, director, and former fashion model known for his roles as Simon Adebisi in "Oz", Nykwana Wombosi in "The Bourne Identity", Kurse in "", Killer Croc in "Suicide Squad", Mr. Eko in "Lost", Malko in the fifth season of the HBO series "Game of Thrones" and Dave Duerson in the NFL biopic drama "Concussion".

艾德瓦利·亚肯努耶-阿嘉巴杰(英语:Adewale Akinnuoye-Agbaje,,1967年-8月22日)是一名英国男演员、编剧、导演、监制和尼日利亚血统的前时装模特儿。他较著名的是在2001年的电影《神鬼传奇2》中饰演反派拉克讷和2002年的《神鬼认证》中的尼匡纳·旺博西。他还于2016年的《自杀突击队》中饰演韦伦·琼斯/杀手鳄。


Non-integrated Sachs–Wolfe effect.

The non-integrated Sachs–Wolfe effect is caused by gravitational redshift occurring at the surface of last scattering. The effect is not constant across the sky due to differences in the matter/energy density at the time of last scattering.

Integrated Sachs–Wolfe effect.

The integrated Sachs–Wolfe (ISW) effect is also caused by gravitational redshift, but it occurs between the surface of last scattering and the Earth, so it is not part of the primordial CMB. It occurs when the Universe is dominated in its energy density by something other than matter. If the Universe is dominated by matter, then large-scale gravitational potential energy wells and hills do not evolve significantly. If the Universe is dominated by radiation, or by dark energy, though, those potentials do evolve, subtly changing the energy of photons passing through them.  There are two contributions to the ISW effect. The "early-time" ISW occurs immediately after the (non-integrated) Sachs–Wolfe effect produces the primordial CMB, as photons course through density fluctuations while there is still enough radiation around to affect the Universe's expansion. Although it is physically the same as the late-time ISW, for observational purposes it is usually lumped in with the primordial CMB, since the matter fluctuations that cause it are in practice undetectable.

Late-time integrated Sachs–Wolfe effect.

The "late-time" ISW effect arises quite recently in cosmic history, as dark energy, or the cosmological constant, starts to govern the Universe's expansion. Unfortunately, the nomenclature is a bit confusing. Often, "late-time ISW" implicitly refers to the late-time ISW effect to linear/first order in density perturbations. This linear part of the effect entirely vanishes in a flat universe with only matter, but dominates over the higher-order part of the effect in a universe with dark energy. The full nonlinear (linear + higher-order) late-time ISW effect, especially in the case of individual voids and clusters, is sometimes known as the Rees–Sciama effect, since Martin Rees and Dennis Sciama elucidated the following physical picture.  Accelerated expansion due to dark energy causes even strong large-scale potential wells (superclusters) and hills (voids) to decay over the time it takes a photon to travel through them. A photon gets a kick of energy going into a potential well (a supercluster), and it keeps some of that energy after it exits, after the well has been stretched out and shallowed. Similarly, a photon has to expend energy entering a supervoid, but will not get all of it back upon exiting the slightly squashed potential hill.  A signature of the late-time ISW is a non-zero cross-correlation function between the galaxy density (the number of galaxies per square degree) and the temperature of the CMB, because superclusters gently heat photons, while supervoids gently cool them. This correlation has been detected at moderate to high significance.  A detailed analysis of how parameters like shot noise, maximum multipole or redshift ranges can influence the significance of radio continuum surveys was presented by Rahman in 2014.  In May 2008, Granett, Neyrinck & Szapudi showed that the late-time ISW can be pinned to discrete supervoids and superclusters identified in the SDSS Luminous Red Galaxy catalog. Their ISW detection traces the localised ISW effect produced by supervoids and superclusters have on the CMB. However, the amplitude of this localised detection is controversial, as it is significantly larger than the expectations and depends on several assumptions of the analysis.

