Taxonomy and naming.

The slippery jack was one of the many species first described in 1753 by the "father of taxonomy" Carl Linnaeus, who, in the second volume of his "Species Plantarum", gave it the name "Boletus luteus". The specific epithet is the Latin adjective "lūtěus", meaning "yellow". The fungus was reclassified as (and became the type species of) the genus "Suillus" by French naturalist Henri François Anne de Roussel in 1796. "Suillus" is an ancient term for fungi, and is derived from "swine". In addition to the British Mycological Society approved name "slippery jack", other common names for this bolete include "pine boletus" and "sticky bun"—the latter referring to its resemblance to the pastry.  German naturalist August Batsch described "Boletus volvatus" (the specific epithet derived from the Latin "volva", meaning "sheath", "covering" or "womb") alongside "B. luteus" in his 1783 work "Elenchus Fungorum". Batsch placed both of these species, along with "B. bovinus" and the now obsolete names "Boletus mutabilis" and "B. canus", in a grouping of similar boletes he called "subordo Suilli". "Boletus volvatus" is now considered a synonym of "Suillus luteus". Several authors have placed the slippery jack in other genera: Finnish mycologist Petter Karsten classified it as "Cricunopus luteus" in 1881—the genus "Cricinopus" defined by yellow adnate tubes; Lucien Quélet classified it as "Viscipellis luteus" in 1886, and "Ixocomus luteus" in 1888; and Paul Christoph Hennings placed it in the section "Cricinopus" of the genus "Boletopsis" in 1900.  In works published before 1987, the slippery jack was written fully as, as the description by Linnaeus had been name sanctioned in 1821 by the "father of mycology", Swedish naturalist Elias Magnus Fries. The starting date for all the mycota had been set by general agreement as 1 January 1821, the date of Fries's work. Furthermore, as Roussel's description of "Suillus" predated this as well, the authority for the genus was assigned to British botanist Samuel Frederick Gray in the first volume of his 1821 work "A Natural Arrangement of British Plants". The 1987 edition of the International Code of Botanical Nomenclature changed the rules on the starting date and primary work for names of fungi, and names can now be considered valid as far back as 1 May 1753, the date of publication of Linnaeus's work. In 1986, a collection of fruit bodies from Sweden was designated as the neotype of "Suillus luteus".  In their 1964 monograph on North American "Suillus" species, Alexander H. Smith and Harry Delbert Thiers classified "S. luteus" in the series "Suilli" of the section "Suillus" in genus "Suillus". This group is characterized by the presence of either a ring on the stipe, a partial veil adhering to the cap margin, or a "false veil" not attached to the stipe but initially covering the tube cavity. Species closely related to "Suillus luteus" include "S. pseudobrevipes" (a sister species), "S. brevipes" and "S. weaverae" (formerly "Fuscoboletinus weaverae"). A genetic study of nucleotide DNA reinforced the species' monophyly and low genetic divergence, with material of "S. luteus" from the United Kingdom, Austria, Germany and North America forming a clade, in contrast with some other species, such as "S. granulatus", which were shown to be polyphyletic.  Chemical analysis of pigments and chromogens showed that "Suillus" was more closely related to "Gomphidius" and "Rhizopogon" than to other boletes, and hence "Suillus luteus" and its allies were transferred from the Boletaceae to the newly circumscribed family Suillaceae in 1997. Molecular studies have reinforced how distantly related these fungi are from "Boletus edulis" and its allies.

Description.

The cap is chestnut, rusty, olive brown, or dark brown in color and generally 4–10 cm (rarely to 13 cm) in diameter at maturity. The cap has a distinctive conical shape, later flattening out. It is slimy to the touch, bare, smooth, and glossy even when dry, and the cuticle is easily peeled off. The tiny, circular pores of the tubes are initially yellow but turn olive to dark yellow with maturity. Like the skin of the cap, they can be readily peeled away from the flesh.  Tubes comprising the hymenophore on the underside of the cap are deep, with an attachment to the stipe ranging from adnate to somewhat decurrent. The pores are tiny, numbering 3 per mm in young specimens and 1–2 per mm in maturity. The stipe is tall and wide. It is pale yellow and more or less cylindrical but may bear a swollen base. A membranous partial veil initially links the stipe with the edge of the cap. When it ruptures, it forms a membranous, hanging ring. The top side of the ring is whitish, while the underside is characteristically dark brown to violet. This species is one of the few members of the genus "Suillus" that have such a ring. Above the ring, the stipe features glandular dots—minute clumps of pigmented cells. Below the ring, the stipe is dingy white, sometimes streaked with brownish slime. In humid conditions, the ring has a gelatinous texture. The white flesh of the entire fungus does not discolour when damaged, and is soft—particularly in mature specimens. It has a "pleasant" taste and lacks any distinctive odour.  The spore print is ochre or clay coloured, the elongated elliptical spores measuring 7–10 by 3–3.5 μm. Basidia (spore-producing cells) are four spored, with dimensions of 14–18 by 4–5 μm. Cystidia are present on both the tube faces (pleurocystidia) and edges (cheilocystidia), either scattered or, more rarely, as bundles. They measure 20–35 by 5–7 μm and have a narrow club shape. Clamp connections are not present in the hyphae of "S. luteus".

Similar species.

Good field characteristics for "Suillus luteus" include the slimy brown cap, glandular dots on the upper stipe, and prominent purplish ring. A frequent lookalike is "Suillus granulatus", which is another common, widely distributed and edible species occurring in the same habitat. "Suillus granulatus" is yellow fleshed and exudes latex droplets when young, but most conspicuously bears neither a partial veil nor a ring. Other than that, "Suillus luteus" is unlikely to be confused with other mushrooms, especially if its preferred habitat under pine trees and the whitish partial veil are considered. In Europe, the related "Suillus grevillei" is found under larch and has a yellow cap, while immature fruit bodies of "Gomphidius glutinosus" may look comparable from above but have gills rather than pores underneath. In North America, "Suillus borealis" and "S. pseudobrevipes" also have partial veils, but lack the distinctive ring of "S. luteus". "S. cothurnatus" forms a band-like ring on the stipe that tends to be brownish rather than purplish.  In some specimens of "S. luteus", the partial veil separates from the stipe (rather than the cap margin), leaving cottony patches of veil hanging from the cap margin. In this state, fruit bodies can be confused with those of "S. albidipes". Unlike "S. luteus", however, "S. albidipes" does not have glandular dots on its stipe.

Distribution and habitat.

"Suillus luteus" can be found all over the Northern Hemisphere. Native to Eurasia, it is widespread across the British Isles. To the east it has been recorded from Pakistan, where it was found along canals in Dashkin in the district of Astore, and as far east as South Korea. It has also been widely introduced elsewhere by way of pine plantations around the globe. It is very commonly found in Monterey pine ("Pinus radiata") plantations, despite the tree being native to California and hence not in the fungus' native range. In North America it is found in the northeast, the Pacific Northwest and the southwestern United States. According to Ernst Both, it was Charles Horton Peck who first suggested in 1887 that the fungus was introduced to New York State on "Pinus sylvestris". DNA studies show that the North American populations differ little genetically from European populations, supporting the idea that the fungus arrived to North America relatively recently as a result of human activity. "Suillus luteus" is found in coastal and mountainous pine forests and exhibits a tolerance of the northern latitudes. Southern Hemisphere locales where the slippery jack grow with plantation pines include South America, Africa, Australia, and New Zealand. In southwestern Australia, the bolete is limited to areas of greater than 1000 mm (40 in) annual rainfall. It has been recorded as far north as the Darling Downs and southern Queensland, and occasionally in Tasmania. The fungus fruits in spring, summer and fairly prolifically in autumn, following periods of wet weather. Mushrooms can appear in large troops or fairy rings.  In Ecuador, "Pinus radiata" plantations were planted extensively around Cotopaxi National Park, and "Suillus luteus" boletes appear in abundance year-round. A 1985 field study estimated production to be 3000–6000 mushrooms per hectare—up to (dry weight) of mushrooms hectare per year. This continuous production contrasts with the bolete's seasonal appearance elsewhere. The fungus is not found in adjacent areas of native vegetation. The fruiting is so bountiful that the harvest of slippery jacks has become the main reason that pine plantations are established or maintained in parts of Ecuador. In southern Brazil, it has been recorded in plantations of slash pine ("P. elliottii") in the municipalities of Pelotas, Nova Petrópolis and Canela in Rio Grande do Sul, and Colombo in Paraná. It is particularly common in plantations in Patagonia. "Suillus luteus" is the commonest bolete encountered in the Falkland Islands, where it is found in windbreaks and gardens.  In South Africa, "Suillus luteus" has been occasionally recorded under pines in Bloemfontein, Johannesburg and Royal Natal National Park.

Ecology.

