Overview.

A segmentation fault occurs when a program attempts to access a memory location that it is not allowed to access, or attempts to access a memory location in a way that is not allowed (for example, attempting to write to a read-only location, or to overwrite part of the operating system).  The term "segmentation" has various uses in computing; in the context of "segmentation fault", a term used since the 1950s, it refers to the address space of a "program." With memory protection, only the program's own address space is readable, and of this, only the stack and the read/write portion of the data segment of a program are writable, while read-only data and the code segment are not writable. Thus attempting to read outside of the program's address space, or writing to a read-only segment of the address space, results in a segmentation fault, hence the name.  On systems using hardware memory segmentation to provide virtual memory, a segmentation fault occurs when the hardware detects an attempt to refer to a non-existent segment, or to refer to a location outside the bounds of a segment, or to refer to a location in a fashion not allowed by the permissions granted for that segment. On systems using only paging, an invalid page fault generally leads to a segmentation fault, and segmentation faults and page faults are both faults raised by the virtual memory management system. Segmentation faults can also occur independently of page faults: illegal access to a valid page is a segmentation fault, but not an invalid page fault, and segmentation faults can occur in the middle of a page (hence no page fault), for example in a buffer overflow that stays within a page but illegally overwrites memory.  At the hardware level, the fault is initially raised by the memory management unit (MMU) on illegal access (if the referenced memory exists), as part of its memory protection feature, or an invalid page fault (if the referenced memory does not exist). If the problem is not an invalid logical address but instead an invalid physical address, a bus error is raised instead, though these are not always distinguished.  At the operating system level, this fault is caught and a signal is passed on to the offending process, activating the process's handler for that signal. Different operating systems have different signal names to indicate that a segmentation fault has occurred. On Unix-like operating systems, a signal called SIGSEGV (abbreviated from "segmentation violation") is sent to the offending process. On Microsoft Windows, the offending process receives a STATUS_ACCESS_VIOLATION exception.

Causes.

The conditions under which segmentation violations occur and how they manifest themselves are specific to hardware and the operating system: different hardware raises different faults for given conditions, and different operating systems convert these to different signals that are passed on to processes. The proximate cause is a memory access violation, while the underlying cause is generally a software bug of some sort. Determining the root cause – debugging the bug – can be simple in some cases, where the program will consistently cause a segmentation fault (e.g., dereferencing a null pointer), while in other cases the bug can be difficult to reproduce and depend on memory allocation on each run (e.g., dereferencing a dangling pointer).  The following are some typical causes of a segmentation fault: These in turn are often caused by programming errors that result in invalid memory access:  In C code, segmentation faults most often occur because of errors in pointer use, particularly in C dynamic memory allocation. Dereferencing a null pointer will always result in a segmentation fault, but wild pointers and dangling pointers point to memory that may or may not exist, and may or may not be readable or writable, and thus can result in transient bugs. For example:  char *p1 = NULL; // Null pointer char *p2; // Wild pointer: not initialized at all. char *p3 = malloc(10 * sizeof(char)); // Initialized pointer to allocated memory free(p3); // p3 is now a dangling pointer, as memory has been freed  Now, dereferencing any of these variables could cause a segmentation fault: dereferencing the null pointer generally will cause a segfault, while reading from the wild pointer may instead result in random data but no segfault, and reading from the dangling pointer may result in valid data for a while, and then random data as it is overwritten.

Handling.

The default action for a segmentation fault or bus error is abnormal termination of the process that triggered it. A core file may be generated to aid debugging, and other platform-dependent actions may also be performed. For example, Linux systems using the grsecurity patch may log SIGSEGV signals in order to monitor for possible intrusion attempts using buffer overflows.

Examples.

Writing to read-only memory.

Writing to read-only memory raises a segmentation fault. At the level of code errors, this occurs when the program writes to part of its own code segment or the read-only portion of the data segment, as these are loaded by the OS into read-only memory.  Here is an example of ANSI C code that will generally cause a segmentation fault on platforms with memory protection. It attempts to modify a string literal, which is undefined behavior according to the ANSI C standard. Most compilers will not catch this at compile time, and instead compile this to executable code that will crash: int main(void)  When the program containing this code is compiled, the string "hello world" is placed in the rodata section of the program executable file: the read-only section of the data segment. When loaded, the operating system places it with other strings and constant data in a read-only segment of memory. When executed, a variable, "s", is set to point to the string's location, and an attempt is made to write an "H" character through the variable into the memory, causing a segmentation fault. Compiling such a program with a compiler that does not check for the assignment of read-only locations at compile time, and running it on a Unix-like operating system produces the following runtime error: $ gcc segfault.c -g -o segfault $./segfault Segmentation fault Backtrace of the core file from GDB: Program received signal SIGSEGV, Segmentation fault. 0x1c0005c2 in main () at segfault.c:6 6 *s = 'H'; This code can be corrected by using an array instead of a character pointer, as this allocates memory on stack and initializes it to the value of the string literal:  char s[] = "hello world"; s[0] = 'H'; // equivalently, *s = 'H';  Even though string literals should not be modified (this has undefined behavior in the C standard), in C they are of codice_1 type, so there is no implicit conversion in the original code (which points a codice_2 at that array), while in C++ they are of codice_3 type, and thus there is an implicit conversion, so compilers will generally catch this particular error.

Null pointer dereference.

In C and C-like languages, null pointers are used to mean "pointer to no object" and as an error indicator, and dereferencing a null pointer (a read or write through a null pointer) is a very common program error. The C standard does not say that the null pointer is the same as the pointer to memory address 0, though that may be the case in practice. Most operating systems map the null pointer's address such that accessing it causes a segmentation fault. This behavior is not guaranteed by the C standard. Dereferencing a null pointer is undefined behavior in C, and a conforming implementation is allowed to assume that any pointer that is dereferenced is not null. int *ptr = NULL; printf("%d", *ptr); This sample code creates a null pointer, and then tries to access its value (read the value). Doing so causes a segmentation fault at runtime on many operating systems.  Dereferencing a null pointer and then assigning to it (writing a value to a non-existent target) also usually causes a segmentation fault:  int *ptr = NULL; The following code includes a null pointer dereference, but when compiled will often not result in a segmentation fault, as the value is unused and thus the dereference will often be optimized away by dead code elimination:  int *ptr = NULL;

Stack overflow.

Another example is recursion without a base case: int main(void)  which causes the stack to overflow which results in a segmentation fault. Infinite recursion may not necessarily result in a stack overflow depending on the language, optimizations performed by the compiler and the exact structure of a code. In this case, the behavior of unreachable code (the return statement) is undefined, so the compiler can eliminate it and use a tail call optimization that might result in no stack usage. Other optimizations could include translating the recursion into iteration, which given the structure of the example function would result in the program running forever, while probably not overflowing its stack.

In computing, a segmentation fault (often shortened to segfault) or access violation is a fault, or failure condition, raised by hardware with memory protection, notifying an operating system (OS) the software has attempted to access a restricted area of memory (a memory access violation). On standard x86 computers, this is a form of general protection fault. The OS kernel will, in response, usually perform some corrective action, generally passing the fault on to the offending process by sending the process a signal. Processes can in some cases install a custom signal handler, allowing them to recover on their own, but otherwise the OS default signal handler is used, generally causing abnormal termination of the process (a program crash), and sometimes a core dump.


拉克雷森塔-蒙特罗斯 (加利福尼亚州)

Geography.

La Crescenta-Montrose encompasses those parts of the Crescenta Valley, northwestern San Rafael Hills, and northeastern Verdugo Mountains not within the cities of Glendale or La Cañada Flintridge.  La Crescenta-Montrose is bordered on the north by the San Gabriel Mountains and Angeles National Forest, on the east by La Cañada Flintridge, on the south by the Verdugo Mountains and central Glendale, and the northwest by the Sunland-Tujunga community of Los Angeles. The Foothill Freeway (I-210) runs through the southern portion of the area.

Demographics.

2010.

The 2010 United States Census reported that La Crescenta-Montrose had a population of 19,653. The population density was 5,717.8 people per square mile (2,207.7/km). The racial makeup of La Crescenta-Montrose was 12,807 (65.2%) White (57.9% Non-Hispanic White), 142 (0.7%) African American, 70 (0.4%) Native American, 5,375 (27.3%) Asian, 12 (0.1%) Pacific Islander, 533 (2.7%) from other races, and 714 (3.6%) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2,232 persons (11.4%).  The Census reported that 19,652 people (100% of the population) lived in households, 1 (0%) lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, and 0 (0%) were institutionalized.  There were 7,088 households, out of which 2,700 (38.1%) had children under the age of 18 living in them, 4,190 (59.1%) were opposite-sex married couples living together, 784 (11.1%) had a female householder with no husband present, 298 (4.2%) had a male householder with no wife present. There were 212 (3.0%) unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, and 42 (0.6%) same-sex married couples or partnerships. 1,533 households (21.6%) were made up of individuals and 555 (7.8%) had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.77. There were 5,272 families (74.4% of all households); the average family size was 3.26.  The population distribution was 4,612 people (23.5%) under the age of 18, 1,635 people (8.3%) aged 18 to 24, 4,590 people (23.4%) aged 25 to 44, 6,388 people (32.5%) aged 45 to 64, and 2,428 people (12.4%) who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 41.6 years. For every 100 females, there were 92.9 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 89.8 males.  There were 7,350 housing units at an average density of 2,138.4 per square mile (825.6/km), of which 4,568 (64.4%) were owner-occupied, and 2,520 (35.6%) were occupied by renters. The homeowner vacancy rate was 0.6%; the rental vacancy rate was 4.1%. 13,478 people (68.6% of the population) lived in owner-occupied housing units and 6,174 people (31.4%) lived in rental housing units.  According to the 2010 United States Census, La Crescenta-Montrose had a median household income of $89,375, with 7.4% of the population living below the federal poverty line.