The Sachs–Wolfe effect, named after Rainer K. Sachs and Arthur M. Wolfe, is a property of the cosmic microwave background radiation (CMB), in which photons from the CMB are gravitationally redshifted, causing the CMB spectrum to appear uneven. This effect is the predominant source of fluctuations in the CMB for angular scales above about ten degrees.

萨克斯–瓦福效应(英语:Sachs–Wolfe effect)是宇宙微波背景辐射(CMB)的一种性质,来自CMB的光子由于重力红移而使得CMB的光谱参差不齐。这种效应是角度在10度以上的CMB波动的主要来源。它以赖纳·萨克斯和阿瑟·M·沃尔夫的名字命名。


Process.

In the Kroll process, the TiCl is reduced by liquid magnesium to give titanium metal: The reduction is conducted at 800–850 °C in a stainless steel retort. Complications result from partial reduction of the TiCl, giving to the lower chlorides TiCl and TiCl. The MgCl can be further refined back to magnesium. The resulting porous metallic titanium sponge is purified by leaching or vacuum distillation. The sponge is crushed, and pressed before it is melted in a consumable carbon electrode vacuum arc furnace. The melted ingot is allowed to solidify under vacuum. It is often remelted to remove inclusions and ensure uniformity. These melting steps add to the cost of the product. Titanium is about six times as expensive than stainless steel.  In the Hunter process, which is not commercial, the TiCl from the chloride process is reduced to the metal by sodium.

History and subsequent developments.

The process was invented in 1940 by William J. Kroll in Luxembourg. After moving to the United States, Kroll further developed the method for the production of zirconium. Many methods have been applied to the production of titanium metal, beginning with a report in 1887 by Nilsen and Pettersen using sodium, which was optimized into the commercial Hunter process. In the 1920s van Arkel had described the thermal decomposition of titanium tetraiodide to give highly pure titanium. Titanium tetrachloride was found to reduce with hydrogen at high temperatures to give hydrides that can be thermally processed to the pure metal. With this background, Kroll developed both new reductants and new apparatus for the reduction of titanium tetrachloride. Its high reactivity toward trace amounts of water and other metal oxides presented challenges. Significant success came with the use of calcium as a reductant, but the resulting mixture still contained significant oxide impurities. Major success using magnesium at 1000 °C using a molybdenum clad reactor, as reported to the Electrochemical Society in Ottawa. Kroll's titanium was highly ductile reflecting its high purity. The Kroll process displaced the Hunter process and continues to be the dominant technology for the production of titanium metal, as well as driving the majority of the world's production of magnesium metal.  Other technologies are competing with the Kroll process. One process involves electrolysis of a molten salt. Problems with this process include "redox recycling," the failure of the diaphragm, and dendritic deposition in the electrolyte solution. Another process, the FFC Cambridge process, has been patented for a solid electrolytic solution, and its implementation would eliminate the titanium-sponge processing. Also in development is a pyrometallurgical route that involves the reduction of an intermediate form of titanium with aluminium. It combines the advantages of pyrometallurgy and a cheap reductant.

The Kroll process is a pyrometallurgical industrial process used to produce metallic titanium from titanium tetrachloride. The Kroll process replaced the Hunter process for almost all commercial production.

克罗尔法是精炼钛的高温冶金工业制程。1940年由卢森堡的冶金学家威廉·克罗尔(William J. Kroll)发明并获得专利。克罗尔搬家到美国后将克罗尔法推广到锆的冶炼。克罗尔法现已几乎取代亨特法在商业生产高纯度钛的地位。


Biography.