"Suillus luteus" is a pioneer species that typically establishes itself in the early stages of forest succession. The fungus forms mycorrhizal associations with various species of pine, including Scots pine ("P. sylvestris"), black pine ("P. nigra"), and Macedonian pine ("P. peuce") in Europe, and red pine ("P. resinosa") and white pine ("P. strobus") in North America. An "in vitro" experiment demonstrated that the species could form an ectomycorrhizal association with Aleppo pine ("P. halepensis"), a key species used in reforestation in the Mediterranean. A study of the ectomycorrhizal fungi associated with a lodgepole pine ("P. contorta") invasion front near Coyhaique, Chile, showed that many invasive trees were supported by "S. luteus" as the sole mycorrhizal partner.  The ectomycorrhizae formed between the fungus and host plant can be influenced by soil microorganisms present in the mycorrhizosphere. For example, soil bacteria from the genera "Paenibacillus" and "Burkholderia" alter the branching structure of the root, whereas "Bacillus" species increase root growth and mycorrhizal colonization. The fungus does not require a specific soil but seems to prefer acidic and nutrient-deficient soil. "Suillus luteus" produces hydroxamic acid-based siderophores, which are compounds that can chelate iron and extract it from the soil in nutrient-poor conditions. Ignacio Chapela and colleagues analysed the carbon uptake of "S. luteus" in Ecuador, concluding pine plantations accompanied by "S. luteus" deplete carbon stored in the soil and raising concerns that these might not be a remedy for rising carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere.  The fungus has been shown to provide a protective effect against heavy metal toxicity when associated with the host "Pinus sylvestris", preventing copper accumulation in the needles, and protecting seedlings against cadmium toxicity. Owing to its frequent rate of sexual reproduction and the resulting extensive gene flow within populations, the fungus can rapidly evolve a trait to tolerate otherwise toxic levels of heavy metals in the environment. The genetic basis of this adaptation—intriguing to researchers investigating the bioremediation potential of metal-adapted plants and their fungal associates—are contained in the genome sequence of "S. luteus", published in 2015. "Suillus luteus" fruit bodies are sometimes infested with larvae, though not nearly as often as "S. granulatus" or "B. edulis". Damage from maggots is much more common in warmer months, and rare late in the season with cooler weather. In a Finnish study, researchers found that 70–95% of fruit bodies collected from typical forest habitats were infested with larvae; the most common species were the flies "Mycetophila fungorum", "Pegomya deprimata", and "Pegohylemyia silvatica". In contrast, other studies have shown that fruit bodies collected from pine plantations are relatively free of larvae. The fungus produces microscopic crystals of oxalic acid at the surface of its hyphae, a feature that is thought to help deter grazing by the springtail species "Folsomia candida".

Edibility.

"Suillus luteus" is an edible mushroom, but the slime must be removed. Although some authors regard it as one of low quality, and generally inferior to co-occurring species such as "Boletus pinophilus", the species is considered a delicacy in Slavic cultures (known as "maslyata" in Russian or "maślaki" in Polish, deriving from words meaning "buttery"). It was highly regarded in Calabria, even more than "Boletus edulis", until the 1940s when increased interest in the latter species eclipsed the former. Mushrooms conforming to "Suillus luteus" are exported from Chile to Italy, and, since the 1970s, the United States. As of 2002, harvesters in Chile were paid on average US$0.5 per kilogram of fruit bodies.  In Burundi, "Suillus luteus" mushrooms are sold to Europeans as "cepes" in Bujumbura but not generally eaten by the Barundi. Based on samples collected from Chile, the boletes contain (as a percentage of dry weight) 20% protein, 57% carbohydrates, 6% fat, and 6% ash. "Pinus radiata" plantations in southeastern Australia have become tourist attractions as people flock to them in autumn to pick slippery jacks and saffron milk-caps ("Lactarius deliciosus"); Belanglo State Forest in particular has attracted large numbers of Polish foragers.  Slippery jacks do not keep for long after picking, nor are they suitable for drying, as their water content is too high. They are suited for frying, or cooking in stews and soups, either alone or with other mushroom species. Puréeing the mushroom is not recommended, however: "We once made the mistake of running it through a blender to make a soup. The result was a substance recommending itself for use when hanging wallpaper." "S. luteus" and other "Suillus" species may cause allergic reactions in some people or digestive problems that appear to result from consuming the slimy skin. The fungus is better cooked before eating, and some authors recommend discarding the glutinous cuticle and tubes before cooking. Moreover, the skin can spoil other fungi with which slippery jacks are collected.  Inexpensive powdered "S. luteus" fruit bodies are sometimes added to the more expensive "B. edulis" mushroom soup powder, a fraudulent practice that is difficult to detect with microscopy because the tissues are no longer intact. This adulteration can be determined chemically, however, by testing for increased levels of the sugar alcohols arabitol and mannitol. The practice can also be determined with a DNA-based method that is sensitive enough to detect the addition of 1–2% of "S. luteus" to "B. edulis" powder.

Suillus luteus is a bolete fungus, and the type species of the genus "Suillus". A common fungus native to Eurasia, from the British Isles to Korea, it has been introduced widely elsewhere, including North and South America, southern Africa, Australia and New Zealand. Commonly referred to as slippery jack or sticky bun in English-speaking countries, its names refer to the brown cap, which is characteristically slimy in wet conditions. The fungus, initially described as "Boletus luteus" by Carl Linnaeus in 1753, is now classified in a different family as well as genus. "Suillus luteus" is edible, though not as highly regarded as other bolete mushrooms, and is commonly prepared and eaten in soups, stews or fried dishes. The slime coating, however, may cause indigestion if not removed before eating.

Klouzek obecný ("Suillus luteus" ) je ve většině literatury uváděna jako výborná jedlá houba vhodná ke konzumaci prakticky ve všech úpravách. Někteří autoři (např. ) však uvádějí, že není pro každého dobře stravitelná a doporučují její konzumaci pouze omezeně.


Physiology.

Puberty.

Menarche is the culmination of a series of physiological and anatomic processes of puberty:  No specific hormonal signal for menarche is known; menarche as a discrete event is thought to be the relatively chance result of the gradual thickening of the endometrium induced by rising but fluctuating pubertal estrogen.  The "menstruum", or "flow," consists of a combination of fresh and clotted blood with endometrial tissue. The initial flow of menarche is usually brighter than mature menstrual flow. It is often scanty in amount and may be very brief, even a single instance of "spotting." Like other menses, menarche may be accompanied by abdominal cramping.

Relation to fertility.

In most girls, menarche does not mean that ovulation has occurred. In postmenarchal girls, about 80% of the cycles were anovulatory in the first year after menarche, 50% in the third and 10% in the sixth year. Regular ovulation is usually indicated by predictable and consistent intervals between menses, predictable and consistent durations of menses, and predictable and consistent patterns of flow (e.g., heaviness or cramping). Continuing ovulation typically requires a body fat content of at least 22%. An anthropological term for this state of potential fertility is nubility.  On the other hand, not every girl follows the typical pattern, and some girls ovulate before the first menstruation. Although unlikely, it is possible for a girl who has engaged in sexual intercourse shortly before her menarche to conceive and become pregnant, which would delay her menarche until after the end of the pregnancy. This goes against the widely held assumption that a woman cannot become pregnant until after menarche. A young age at menarche is not correlated with a young age at first sexual intercourse.

Onset.

When menarche occurs, it confirms that the girl has had a gradual estrogen-induced growth of the uterus, especially the endometrium, and that the "outflow tract" from the uterus, through the cervix to the vagina, is open.  In very rare instances, menarche may occur at an unusually early age, preceding thelarche and other signs of puberty. This is termed isolated premature menarche, but other causes of vaginal bleeding must be investigated and excluded. Growth is usually normal. Isolated premature menarche is rarely the first manifestation of precocious puberty.  When menarche has failed to occur for more than 3 years after thelarche, or beyond 16 years of age, the delay is referred to as primary amenorrhea.

Timing.

Chronic illness.

Certain systemic or chronic illness can delay menarche, such as undiagnosed and untreated celiac disease (which often occurs without gastrointestinal symptoms), asthma, diabetes mellitus type 1, cystic fibrosis and inflammatory diseases, among others. In some cases, because biochemical tests are not always discriminatory, underlying pathologies are not identified and the girl is classified as constitutional growth delay. Short stature, delayed growth in height and weight, and/or delayed menarche may be the only clinical manifestations of celiac disease, in absence of any other symptoms. According to a review article, there may also be an association between early age at menarche and breast cancer risk.

Conditions and disease states.

Studies have been conducted to observe the association of the timing of menarche with various conditions and diseases. Some studies have shown that there may be an association between early or late-age menarche and cardiovascular disease, although the mechanism of the association is not well understood. A systematic review has concluded that early age at menarche is also a risk factor for the insulin resistance condition. There is conflicting evidence regarding the association between obesity and timing of menarche; a meta-analysis and systematic review has determined that more studies must be conducted to make any definitive conclusions about this association.

Effects of stress and social environment.

Some of the least understood environmental influences on timing of puberty are social and psychological. Nearly all of the research on these effects has concerned girls, partly because female puberty requires greater physiological resources and partly because menarche involves a clear threshold event that makes survey research into female puberty much simpler than male. In most of these studies menarche was specifically examined, assuming it to be a valid "proxy" for the more general process of puberty. In comparison with the effects of genetics, nutrition, and general health, social influences are small, shifting timing by a few months rather than years. The most important part of a child's psychosocial environment is the family.  Some of the aspects of family structure and function reported to be independently associated with earlier menarche [antenatal and early childhood]  Other research has focused on the effect of childhood stress on timing of puberty, especially female. Stress is a vague term and studies have examined conditions ranging from family tensions or conflict to wartime refugee status with threat to physical survival. The more dire social conditions have been found to be associated with delay of maturation, an effect that may be compounded by dietary inadequacy. There is more uncertainty and mixed evidence as to whether milder degrees of stress or early-life under-nutrition can accelerate puberty in girls as would be predicted by life history theory and demonstrated in many other mammals.  The understanding of these environmental effects is incomplete and the following observations and cautions are relevant:

Changes in time of average age.

There were few systematic studies of timing of menarche before the later half of the 20th century. Most older estimates of average timing of menarche were based on observation of a small homogeneous population not necessarily representative of the larger population, or based on recall by adult women, which is also susceptible to various forms of error. Most sources agree that the average age of menarche in girls in modern societies has declined, though the reasons and the degree remain subjects of controversy. From the sixth to the fifteenth centuries in Europe, most women reached menarche on average at about 14, between the ages of 12 and 15. A large North American survey reported only a 2–3 month decline from the mid-1970s to the mid-1990s. A 2011 study found that each 1 kg/m increase in childhood body-mass index (BMI) can be expected to result in a 6.5% higher absolute risk of early menarche (before age 12 years).  Fewer than 10% of U.S. girls start to menstruate before 11 years of age, and 90% of all US girls are menstruating by 13.8 years of age, with a median age of 12.4 years. This age at menarche is not much different (0.3 years earlier) than that reported for U.S. girls in 1973. Age at menarche for non-Hispanic black girls was significantly earlier than that of white girls at 10%, 25%, and 50% of those who had attained menarche, whereas Mexican American girls were only slightly earlier than the white girls at 25%.