2000.

As of the census of 2000, there were 18,532 people, 6,945 households, and 4,944 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 5,407.0 people per square mile (2,086.1/km). There were 7,108 housing units at an average density of 2,073.9 per square mile (800.1/km). The racial makeup of the CDP was 72.93% White, 0.52% African American, 0.36% Native American, 18.68% Asian, 0.04% Pacific Islander, 2.69% from other races, and 4.78% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 9.91% of the population.  There were 6,945 households out of which 37.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 57.4% were married couples living together, 10.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 28.8% were non-families. 24.5% of all households were made up of individuals and 7.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.66 and the average family size was 3.22.  In the CDP the population was spread out with 26.5% under the age of 18, 6.4% from 18 to 24, 29.9% from 25 to 44, 25.8% from 45 to 64, and 11.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females, there were 93.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 90.9 males.  The median income for a household in the CDP was $60,089, and the median income for a family was $69,381. Males had a median income of $60,027 versus $38,532 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $30,196. About 3.9% of families and 5.3% of the population were below the poverty line, including 6.3% of those under age 18 and 5.6% of those age 65 or over.

Mapping L.A..

In 2009, the "Los Angeles Times"'s "Mapping L.A." project supplied these neighborhood statistics based on the 2000 census.  The percentages of Asian and white people in La Crescenta-Montrose were high for the county. Median income at $82,693 was high for the county, The percentages of households that earned $60,000 to $125,000 and $125,000 and up were high for the county. 40.8% of residents 25 and older had a four-year degree, high for the county. The percentages of residents ages 35 to 49 and 50 to 64 were among the county's highest. The single-parent rate was 8.8 percent, low for the county. The percentage of veterans who served during Vietnam was among the county's highest.  Comparison of La Crescenta-Montrose with nearby neighborhoods<br> Most percentages are rounded to the nearest whole figure.

Schools.

Schools in La Crescenta-Montrose are a part of the Glendale Unified School District.  Elementary Schools  Middle Schools  High Schools  Independent Study  Private

Politics.

In the state legislature, La Crescenta-Montrose is situated in the 25th Senate District, represented by Senator Carol Liu, and the 43rd Assembly District, represented by Assemblywoman Laura Friedman. The area is in California's 28th congressional district, represented by Congressman Adam Schiff.  The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department (LASD) operates the Crescenta Valley Station in La Crescenta, serving La Crescenta and Montrose.

History.

The area was originally part of the homelands of the Tongva people. It became part of Rancho La Cañada, a Mexican land grant given in 1843 by Governor Manuel Micheltorena to a Mexican schoolteacher from Pueblo de Los Ángeles, Ygnacio Coronel (1795–1862).  La Crescenta does not mean "the crescent," which in Spanish would be "el creciente". From his home, early settler Benjamin B. Briggs "could see three crescent-shaped formations, which suggested to him the artificial name," accepted by the U.S. Post Office in 1888. Montrose was chosen "as the result of a contest for the subdivision established in 1913 on part of the La Crescenta development.

The Great Flood of 1934.

In November 1933, wildfires raged through the nearby San Gabriel mountains above the communities of La Crescenta, La Cañada and Montrose. During the last week of December of that year, a series of winter storms pounded the mountainside with 12 inches of rain. On New Year's Eve, more heavy rains led to sporadic flooding.  Around midnight, hillsides in at least three mountain locations collapsed sending millions of tons of mud and debris into the Crescenta Valley neighborhoods below.  More than 400 homes were destroyed in La Cañada, La Crescenta, Montrose and Tujunga. Scores of people were killed, and hundreds were left homeless. Entire families were wiped out. The mudslides that began in the mountains above La Cañada and La Crescenta carved a path of destruction all the way to the Verdugo Wash and beyond.  Some Montrose residents sought shelter from flooding at American Legion Post 288, which was destroyed, killing 12.  Parts of Foothill Boulevard were buried under of mud, boulders and debris. The mud was deep enough to bury cars completely on Montrose Avenue. Miles of Honolulu Boulevard were inundated by several feet of sand and silt.  Two notable victims of the flood were silent-era identical-twin child actors Winston and Weston Doty, who died at the age of 19.  Following the disaster, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and the County of Los Angeles built a flood control system of catch basins and concrete storm drains, designed to prevent a repeat of the 1934 disaster.  The flood was commemorated in Woody Guthrie's song "Los Angeles New Year's Flood". To honor the victims of that New Year's calamity and to mark its 75th anniversary a small monument was dedicated January 1, 2004, at Rosemont and Fairway Avenues, in Montrose, near where the American Legion Hall had stood.

In popular culture.

In the spring of 2012, a large black bear managed to wander regularly from the Angeles National Forest into the La Crescenta-Montrose-Glendale residential area, rummaging through trash cans and showing a preference for Costco meatballs and tuna. The bear was subdued in La Crescenta and returned to the forest. A Twitter account from an individual posting as "GlenBearian" appeared with updates from the bear's perspective.  The historic 1946 La Crescenta Motel, formerly known as the May Lane Motel, with its classic postwar L-shaped layout on Foothill Blvd., has been used as a location for numerous feature films and television shows, such as "Glee", "Criminal Minds," "Mad Men" and "True Blood".  Rockhaven Sanitarium on Honolulu Avenue, built entirely of rock, opened in 1923. It became known as the "Screen Actors' Sanitarium," housing such patients as Billie Burke and Gladys Baker, mother of Marilyn Monroe. Closed in 2006, the property was purchased by the City of Glendale in 2008. As of early 2016, the site is being considered for "adaptive reuse."  Another, more notorious sanitarium existed in La Crescenta from the 1920s to the early 1960s. A few yards west of the La Crescenta Motel, on the corner of Foothill Boulevard and Rosemont Avenue, is the site of the Kimball Sanitarium, which was housed in a large, foreboding, converted Victorian mansion built in the 1880s. Bela Lugosi attempted to overcome his morphine addiction at the Kimball, as represented in the Tim Burton film "Ed Wood". Actress Frances Farmer, misdiagnosed as a "paranoid schizophrenic," received insulin shock therapy at Kimball. Plans to expand the sanitarium were rejected by local residents in the early 1960s and the sanitarium was finally torn down. Construction workers readying the building for demolition found padded cells, straight-jackets and manacles attached to the walls. The site became a shopping plaza, and a Ralphs supermarket currently occupies the spot where the disreputable sanitarium once stood.  During an as-yet undiagnosed episode of manic depression (bipolarism) in 1996, actress Margot Kidder attempted to walk 12 miles from downtown Los Angeles to the La Crescenta home of her friend, writer Rosie Shuster. Kidder was discovered in Glendale and hospitalized.

Government and infrastructure.

Crescenta Valley Town Council.

The Crescenta Valley Town Council (CVTC) is composed of nine, democratically-elected Councilmembers, each of whom serve three-year terms upon installation. The official purpose of the Council is to listen to, address, and communicate "residents’ needs, ideas, and concerns to the appropriate public agencies, City, County and State, including, [but not limited to, the Hon. Kathryn Barger]," the Fifth District's and La Crescenta-Montrose's official, elected representative on the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors. To that end, the Council is currently the Los Angeles County unincorporated area's main advisory body to the County Supervisor's office & other governing agencies, as well as an organized institution that is often counted on to facilitate community-wide forums to inform or garner opinion from residents.  Currently, the Council has no open seats, regular or Alternate. As of December 15, 2016, the Town Council is under the leadership of first-time President Harry Leon and first-time Vice President Michael Claessens, who preside over meetings. The other seven Councilmembers are: Mrs. Mariam Barnes, Ms. Leslie Dickson, Mr. Sophal Ear, Mrs. Lisa Griffin, Mr. Brandon M. Lee, Mr. Aram Ordubegian, and Mrs. Desiree Rabinov. The three Alternate Members for the 2016-17 governing year are the two First Alternates, Mrs. Jo Ann Stupakis and Mrs. Kyle Studebaker (each tied for the most runner-up votes), and the Third Alternate, Mr. Charles Beatty.  Runners-up in any given election may be eligible to serve on the Council as well, occupying the three Alternate member positions for a term of one year. The Alternate members are selected based on the total number of votes they garnered during the regular election, with the First Alternate being the runner-up who received the most votes, and so-on until all three positions are filled. Alternate members, once installed, may not run to be a regular Councilmember for the duration of their term. While these members are also entitled to full discussion privileges during meetings and may be considered for the Town Council's committee Chairships, the key distinction between regular members and Alternate members is that the latter may not vote on any decisive matters, nor initiate binding motions during Town Council meetings. Regardless, there are some exceptions to this limitation, though, such as: when regular members of the Council are absent at general meetings, or; when they are participating as members or Chairs on the Town Council's various committee/sub-committee meetings.  Lee, Leon, and Ordubegian all won the most recent Town Council election, with Leon securing his reelection bid, Ordubegian advancing from his Alternate member position, and Lee, a 22-year-old local teacher, narrowly defeating both Studebaker and Stupakis by a margin of 1.5% of total votes. The election featured seven, and, at one point, eight hopefuls all competing for the three available Councilmember seats; only one of those seats did not have an incumbent running for reelection. The Council also internally elects a board of five officers—including the President and Vice President—who comprise the Council's official "Executive Committee". For 2017, President Leon and Vice President Claessens are joined by Councilmember(s) Mariam Barnes, Aram Ordubegian, and Sophal Ear, who were elected to hold the posts of Treasurer, Recording Secretary, and Corresponding Secretary, respectively.

Health.

The Los Angeles County Department of Health Services operates the Glendale Health Center in Glendale, serving La Crescenta and Montrose.  USC Verdugo Hills Hospital is a 158-bed nonprofit primary-care facility. It features emergency services, inpatient and outpatient diagnostic and treatment facilities, a family birthing center, and bariatric and orthopedic surgical services.

Media.

