History.

Congressman Fofó Iosefa Fiti Sunia introduced a bill in 1984, at the request from Bat Preservers Association and Dr. Paul Cox, to include American Samoa to the Federal Fish and Wildlife Restoration Act. The purpose of the bill was to protect the habitat for the Flying fox as well as to protect the old rainforest. The bill marked the beginning of American Samoa's entry into the U.S. National Park System. The National Park Service began the work of establishing the national park in July 1987.  The National Park of American Samoa was established on October 31, 1988 by Public Law 100-571 but the NPS could not buy the land because of traditional communal land system. This was resolved on September 9, 1993, when the National Park Service entered into a 50-year lease for the park land from the Samoan village councils. In 2002, Congress approved a thirty percent expansion on Olosega and Ofu islands.  In 2009 an earthquake and tsunami produced several large waves, resulting in 34 confirmed deaths, more than a hundred injuries and the destruction of about 200 homes and businesses. The park encountered major damage. The visitor center and main office were destroyed but there was only one reported injury among the NPS staff and volunteers.

Tutuila.

The Tutuila unit of the park is on the north end of the island near Pago Pago. It is separated by Mount Alava () and the Maugaloa Ridge and includes the Amalau Valley, Craggy Point, Tāfeu Cove, and the islands of Pola and Manofā.  It is the only part of the park accessible by car and attracts the vast majority of visitors to the area. The park lands include a trail to the top of Mount Alava and historic World War II gun emplacement sites at Breakers Point and Blunt's Point. The trail runs along the ridge in dense forest, north of which the land slopes steeply away to the ocean.

Manua Island group.

Ofu Unit.

Ofu island is only accessible via small fisherman boats from Ta'u island. Accommodations are available on Ofu.

Ta‘ū Unit.

Ta‘ū island can be reached by a flight from Tutuila to Fiti‘uta village on Ta‘ū. Accommodations are available on Ta‘ū. A trail runs from Saua around Si’u Point to the southern coastline and stairs to the summit of Lata Mountain.

Biodiversity.

Because of its remote location, diversity among the terrestrial species is low. Approximately 30% of the plants and one bird species (the Samoan starling) are endemic to the archipelago.

Fauna.

Three species of bat are the only native mammals: two large fruit bats (Samoa flying fox and white-naped flying fox) and a small insectivore, the Pacific sheath-tailed bat. They serve an important role in pollinating the island's plants. The sheath-tailed bat was nearly eliminated by Cyclone Val in 1991. Native reptiles include the pelagic gecko, Polynesian gecko, mourning gecko, stump-toed gecko, Pacific boa and seven skink species. A major role for the park is to control and eradicate invasive plant and animal species such as feral pigs, which threaten the park's ecosystem. There are several bird species, the most predominant being the wattled honeyeater, Samoan starling, and Pacific pigeon. Other unusual birds include the Tahiti petrel, the spotless crake, and the rare (in this locality) many-colored fruit dove.

Flora.

The islands are mostly covered by tropical rainforest, including cloud forest on Ta'u and lowland ridge forest on Tutuila. Most plants arrived by chance from Southeast Asia. There are 343 flowering plants, 135 ferns and about 30% are endemic plant species.

Marine.

The surrounding waters are filled with a diversity of marine life, including sea turtles, humpback whales, over 950 species of fish, and over 250 coral species. Some of the largest living coral colonies (Porites) in the world are at Ta'u island.

Geology.