Culture.

Menstruation is a cultural as well as scientific phenomenon as many societies have specific rituals and cultural norms associated with it. These rituals typically begin at menarche and some are enacted during each menstruation cycle. The rituals are important in determining a status change for girls. Upon menarche and completion of the ritual, they have become a woman as defined by their culture.  For young women in many cultures, the first menstruation is a marker that signifies a change in status. Post-menarche, the young woman enters a stage called maidenhood, the stage between menarche and marriage. There are cultures that have in past centuries, and in present, practiced rites of passage for a girl experiencing menarche.

Celebratory ceremonies.

In some cultures, a party, or celebration is thrown to show the girl's transition to womanhood. This party is similar to the quinceañera in Latin America, except that a specific age marks the transition rather than menarche. In Morocco, the girl is thrown a celebration. All of her family members are invited and the girl is showered with money and gifts.  When a Japanese girl has her first period, the family sometimes celebrates by eating red-colored rice and beans "(sekihan)". The color of blood and the red of "sekihan" are not related. All the rice of ancient times of Japan was red. Since rice was precious in ancient Japan (usually, millet was eaten), it was eaten only during the celebration. "Sekihan" is the tradition of an ancient custom. The celebration is kept a secret from extended family until the rice is served.  In some Indian communities, young women are given a special menarche ceremony called Ruthu Sadangu.  The Mescalero Apaches place high importance on their menarche ceremony and it is regarded as the most important ritual in their tribe. Each year there is an eight-day event celebrating all of the girls who have menstruated in the past year. The days are split between feasting and private ceremonies reflecting on their new womanly status.

Rituals of learning.

In Australia, the Aborigines treat a girl to "love magic". She is taught the ways of womanhood by the other women in her tribe. Her mother builds her a menstruation hut to which she confines herself for the remainder of her menses. The hut is burned and she is bathed in the river at the end of menstruation. When she returns to the village, she is paired with a man who will be her husband.  In the United States, public schools have a sex education program that teaches girls about menstruation and what to expect at the onset of menarche (often this takes place during the 4th grade). Historically menstruation has been a social taboo and girls were taught about menarche and menstruation by their mothers or a female role model. Then, and to an extent now, menstruation was a private matter and a girl's menarche was not a community phenomenon.

Rituals of cleansing or purification.

The Ulithi tribe of Micronesia call a girl's menarche "kufar". She goes to a menstrual house, where the women bathe her and recite spells. She will have to return to the menstruation hut every time she menstruates. Her parents build her a private hut that she will live in until she is married.  In Sri Lanka an astrologer is contacted to study the alignment of stars when the girl experiences menarche because it is believed that her future can be predicted. The women of the family then gather in her home and scrub her in a ritual bathing ceremony. Her family then throws a familial party at which the girl wears white and may receive gifts.  In Ethiopia, Beta Jewish women were separated from male society and sent to menstruation huts during menarche and every menstruation following as the blood associated with menstruation in the Beta Jewish culture was believed to be impure. The Beta Jews built their villages surrounding and near bodies of water specifically for their women to have a place to clean themselves. The menstruation huts were built close to these bodies of water.

Rituals of transformation and scarification.

In Nigeria, the Tiv ethnic group cut four lines into the abdomen of their girls during menarche. The lines are supposed to represent fertility.

Rituals of strength.

The Navajo have a celebration called "kinaalda" (kinn-all-duh). Girls are expected to demonstrate their strength through footraces. The girls make a cornmeal pudding for the tribe to taste. The girls who experience menarche wear special clothes and style their hair like the Navajo goddess "Changing Woman".  The Nuu-chah-nulth (also known as the Nootka) believe that physical endurance is the most important quality in young women. At menarche the girl is taken out to sea and left there to swim back.

Movies.

Perhaps the most notable movie scene involving menarche is that from the 1976 horror movie "Carrie". Carrie White experiences her first period as she showers after the school gym class, and unaware of what is happening to her, she panics and pleads for help, but the other girls respond by bullying her. The movie is an adaptation of the novel with the same name by Stephen King. Carrie's first period unleashes her violent powers and is central to her dangerous and out of control transformation. This theme is common to horror movies, another notable example being the 2000 Canadian horror film "Ginger Snaps", where the protagonist's first period is central to her gradual transformation into a werewolf. Girls experiencing their first period is part of many movies, though not central to their plot, including "The Blue Lagoon", "The Company of Wolves", "My Girl", "A Walk on the Moon".

Menarche ( ; Greek: "mēn" "month" + "arkhē" "beginning") is the first menstrual cycle, or first menstrual bleeding, in female humans. From both social and medical perspectives, it is often considered the central event of female puberty, as it signals the possibility of fertility.

Jako menarche (z řeckého μήν, tj. měsíc + αρχή, tj. začátek) je označována první menstruace a prvotní začátek menstruačního cyklu u dívek. Jak ze sociálního, tak z lékařského hlediska, je menarche považována za hlavní událost dívčí puberty, neboť je signálem možnosti plodnosti u dospívající dívky. Věk, kdy dojde k první menstruaci, je ovlivňován několika faktory, a to konkrétně genetikou, prostředím a stravováním a výživou. Průměrný věk menarche během posledního století poklesl a velikost tohoto poklesu a jeho důvody jsou předmětem diskusí.


Implementations.

Implementations of the concept can be found in various frameworks for many programming environments. For example, if in a database there is a table codice_1 with columns codice_2 (string type) and codice_3 (number type), and the Active Record pattern is implemented in the class codice_4, the pseudo-code  will create a new row in the codice_1 table with the given values, and is roughly equivalent to the SQL command INSERT INTO parts (name, price) VALUES ('Sample part', 123.45); Conversely, the class can be used to query the database:  This will find a new codice_4 object based on the first matching row from the codice_1 table whose codice_2 column has the value "gearbox". The SQL command used might be similar to the following, depending on the SQL implementation details of the database: SELECT * FROM parts WHERE name = 'gearbox' LIMIT 1; -- MySQL or PostgreSQL

Criticism.

Testability.

Due to the coupling of database interaction and application logic when using the active record pattern, unit testing an active record object without a database becomes difficult. The negative effects on testability in the active record pattern can be minimized by using mocking or dependency injection frameworks to substitute the real data tier with a simulated one.

Single responsibility principle and separation of concerns.

Another critique of the active record pattern is that, also due to the strong coupling of database interaction and application logic, an active record object does not follow the single responsibility principle and separation of concerns as opposed to multitier architecture which properly addresses these practices. Because of this, the active record pattern is best and most often employed in simple applications that are all forms-over-data with CRUD functionality, or only as one part of an architecture. Typically that part is data access and why several ORMs implement the active record pattern.

Distributed systems.

Record based patterns work poorly in distributed systems especially where concurrency is impossible (e.g. offline). i.e. two updates both may have one field that is correct but only one of the two records can win.

In software engineering, the active record pattern is an architectural pattern found in software that stores in-memory object data in relational databases. It was named by Martin Fowler in his 2003 book "Patterns of Enterprise Application Architecture". The interface of an object conforming to this pattern would include functions such as Insert, Update, and Delete, plus properties that correspond more or less directly to the columns in the underlying database table.

V počítačové vědě je Active Record architektonický návrhový vzor pro práci s datovými zdroji, který v roce 2002 publikoval Martin Fowler ve své knize Patterns of Enterprise Application Architecture: "„Objekt, který obsahuje řádek v databázové tabulce nebo pohledu, zapouzdřuje přístup k databázi, a přidává doménovou logiku.“"


Timeline of the initial incident.

The incident began when a server used by the Climatic Research Unit was breached in "a sophisticated and carefully orchestrated attack", and 160 of data were obtained including more than 1,000 emails and 3,000 other documents. The University of East Anglia stated that the server from which the data were taken was not one that could be accessed easily, and that the data could not have been released inadvertently. Norfolk Police later added that the offenders used methods that are common in unlawful internet activity, designed to obstruct later enquiries. The breach was first discovered on 17 November 2009 after the server of the RealClimate website was also hacked and a copy of the stolen data was uploaded there. RealClimate's Gavin Schmidt said that he had information that the files had been obtained through "a hack into [CRU's] backup mail server". At about the same time, a short comment appeared on Stephen McIntyre's Climate Audit website saying that "A miracle has happened."  On 19 November, an archive file containing the data was copied to numerous locations across the Internet. An anonymous post from a Saudi Arabian IP address to the climate-sceptic blog "The Air Vent" described the material as "a random selection of correspondence, code, and documents", adding that climate science is "too important to be kept under wraps". That same day, Stephen McIntyre of Climate Audit was forwarded an

Content of the documents.

The material comprised more than 1,000 emails, 2,000 documents, as well as commented source code pertaining to climate-change research, covering the period from 1996 to 2009. According to an analysis in "The Guardian", the vast majority of the emails were from or to four climatologists: Phil Jones, the head of the CRU; Keith Briffa, a CRU climatologist specialising in tree ring analysis; Tim Osborn, a climate modeller at CRU; and Mike Hulme, director of the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research. The four were either recipients or originators of all but 66 of the 1,073 emails, with most of the remainder of the emails being sent from mailing lists. A few other emails were sent by, or to, other staff at the CRU. Jones, Briffa, Osborn and Hulme had written high-profile scientific papers on climate change that had been cited in reports by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.  Most of the emails concerned technical and mundane aspects of climate research, such as data analysis and details of scientific conferences. "The Guardian's" analysis of the emails suggests that the hacker had filtered them. Four scientists were targeted and a concordance plot shows that the words "data", "climate", "paper", "research", "temperature" and "model" were

Responses.