La Crescenta and Crescenta Valley area is served by the Crescenta Valley Weekly newspaper and the Glendale News Press newspaper.

Points of historical interest.

St. Luke's of the Mountains Episcopal Church was designed and built by the famous artist Seymour Thomas in 1924. Constructed of natural stone from the valley, it is reminiscent of a woodlands church in northern Europe. It is considered to be the architectural centerpiece of the valley. St. Luke's is located at 2563 Foothill Blvd.  "Le Mesnager" Barn is a stone barn perched high above the valley, built in 1911 by George Le Mesnager, a French patriot, to store and process grapes from his vineyards in the Sparr Heights area. These grapes supplied his "Old Hermatage Vinyards" winery in downtown Los Angeles. There is still a Mesnager Street in the downtown area where the winery had been located. It is owned by the City of Glendale, which plans to restore it as an educational nature/history center. Le Mesnager Barn is located in Deukmejian Wilderness Park at the top of Dunsmore Ave.  La Crescenta is home to one of two American ashrams founded by Indian mystic and poet Swami Paramananda. The Ananda Ashrama is located at the top of Pennsylvania Avenue near Deukmejian Wilderness Park.  The La Crescenta Woman's Club began in 1911, incorporated in 1923, and built its beautiful clubhouse in 1925. The structure has been the social center of the valley for most of the last century, and is the home for the organization's many charitable and social events. The La Crescenta Woman's Club is located at 4004 La Crescenta Avenue.  Sparr Heights Community Center was built early in 1922 as the real estate office for the Sparr Heights residential tract, originally named Oakmont Park. It was subsequently donated to the City of Glendale on December 24, 1922, and has been a community meeting place and senior center since then. Sparr Heights Community Center is located at 1613 Glencoe Way, across the street from John C. Fremont Elementary School.  La Crescenta Elementary School was built in 1887 at the corner of Foothill and Dyer, but soon moved to a new location at La Crescenta and Prospect. A wooden schoolhouse was built on this site in 1890. A larger school building replaced it in 1914, and the present structure was erected in 1948.  The Old School Bell: La Crescenta's school bell first rang students to school from across the valley in 1890. It was placed in storage from 1948 until 1976, when it was re-hung and dedicated with a plaque listing the names of the kids in the first class at La Crescenta Elementary. The bell is now rung once a year in June by the graduating students. The Bell is located in front of La Crescenta Elementary School.  La Crescenta Presbyterian Church is a striking church building constructed in 1923. This is one of the oldest congregations in the valley, first meeting in the 1880s. In the congregation's early years they shared facilities with the elementary school, as did the Episcopals that later built St. Luke's. La Crescenta Presbyterian Church is located at 2902 Montrose Avenue.

La Crescenta-Montrose is an unincorporated area in Los Angeles County, California. The community is bordered by Glendale to the south and west, La Cañada Flintridge to the east, and Angeles National Forest to the north. According to the United States Census Bureau, the La Crescenta-Montrose CDP measures about, and the population was 19,653 at the 2010 census, up from 18,532 in the 2000 census.

拉克雷森塔-蒙特罗斯(英语:La Crescenta-Montrose)是位于美国加利福尼亚州洛杉矶县的一个人口普查指定地区。


Terminology.

Some definitions:

Benefits.

The Wörgl experiment illustrates some of the common characteristics and major benefits of local currencies.  1. Local currencies with negative interest rate or demurrage tend to circulate much more rapidly than national currencies. The same amount of currency in circulation is employed more times and results in far greater overall economic activity. It produces greater benefit per unit. The higher velocity of money is a result of the negative interest rate which encourages people to spend the money more quickly.  2. Local currencies enable the community to more fully use its existing productive resources, especially unemployed labor, which has a catalytic effect on the rest of the local economy. They are based on the premise that the community is not fully using its productive capacities, because of a lack of local purchasing power. The alternative currency is used to increase demand, resulting in a greater exploitation of productive resources. So long as the local economy is functioning at less than full capacity, the introduction of local currency need not be inflationary, even when it results in a significant increase in total money supply and total economic activity.  3. Since local currencies are only accepted within the community, their usage encourages the purchase of locally produced and locally-available goods and services. Thus, for any level of economic activity, more of the benefit accrues to the local community and less drains out to other parts of the country or the world. For instance, construction work undertaken with local currencies employs local labor and uses as far as possible local materials. The enhanced local effect becomes an incentive for the local population to accept and use the scrips.  4. Some forms of complementary currency can promote fuller use of resources over a much wider geographic area and help bridge the barriers imposed by distance. The Fureai kippu system in Japan issues credits in exchange for assistance to senior citizens. Family members living far from their parents can earn credits by offering assistance to the elderly in their local community. The credits can then be transferred to their parents and redeemed by them for local assistance. Airline frequent flyer miles are a form of complementary currency that promotes customer-loyalty in exchange for free travel. The airlines offer most of the coupons for seats on less heavily sold flights where some seats normally go empty, thus providing a benefit to customers at relatively low cost to the airline.  5. While most of these currencies are restricted to a small geographic area or a country, through the Internet electronic forms of complementary currency can be used to stimulate transactions on a global basis. In China, Tencent's QQ coins are a virtual form of currency that has gained wide circulation. QQ coins can be bought for Renminbi and used to buy virtual products and services such as ringtones and on-line video game time. They can also be obtained through on-line exchange for goods and services at about twice the Renminbi price, by which additional'money' is being directly created. Though virtual currencies are not 'local' in the tradition sense, they do cater to the specific needs of a particular community, a virtual community. Once in circulation, they add to the total effective purchasing power of the on-line population as in the case of local currencies. The Chinese government has begun to tax the coins as they are exchanged from virtual currency to actual hard currency.

Difficulties and criticisms.

Local currencies and the Transition Towns movement in the UK have been criticized for failing to address the needs of the wider population, especially lower socio-economic groups. Such local currency initiatives have been more widely criticized as having limited success in stimulating spending in local economies, and as an unrealistic strategy to reduce carbon emissions.

Modern local currencies.

Modern local currencies can be classified into the following distinct types:  1. Transition currency based on the local currencies used by the Transition Towns movement in the UK. They include Brixton Pound and Bristol Pound in the UK, BerkShares in the USA, and Salt Spring Dollars in Canada. Transition currencies are payment voucher-based systems that are exchangeable with the national currency. Between 2002-2014 many experiments in local currency took this form. Such currencies aim to raise the resilience of local economies by encouraging re-localisation of buying and food production. The drive for this change has arisen from a range of community-based initiatives and social movements. The Transition Towns movement originating in the UK has used local currencies for re-localisation in the face of energy descent from peak oil and climate change. Other drives include movements against Clone town and Big-box trends.  2. Rewards currency based on the frequent flyer model. Consumer spends cash with participating businesses who issue rewards points in a local currency. These rewards points can be used to offset cash prices in future purchases. An example is Oakland Grown in Oakland, CA.  3. Mutual Credit currency based on the mutual credit system. This can be further sub-divided into two:  a. Time-based currency also known as Time Banks that use time as a measure of value. An example is Dane County Time Bank.  b. Trade exchanges and LETS (local exchange trading system) that use price as a measure of value. An example of local currency implemented as a trade exchange is Bay Bucks in the Bay Area of California, USA. LETS were originally started in Vancouver, Canada, there are presently more than 30 LETS systems operating in Canada and over 400 in the United Kingdom. Australia, France, New Zealand, and Switzerland have similar systems. Bartercard uses an electronic currency, the trade dollar; its trade is limited and mainly serves to attract new customers, increase sales, and offer networking opportunities.

In economics, a local currency is a currency that can be spent in a particular geographical locality at participating organisations. A regional currency is a form of local currency encompassing a larger geographical area. A local currency acts as a complementary currency to a national currency, rather than replacing it, and aims to encourage spending within a local community, especially with locally owned businesses. The currency may not be backed by a national government or be legal tender in the UK. About 300 complementary currencies, including local currencies, are listed in the Complementary Currency Resource Center worldwide database.

区域货币指在某一特定区域流通的货币。根据最适通货区理论,任意两个区域,他们可以使用各自的货币,也可以使用共同货币,也可以同时使用两种货币。这取决于是否好处多于弊端。一般说来,区域是一个主权国家或政治上相对独立的地区、自治地方。


Geology and pre-history.

In prehistoric times Staffa was covered by the ice sheets which spread from Scotland out into the Atlantic Ocean beyond the Outer Hebrides. After the last retreat of the ice around 20,000 years ago, sea levels were up to lower than at present. Although the isostatic rise of land makes estimating post-glacial coastlines a complex task, around 14,000 years ago it is likely that Staffa was part of a larger island, just off the coast of mainland Scotland, which would have included what are now Mull, Iona and the Treshnish Isles.  Steadily rising sea levels then further isolated this little island, which is entirely of volcanic origin. It consists of a basement of tuff, underneath colonnades of a black fine-grained Tertiary basalt, overlying which is a third layer of basaltic lava without a crystalline structure. By contrast, slow cooling of the second layer of basalt resulted in an extraordinary pattern of predominantly hexagonal columns which form the faces and walls of the principal caves. The lava contracted towards each of a series of equally spaced centres as it cooled and solidified into prismatic columns, a process known as columnar jointing. The columns typically have three to eight sides, six being most common. The columns are also divided horizontally by cross joints. These columnar jointed sections represent the tops and bottoms of individual lava flows. Between these sections lie regions of much more chaotic jointing, known as the entablature. The origin of the entablature is unknown, but could be due to flooding of the lava flow, causing much more rapid cooling, or the interaction of stress fields from the two regions of columnar jointing as they approach one another.  Similar formations are found at the Giant's Causeway in Northern Ireland, on the island of Ulva and at Ardmeanach on the Isle of Mull. Grooves in the roof of MacKinnon's cave indicate either a pyroclastic flow or a series of eroded ash falls in the rock above the columnar basalt. The 'Staffa Group' is the name given to the series of olivine tholeiite basalts found in the vicinity of Mull which erupted 55–58 million years ago.