Lin was born in Chiayi, Taiwan. She was scouted in 1972 on the streets of Taipei by a film producer after she finished women high school and was preparing for university. Lin debuted in the film adaptation of Chiung Yao's "Outside the Window" (1973), which propelled her into stardom. Lin, along with Joan Lin, Charlie Chin and Chin Han, thus became known as the "Two Chins, Two Lins" (二秦二林) for their extensive roles in romantic movies of the 70's based on Chiung's novels that dominated the Taiwanese box office. She subsequently joined Chiung Yao's company in 1976 and, by 1982, had played the lead in 12 of her films.  Lin won the Best Actress award at the Asia-Pacific Film Festival for her role as a girl scout in "Eight Hundred Heroes" (1976).  After having worked on more than 50 films within the first seven years of her career, Lin took a hiatus from acting in 1979 and moved to the US for a year and a half.  Known for being a "screen goddess" by Chinese film lovers, Lin's early collaborations with Hong Kong New Wave directors Ringo Lam, Tsui Hark and Jackie Chan in "Love Massacre" (1981), "Zu Warriors from the Magic Mountain" (1983), "Police Story" (1985) and "Peking Opera Blues" (1986) brought her success. In 1990, she won the Best Actress trophy at the 27th Golden Horse Awards for her depiction of a Chinese female writer who fell in love with a Japanese collaborator in "Red Dust" (1990).  It was common for women to cross dress as male characters in Chinese movies and operas. And Lin is particularly well known for her androgynous roles, her earliest being Jia Baoyu, the male protagonist of the 1977 film adaptation of "Dream of the Red Chamber". In "Peking Opera Blues" (1986), she was a guerrilla revolutionary and in Royal Tramp II (1992), she was the leader of the Heavenly Dragon Sect, both of whom were women characters dressed as men. And in "Ashes of Time" (1994), she played twin brother/sister duo Yin and Yang. However, she is perhaps most well known for her role as Dongfang Bubai in "Swordsman II" (1992). "Swordsman II" marked the peak of her career in terms of box office earnings and was featured on "Time" magazine as one of the greatest films made between 1923 and 2010.  Subsequently, she starred in many other notable martial epics including "New Dragon Gate Inn" (1992) and "The Bride with White Hair" (1993).  At the height of her popularity, Lin was inarguably one of the most sought-after actresses in the Chinese film industry. She starred in more than 100 movies. Lin was credited for boosting Taiwan's film production in the 1970s before earning even greater popularity in Hong Kong in the 1990s, becoming a trans-island legend of her time.  She retired from acting in 1994. Her last acting role was in "Ashes of Time" (1994).

Personal life.

Lin traces her family roots to Shandong, China.  It's been reported that Lin has dated both Chin Han and Charlie Chin of "Two Chins, Two Lins" back in the seventies, even sustaining a proposal from the latter before eventually cancelling it.  Lin married Hong Kong businessman Michael Ying in 1994. She is the mother of Eileen Ying Oi Lum (born 1996) and Melani Ying Yin-oi (born 2001) and stepmother to Claudine Ying.  She made her first public appearance since her marriage at the screening of "Ashes of Time Redux" during the 2008 New York Film Festival.

Brigitte Lin Ching-hsia (; born 3 November 1954) is a Taiwanese actress. She is regarded as an icon of Chinese cinema for her extensive and varied roles in both Taiwanese and Hong Kong films.

林青霞(1954年-11月3日),台湾女演员、作家。1973年,年仅19岁的她以琼瑶的电影《窗外》正式出道,是1970年代后期台湾最著名的琼瑶式爱情片巨星之一,与秦祥林、秦汉、林凤娇并称「二秦二林」。林青霞从影时间长达21年,1994年结婚后淡出影坛,息影前已演出超过一百部电影,有一半是文艺爱情片。她曾于1976年以《八百壮士》杨惠敏一角获得第22届亚洲影展最佳女主角;又于1990年以《滚滚红尘》女作家沈韶华一角赢得第27届金马奖最佳女主角奖。林青霞的从影代表作不胜枚举,不仅是极少数能横跨文艺、武侠两种极端类型的代表明星,也是走红时间最长、从未被时代潮流吞没的传奇。


Early life.