Former Republican House Science Committee chairman Sherwood Boehlert called the attacks a "manufactured distraction", and "Newsweek" and "The New York Times" described the dispute as a "highly orchestrated" and manufactured controversy. Concerns about the media's role in promoting early allegations while also minimising later coverage exonerating the scientists were raised by journalists and policy experts. Historian Spencer R. Weart of the American Institute of Physics said the incident was unprecedented in the history of science, having "never before seen a set of people accuse an entire community of scientists of deliberate deception and other professional malfeasance". The United States National Academy of Sciences expressed concern and condemned what they called "political assaults on scientists and climate scientists in particular".  In the United Kingdom and United States, there were calls for official inquiries into issues raised by the documents. The British Conservative politician Lord Lawson said: "The integrity of the scientific evidence... has been called into question. And the reputation of British science has been seriously tarnished. A high-level independent inquiry must be set up without delay." Bob Ward of the Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at the London School of Economics said that there had to be a rigorous investigation into the substance of the email messages, once appropriate action has been taken over the hacking, to clear the impression of impropriety given by the selective disclosure and dissemination of the messages. United States Senator Jim Inhofe, who had previously stated that global warming was "the greatest hoax ever perpetrated on the American people", also planned to demand an inquiry. In a debate in the United States House of Representatives on 2 December 2009, Republicans read out extracts from eight of the emails, and Representative Jim Sensenbrenner said: "These e-mails show a pattern of suppression, manipulation and secrecy that was inspired by ideology, condescension and profit". In response, the president's science adviser John Holdren said that the science was proper, and the emails only concerned a fraction of the research. Government scientist Jane Lubchenco said that the emails "do nothing to undermine the very strong scientific consensus" that the Earth is warming, largely due to human actions.  Climate change sceptics gained wide publicity in blogs and news media, making allegations that the hacked emails showed evidence that climate scientists manipulated data. A few other commentators such as Roger A. Pielke said that the evidence supported claims that dissenting scientific papers had been suppressed. "The Wall Street Journal" reported that the emails revealed apparent efforts to ensure that the IPCC included their own views and excluded others, and that the scientists withheld scientific data.  An editorial in "Nature" stated that "A fair reading of the e-mails reveals nothing to support the denialists' conspiracy theories." It said that emails showed harassment of researchers, with multiple Freedom of Information requests to the Climatic Research Unit, but release of information had been hampered by national government restrictions on releasing the meteorological data researchers had been using. "Nature" considered that emails had not shown anything that undermined the scientific case on human-caused global warming or raised any substantive reasons for concern about the researchers' own papers. "The Telegraph" reported that academics and climate change researchers dismissed the allegations, saying that nothing in the emails proved wrongdoing. Independent reviews by FactCheck and the Associated Press said that the emails did not affect evidence that man-made global warming is a real threat, and said that emails were being misrepresented to support unfounded claims of scientific misconduct. The AP said that the "[e]-mails stolen from climate scientists show they stonewalled sceptics and discussed hiding data". In this context, John Tierney of "The New York Times" wrote: "these researchers, some of the most prominent climate experts in Britain and America, seem so focused on winning the public-relations war that they exaggerate their certitude – and ultimately undermine their own cause".  Climate scientists at the CRU and elsewhere received numerous threatening and abusive emails in the wake of the initial incidents. Norfolk Police interviewed Phil Jones about death threats made against him following the release of the emails; Jones later said that the police told him that these "didn't fulfil the criteria for death threats". Death threats against two scientists also are under investigation by the US Federal Bureau of Investigation. Climate scientists in Australia have reported receiving threatening emails including references to where they live and warnings to "be careful" about how some people might react to their scientific findings. In July 2012, Michael Mann said that the episode had caused him to "endure countless verbal attacks upon my professional reputation, my honesty, my integrity, even my life and liberty".

Inquiries and reports.

Eight committees investigated the allegations and published reports, finding no evidence of fraud or scientific misconduct. The scientific consensus that global warming is occurring as a result of human activity remained unchanged by the end of the investigations. However, the reports urged the scientists to avoid any such allegations in the future, and to regain public confidence following this media storm, with "more efforts than ever to make available all their supporting data – right down to the computer codes they use – to allow their findings to be properly verified". Climate scientists and organisations pledged to improve scientific research and collaboration with other researchers by improving data management and opening up access to data, and to honour any freedom of information requests that relate to climate science.

House of Commons Science and Technology Committee.

On 22 January 2010, the House of Commons Science and Technology Select Committee announced it would conduct an inquiry into the affair, examining the implications of the disclosure for the integrity of scientific research, reviewing the scope of the independent Muir Russell review announced by the UEA, and reviewing the independence of international climate data sets. The committee invited written submissions from interested parties, and published 55 submissions that it had received by 10 February. They included submissions from the University of East Anglia, the

Science Assessment Panel.

The report of the independent Science Assessment Panel was published on 14 April 2010 and concluded that the panel had seen "no evidence of any deliberate scientific malpractice in any of the work of the Climatic Research Unit." It found that the CRU's work had been "carried out with integrity" and had used "fair and satisfactory" methods. The CRU was found to be "objective and dispassionate in their view of the data and their results, and there was no hint of tailoring results to a particular agenda." Instead, "their sole aim was to establish as robust a record of temperatures in recent centuries as possible."  The panel commented that it was "very surprising that research in an area that depends so heavily on statistical methods has not been carried out in close collaboration with professional statisticians." It found that although the CRU had not

Pennsylvania State University.

Pennsylvania State University announced in December 2009 it would review the work of Michael E. Mann, in particular looking at anything that had not already been addressed in the 2006 North Report review by the National Research Council of the National Academy of Sciences which had investigated Mann's "hockey stick graph" studies and found some faults with his 1998 methodology but agreed with the results which had been reaffirmed by later studies using different methods. In response, Mann said he would welcome the review. The inquiry committee determined on 3 February 2010 that there was no credible evidence Mann suppressed or falsified data, destroyed emails, information and/or data related to the IPCC Fourth Assessment Report, or misused privileged or confidential information. The committee did not make a definitive finding on the final point of inquiry – "whether Dr Mann seriously deviated from accepted practices within the academic community for proposing, conducting, or reporting research or other scholarly activities". The committee said that the earlier NAS inquiry had found "that Dr Mann’s science did fall well within the bounds of accepted practice", but in light of the newly available information this question of

Independent Climate Change Email Review.

First announced in December 2009, a British investigation commissioned by the UEA and chaired by Sir Muir Russell, published its final report in July 2010. The commission cleared the scientists and dismissed allegations that they manipulated their data. The "rigour and honesty" of the scientists at the Climatic Research Unit were found not to be in doubt. The panel found that they did not subvert the peer review process to censor criticism as alleged,

United States Environmental Protection Agency report.

The United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) had issued an "endangerment finding" in 2009 in preparation for climate regulations on excessive greenhouse gases. Petitions to reconsider this were raised by the states of Virginia and Texas, conservative activists and business groups including the United States Chamber of Commerce, the Competitive Enterprise Institute and the coal company Peabody Energy, making claims that the CRU emails undermined the science.  The EPA examined every email and concluded that there was no merit to the claims in the petitions, which "routinely misunderstood the scientific issues", reached "faulty scientific conclusions", "resorted to hyperbole", and "often cherry-pick language that creates the

Inspector General of the U.S. Department of Commerce.

In May 2010 Senator Jim Inhofe requested the Inspector General of the United States Department of Commerce to conduct an independent review of how the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) had dealt with the emails, and whether the emails showed any wrongdoing. The report, issued on 18 February 2011, cleared the researchers and "did not find any evidence that NOAA inappropriately manipulated data or failed to adhere to appropriate peer review procedures". It

National Science Foundation.

The Office of the Inspector General (OIG) of the National Science Foundation closed an investigation on 15 August 2011 that exonerated Michael Mann of Pennsylvania State University of charges of scientific misconduct. It found no evidence of research misconduct, and confirmed the results of

ICO decisions on Freedom of Information requests.

In two cases, the Information Commissioner's Office (ICO) issued decisions on appeals of Freedom of Information (FOI) requests which had been turned down by the university.  David Holland, an electrical engineer from Northampton, made a 2008 FOI request for all emails to and from Keith Briffa about the IPCC Fourth Assessment Report; the university's information policy and compliance manager refused the request. On 23 November 2009, after the start of the controversy, he wrote to the Commissioner explaining in detail the relevance of the alleged CRU emails to his case, with specific reference to a May 2008 email in which Phil Jones asked others to delete emails discussing AR4 with Briffa. In January 2010 news reports highlighted that FOI legislation made it an offence to intentionally act to prevent the disclosure of requested information, but the statute of limitations meant that any prosecution had to be raised within 6 months of the alleged offence. This was discussed by the House of Commons Science and Technology Select Committee. The ICO decision on Holland's requests published on 7 July 2010 concluded that the emails indicated "prima facie" evidence of an offence, but as prosecution was time-barred the Commissioner had been unable to investigate the alleged offence. On the issue of the university failing to provide responses within the correct time, no further action was needed as Holland was content not to proceed with his complaint.  The Climatic Research Unit developed its gridded CRUTEM data set of land air temperature anomalies from instrumental temperature records held by around the world, often under formal or informal confidentiality agreements that

Media coverage.