Geography.

Staffa lies about 10 kilometres (6 mi) west of Mull, and 9 km northeast of Iona. It is longitudinally oriented north-south, and is a kilometre long by about half a kilometre wide. The circumference is about 3.8 km in extent. In the northeast the isle shelves to a shore, but otherwise the coast is rugged and much indented; numerous caves have been carved out by rain, streams and sea. There is enough grass to feed a few cattle, and the island has a spring.  On the east coast are Goat Cave and Clamshell Cave. The latter is 10 m high, about 6 m wide at the entrance, and some 45 m long, and on one side of it the ridges of basalt stand out like the ribs of a ship. Near this cave is the pyramidal rock islet of "Am Buachaille" ('The Herdsman'), a pile of basalt columns seen fully only at low tide. Other outlying rocks include Eilean Dubh to the north-west and a series of skerries stretching for half a kilometre to the south-west. On the southwest shore are Boat Cave and Mackinnon's Cave (named after a 15th-century abbot of Iona), which has a tunnel connecting it to Cormorant Cave. These caves lie to the south-west and can be accessed from the bay of Port an Fhasgaidh at low tide. In 1945 a mine exploded near Boat Cave, causing damage to the cliff face which is still visible. Mackinnon's Cave is 107 metres long.  Staffa's most famous feature is Fingal's Cave, a large sea cave located near the southern tip of the island some 20 m high and 75 m long formed in cliffs of hexagonal basalt columns. This cliff face is called the Colonnade or The Great Face and it was these cliffs and their caves that inspired Felix Mendelssohn's "Die Hebriden" (English: Hebrides Overture opus 26), which was premiered in London in 1832. The original Gaelic name for Fingal's Cave is "An Uamh Bhin" – "the melodious cave" – but it was subsequently renamed after the 3rd-century Irish warrior Fionn MacCool. Mendelssohn was nonetheless inspired by the sound of the waves in the cave and waxed lyrical about his visit, claiming that he arrived in Scotland "with a rake for folk-songs, an ear for the lovely, fragrant countryside, and a heart for the bare legs of the natives."

History.

18th century.

Little is known of the early history of Staffa, although the Swiss town of Stäfa on Lake Zurich was named after the island by a monk from nearby Iona. Part of the Ulva estate of the MacQuarries from an early date until 1777, it was brought to the English-speaking world's attention after a visit by Sir Joseph Banks in August 1772. "En route" to Iceland in the company of the painter Johann Zoffany, the Bishop of Linköping, and a Dr. Solander, Banks (later a president of the Royal Society) was entertained by Maclean of Drummen, on the Isle of Mull. Hearing about Staffa he resolved to visit and set out from Tobermory the next day. The winds were light and they did not arrive until darkness had fallen. Banks wrote: It was too dark to see anything, so we carried our tent and baggage near the only house on the island, and began to cook our suppers, in order to be prepared for the earliest dawn, and to enjoy that which, from the conversation of the gentlemen we had, now raised the highest expectations of. They were not disappointed. Despite becoming infested with lice during his short stay on the island, he provided glowing reports of his visit. He confessed that he was: forced to acknowledge that this piece of architecture, formed by nature, far surpasses that of the Louvre, that of St. Peter at Rome, all that remains of Palmyra and Paestum, and all that the genius, the taste and the luxury of the Greeks were capable of inventing. Samuel Johnson and his protege James Boswell visited clan MacQuarrie on Ulva in 1773, the year after Banks' visit. Perhaps aware that Banks considered that the columnar basalt cliff formations on Ulva called "The Castles" rivalled Staffa's Johnson wrote: When the islanders were reproached with their ignorance or insensibility of the wonders of Staffa, they had not much to reply. They had indeed considered it little, because they had always seen it; and none but philosophers, nor they always, are struck with wonder otherwise than by novelty. Amongst the first eminent overseas visitors to Staffa were Barthélemy Faujas de Saint-Fond, a wealthy French zoologist and mineralogist and the American architect and naturalist William Thornton. Visiting in 1784, they were suitably impressed, Faujus writing: "this superb monument of nature, which in regard to its form bears so strong a resemblance to a work of art, though art can certainly claim no share in it."

19th and 20th centuries.

Subsequently a stream of famous visitors came to view Staffa's wonders including Robert Adam, Sir Walter Scott (1810), John Keats (1818), J. M. W. Turner, whose 1830 visit yielded an oil painting exhibited in 1832, William Wordsworth (1833), Jules Verne (1839), Alice Liddell (the inspiration for Alice in Wonderland) in 1878, David Livingstone (1864), Robert Louis Stevenson (1870) and Mendelssohn himself in 1829. Wordsworth, however, found the volume of tourism disappointing. Writing more than a century later the writer W. H. Murray agreed, complaining that the visitors spoiled the "character and atmosphere", and rather stand-offishly suggesting that "to know Staffa one must go alone".  Others were more enthusiastic, despite the presence of numerous others. Queen Victoria and Prince Albert were rowed into the cave in the royal barge in 1847, and "The Times" correspondent recorded:  Keats complained about the expense of the ferry, but was captivated by what he saw nonetheless. Displeased with his first efforts to describe this "cathedral of the sea" he finally settled on:

Tenants and owners.

However inspiring the scenery, it was not an easy place in which to live. In 1772 there was only a single family, living on a diet of barley oats, flax and potatoes, and whatever their grazing animals could provide. By the end of the 18th century they had deserted Staffa, apparently terrified by the severity of winter storms. Signs of "rig and furrow" agriculture can still be seen on the island but the only surviving building is the ruin of a 19th-century shelter for travellers.  By 1800 the island was under the ownership of Colin MacDonald of Lochboisdale. In 1816 his son Ranald MacDonald sold Staffa into the care of trustees. In 1821 these trustees sold the island to Alexander Forman as trustee, the purchase money being paid by his brother John Forman WS. It remained in the Forman family until sold by Bernard Gilpin Vincent "Pat" Forman in 1968. There were several private owners after that, including Alastair de Watteville, a descendant of Colin MacDonald who wrote a book about the island, until finally Jock Elliott Jr. of New York gifted it to the National Trust for Scotland in 1986 to honour the 60th birthday of his wife, Eleanor. A grateful National Trust bestowed upon her the honorific "Steward of Staffa". In a 2005 poll of "Radio Times" readers, Staffa was named as the eighth-greatest natural wonder in Britain.  During the 20th century there were issues of bogus postage stamps bearing Staffa's name.

Nature and conservation.

In 1800 there were three red deer on the island, later replaced by goats and then by a small herd of black cattle. Subsequently the summer grazing was used for sheep by crofters from Iona, but in 1997 all livestock was removed. This has led to a regeneration of the island's vegetation. The island support a diverse range of plants, with species such as common heather, kidney vetch, common-bird's-foot trefoil, wild thyme and tormentil all found. The clifftop grassland supports species such as red fescue, yorkshire fog, thrift, sea campion, sea plantain and ribwort plantain.  Staffa is nationally important for breeding fulmars, common shags and puffins, and black-legged kittiwakes and gulls also nest on the island. The surrounding waters provide a livelihood for numerous seabirds, grey seals, dolphins, basking sharks, minke, and pilot whales.  The island has been designated as a national nature reserve since 2001. The national nature reserve is classified as a Category II protected area by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. Staffa is also a Site of Special Scientific Interest (SSSI), whilst the seas surrounding the island are designated as a Special Area of Conservation (SAC) due to the presence of harbour porpoises. Staffa is part of the Loch Na Keal National Scenic Area, one of 40 in Scotland.

Visiting Staffa.

Boat trips from Tobermory, Oban, Ulva Ferry and Fionnphort on Mull, and Iona allow visitors to view the caves and the puffins that nest on the island between May and September. There is a landing place used by the tourist boats just north of Am Buachaille, but disembarkation is only possible in calm conditions. The island lacks a genuine anchorage.

Staffa (,, from the Old Norse for stave or pillar island) is an island of the Inner Hebrides in Argyll and Bute, Scotland. The Vikings gave it this name as its columnar basalt reminded them of their houses, which were built from vertically placed tree-logs.

斯塔法岛(英文:Staffa)是苏格兰内赫布里底群岛的岛屿之一,位于马尔岛西方10公里处。


马加利亚 (加利福尼亚州)

History.

Originally established after the 1849 California Gold Rush as a mining camp, the town was first called Mountain View. A dog breeding operation started in 1850 which led to the name Dogtown. A post office opened in 1857, which was shared with the adjacent settlement of Mill City; the two eventually united. In 1861 the name was changed to Magalia after the Latin word for cottages.  On April 12, 1859, at the Willard Claim, a hydraulic mine in the Feather River Canyon northeast of the town, a 54-pound (20 kg) gold nugget was discovered, the largest in the world at the time. Dubbed the "Dogtown nugget", it made the town famous.

2018 fire.

The community suffered extensive damage in the Camp Fire, a wildfire which began on November 8, 2018. As of December 13, Butte County Sheriff's Department reported that at least seven people died in Magalia during the Camp fire. Some survivors sheltered in place at a Baptist church along the only evacuation route north of the ridge.

Geography and natural history.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of, all of it land. There are numerous flora and fauna species found in the vicinity including mammals such as Black tailed deer, raccoon, and grey squirrel. A considerable number of amphibians are also found such as the Rough-skinned Newt, whose southern range in the California interior occurs near Magalia. The soil, deep reddish-brown loam for the most part, supports forest dominated by tall incense cedar and bull pine.

Climate.

According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Magalia has a hot-summer Mediterranean climate, abbreviated "Csa" on climate maps.

Demographics.

2010.