Christine Chubbuck was born in Hudson, Ohio, the daughter of Margaretha D. "Peg" (1921–1994) and George Fairbanks Chubbuck (1918–2015). She had two brothers, Greg and Tim. Chubbuck attended the Laurel School for Girls in Shaker Heights, a suburb of Cleveland. During her years at Laurel, she jokingly formed a "Dateless Wonder Club" with other "rejected" girls who didn't have dates on Saturday night. Chubbuck attended Miami University in Oxford, Ohio for one year, majoring in theater arts, then attended Endicott College in Beverly, Massachusetts, before earning a degree in broadcasting at Boston University in 1965.

Career.

Early work.

Chubbuck worked for WVIZ in Cleveland between 1966 and 1967, and attended a summer workshop in radio and television at New York University in 1967. That same year, she worked in Canton, Ohio and, for three months, at WQED-TV in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, as an assistant producer for two local shows, "Women's World" and "Keys to the City". In 1968, Chubbuck left WQED to spend four years as a hospital computer operator and two years with a cable television firm in Sarasota, Florida. Immediately before joining ABC affiliate WXLT-TV (now WWSB), she worked in the traffic department of WTOG in St. Petersburg.  Several years before her death, Chubbuck had moved into her family's summer cottage on Siesta Key, Florida. "The Washington Post" later reported that she had painted the bedroom and canopied bed to look like that of a young teenager. After Chubbuck's parents were divorced, her mother Peg and younger brother Greg came to live in the Florida home. When Greg left, her elder brother Tim moved in. Chubbuck had a close relationship with her family, describing her mother and Greg as her closest friends.

WXLT-TV.

WXLT-TV's owner, Bob Nelson, had initially hired Chubbuck as a reporter but later gave her a community affairs talk show, "Suncoast Digest", which ran at 9:00 am. Production Manager Gordon J. Acker described Chubbuck's new show to a local paper: "It will feature local people and local activities. It will give attention, for instance, to the storefront organizations that are concerned with alcoholics, drug users, and other 'lost' segments of the community." Page five of the article showed a smiling Chubbuck posed with an ABC camera.  Chubbuck took her position seriously, inviting local officials from Sarasota and Bradenton to discuss matters of interest to the growing beach community. After her death, the "Sarasota Herald-Tribune" reported that Chubbuck had been nominated for a Forestry and Conservation Recognition Award by the Bradenton district office of the Florida Division of Forestry. She was considered a "strong contender" by district forester Mike Keel, who had been originally scheduled to appear as a guest on Chubbuck's show the morning of her suicide; he had cancelled because of the birth of his son. On occasion, she incorporated homemade puppets she used to entertain children with intellectual disabilities during her volunteer work at Sarasota Memorial Hospital.

Death.

Depression.

Chubbuck spoke to her family at length about her struggles with depression and suicidal tendencies, though she did not inform them of her specific intent beforehand. She had attempted to overdose on drugs in 1970 and frequently made reference to that event. Chubbuck had also been seeing a psychiatrist up until several weeks before her death. Her mother chose not to tell WXLT management of her daughter's suicidal tendencies, because she feared Chubbuck would be fired as a result.  Chubbuck's focus on her lack of intimate relationships is generally considered to be the driving force for her depression; her mother later summarized "her suicide was simply because her personal life was not enough." She lamented to co-workers that her 30th birthday was approaching and she was still a virgin who had never been on more than two dates with a man. Her brother Greg later recalled several times she had gone out with a man before moving to Sarasota, but agreed she had trouble connecting socially in the beach resort town. He believed her constant self-deprecation for being "dateless" contributed to her ongoing depression.  According to a 1974 Sally Quinn article in "The Washington Post", Chubbuck had an unrequited crush on co-worker George Peter Ryan. She baked him a cake for his birthday and sought his romantic attention, only to find out he was already involved with sports reporter Andrea Kirby. Kirby had been the co-worker closest to Chubbuck, but she was offered a new job in Baltimore, which had further depressed Chubbuck. Chubbuck's lack of a romantic partner was considered a tangent of her desperate need to have close friends, though co-workers said she tended to be brusque and defensive whenever they made friendly gestures toward her. She was self-deprecating, criticizing herself constantly and rejecting any compliments others paid her.  Chubbuck had her right ovary removed in an operation the year before her suicide, and had been told that if she did not become pregnant within two to three years, it was unlikely she would ever be able to conceive.  A week before her suicide, she told Rob Smith, the night news editor, that she had bought a gun and joked about killing herself on air. Smith later stated that he did not respond to what he thought was Chubbuck's "sick" attempt at humor, and changed the subject.