The initial story about the hacking originated in the blogosphere, with columnist James Delingpole picking up the term "Climategate" from an anonymous blogger on "Watts Up With That?", a blog created by climate sceptic Anthony Watts. The site was one of three blogs that received links to the leaked documents on 17 November 2009. Delingpole first used the word "Climategate" in the title of his 20 November article for "The Telegraph": "Climategate: the final nail in the coffin of 'Anthropogenic Global Warming'?" A week later, his co-worker Christopher Booker gave Delingpole credit for coining the term. Following the release of documents in the blogosphere, unproven allegations and personal attacks against scientists increased and made their way into the traditional media. Physicist Mark Boslough of the University of New Mexico noted that many of the attacks on scientists came from "bloggers, editorial writers, Fox News pundits, and radio talk show hosts who have called them liars and vilified them as frauds". According to Chris Mooney and Sheril Kirshenbaum in their book "Unscientific America" (2010), the accusations originated in right-wing media and blogs, "especially on outlets like Fox News". Journalist Suzanne Goldenberg of "The Guardian" reported that according to an analysis by Media Matters, "Fox had tried to delegitimise the work of climate scientists in its coverage of the hacked emails from the University of East Anglia" and had "displayed a pattern of trying to skew coverage in favour of the fringe minority which doubts the existence of climate change".  The intense media coverage of the documents stolen from climate researchers at the University of East Anglia created public confusion about the scientific consensus on climate change, leading several

Public opinion and political fallout.

Jon Krosnick, professor of communication, political science and psychology at Stanford University, said that scientists were overreacting. Referring to his own poll results of the American public, he said: "It's another funny instance of scientists ignoring science." Krosnick found that "Very few professions enjoy the level of confidence from the public that scientists do, and those numbers haven't changed much in a decade. We don't see a lot of evidence that the general public in the United States is picking up on the (University of East Anglia) emails. It's too inside baseball."  "The Christian Science Monitor", in an article titled "Climate scientists exonerated in 'climategate' but public trust damaged", stated: "While public opinion had steadily moved away

Further release, 2011.

On 22 November 2011, a second set of approximately 5,000 emails, apparently hacked from University of East Anglia servers at the same time as those in the 2009 release, was posted on a Russian server, with links distributed to the message boards on several climate-sceptic websites. A message accompanying the emails quoted selective passages from them, highlighting many of the same issues raised following the original incident. Juliette Jowit and Leo Hickman of "The Guardian" said that the new release was "an apparent attempt to undermine public support for international action to tackle climate change" with the start of the 2011 United Nations Climate Change Conference scheduled in Durban, South Africa, a week later. "Nature" described the further release as a "poor sequel" and claimed that "it is hard for anyone except the most committed conspiracy theorist to see much of interest in the content of the released e-mails, even taken out of context".

The Climatic Research Unit email controversy (also known as "Climategate") began in November 2009 with the hacking of a server at the Climatic Research Unit (CRU) at the University of East Anglia (UEA) by an external attacker, copying thousands of emails and computer files (the Climatic Research Unit documents) to various internet locations several weeks before the Copenhagen Summit on climate change.

Termínem Climategate či spor o e-maily Climate Research Unit (CRU) bývá označována aféra, která začala v listopadu 2009 na oddělení pro výzkum klimatu (Climate Research Unit) na University of East Anglia. V tomto období proběhl kybernetický útok na server tohoto oddělení. Dle policejního vyšetřování šlo o velmi sofistikovaný a synchronizovaný útok, při kterém bylo použito maskování útoku, známé z kriminálního prostředí. Neznámí pachatelé stáhli data mailového serveru a získali tak tisíce e-mailů a dalších dokumentů CRU, které pocházely z let 1996–2009. E-maily klimatologů byly zveřejněny několik týdnů před celosvětovým summitem o klimatu v Kodani (7.-18. prosince 2009) na více veřejných serverech na Internetu. Některé zdroje se snažily tvrdit, že za útokem stojí Rusko, ale to nebylo věrohodně potvrzeno, policejní vyšetřování nenašlo pachatele. Hacker, který se v roce 2013 označil za autora útoků, rozeslal v roce 2013 s poslední várkou e-mailů prohlášení, kde říká, že jeho mateřštinou není angličtina a že není z USA ani Británie. Rovněž uvádí, že jednal sám na vlastní pěst. ""Žádné spiknutí, žádní placení hackeři, žádné ropné firmy. Nenaplánovali to američtí republikáni.""


History.

Origins.

The Zulu were originally a major clan in what is today Northern KwaZulu-Natal, founded ca. 1709 by Zulu kaMalandela. In the Nguni languages, "iZulu" means "heaven", or weather"." At that time, the area was occupied by many large Nguni communities and clans (also called the "isizwe" people or nation, or were called "isibongo", referring to their clan or family name). Nguni communities had migrated down Africa's east coast over centuries, as part of the Bantu migrations. As the nation began to develop, the rulership of Shaka brought the clans together to build a cohesive identity for the Zulu.

Kingdom.

The Zulu formed a powerful state in 1818 under the leader Shaka. Shaka, as the Zulu commander of the Mthethwa Empire and successor to Dingiswayo, united what was once a confederation of tribes into an imposing empire under Zulu hegemony. Shaka built a militarised system known as Impi featuring conscription, a standing army, new weaponry, regimentation, and encirclement battle tactics. Zulu expansion was a major factor of the Mfecane ("Crushing") that depopulated large areas of southern Africa.

Conflict with the British.

In mid-December 1878, envoys of the British crown delivered an ultimatum to 11 chiefs representing the then-current king of the Zulu empire, Cetshwayo. Under the British terms delivered to the Zulu, Cetshwayo would have been required to disband his army and accept British sovereignty. Cetshwayo refused, and war between the Zulus and African contingents of the British crown began on January 12, 1879. Despite an early victory for the Zulus at the Battle of Isandlwana on the 22nd of January, the British fought back and won the Battle at Rorke's Drift, and decisively defeated the Zulu army by July at the Battle of Ulundi.

Absorption into Natal.

After Cetshwayo's capture a month following his defeat, the British divided the Zulu Empire into 13 "kinglets". The sub-kingdoms fought amongst each other until 1883 when Cetshwayo was reinstated as king over Zululand. This still did not stop the fighting and the Zulu monarch was forced to flee his realm by Zibhebhu, one of the 13 kinglets, supported by Boer mercenaries. Cetshwayo died in February 1884, killed by Zibhebhu's regime, leaving his son, the 15-year-old Dinuzulu, to inherit the throne. In-fighting between the Zulu continued for years, until in 1897 Zululand was absorbed fully into the British colony of Natal.

Apartheid years.

KwaZulu homeland.

Under apartheid, the homeland of KwaZulu ("Kwa" meaning "place of") was created for Zulu people. In 1970, the Bantu Homeland Citizenship Act provided that all Zulus would become citizens of KwaZulu, losing their South African citizenship. KwaZulu consisted of many disconnected pieces of land, in what is now KwaZulu-Natal. Hundreds of thousands of Zulu people living on privately owned "black spots" outside of KwaZulu were dispossessed and forcibly moved to bantustans – worse land previously reserved for whites contiguous to existing areas of KwaZulu. By 1993, approximately 5.2 million Zulu people lived in KwaZulu, and approximately 2 million lived in the rest of South Africa. The Chief Minister of KwaZulu, from its creation in 1970 (as Zululand) was Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi. In 1994, KwaZulu was joined with the province of Natal, to form modern KwaZulu-Natal.

"Inkatha YeSizwe".

"Inkatha YeSizwe" means "the crown of the nation". In 1975, Buthelezi revived the Inkatha YaKwaZulu, predecessor of the Inkatha Freedom Party. This organization was nominally a protest movement against apartheid, but held more conservative views than the ANC. For example, Inkatha was opposed to the armed struggle, and to sanctions against South Africa. Inkatha was initially on good terms with the ANC, but the two organizations came into increasing conflict beginning in 1976 in the aftermath of the Soweto Uprising.

Language.

The language of the Zulu people is "isiZulu", a Bantu language; more specifically, part of the Nguni subgroup. Zulu is the most widely spoken language in South Africa, where it is an official language. More than half of the South African population are able to understand it, with over 9 million first-language and over 15 million second-language speakers. Many Zulu people also speak Xitsonga, Sesotho and others from among South Africa's 11 official languages.

Ceremony.

Umhlanga.

The Zulu people celebrate an annual event that was established in 1984 called the Umhlanga or Reed Dance. This event takes place at the royal capital near Nongoma. This traditional ceremony is performed by young women from all parts of the kingdom to perform in front of the monarch and his guests. The purpose of this event is to promote pride in virginity and to restrain sexual relationships. Beadwork is a prominent attire that is worn at the Umhlanga. The beadwork is not only worn by the dancers, but by the guests as well. The Umhlanga is not purely for a time of dance. The King also uses this time to speak to the young men and women of the nation. The King discusses the arising political issues that are inflicting on their nation.

Beadwork.

History.

The creation of beadwork dates back to the times of war for the Zulu people. This particular form of beadwork were known as "iziqu", medallions of war. Often worn as a necklace, the beads were displayed in a criss-cross formation across the shoulders. This assemblage of beads by the warriors represented a symbol of bravery. Before the use of glass was apparent to the Zulu, beadwork derived from wood, seeds and berries. It was not until the arrival of Europeans that glass became a trade material with the Portuguese, which soon became abundantly available to the Zulu.

Purpose.

Beadwork is a form of communication for the Zulu people. Typically when one is wearing multiple beads, it is a sign of wealth. The more beads one is wearing, the wealthier they are perceived. The beads have the potential to convey information about a person's age, gender and marital status. The design of the beads often conveys a particular message. However, one must know the context of their use in order to read the message correctly. Depending on the area in which the beadwork was made, some designs can depict different messages compared to other areas. A message could be embedded into the colors and structure of the beads or could be strictly for decorative purposes. Beadwork can be worn in everyday use, but is often worn during important occasions such as weddings, or ceremonies. For example, beadwork is featured during the coming of age for a young girl or worn during dances. The beaded elements complement the costumes worn by the Zulu people to bring out a sense of finery or prestige.

Apparel.