The 2010 United States Census reported that Magalia had a population of 11,310. The population density was 806.8 people per square mile (311.5/km2). The racial makeup of Magalia was 10,398 (91.9%) White, 40 (0.4%) African American, 141 (1.2%) Native American, 90 (0.8%) Asian, 17 (0.2%) Pacific Islander, 134 (1.2%) from other races, and 490 (4.3%) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 765 persons (6.8%).  The Census reported that 11,297 people (99.9% of the population) lived in households, 13 (0.1%) lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, and 0 (0%) were institutionalized.  There were 4,825 households, out of which 1,217 (25.2%) had children under the age of 18 living in them, 2,483 (51.5%) were opposite-sex married couples living together, 515 (10.7%) had a female householder with no husband present, 278 (5.8%) had a male householder with no wife present. There were 311 (6.4%) unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, and 34 (0.7%) same-sex married couples or partnerships. 1,239 households (25.7%) were made up of individuals and 623 (12.9%) had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.34. There were 3,276 families (67.9% of all households); the average family size was 2.75.  The population was spread out with 2,165 people (19.1%) under the age of 18, 789 people (7.0%) aged 18 to 24, 2,104 people (18.6%) aged 25 to 44, 3,573 people (31.6%) aged 45 to 64, and 2,679 people (23.7%) who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 49.0 years. For every 100 females, there were 97.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 95.7 males.  There were 5,355 housing units at an average density of 382.0 per square mile (147.5/km2), of which 4,825 were occupied, of which 3,713 (77.0%) were owner-occupied, and 1,112 (23.0%) were occupied by renters. The homeowner vacancy rate was 2.7%; the rental vacancy rate was 7.1%. 8,212 people (72.6% of the population) lived in owner-occupied housing units and 3,085 people (27.3%) lived in rental housing units.

2000.

At the 2000 census, there were 10,569 people, 4,395 households and 3,199 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 751.0 per square mile (290.0/km2). There were 4,752 housing units at an average density of 337.6 per square mile (130.4/km2). The racial makeup of the CDP was 94.09% White, 0.41% Black or African American, 1.20% Native American, 0.59% Asian, 0.09% Pacific Islander, 1.03% from other races, and 2.59% from two or more races. 4.88% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.  There were 4,395 households of which 24.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 59.8% were married couples living together, 9.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 27.2% were non-families. 22.3% of all households were made up of individuals and 12.7% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.38 and the average family size was 2.73.  Age distribution was 21.9% under the age of 18, 5.4% from 18 to 24, 20.7% from 25 to 44, 24.6% from 45 to 64, and 27.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 47 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 92.4 males.  The median household income was $32,337, and the median family income was $38,654. Males had a median income of $36,909 versus $21,892 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $16,904. About 9.2% of families and 12.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 18.4% of those under age 18 and 5.2% of those age 65 or over.

Magalia (formerly Butte Mills and Dogtown) is an unincorporated community and census-designated place (CDP) in Butte County, California, United States. The population was 11,310 at the 2010 census.

马加利亚(英语:Magalia)是位于美国加利福尼亚州比尤特县的一个人口普查指定地区。


General considerations.

The discovery of Greek vase painters.

In contrast to other artists, such as sculptors, no Ancient Greek literature sources refer specifically to vase painters. The copious literary tradition on the arts hardly mention pottery. Thus reconstruction of Euphronios's life and artistic development—like that of all Greek vase painters—can only be derived from his works.  Modern scientific study of Greek pottery began near the end of the 18th century. Initially, interest focused on iconography. The discovery of the first signature of Euphronios in 1838 revealed that individual painters could be identified and named, so that their works might be ascribed to them. This led to an intensive study of painters' signatures, and by the late 19th century, scholars began to compile stylistic compendia.  The archaeologist John D. Beazley used these compendia as a starting point for his own work. He systematically described and catalogued thousands of Attic black-figure and red-figure vases and sherds, using the methods of the art historian Giovanni Morelli for the study of paintings. In three key volumes on Attic painters, Beazley achieved a taxonomy that remains mostly valid to this day. He listed all known painters (named or unnamed) who produced individual works of art which can always be unmistakably ascribed. Today, most painters are identified, though their names often remain unknown.

The situation in Athens at the end of the 6th century BC.

Euphronios must have been born around 535 BC, when Athenian art and culture bloomed during the tyranny of Peisistratos. Most Attic pottery was then painted in the black-figure style. Much of the Athenian pottery production of that time was exported to Etruria. Most of the extant Attic pottery has been recovered as grave goods (excavated or looted) from Etruscan tombs.  At the time, vase painting received major new impulses from potters such as Nikosthenes and Andokides. The Andokides workshop began the production of red-figure pottery around 530 BC. Gradually, the new red-figure technique began to replace the older black-figure style. Euphronios was to become one of the most important representatives of early red-figure vase painting in Athens. Together with a few other contemporary young painters, modern scholarship counts him as part of the "Pioneer Group" of red-figure painting.

Apprenticeship in the workshop of Kachrylion.

Euphronios appears to have started painting vases around 520 BC, probably under the tutelage of Psiax. Later, Euphronios himself was to have a major influence on the work of his erstwhile master, as well as on that of several other older painters. Later he worked in the workshop of the potter Kachrylion, under supervision of the painter Oltos.  His works from this early phase already show several of Euphronios' artistic characteristics: his tendency to paint mythological scenes, his preference for monumental compositions, but also for scenes from everyday life, and his careful rendering of muscles and movement. The latter aspects particularly indicate a close link with Psiax, who painted in a similar style. Apart from a few fragments, a bowl in London (E 41) and one in Malibu (77.AE.20) can be ascribed to this phase of his work.  The most important early vase, however, is a signed specimen depicting Sarpedon. It was only through the appearance of this vase on the international market that Euphronios' early works could be recognised and distinguished from the paintings of Oltos, who had previously been credited with some works by Euphronios. Although it later became common for painters to sign their best works, signatures were rarely used in black-figure and early red-figure painting. Even Euphronios's earliest known works show a total control of the technical abilities necessary for red-figure vase painting. Similarly, a number of technical advances which were adopted as part of the standard red-figure technique can be first seen in his work. To render the depictions of human anatomy more plastic and realistic, he introduced the relief line and the use of diluted clay slip. Depending on how it is applied, the slip can acquire a range of colours between light yellow and dark brown during firing, thus multiplying the stylistic possibilities available to the artist. Euphronios's technical and artistic innovations were apparently quickly influential; pieces produced during his early period by other painters working for Kachrylion, and even by his former teachers Psiax and Oltos, show stylistic and technical aspects first seen in Euphronios's own work.  Although Kachylion's workshop only produced drinking bowls, and Euphronios continued to work for him into his maturity, simple bowls soon failed to satisfy his artistic impulse. He began to paint other vase types, probably working with different potters. The Villa Giulia holds two very early "pelikes" by him. Such medium-size vases offered more space for his figural paintings. A "psykter" now in Boston is also counted among his early work, as it strongly resembles the work of Oltos: stiff garment folds, almond-shaped eyes, a small protruding chin and ill-differentiated hands and feet. Alternatively, it could be a relatively careless work from a later phase.  Such problems in assigning Euphronios' works to the different periods of his activity recur for several of his vases. Although the general chronology and development of his work is well known, some of his works remain difficult to place precisely. For example, a chalice "krater" in the Antikensammlung Berlin, depicting young men exercising in the "palaistra" is often counted among his later works due to the vase shape. Nonetheless, it seems that in spite of the occurrence of some advanced methods (careful representation of musculature, the use of the relief line), the "krater" must be dated to an earlier phase, since it borrows some stylistic motifs from black-figure vase painting. These motifs include an ivy garland below the mouth, the fairly small image format and the stylistic similarity to the work of Oltos.

Euphronios and Euxitheos: Mature phase, years of mastery.

Innovation and competition.

Around 510 BC, probably seeking new media for his compositions, Euphronios entered the workshop of Euxitheos, a potter who was similarly engaged in experimenting with form and decor in his own work. The stylistic development of Euphronios's work during this period, during which both painter and potter attempted bold and influential experiments, permits a reconstruction of its chronological sequence with some certainty.  A partially preserved chalice "krater" from this period (Louvre G 110) is indicative of the degree to which Euphronios was aware of the influence of his artistic innovations. The front of the chalice shows a classic scene that he had already painted on a bowl around 520 BC : the fight between Heracles and the Nemean Lion. The back, however, depicts a bold and innovative double composition : above, a "komos" scene, with the participants of the dance drawn in extreme physical postures, and below, a figure viewed from behind, arms leaning backwards. The striking scene has been thought to be the reason that Euphronios signed the work. The signature is unique, as the artist uses the formula "Euphronios egraphsen tade" - "Euphronios has painted these things". The piece is a characteristic example of the Pioneer Group's work and shows how a single vase could make an individual contribution to the development of the form.  This drive for innovation led to a spirit of competition even within individual workshops. On an amphora in Munich, Euthymides, another Pioneer Group Painter, claims that he has painted a picture "as Euphronios never could have done". This phrase implies respect for the colleague's and rival's skill, as well as a contest with him. Similarly, a somewhat younger painter, Smikros, probably a pupil of Euphronios, created some very successful early works that directly plagiarised his master. The Getty Museum has a signed "psykter" by Smikros that depicts Euphronios wooing an ephebe named as Leagros. The name Leagros occurs frequently in "kalos" inscriptions by Euphronios.

Herakles, Antaios and Sarpedon – the two masterpieces.