Suicide.

On the morning of July 15, 1974, Chubbuck confused co-workers by claiming she had to read a newscast to open "Suncoast Digest", something she had never done before. That morning's guest waited across the studio while Chubbuck sat at the news anchor's desk. During the first eight minutes of her program, Chubbuck covered three national news stories and then a shooting from the previous day at local restaurant Beef & Bottle, at the Sarasota-Bradenton Airport. The film reel of the restaurant shooting had jammed and would not run, so Chubbuck shrugged it off and said on-camera, "In keeping with Channel 40's policy of bringing you the latest in 'blood and guts' and in living color, you are going to see another first—(an) attempted suicide." She drew the.38-caliber Smith & Wesson Model 36 revolver and shot herself behind her right ear. Chubbuck fell forward violently and the technical director faded the broadcast rapidly to black.  The station quickly ran a standard public service announcement and then a movie. Some television viewers called the police, while others called the station to inquire if the shooting was staged.  After the shooting, news director Mike Simmons found the papers from which Chubbuck had been reading her newscast contained a complete script of her program, including not only the shooting, but also a third-person account to be read by whichever staff member took over the broadcast after the incident. He said her script called for her condition to be listed as "critical."  Chubbuck was taken to Sarasota Memorial Hospital, where she was pronounced dead fourteen hours later. Upon receiving the news, a WXLT staffer released the information to other stations using Chubbuck's script. For a time, WXLT aired reruns of the TV series "Gentle Ben" in place of "Suncoast Digest".

Aftermath.

Chubbuck's body was cremated. The funeral ceremony was held on the beach, where her ashes were scattered into the Gulf of Mexico. Approximately 120 people attended, including local officials who had appeared on her show. Three songs by Chubbuck's favorite singer, Roberta Flack, were played. Presbyterian minister Thomas Beason delivered the eulogy, stating, "We suffer at our sense of loss, we are frightened by her rage, we are guilty in the face of her rejection, we are hurt by her choice of isolation and we are confused by her message."  Chubbuck's show, "Suncoast Digest", stayed on the air for several years with new hosts. Simmons, the station director, said Chubbuck's suicide was unrelated to the station. "The crux of the situation was that she was a 29-year-old girl who wanted to be married and who wasn't," he said in 1977.  The footage of Chubbuck's death has not been seen since its initial airing, and numerous theories on what happened to the footage have been advanced. One was that the station owner Robert Nelson kept it, and it was in the possession of his widow, Mollie. It was confirmed in June 2016 that the footage of Chubbuck's death exists and had indeed been in Robert Nelson's possession, but was handed over to a "very large law firm" for safekeeping by Mollie Nelson. She has no plans on making it publicly available.  In 2007, Greg Chubbuck spoke publicly about his sister for the first time since 1974 in an E! television special.

In popular culture.

In 2003, Christopher Sorrentino published "Condition," a short story based on Chubbuck's suicide, in the literary magazine "Conjunctions".  In 2016, two films about Chubbuck played at the 2016 Sundance Film Festival. The first, "Christine," was directed by Antonio Campos, and starred Rebecca Hall as Christine Chubbuck and Michael C. Hall as George Peter Ryan. The second was the documentary "Kate Plays Christine" which depicts actress Kate Lyn Sheil's preparation for the part of Chubbuck.