Beadwork is worn by all men, women, and children at any age. Depending on which stage of life an individual is in, the beadwork indicates different meanings. Beadwork is dominantly worn when young Zulu people are courting or in search for love affairs. The wearing of decorative beadwork can act as an attempt to grab the attention of someone of the opposite sex. Also, the gifting of beadwork is a way of communicating interest with lovers. During the transition from single to married women, beadwork is shown through a beaded cloth apron worn over a pleated leather skirt. As for older or mature women, beadwork is displayed in detailed headdresses and cowhide skirts that extend past the knee. These long skirts are also seen on unmarried women and young marriageable-age girls. Men are more conservative when wearing beadwork. Although, when young boys are seen wearing multiple necklaces, it is a sign that he is highly interested by these gifts from various girls. The more gifts he is wearing, the higher prestige he obtains.

Colors of Beads.

Various forms of beadwork are found in different color schemes. Typically, there are four different types of color schemes:  •Isisshunka-white, light blue, dark green, pale yellow, pink, red, black. This color scheme is believed to have no specific meaning.  •"Isithembu-"light blue, grass green, bright yellow, red, black. This color scheme derives from clans or clan areas.  • Umzansi-white, dark blue, grass green, red. This color scheme also derives from clans or clan areas.  • Isinyolovane-combination of any colors not consistent with other color schemes. This color scheme is often related to connotations of perfection and charm.  The colors of beads might hold different meanings based on the area that they originated from. It is often at times that this can lead to misrepresentation or confusion when attempting to understand what the beadwork is communicating. One cannot assume that the color system is standard across South Africa. In some areas, the color green symbolizes jealousy in a certain area, but in another area it symbolizes grass. One must know the origin of the beadwork in order to interpret the message correctly.

Clothing.

Zulus wear a variety of attire, both traditional for ceremonial or culturally celebratory occasions, and modern westernized clothing for everyday use. The women dress differently depending on whether they are single, engaged, or married. The men wore a leather belt with two strips of hide hanging down front and back.  In South Africa, the miniskirt has existed since pre-colonial times. In the African cultures, such as the Basotho, the Batswana, the Bapedi, the Amaswati and the AmaZulu, women wore traditional miniskirts as cultural attire. These skirts are not seen as shameless but used to cover the women's genitals. The skirts are called isigcebhezana and are essential in Zulu ceremonies. For example, Umemulo is a ceremony for women who turn 21 years of age. It represents a huge transition in the woman's life because it is a symbol of her being ready to accept a boyfriend and even get married. Additionally, each stage of a Zulu's life is determined by a specific type of clothing. For an unmarried woman, she wears the skirt and nothing on the top, but as she grows up, the woman starts to cover up her body because a time will come in which she will be a married woman and an old woman. Nonetheless, a special type of clothing is reserved to pregnant women. When a woman is pregnant she wears an ‘isibamba', a thick belt made from dried grass, covered with glass or plastic beadwork, to support her swelling stomach and its additional weight.

Societal roles.

Men.

The Zulu people govern under a patriarchal society. Men are perceived as the head of the household and seen as authoritative figures. Zulu men identify themselves with great pride and dignity. They also compare themselves to qualities of powerful wild animals such as, bulls, lions and elephants. The men contribute to society by acting as defenders, hunters, and lovers. The Zulu men are also in charge of herding the cattle, educating themselves on the lives of disciplined warriors, creating weapons, and learning the art of stick fighting.

Stick fighting.

The art of stick fighting is a celebration of manhood for Zulu men. These men can begin to learn this fighting art form as young as the age of five years old. There are multiple reasons why men learn how to stick fight. For example, men may want to learn so that they can set right any wrongs or insults made towards them. Other reasons some men choose to learn are for sporting purposes, proving skills or manliness, and self-defense. The goal of stick fighting is to injure the opponent and sometimes even kill. There are rules of etiquette that must be abided by when stick fighting. The men can only fight a man within the same age as them. One cannot hit the opponent once the stick is lost from the possession. Lastly, only sticks are allowed when fighting.

Women.

The women in Zulu society often perform domestic chores such as cleaning, raising children, collect water and firewood, laundry, tend to crops, cooking, and making clothes. Women can be considered as the sole income-earner of the household. A woman's stages of life lead up to the goal of marriage. As a woman approaches puberty, she is known as a "tshitshi". A "tshitshi" reveals her singleness by wearing less clothing. Single women typically do not wear clothing to cover their head, breasts, legs and shoulders. Engaged women wear hairnets to show their marital status to society and married women cover themselves in clothing and headdresses. Also, women are taught to defer to men and treat them with great respect. The women are always bound by a male figure to abide by.

Religion and beliefs.

Most Zulu people state their beliefs to be Christian. Some of the most common churches to which they belong are African Initiated Churches, especially the Zion Christian Church, Nazareth Baptist Church and United African Apostolic Church, although membership of major European Churches, such as the Dutch Reformed, Anglican and Catholic Churches are also common. Nevertheless, many Zulus retain their traditional pre-Christian belief system of ancestor worship in parallel with their Christianity.  Traditional Zulu religion includes belief in a creator God ("uNkulunkulu") who is above interacting in day-to-day human life, although this belief appears to have originated from efforts by early Christian missionaries to frame the idea of the Christian God in Zulu terms. Traditionally, the more strongly held Zulu belief was in ancestor spirits ("amaThongo" or "amaDlozi"), who had the power to intervene in people's lives, for good or ill. This belief continues to be widespread among the modern Zulu population.  Traditionally, the Zulu recognize several elements to be present in a human being: the physical body ("inyama yomzimba" or "umzimba"); the breath or life force ("umoya womphefumulo" or "umoya"); and the "shadow," prestige, or personality ("isithunzi"). Once the "umoya" leaves the body, the "isithunzi" may live on as an ancestral spirit ("idlozi") only if certain conditions were met in life. Behaving with ubuntu, or showing respect and generosity towards others, enhances one's moral standing or prestige in the community, one's "isithunzi". By contrast, acting in a negative way towards others can reduce the "isithunzi", and it is possible for the "isithunzi" to fade away completely. In order to appeal to the spirit world, a diviner ("sangoma") must invoke the ancestors through divination processes to determine the problem. Then, a herbalist ("inyanga") prepares a mixture ("muthi") to be consumed in order to influence the ancestors. As such, diviners and herbalists play an important part in the daily lives of the Zulu people. However, a distinction is made between white "muthi" ("umuthi omhlope"), which has positive effects, such as healing or the prevention or reversal of misfortune, and black "muthi" ("umuthi omnyama"), which can bring illness or death to others, or ill-gotten wealth to the user. Users of black "muthi" are considered witches, and shunned by the society.  Christianity had difficulty gaining a foothold among the Zulu people, and when it did it was in a syncretic fashion. Isaiah Shembe, considered the Zulu Messiah, presented a form of Christianity (the Nazareth Baptist Church) which incorporated traditional customs.  Furthermore, Zulu people also practice a ceremony called Ukweshwama. The killing of the bull is part of Ukweshwama, an annual ceremony that celebrates a new harvest. It is a day of prayer when Zulus thank their creator and their ancestors. By tradition, a new regiment of young warriors is asked to confront a bull to prove its courage, inheriting the beast’s strength as it expires. It is believed this power then transfers to the Zulu king.

Bride wealth.

Zulu people have a system called "ilobolo". This term is particularly used by Zulu people when it comes to bride wealth. Every African ethnic group has different requirements when it comes to bride wealth. In pre-capitalist Zulu society, ilobolo was inextricably linked to the ownership of cattle. During that time, there was not a fixed amount of cattle required for the wedding to happen. It could be paid before the marriage or during the marriage. The groom will be taking the cattle from his father's herd in order to perpetuate the family heritage. Nonetheless, this ritual has changed during colonization because in 1869, Theophilus Shepstone, then Natal Secretary for Native Affairs, formalized the ilobolo payment to 10 cattle for commoners (plus the ingquthu cow for the mother), 15 for hereditary chief siblings and 20-plus for the daughters of a chief. They found it too lenient to let the groom give whichever amount he wants so they decided to instore specific amount of cattle that will be needed this time before or at the start of the marriage. This decision that had been taken by Zulu men who were educated in mission schools but according to the other people, this ritual became “untraditional”. Additionally, with the instauration of the Natal Code, some Zulu men decided to settle another way in which they could decrease the ilobo: offer a token payment or bring a present for the father of the prospective bride in order to decrease the "ilobolo" amount to be paid. The payment of "ilobolo" can be sometimes difficult for some families but it is a symbol of pride and respect. Consequently, this is the reason why some are willing to maintain it as long as possible.

The Zulu (; Zulu: "amaZulu"), or also known as Amazulu, are a Bantu ethnic group of Southern Africa. The Zulu are the largest ethnic group in South Africa with an estimated 10–12 million people living mainly in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The Zulu originated from Nguni communities who took part in the Bantu migrations. As the clans integrated together, the rulership of Shaka brought success to the Zulu nation due to his perfected military policies. The Zulu take pride in their ceremonies such as the Umhlanga, or Reed Dance, and their various forms of beadwork. The art and skill of beadwork takes part in the identification of Zulu people and acts as a form of communication. The men and women both serve different purposes in society in order to function as a whole. Today the Zulu predominately believe in Christianity, but have created a syncretic religion that is combined with the Zulu's prior belief systems.

Zuluové či Zulové (zulsky: "amaZulu") jsou početný africký národ, žijící především na jihu Afriky, který má v současnosti něco kolem 10 milionů příslušníků. Jejich jazykem je zuluština z rodiny bantuských jazyků. Zuluové žijí většinou v Jihoafrické republice, kde tvoří 22 % obyvatelstva, menší skupiny i v sousedních státech (Zimbabwe, Malawi, Tanzanie). Nejvíce příslušníků národa žije ve třech jihoafrických provinciích: KwaZulu-Natal (7,6 mil.), Gauteng (1,9 mil.) a Mpumalanga (0,8 mil.). Mají své království Zululand, které bývalo britským protektorátem a dnes je součástí provincie Jihoafrické republiky KwaZulu-Natal.


History.