A chalice "krater" with a depiction of Heracles and Antaios in combat is often considered one of Euphronios's masterpieces. The contrast between the barbarian Libyan giant Antaios and the civilised, well-groomed Greek hero is a striking reflection of the developing Greek self-image, and the anatomical precision of the struggling characters' bodies lends grace and power to the piece. The intensity of the work is increased by the presence of two female figures, whose statuesque appearance closes the image. During the restoration of the vase, an original outline sketch was found, showing that Euphronios initially had difficulties in depicting the dying giant's outstretched arm, but managed to overcome them while painting the scene. The Sarpedon "krater" or Euphronios "krater", created around 515 BC, is normally considered to be the apex of Euphronios' work. As on the well-known vase from his early phase, Euphronios sets Sarpedon at the centre of the composition. Following an order by Zeus, Thanatos and Hypnos carry Sarpedon's dead body from the battlefield. In the centre background is Hermes, here depicted in his role of accompanying the dead on their last voyage. The ensemble is flanked by two Trojan warriors staring straight ahead, apparently oblivious of the action that takes place between them. The figures are not only labelled with their names, but also with explanatory texts. The use of thin slip allowed Euphronios to deliberately use different shades of colour, rendering the scene especially lively. But the "krater" marks the peak of the artist's abilities not only in pictorial terms; the vase also represents a new achievement in the development of the red-figure style. The shape of the chalice "krater" had already been developed during the black-figure phase by the potter and painter Exekias, but Euxitheos's vase displays further innovations created specifically for the red-figure technique. By painting the handles, foot and lower body of the vase black, the space available for red-figure depictions is strictly limited. As is usual for Euphronios, the pictorial scene is framed by twisting curlicues. The painting itself is a classic example of the painter's work: strong, dynamic, detailed, anatomically accurate and with a strong hint of pathos. Both artists appear to have been aware of the quality of their work, as both painter and potter signed it. The "krater" is the only work by Euphronios to have survived in its entirety.  The back of the Sarpedon "krater" shows a simple arming scene, executed more hastily as the massive krater's clay dried and rendered it less workable. This explicitly contemporary scene, depicting a group of anonymous youths arming themselves for war, is emblematic of the new realism in content as well as form which Euphronios brought to the red-figure technique. These scenes from everyday life, and the artistic conceit of pairing them with a mythological scene on the same piece, distinguish many of the pieces painted by Euphronios and those who followed him.  In addition to its unique archaeological and artistic status, the Sarpedon krater played a pivotal role in the exposure and dismantling of a major antiquities smuggling network that traded in looted archaeological treasures and sold them on to major museums and collectors, including the Metropolitan Museum, the J. Paul Getty Museum in California, and Texan oil billionaire Nelson Bunker Hunt. The krater was one of a number of grave goods that were illegally unearthed in late 1971 when a gang of "tombaroli" (tomb robbers) led by Italian antiquities dealer Giacomo Medici looted a previously-undiscovered Etruscan tomb complex near Cerveteri, Italy. Medici subsequently sold the krater to American dealer Robert E. Hecht, who in turn negotiated its sale for US$1 million to the Metropolitan Museum, New York City, where it went on display from 1972. Over the next thirty years, a series of press investigations and a lengthy and extensive trans-national criminal investigation led by Italian authorities eventually smashed the smuggling ring, resulting in numerous prosecutions (including Medici, Hecht and Getty Museum curator Marion True), and the return to Italy of scores of looted antiquities illegally obtained by the Metropolitan, the Getty and other institutions. After lengthy negotiations, the Euphronios krater was formally returned to Italian ownership in February 2006, but remained on display as a loan to the Metropolitan Museum until its highly publicised repatriation to Italy in January 2008.

Scenes from everyday life.

Apart from mythological motifs, Euphronios also produced many pots incorporating scenes from everyday life. A chalice "krater" in the Staatliche Antikensammlungen at Munich depicts a symposium. Four men are lying on couches ("klinai") and drinking wine. A "hetaira", named "Syko" by the accompanying inscription, is playing the flute, while the host, named as Ekphantides, is chanting a song to honour Apollo. The words flood from his mouth in a composition resembling the speech bubbles of modern comics. Such scenes are relatively common. This is probably mostly because the vases were made to be used at comparable occasions, but perhaps also because painters like Euphronios belonged to the depicted circles of Athenian citizenry - or at least aspired to do so, as it is not clear to modern researchers what the social status of a vase painter was.  A signed "psykter" at the Hermitage (St. Petersburg) is also very well known. It depicts four "hetairai" feasting. One of them is labelled with the name "Smikra", probably a humorous allusion to the young painter Smikros.  Apart from the feasting images, there are also some "palaistra" scenes, which permitted the artist to indulge his delight in movement, dynamics and musculature. One example is the only surviving piece by Euphronios in black-figure technique, fragments of which were found on the Athenian Acropolis. It was a Panathenaic amphora. Part of the head of Athena is recognisable. It is likely that the reverse, as was the norm for this vase shape, depicted an athletic competition in one of the sports that formed part of the Panathenaic Games.

Late phase.

Euphronios's later works are partially beset by difficulties of attribution. In many cases, this is due to direct imitation or echoes of his own artistic style in the work of other painters working during his lifetime.  Well known is an unsigned volute "krater", found in the 18th century near Arezzo. The main scene on the belly of the vase can easily be attributed to Euphronios. The "krater" shows a combat scene, with Heracles and Telamon at the center, fighting amazons. Telamon delivers the deathblow to a wounded amazon in Scythian clothing. Heracles is fighting the amazon Teisipyle, who is aiming an arrow at him. This late work is another example of Euphronios's search for new forms of expression. The scene is characterized by an impressive dynamic, which seems to have taken control of the artist, as he painted Telamon's leg in a very twisted position. The small frieze of "komastes" around the neck of the vase is problematic in terms of attribution. It may be by one of the master's assistants, perhaps by Smikros.  That particular "krater" appears to have been a central work, influencing and inspiring many others. For example, a neck amphora (Louvre G 107) shows a nearly identical scene, but in a style quite different from that of Euphronios. On it, Heracles is accompanied by a mysterious inscription: "He appears to belong to Smikros". Perhaps it is a cooperation by both artists. A different situation applies to an amphora (Leningrad 610) that also shows a similar scene to the "krater" described above, but depicts Heracles as an archer. As the piece is similar to Euphronios's work not only in terms of motif but also of artistic style, Beazley hesitantly ascribed it to the master. The problem is that at this point, the style and skills of Smikros had grown very similar to those of his teacher, making it difficult to distinguish their works.  Euphronios's final works (Louvre G 33, Louvre G 43) are characterised by strong simplification. The motifs are less carefully composed than earlier works, probably because Euphronios concentrated on a different occupation from 500 BC onwards.

Euphronios as potter.

Euphronios seems to have taken over a pottery workshop around 500 BC. It is not unusual in the history of Greek pottery and vase painting for artists to be active in both fields; several other painters from the Pioneer Group, such as Phintias and Euthymides are also known to have been potters. Nonetheless, the situation of Euphronios is unique insofar that he was initially active exclusively as a painter and later only as a potter. In the following years, the Euphronios workshop mainly produced bowls. It is understandable that he should have made such a choice, as the potters ("kerameis") probably were independent entrepreneurs, whereas the painters were employees. Thus, a potter had a higher chance to reach affluence. Some other hypotheses have been suggested, e.g. that Euphronios developed a true passion for the potter's craft. This is quite possible, as he turned out to be a highly skilled potter; in fact, his signature as potter survives on more vases than that as a painter. A further theory proposes that a deterioration of eyesight forced him to concentrate on a different activity. This view may be supported by the discovery of the base of a votive offering on the Acropolis. A fragmentary inscription contains the name Euphronios and the word "hygieia" (health). In modern scholarships, material considerations are, however, more generally accepted as relevant.  It is interesting that he chose bowls as the main product of his workshop. Heretofore, bowls had usually been painted by less skilled painters, and were probably in lower regards than other vases. His choice of painters indicates that he placed major emphasis on employing first class talents, such as Onesimos, Douris, the Antiphon Painter, the Triptolemos Painter and the Pistoxenos Painter, in his workshop.

Euphronios (; c. 535 – after 470 BC) was an ancient Greek vase painter and potter, active in Athens in the late 6th and early 5th centuries BC. As part of the so-called "Pioneer Group," (a modern name given to a group of vase painters who were instrumental in effecting the change from Black-figure pottery to Red figure), Euphronios was one of the most important artists of the red-figure technique. His works place him at the transition from Late Archaic to Early Classical art, and he is one of the first known artists in history to have signed his work.

欧弗洛尼奥斯(英语:Euphronios),约活动于公元前6世纪前后。古希腊陶工,同时也是最优秀的红绘画师之一,公元前515年至公元前480年为其创作期,在雅典从事创作(后来他仅制陶),因16件签名作品而为人知:作为画师,六件作品上有签名,而另外的10件,则以陶工身份签名(其他画师亦对这些陶瓶进行了装饰;其中包括画师奥内西姆斯以及皮斯托克塞努斯)。其最精美的陶器为花萼状调酒器。


南圣何塞山 (加利福尼亚州)

Description.

South San Jose Hills is an unincorporated, mainly residential community located on the southern end of the San Jose Hills, which forms a part of San Gabriel Valley.  South San Jose Hills is bounded by City of Industry to the south, La Puente to the west, West Covina to the north, and Walnut to the east. The community is easily accessible via the Pomona Freeway (State Route 60), which runs just south of the community. The ZIP code serving the community is 91744. Most addresses do not use South San Jose Hills as the city but rather La Puente, West Covina, or Valinda, depending on the location of the residence or business. Parts of the area are nicknamed "Happy Homes", based on the former name of the development and on the street gang that later took that name.

Demographics.

2010.