Christine Chubbuck (August 24, 1944 – July 15, 1974) was an American television news reporter who worked for WTOG and WXLT-TV in Sarasota, Florida. She is known for being the first person to commit suicide on a live television broadcast.

克莉丝汀·查伯克(Christine Chubbuck,1944年-8月24日-1974年-7月15日),美国女性新闻工作者、主播,生于美国俄亥俄州哈德逊,生前隶属于美国WXLT 40频道 (即现今ABC第7频道),为史上首个于电视直播中自杀的女记者而闻名。


爱迪生·瓦西里耶维奇·杰尼索夫

Biography.

Denisov was born in Tomsk, Siberia, into the family of a radio physicist, who gave him the very unusual first name Edison, in honour of Thomas Edison. He studied mathematics before deciding to spend his life composing. This decision was enthusiastically supported by Dmitri Shostakovich, who gave him lessons in composition.  In 1951–56 Denisov studied at the Moscow Conservatory: composition with Vissarion Shebalin, orchestration with Nikolay Rakov, analysis with Viktor Tsukkerman and piano with Vladimir Belov. In 1956–59 he composed the opera "Ivan-Soldat" (Soldier Ivan) in three acts based on Russian folk fairy tales.  He began his own study of scores that were difficult to obtain in the USSR at that time, including music by composers ranging from Mahler and Debussy to Boulez and Stockhausen. He wrote a series of articles giving a detailed analysis of different aspects of contemporary compositional techniques and at same time actively experimented as a composer, trying to find his own way.  After graduating from the Moscow Conservatory, he taught orchestration and later composition there. His pupils included the composers Dmitri Smirnov, Elena Firsova, Vladimir Tarnopolsky, Sergey Pavlenko, Ivan Sokolov, Yuri Kasparov, Dmitri Kapyrin, and Aleksandr Shchetinskiy.  In 1979, at the Sixth Congress of the Union of Soviet Composers, he was blacklisted as one of "Khrennikov's Seven" for unapproved participation in a number of festivals of Soviet music in the West.  Denisov became a leader of the Association for Contemporary Music reestablished in Moscow in 1990. Later he moved to France, where after an accident and long illness he died in a Paris hospital in 1996.

Music.

Denisov's cycle for soprano and chamber ensemble "Le soleil des Incas" (1964), setting poems by Gabriela Mistral and dedicated to Pierre Boulez, brought him international recognition following a series of successful performances of the work in Darmstadt and Paris (1965). Igor Stravinsky liked the piece, discovering the "remarkable talent" of its composer. However, it was harshly criticised by the Union of Soviet Composers for its "western influences", "erudition instead of creativity", and "total composer's arbitrary" (Tikhon Khrennikov). After that, performances of his works were frequently banned in the Soviet Union.  Later he wrote a flute concerto for Aurèle Nicolet, a violin concerto for Gidon Kremer, works for the oboist Heinz Holliger, clarinettist Eduard Brunner and a sonata for alto saxophone and piano for Jean-Marie Londeix, that became highly popular among saxophone players.  His sombre but striking Requiem, setting a multi-lingual text (English, French, German, and Latin) based on works by the German writer Francisco Tanzer, was given its first performance in Hamburg in 1980.  Among his major works are the operas "L'écume des jours" after Boris Vian (1981), "Quatre Filles" after Pablo Picasso (1986) and ballet "Confession" after Alfred de Musset.

Edison Vasilievich Denisov (, 6 April 1929 – 24 November 1996) was a Russian composer in the so-called "Underground", "alternative" or "nonconformist" division of Soviet music.

爱迪生·瓦西里耶维奇·杰尼索夫(,1929年-4月6日-1996年-11月24日),苏联-俄罗斯作曲家,生于西伯利亚托木斯克,其家人为了向发明家托马斯·爱迪生致敬而给他起了“爱迪生”一名(杰尼索夫的父亲是个电气工程师)。