Founded as a station for agricultural experiments known as "Havat HaIklum" (lit. "The acclimatization farm"), Mevo'ot Yericho became a farming community in 2000. Over the years more families joined and many of them are not involved in agriculture. The total number of families has gone up from a single family to 28 today. Several crops are grown including lemons, dates, figs, grapes, sweet potatoes, passion fruit and more.  In the mid-2000s, a project for disadvantaged girls was established at Mevo'ot Yericho. The girls live and work in the community and travel to Jerusalem for studies in the evening. This project is named Ginat Eden () and continues to grow and help these girls every day.

Mikveh.

The construction of what may be the world's first solar-powered mikveh was completed in 2007. The mikveh is in constant use, including a side opening for the purification of utensils.

New neighborhood.

Over the last few years the community has gone through a process of shifting from temporary housing to permanent structures. Several families have moved into the new houses located above and behind the old community center.

Archaeology.

Numerous archaeological findings in the area attest to the presence of ancient Jewish settlement. Within the settlement remains of an aqueduct are clearly visible. Remains of this aqueduct run both north and south of the community and can be traced almost all the way from the nearby spring to the area of the ancient synagogue. Both the aqueduct and nearby Na'aran synagogue are dated to the 6th century. Archaeologists believe that these are the remains of a thriving Jewish community that existed in this area at that time.

Mevo'ot Yericho (, "lit." Doorway to Jericho), founded in 1999, is an Israeli settlement and a community settlement located in the West Bank's southern Jordan Valley just north of Jericho, in the Yitav Valley. The site is 150m below sea level. It falls under the municipal jurisdiction of the Bik'at HaYarden Regional Council.

Mevo'ot Jericho (: מְבוֹאוֹת יְרִיחוֹ, doslova „"Brána" nebo "Vstup do Jericha"“, : Mevo'ot Yericho) je izraelská osada a vesnice typu společná osada ("jišuv kehilati") na Západním břehu Jordánu v distriktu Judea a Samaří a v Oblastní radě Bik'at ha-Jarden.


History.

Canvas was initially introduced by Apple for use in their own Mac OS X WebKit component in 2004, powering applications like Dashboard widgets and the Safari browser. Later, in 2005 it was adopted in version 1.8 of Gecko browsers, and Opera in 2006, and standardized by the Web Hypertext Application Technology Working Group (WHATWG) on new proposed specifications for next generation web technologies.

Usage.

A codice_1 consists of a drawable region defined in HTML code with "height" and "width" attributes. JavaScript code may access the area through a full set of drawing functions similar to those of other common 2D APIs, thus allowing for dynamically generated graphics. Some anticipated uses of canvas include building graphs, animations, games, and image composition.

Example.

The following code creates a Canvas element in an HTML page:  <canvas id="example" width="200" height="200"> This text is displayed if your browser does not support HTML5 Canvas. </canvas> Using JavaScript, you can draw on the canvas:  var example = document.getElementById('example'); var context = example.getContext('2d'); context.fillStyle ='red'; context.fillRect(30, 30, 50, 50); This code draws a red rectangle on the screen.  The Canvas API also provides codice_2 and codice_3, for saving and restoring all the canvas context's attributes.

Canvas element size versus drawing surface size.

A canvas actually has two sizes: the size of the element itself and the size of the element's drawing surface. Setting the element's width and height attributes sets both of these sizes; CSS attributes affect only the element's size and not the drawing surface.  By default, both the canvas element's size and the size of its drawing surface is 300 screen pixels wide and 150 screen pixels high. In the listing shown in the example, which uses CSS to set the canvas element's size, the size of the element is 600 pixels wide and 300 pixels high, but the size of the drawing surface remains unchanged at the default value of 300 pixels × 150 pixels. When a canvas element's size does not match the size of its drawing surface, the browser scales the drawing surface to fit the element (which may result in surprising and unwanted effects).  Example on setting element size and drawing surface size to different values: <!DOCTYPE html> </html>

Canvas versus Scalable Vector Graphics (SVG).

SVG is an earlier standard for drawing shapes in browsers. However, unlike canvas, which is raster-based, SVG is vector-based, so that each drawn shape is remembered as an object in a scene graph or Document Object Model, which is subsequently rendered to a bitmap. This means that if attributes of an SVG object are changed, the browser can automatically re-render the scene.  Canvas objects, on the other hand, are drawn in immediate mode. In the canvas example above, once the rectangle is drawn the model it was drawn from is forgotten by the system. If its position were to be changed, the entire scene would need to be redrawn, including any objects that might have been covered by the rectangle. But in the equivalent SVG case, one could simply change the position attributes of the rectangle and the browser would determine how to repaint it. There are additional JavaScript libraries that add scene-graph capabilities to the canvas element. It is also possible to paint a canvas in layers and then recreate specific layers.  SVG images are represented in XML, and complex scenes can be created and maintained with XML editing tools.  The SVG scene graph enables event handlers to be associated with objects, so a rectangle may respond to an codice_4 event. To get the same functionality with canvas, one must manually match the coordinates of the mouse click with the coordinates of the drawn rectangle to determine whether it was clicked.  Conceptually, canvas is a lower-level API upon which an engine, supporting for example SVG, might be built. There are JavaScript libraries that provide partial SVG implementations using canvas for browsers that do not provide SVG but support canvas, such as the browsers in Android 2.x. However, this is not normally the case—they are independent standards. The situation is complicated because there are scene graph libraries for canvas, and SVG has some bitmap manipulation functionality.

Reactions.

At the time of its introduction the canvas element was met with mixed reactions from the web standards community. There have been arguments against Apple's decision to create a new proprietary element instead of supporting the SVG standard. There are other concerns about syntax, such as the absence of a namespace.

Intellectual property over canvas.

On March 14, 2007, WebKit developer Dave Hyatt forwarded an email from Apple's Senior Patent Counsel, Helene Plotka Workman, which stated that Apple reserved all intellectual property rights relative to WHATWG's Web Applications 1.0 Working Draft, dated March 24, 2005, Section 10.1, entitled “Graphics: The bitmap canvas”, but left the door open to licensing the patents should the specification be transferred to a standards body with a formal patent policy. This caused considerable discussion among web developers, and raised questions concerning the WHATWG's lack of a policy on patents in comparison to the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C)'s explicit favoring of royalty-free licenses. Apple later disclosed the patents under the W3C's royalty-free patent licensing terms. The disclosure means that Apple is required to provide royalty-free licensing for the patent whenever the Canvas element becomes part of a future W3C recommendation created by the HTML working group.

Privacy concerns.

Canvas fingerprinting is one of a number of browser fingerprinting techniques of tracking online users that allow websites to identify and track visitors using HTML5 canvas element. The technique received wide media coverage in 2014 after researchers from Princeton University and KU Leuven University described it in their paper "The Web never forgets". The privacy concerns regarding canvas fingerprinting centre around the fact that even deleting cookies and clearing the cache will not be sufficient for users to avoid online tracking.

Browser support.

The element is supported by the current versions of Mozilla Firefox, Google Chrome, Internet Explorer, Safari, Konqueror, Opera and Microsoft Edge.

The canvas element is part of HTML5 and allows for dynamic, scriptable rendering of 2D shapes and bitmap images. It is a low level, procedural model that updates a bitmap and does not have a built-in scene graph, but through WebGL it allows 3D shapes and images to be displayed. HTML5 Canvas also helps in making 2D games.

HTML5 canvas je HTML prvek zahrnutý ve specifikaci HTML5. Slouží k dynamickému skriptovatelnému vykreslování bitmap a grafických primitiv, podobně jako je to známo např. z vývojového prostředí VCL Delphi nebo programovacího jazyka C++.


History.

It began as a secular Nahal (Young Pioneer) outpost of the Hashomer Hatzair movement; in 1984 it became an orthodox kibbutz. A few years later, the residents decided to change from a kibbutz to a village. It was often referred to in the media as a stronghold for Religious Zionism. Its activities included a mango plantation and vineyard, hothouse cultivated yams and cherry tomatoes, and a prestigious etrog plantation. The settlement also boasted day care centers, kindergartens, a primary school, a kollel, a Yeshiva, and the Jews of Gaza Heritage Institute, which documented Jewish settlement in Gaza over the generations. The development of educational institutions independent from the Gush Katif bloc was due to its isolated location and intensifying Palestinian attacks on traffic using the only route in during the al-Aqsa Intifada. During the last several years of its existence, transportation to and from Netzarim was permitted only with armed military escorts.

Eviction.

The residents of Netzarim were the last Israelis to be evicted on August 22, 2005 by the Israel Defense Forces during Israel's unilateral disengagement plan from the Gaza Strip ordered by the government of Ariel Sharon. Their eviction marked the end of the Israeli presence in the Gaza Strip since the end of the 1967 Six-Day War. The strong religiosity of its residents was exhibited by seedlings being planted in the greenhouses, cement being laid for a new home that very morning, and a large prayer session in the main synagogue that would later be destroyed by Palestinians after the Israeli army finally abandoned the village on September 12, 2005.  After the eviction, the residents, who had prided themselves in not cooperating with any government agency involved in the eviction, were welcomed in the dormitories of the College of Judea and Samaria by the school administration, students, volunteers and residents of Ariel and the surrounding West Bank settlements. Before the beginning of the academic year, the former residents of Netzarim decided to split up into two groups. One group moved to the temporary government refugee camp of Yevul near the Egyptian border. The other group decided to stay in Ariel.

Operation Cast Lead.

IDF took possession of Netzarim again during Operation Cast Lead and entered with 150 Merkava and other military vehicles on January 4, 2009. The reoccupation of Netzarim effectively separated Gaza City from southern Gaza Strip, weakening Hamas' control of the region. On the early morning of January 12, troops stationed at Netzarim began their northward push into Gaza City's Sheikh Ajleen neighborhood. With a ceasefire declared by Israel on January 17, its soldiers gradually evacuated the site of Netzarim.