At the 2010 census South San Jose Hills had a population of 20,551. The population density was 13,628.8 people per square mile (5,262.1/km2). The racial makeup of South San Jose Hills was 9,302 (45.3%) White (4.2% Non-Hispanic White), 304 (1.5%) African American, 195 (0.9%) Native American, 1,649 (8.0%) Asian, 30 (0.1%) Pacific Islander, 8,449 (41.1%) from other races, and 622 (3.0%) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 17,713 persons (86.2%).  The census reported that 20,524 people (99.9% of the population) lived in households, 27 (0.1%) lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, and no one was institutionalized.  There were 4,112 households, 2,507 (61.0%) had children under the age of 18 living in them, 2,565 (62.4%) were opposite-sex married couples living together, 730 (17.8%) had a female householder with no husband present, 405 (9.8%) had a male householder with no wife present. There were 215 (5.2%) unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, and 22 (0.5%) same-sex married couples or partnerships. 285 households (6.9%) were one person and 122 (3.0%) had someone living alone who was 65 or older. The average household size was 4.99. There were 3,700 families (90.0% of households); the average family size was 4.86.  The age distribution was 6,250 people (30.4%) under the age of 18, 2,596 people (12.6%) aged 18 to 24, 5,791 people (28.2%) aged 25 to 44, 4,274 people (20.8%) aged 45 to 64, and 1,640 people (8.0%) who were 65 or older. The median age was 29.7 years. For every 100 females, there were 101.4 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 98.7 males.  There were 4,239 housing units at an average density of 2,811.2 per square mile, of the occupied units 3,131 (76.1%) were owner-occupied and 981 (23.9%) were rented.The homeowner vacancy rate was 1.0%; the rental vacancy rate was 3.2%. 15,294 people (74.4% of the population) lived in owner-occupied housing units and 5,230 people (25.4%) lived in rental housing units.  According to the 2010 United States Census, South San Jose Hills had a median household income of $50,864, with 16.2% of the population living below the federal poverty line.

2000.

At the 2000 census there were 20,218 people, 3,984 households, and 3,605 families in the CDP. The population density was 13,876.4 inhabitants per square mile (5,346.7/km2). There were 4,059 housing units at an average density of 2,785.8 per square mile (1,073.4/km2). The racial makeup of the CDP was 38.76% White, 1.86% African American, 1.54% Native American, 6.54% Asian, 0.35% Pacific Islander, 46.35% from other races, and 4.59% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 83.43%.  Of the 3,984 households 53.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 67.4% were married couples living together, 14.4% had a female householder with no husband present, and 9.5% were non-families. 6.7% of households were one person and 3.0% were one person aged 65 or older. The average household size was 5.07 and the average family size was 4.95.  The age distribution was 34.6% under the age of 18, 12.0% from 18 to 24, 30.8% from 25 to 44, 16.7% from 45 to 64, and 5.9% 65 or older. The median age was 27 years. For every 100 females, there were 100.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 99.0 males.  The median household income was $48,655 and the median family income was $46,702. Males had a median income of $26,477 versus $22,113 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $11,324. About 13.4% of families and 18.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 23.7% of those under age 18 and 9.7% of those age 65 or over.

Politics.

In the state legislature South San Jose Hills is located in the 24th Senate District, represented by Democrat Gloria Romero, and in the 58th Assembly District, represented by Democrat Charles M. Calderon. Federally, South San Jose Hills is split between 32nd and 39th congressional districts, which are represented by Democrats Grace Napolitano and Gil Cisneros, respectively. At the county level, South San Jose Hills is part of Los Angeles County's first district and is currently represented by Hilda Solis.

South San Jose Hills is an unincorporated community and census-designated place in Los Angeles County, California, United States. The population was 20,551 at the 2010 census, up from 20,218 at the 2000 census.

南圣何塞山(英语:South San Jose Hills)是位于美国加利福尼亚州洛杉矶县的一个人口普查指定地区。


苏珊维尔 (加利福尼亚州)

Etymology.

It was originally known as Rooptown until 1857, named for Isaac Roop, a pioneer of the Honey Lake District. Roop later renamed the town Susanville in honor of his daughter in 1857.

Geography.

Susanville is located at the head of Honey Lake Valley, east of Lassen Peak. Susanville is located at. The elevation of Susanville is approximately above sea level. It is considered a gateway city to Reno on U.S. Route 395.  According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 8.03 square miles (20.8 km2), of which 7.95 square miles (20.58 km2) or 98.93% is land and 0.09 square miles (0.22 km2) or 1.07% is water.  Eagle Lake is located north of the town.

Geology.

Susanville is underlain by igneous rock, which provides the parent material for its well-drained brown stony to gravelly sandy loams or loams. On the western outskirts under forest cover, the soils are often reddish brown. The most common soil series in Susanville's urban area is Springmeyer gravelly fine sandy loam.

History.

Susanville was named after Susan Roop, daughter of Isaac Roop, an early settler. It was first called Rooptown, and the present name was adopted in 1857. The Susanville US post office was established in 1860. Susanville was incorporated in 1900.  Formerly the center of farming, mining and the lumber industry, Susanville suffered from the loss of jobs as these industries changed or declined in the 20th century. Since the late 20th century, the only area of growth in the economy has been associated with the construction and operation of two state prisons in the city and one federal prison in the area. In 2007 half of the adult population of Susanville worked in the prisons: the California Correctional Center, a minimum-medium security facility, which opened in 1963; the High Desert State Prison, California (not to be confused with High Desert State Prison, Nevada), which opened in 1995; and the Federal Correctional Institution, Herlong, which opened in 2007.

Climate.

Susanville has an alpine climate (Köppen "Dsb") with cool winters and hot, mostly dry summers except for occasional afternoon thunderstorms. Records have been kept at several stations since 1893, including Susanville Airport and Susanville 2 SW, southwest of the town center, along with two other stations with shorter records.  Average January temperatures are a high of and a low of. Average July temperatures are a high of and a low of. Temperatures reach or higher on an average of 36.9 days annually, and drop to or lower on an average of 164.6 days annually; freezing temperatures have been recorded in every month of the year and summer nighttime temperatures are usually cool, but extreme cold is rare and temperatures under are reached only on 2.9 days per winter. The highest recorded temperature in Susanville was in July 1931, and the lowest recorded temperature was on February 1, 1956.  Annual precipitation averaged from 1971 to 2000, with an average of 66 days with measurable precipitation. Susanville Airport has averaged a somewhat higher between 1893 and 2012. At the airport the wettest calendar year has been 1907 with and the driest 1976 with, though the wettest "rain year" was from July 1937 to June 1938 with as against between July 1906 and June 1907 and in the driest rain year from July 1975 to June 1976. The most precipitation in one month was in March 1907, and the most in 24 hours on January 31, 1897.  Annual snowfall averages at Susanville 2 SW and at the airport, though the median at Susanville 2 SW is only. The most snowfall in one year was in 1937, with the most in one month in January 1895.

Demographics.

2010.

At the 2010 census Susanville had a population of 17,947. The population density was 2,238.7 people per square mile (864.4/km2). The racial makeup of Susanville was 11,269 (62.8%) White, 2,249 (12.5%) African American, 612 (3.4%) Native American, 198 (1.1%) Asian, 111 (0.6%) Pacific Islander, 2,928 (16.3%) from other races, and 580 (3.2%) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 4,259 persons (23.7%).  The census reported that 9,439 people (52.6% of the population) lived in households, 108 (0.6%) lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, and 8,400 (46.8%) were institutionalized.  There were 3,833 households, 1,357 (35.4%) had children under the age of 18 living in them, 1,645 (42.9%) were opposite-sex married couples living together, 499 (13.0%) had a female householder with no husband present, 233 (6.1%) had a male householder with no wife present. There were 327 (8.5%) unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, and 16 (0.4%) same-sex married couples or partnerships. 1,161 households (30.3%) were one person and 405 (10.6%) had someone living alone who was 65 or older. The average household size was 2.46. There were 2,377 families (62.0% of households); the average family size was 3.05.  The age distribution was 2,559 people (14.3%) under the age of 18, 2,547 people (14.2%) aged 18 to 24, 7,633 people (42.5%) aged 25 to 44, 4,024 people (22.4%) aged 45 to 64, and 1,184 people (6.6%) who were 65 or older. The median age was 33.6 years. For every 100 females, there were 273.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 327.3 males.  There were 4,256 housing units at an average density of 530.9 per square mile, of the occupied units 1,974 (51.5%) were owner-occupied and 1,859 (48.5%) were rented.The homeowner vacancy rate was 3.4%; the rental vacancy rate was 7.7%. 5,039 people (28.1% of the population) lived in owner-occupied housing units and 4,400 people (24.5%) lived in rental housing units.

2000.

As of the census of 2000, there were 13,541 people in 3,516 households, including 2,250 families, in the city. The population density was 2,294.8 people per square mile (886.1/km2). There were 3,882 housing units at an average density of 657.9 per square mile (254.0/km2). The racial makeup of the city was 76.0% White, 12.5% African American, 3.2% Native American, 1.1% Asian, 0.9% Pacific Islander, 3.5% from other races, and 2.8% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 15.6% of the population.  Of the 3,516 households 37.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 46.4% were married couples living together, 13.2% had a female householder with no husband present, and 36.0% were non-families. 29.9% of households were one person and 10.7% were one person aged 65 or older. The average household size was 2.49 and the average family size was 3.10.  The age distribution was 20.0% under the age of 18, 13.6% from 18 to 24, 41.5% from 25 to 44, 17.1% from 45 to 64, and 7.7% 65 or older. The median age was 32 years. For every 100 females, there were 198.3 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 231.6 males.  The median income for a household in the city was $35,675, and the median family income was $45,216. Males had a median income of $29,973 versus $27,044 for females. The per capita income for the city was $13,238. About 11.0% of families and 14.3% of the population were below the poverty line, including 14.5% of those under age 18 and 9.1% of those age 65 or over.

Government and infrastructure.

Two California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation facilities, High Desert State Prison and California Correctional Center, are in Susanville.

Transportation.

Susanville lies at the junction of California State Routes 36 and 139. Highway 139 heads north to the Oregon border as a direct route to Klamath Falls. Highway 36 runs west to Red Bluff, then east to where it terminates with U.S. Route 395 just outside Susanville's city limits. U.S. 395 connects Alturas to the north and Reno to the south.  Susanville Municipal Airport, southeast of Susanville, serves as a public, general aviation airport. Lassen Rural Bus, operated by the Lassen County Transportation Commission, provided bus service within the city. Sage Stage, operated by Modoc County, connects Alturas, Susanville, and Reno, Nevada, with connections to Redding, California and Klamath Falls, Oregon  The Quincy Railroad no longer serves Susanville on the former Southern Pacific Railroad line since 2004. A Union Pacific Railroad caboose has been placed on an intact section of track next to the rail depot.