Netzarim () was an Israeli settlement in the Gaza Strip about 5 kilometers southwest of Gaza City. It was established in 1972. In August 2005, the inhabitants of Netzarim were evicted by the Israel Defense Forces as part of Israel's unilateral disengagement plan.

Necarim (: נְצָרִים, jde o hebraizovanou variantu jména nedaleké palestinské obce Nuseirat, : Netzarim) byla izraelská osada v Pásmu Gazy, v Oblastní radě Chof Aza, která byla v roce 2005 vyklizena v rámci Izraelského plánu jednostranného stažení.


Production.

The show was created by Abby Mann, an Academy Award–winning film writer best known for his work on drama anthologies such as "Robert Montgomery Presents" and "Playhouse 90". Universal Television approached him to do a story based on the 1963 Wylie-Hoffert murders, the brutal rape and murder of two young professional women in Manhattan.  Owing to poor and corrupt police work and the prevailing casual attitude toward suspects' civil rights, the crimes in the Wylie-Hoffert case were pinned on a young African-American man, George Whitmore, Jr., who had been arrested on a separate assault charge. After illegally obtaining a confession, the police had the suspect all but convicted until a second investigation by a different team of detectives exonerated the suspect and identified the real killer, Richard Robles, who was convicted in 1965 and sentenced to life in prison.  Mann developed the project as a gritty police procedural, but with a subtext focusing on institutionalized prejudice and the civil rights of suspects and witnesses. The result was a 1973 made-for-TV movie, "The Marcus-Nelson Murders". The opening and closing titles of the film emphasized the point that it was a fictional account of the events that led to the creation of Miranda rights by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1966. Selwyn Raab's book "Justice in the Back Room" provided Mann with some of his inspiration for the story of "The Marcus-Nelson Murders", and the series subsequently included a credits reference to having been "suggested by a book by Selwyn Raab".  Savalas starred in "The Marcus-Nelson Murders" as a police detective whose last name was spelled "Kojack". The film served as a pilot for the "Kojak" television series. Kojak himself was a composite character, based on a number of detectives, lawyers, and reporters who were involved in the Wylie-Hoffert murder case.

Plot.

The series is set in the New York City Police Department's Eleventh Precinct (the building shown was actually Ninth Precinct), Manhattan South Patrol Borough.  The show revolved around the efforts of the tough and incorruptible Lieutenant Theodopolus ("Theo") Kojak (Telly Savalas), a bald, dapper, New York City policeman, who was fond of Tootsie Roll Pops and of using the catchphrases, "Who loves ya, baby?" and "Cootchie-coo!" Kojak was stubborn and tenacious in his investigation of crimes—and also displayed a dark, cynical wit, along with a tendency to bend the rules if it brought a criminal to justice.  In the context of the script, Kojak's was seen as typical squad room humor, which was picked up later in the TV drama "Hill Street Blues". Savalas described Kojak as a "basically honest character, tough but with feelings—the kind of guy who might kick a hooker in the tail if he had to, but they'd understand each other because maybe they grew up on the same kind of block." Kojak's Greek American heritage, shared by actor Savalas, was featured prominently in the series. In the early episodes of the series, he is often seen smoking cigarettes. Following the 1964 Surgeon General's on smoking, cigarette commercials were banned from American television in 1971, and public awareness of the dangers of cigarette smoking increased dramatically during the 1970s.  To cut down on his own habit, Kojak began using lollipops as a substitute. The lollipop made its debut in the Season 1 episode "Dark Sunday", broadcast on December 12, 1973; Kojak lights a cigarette as he begins questioning a witness, but thinks better of it and sticks a lollipop (specifically, a Tootsie Pop) in his mouth instead. Later in the episode, Kevin Dobson's character Crocker asks about the lollipop and Kojak replies, "I'm looking to close the generation gap." Although Kojak continued to smoke, as he was frequently seen lighting a cigarillo, the lollipop eventually became his identifying characteristic; in fact, when the series debuted a new opening montage in season five, Kojak is seen both lighting a cigarillo and popping a lollipop into his mouth.  His longtime supervisor was Capt. Frank McNeil (Dan Frazer), a man who never seemed to know what was going on. Later in the series, McNeil was promoted to Chief of Detectives in Manhattan. Kojak is the commander of the Manhattan South Precinct's detective squad. His squad includes one of his favorite employees, young plainclothes officer, Det. Bobby Crocker (Kevin Dobson). Detective Stavros, played by Telly's real-life brother George Savalas, used the name "Demosthenes" as his screen credit during the first two seasons. George Savalas, under his real name, also received a Production Associate credit during the first season and a Production Assistant credit for the second season. Detective Saperstein (Mark Russell), and Detective Rizzo (Vince Conti), all gave Kojak support. Roger Robinson appeared in 12 episodes as Detective Gil Weaver.  Although the show primarily focused on Kojak's police work, it occasionally veered into other areas of the character's lives, such as the first-season episode "Knockover" which included a subplot involving Kojak romancing a (much younger) female police officer. In 1976, crime writer Joe Gores received an Edgar Award from the Mystery Writers of America for Best Episode in a TV Series Teleplay for the third-season episode "No Immunity for Murder" (first aired November 23, 1975).  The show was canceled after five seasons in 1978, due to falling ratings. Reruns of "Kojak" became successful in syndication and on TV Land. Years after the series ended, Savalas reprised the role in two CBS TV movies, "Kojak: The Belarus File" (1985) (an adaptation of the John Loftus book "The Belarus Secret") and "" (1987) (based on Dorothy Uhnak's novel "The Investigation"). Kojak is not a character in either book.  In 1989, ABC revived the series again with five additional TV movies. These films saw now-Inspector Kojak lead the NYPD's Major Crimes Squad. Andre Braugher was cast as a young detective assigned to Kojak's command.  Telly Savalas and Dan Frazer are the only cast members to appear in every episode of the original series. Kevin Dobson appeared in all but two episodes. George Savalas appeared in all but three episodes and Frazer, Dobson, and G. Savalas appeared in one Kojak TV movie each.

Music.

Two main title themes were used for the show. The somewhat better-known first "Kojak" theme, in two distinct arrangements, is the work of Billy Goldenberg, who scored the first two episodes of the series (Goldenberg also scored the series' pilot movie). The first of these two arrangements was used for episodes 1-27. The second of these two arrangements was used for episodes 28-96. Kim Richmond scored the series' third episode. John Cacavas composed the second main title theme used for the show's fifth and final season. In addition, Cacavas composed the music score beginning with the series' fourth episode and continued throughout the remainder of the series.  Goldenberg's first "Kojak" theme had lyrics, written by Bill Dyer. The song, entitled "We'll Make It This Time (Theme From Kojak)" was performed by Sammy Davis Jr. on his 1976 album "The Song And Dance Man".

Episodes.

"Kojak" aired for five seasons on CBS, from 1973 to 1978 for a total of 118 episodes. In the United Kingdom, the series premiered on 24 August 1974 on BBC1. In 1985, seven years after the series ended, Telly Savalas returned to play Kojak in seven TV movies beginning with "Kojak: The Belarus File". The first two were aired by CBS and the latter five were aired on ABC as part of their "ABC Saturday Mystery Movie" theme block. His character was promoted to the rank of Captain, and later Inspector. Andre Braugher co-starred as Det. Winston Blake, and for one TV movie, "Kojak: It's Always Something", Kevin Dobson returned as Bobby Crocker, now an assistant district attorney. Guest stars in these TV movies included Angie Dickinson, Marcia Gay Harden, Max von Sydow, Jerry Orbach and Suzanne Pleshette.  Esquire TV aired the series in multi-hour blocks Wednesdays from September to mid-October 2015. MeTV picked "Kojak" up for its late night lineup shortly thereafter. Today, Cozi TV airs "Kojak" approximately six months during a calendar year.

Remake.

In March 2005, a new "Kojak" series debuted on the USA Network cable channel and on ITV4 in the UK. In this re-imagined version, African-American actor Ving Rhames portrays the character. The series only lasted one season.

Film.

Universal Pictures is planning to make a film version of Kojak, with Neal Purvis and Robert Wade to write the script for the film. Vin Diesel will star as Kojak and produced the film with Samantha Vincent. Philip Gawthorne was hired to construct a new draft for the film.  On June 19, 2015 it was reported in media outlets that playwright Philip Gawthorne is on board for the new Kojak movie being written for Universal. "Kojak" is being produced by Diesel’s Universal-based One Race Films with Scott Stuber and Dylan Clark. Neal Purvis and Robert Wade, the writing team behind James Bond films including "The World Is Not Enough" and "Skyfall", joined the project in 2012 to write a previous draft.

Spin-off media.

Despite the show being ostensibly produced for an adult audience, Peter Pan Records produced an album of audio dramas based upon the series, aimed at children.

Home media.

Universal Studios released season 1 of "Kojak" on DVD in Regions 1, 2 and 4 in 2005–2006. Due to poor sales, no further seasons were released.  On February 14, 2017, Universal Studios re-released season 1 on DVD in Region 1.  On May 25, 2011, it was announced that Shout! Factory had acquired the Region 1 DVD rights to the series. They have subsequently released the remaining 4 seasons on DVD as well as a complete movie collection.  In Region 2, Mediumrare Entertainment has released seasons 2–5 on DVD in the UK.  In Region 4, Shock Entertainment has released seasons 2–5 on DVD in Australia.

Kojak is an American action crime drama television series starring Telly Savalas as the title character, New York City Police Department Detective Lieutenant Theo Kojak. Taking the time slot of the popular "Cannon" series, it aired on CBS from 1973 to 1978.

Kojak je americký kriminální televizní seriál, který byl natáčen v letech 1973–1978. V pěti sériích dosáhl počtu 118 epizod. Hlavní hrdinou je charismatický poručík Theo Kojak, ztvárněný Telly Savalasem. V českém dabingu jej namluvil Miroslav Moravec.