State and federal representation.

In the California State Legislature, Susanville is in, and.  In the United States House of Representatives, Susanville is in.

Economy.

Top employers.

According to Susanville's 2014 Comprehensive Annual Financial Report, the top employers in the city are:

Notable people.

This is a list of people who have lived in Susanville at some time.

Susanville (formerly known as Rooptown) is the county seat of Lassen County, California, United States. Susanville is located on the Susan River in the southern part of the county, at an elevation of. The population was 17,974 in the 2010 census, up from 13,541 in the 2000 census. Much of the population increase is related to persons employed at two state prisons in the city.

苏珊维尔(),是美国加利福尼亚州拉森县下属的一座城市,亦是其县治。建市于1900年8月24日,面积大约为7.93平方英里(20.5平方公里)。根据2000年人口普查,该市共有人口13,541人。这个数字于2010年上升至17,947人。高度设防的高沙漠州立监狱和中低度设防的加州惩教中心皆位于本城内。


西卡森 (加利福尼亚州)

Postal service.

Much of the area is serviced by the post office in Torrance. Thus, being a Torrance P.O., and therefore having a Torrance zip code, residents and businesses of West Carson put "Torrance, CA" on their mail. For instance, the mailing address of Harbor-UCLA Medical Center is 1000 W. Carson Street Torrance, CA, because it is a Torrance P.O., but it is actually located in West Carson, CA.

Geography.

West Carson is located at (33.826266, -118.292534), or about two miles (3 km) west of Carson.  According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of, over 99% of it land.  The north to south boundary of this unincorporated area is 190th Street to Lomita Boulevard; the west to east boundary is Normandie Avenue to the Harbor Freeway (Interstate 110).  The incorporated City of Los Angeles area Harbor Gateway (from Western Avenue to Normandie) lies west of West Carson, and the incorporated city of Carson lies east of the Harbor Freeway from West Carson.

Government and infrastructure.

The Harbor–UCLA Medical Center, operated by the Los Angeles County Department of Health Services, has a Torrance postal address, but it is located in West Carson.

Politics.

In the state legislature West Carson is located in the 28th Senate District, represented by Democrat Isadore Hall, III, and in the 55th Assembly District, represented by Democrat Al Muratsuchi. Federally, West Carson is located in California's 43rd and is represented by Democrat Maxine Waters.

Demographics.

2010.

At the 2010 census West Carson had a population of 21,699. The population density was 9,522.0 people per square mile (3,676.5/km2). The racial makeup of West Carson was 7,630 (35.2%) White (21.4% Non-Hispanic White), 2,330 (10.7%) African American, 185 (0.9%) Native American, 6,730 (31.0%) Asian, 301 (1.4%) Pacific Islander, 3,411 (15.7%) from other races, and 1,112 (5.1%) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 7,100 persons (32.7%).  The census reported that 20,493 people (94.4% of the population) lived in households, 176 (0.8%) lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, and 1,030 (4.7%) were institutionalized.  There were 7,166 households, 2,236 (31.2%) had children under the age of 18 living in them, 3,634 (50.7%) were opposite-sex married couples living together, 978 (13.6%) had a female householder with no husband present, 450 (6.3%) had a male householder with no wife present. There were 311 (4.3%) unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, and 46 (0.6%) same-sex married couples or partnerships. 1,687 households (23.5%) were one person and 712 (9.9%) had someone living alone who was 65 or older. The average household size was 2.86. There were 5,062 families (70.6% of households); the average family size was 3.40.  The age distribution was 4,066 people (18.7%) under the age of 18, 1,816 people (8.4%) aged 18 to 24, 5,805 people (26.8%) aged 25 to 44, 6,109 people (28.2%) aged 45 to 64, and 3,903 people (18.0%) who were 65 or older. The median age was 42.1 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.9 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.8 males.  There were 7,426 housing units at an average density of 3,258.7 per square mile, of the occupied units 5,459 (76.2%) were owner-occupied and 1,707 (23.8%) were rented.The homeowner vacancy rate was 1.6%; the rental vacancy rate was 4.3%. 15,074 people (69.5% of the population) lived in owner-occupied housing units and 5,419 people (25.0%) lived in rental housing units.  According to the 2010 United States Census, West Carson had a median household income of $62,100, with 8.6% of the population living below the federal poverty line.

2000.

At the 2000 census there were 21,138 people, 7,156 households, and 5,052 families in the CDP. The population density was 9,355.3 inhabitants per square mile (3,611.3/km2). There were 7,406 housing units at an average density of 3,277.8 per square mile (1,265.3/km2). The racial makeup of the CDP was 41.99% White, 11.75% African American, 0.66% Native American, 25.07% Asian, 1.20% Pacific Islander, 13.94% from other races, and 5.39% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 29.44%.  Of the 7,156 households 29.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 52.6% were married couples living together, 12.5% had a female householder with no husband present, and 29.4% were non-families. 24.0% of households were one person and 9.1% were one person aged 65 or older. The average household size was 2.85 and the average family size was 3.41.  The age distribution was 22.6% under the age of 18, 8.0% from 18 to 24, 29.3% from 25 to 44, 24.8% from 45 to 64, and 15.3% 65 or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 92.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 89.5 males.  The median household income was $49,118 and the median family income was $55,000. Males had a median income of $41,085 versus $32,032 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $21,023. About 7.4% of families and 9.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 12.4% of those under age 18 and 7.1% of those age 65 or over.

Education.

Residents are zoned to the Los Angeles Unified School District. Meyler Street Elementary School and Van Deene Elementary School are in West Carson. Some of the students attend Torrance Unified School District even though it is located in the Los Angeles Unified School District.

West Carson is a census-designated place (CDP) in Los Angeles County, California. The population was 21,699 at the 2010 census, up from 21,138 at the 2000 census. The ZIP Codes encompassing the CDP area are 90502 and 90710.

西阿森斯(英语:West Athens)是位于美国加利福尼亚州洛杉矶县的一个人口普查指定地区。


History.

The first Full Moon Party is said to have been improvised at a Paradise Bungalows on the beach in 1983 as a token of thanks to about 20–30 travelers, though the accuracy of this is disputed, as is the date of the original event. The parties gained fame through word of mouth, and the event now draws a crowd of about 5,000–30,000 every full moon evening. The party carries on until the sun rises the next day. The bars on Sunrise Beach of Hat Rin stay open and play music such as psychedelic trance, R&B, drum and bass, house, dance, and reggae. The modern event has become a part of the itinerary of many travelers to Southeast Asia.  The success of the Full Moon Party prompted the creation of "Half Moon", "Black (New) Moon", Oxa Beach, and other parties. The ruling military government in late 2014 banned all but the Full Moon Party, but the edict may not have been observed by local authorities given that, as of 5 April 2015, all parties except the Full Moon Party were again banned on Ko Pha-ngan. This was done to stop the noise pollution which has become a constant source of irritation for the islanders. The ban was ordered by Pha-ngan district chief officer Krirkkrai Songthani after a meeting with local leaders on 3 April to discuss complaints from many residents about the various parties which are held up to 25 times a month at one coconut plantation or another on the island. However, these bans are only ever short-lived, and lapse once they have served their unstated purpose, allowing the re-proliferation of parties. Given the junta's stated goal of attracting higher-class (wealthier) tourists, it is unclear how much longer the Full Moon Party will be permitted to continue. Already, the Tourist Authority of Thailand (TAT) webpage for Ko Pha-ngan barely makes mention of the Full Moon Party. A police colonel summed up the attitude of the new government when he said, "The sort of tourist that comes here to drink too much and take drugs are not the type that Thailand wants."

Schedule and description.

The Full Moon Party takes place every month throughout the year. Its attractions include fire skipping ropes, alcohol "buckets", and drugs. There is a very wide spectrum of music ranging from trance, to drum and bass, to reggae. The party takes place in many clubs along the Hat Rin beach.  The Full Moon Party in October 2017, and all other parties and music activities on Koh Pha-ngan, was canceled in respect for the cremation ceremony for the late king Bhumibol Adulyadej, October 25 to 29.  Full Moon Party schedule for 2020  Further dates have been cancelled until further noticed.

Safety issues.

Although drugs are consumed by many partygoers, drug laws are strict and police enforcement is stepped up during the parties. There are undercover police on patrol and even the drug dealers themselves may report drug users to police. In recent years, there has been an increasing number of assaults and robberies at the party and in bars in the surrounding area, leading the British government to officially warn tourists to exercise caution at Full Moon Parties. Break-ins at hotel bungalows while partygoers are away from their rooms sometimes occur as well.  On New Year's Eve 2012, British tourist Stephen Ashton was killed by a stray bullet.

In popular culture.

The Full Moon Party has been featured in films such as "The Beach", "Last Stop for Paul", and the Thai film "Hormones". It was also featured in the first episode of the Comedy Central TV show Gerhard Reinke's Wanderlust. In 2011, the island's parties featured on "Tourism and the Truth: Stacey Dooley Investigates", a documentary investigating the negative impacts of tourism on local people and the economy. It was featured in episode 4 of E4's comedy-drama series "Gap Year".

The Full Moon Party is an all-night beach party that originated in Hat Rin on the island of Ko Pha-ngan, Thailand in 1985. The party takes place on the night of, before, or after every full moon. It is mostly attended by tourists. As of June 2020 it is still cancelled until further notice.

满月派对(英语:Full moon party),是泰国帕岸岛东南端哈林海滩举办的通宵派对,时间是每月的月圆晚上。参加者主要为来自世界各地的观光客。