The volcanic islands of Samoa that dominate the acreage of the national park are composed of shield volcanoes which developed from a hot spot on the Pacific Plate, emerging sequentially from west to east. Tutulia, the largest and oldest island, probably dates from the Pliocene Epoch, approximately 1.24 to 1.4 million years ago, while the smaller islands are most likely Holocene in age.  The islands are not made up of individual volcanoes, but are rather composed of overlapping and superimposed shield volcanoes built by basalt lava flows. Much of the lava that erupted has since broken into angular fragments known as breccia. The volcanoes emerged from the intrusion of basaltic dikes from a rift zone on the ocean floor during the Pliocene Epoch, and were heavily eroded during the Pliocene and early Pleistocene Epochs, leaving behind trachyte plugs and exposed outcrops of volcanic tuff throughout the park. Ta'u island, the youngest of the islands included within the national park, is all that remains from the collapse of a shield volcano during Holocene time. This collapse produced sea cliffs over 3,000 feet high on the north side of the island, some of the highest such escarpments in the world.  While the Samoan islands have not shown evidence of volcanism for many years, the Samoa hotspot beneath the islands continues to give indications of activity, with a submarine eruption detected just east of American Samoa in 1973. The Vailulu'u Seamount, located east of Ta'u, is a future Samoan island developing from submarine lava flows, continuing the eastward progress of volcanic development from the hotspot below the islands. The lava flows forming the seamount have been dated by radiometric methods to between 5 and 50 years, during which time the seamount has risen 14,764 feet from the ocean floor.  Evidence exists of past submarine and surface landslides as a result of weathering and other forms of erosion of the rocks and soil making up the islands. On Ta'u island, an inland escarpment known as Liu Bench (a feature of mass wasting) threatens to slump into the nearby ocean, an event which could produce a tsunami strong enough to devastate the island of Fiji to the southeast.  Olivine basalts were extruded from a N. 70° E. trending rift zone, oriented along the current Afono and Masefay bays of Tutuila, in the Pliocene or earliest Pleistocene. The Masefau dike complex and talus breccias are remnants of this rifting. Development of the Taputapu, Pago, Alofau, and Olomoana shield domes followed long parallel fissures followed, but when the Pago and Alofau summits collapsed, calderas were formed. Thick tuffs were deposited in the Pago caldera, and the southern rim was buried by lavas composed of picritic basalts, andesites, and trachytes. Subsequent erosion in Early to Middle Pleistocene enlarged the calderas, the Pago River in particular carved a deep canyon, the forerunner of today's Pago Pago Bay. A submarine shelf formed from the erosional runoff, allowing for the development of coral reefs before the island was submerged 600 to 2000 feet. Sea level fluctuations continued in the Middle to Late Pleistocene. A barrier reef formed, was submerged 200 feet, before emerging 50 feet, leaving sea caves above sea level. Leone volcanics erupted in recent time generating tuff cones undersea, such as Aunuu Island, and cinder cones on land. The pahoehoe flows buried the submerged barrier reef, enlarging the island by 8 square miles. The island has since emerged another 5 feet.  Ofu and Olosega are the remains of a single basaltic volcano, 4 miles north to south and 6 miles east to west, which formed in the Pliocene to Early Pleistocene. Remnants of one half of the caldera, ponded flows, form the north center portion of Ofu. The steepest cliffs, 600 feet high, are found on this north coast. The Ofu-Olosega island group formed along the same N. 70° W. trending rift which formed Tau, another single basaltic dome. The remnant of Tau's caldera is found on the south coast. A 2000-foot cliff marks the north coast of this island.  Upolu formed as an elongated basaltic shield volcano due to Late Tertiary to Late Pliocene rifting along a S. 70° E. trend. Remnants of these eruptions are found as inliers and monadnocks forming Mt. Tafatafao, Mt. Vaaifetu, and Mt. Spitzer. Volcanic activity renewed in the Middle Pleistocene along the same rift trend, with olivine basalt pahoehoe and aa flowing northward and southward from a point 8 miles west from the center of the island. Pleistocene cinder cones trending east and west, are aligned along the center axis of the island. Savai'i lies along this same rift trend, its surface marked by Quaternary lava flows. Examples include the olivine basalt pahoehoe which emerged from Mount Matavanu from 1905 to 1911, and the Mauga Afi chain of spatter cones of 1902.

Threats.

The coral reefs are under significant threat due to rising ocean temperatures and carbon dioxide concentration, as well as sea level rise. As a result of these and other stresses, the corals that form the reefs are projected to be lost by mid-century if carbon dioxide concentrations continue to rise at their current rate.

2020 American Samoa quarter.

In 2018, the U.S. Mint had several candidate designs developed for the 2020 America the Beautiful National Park of American Samoa Quarter, which was in accordance with the act that authorized them. One of the designs features the familiar image of George Washington by John Flanagan, used on the quarter (heads) since 1932. The (tails) of the quarter features a Samoa fruit bat mother hanging in a tree with her pup. The image represents the remarkable care and energy that this species puts into their offspring. This design is intended to promote awareness to the threatened status of this species due to habitat loss and commercial hunting. The National Park of American Samoa is the only known park in the United States that is home to the Samoan fruit bat. The bats on the coins were designed by Richard Masters, who worked as Professor Emeritus at the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh’s Department of Art. The designs were selected by the Citizen’s Coinage Advisory Committee (CCAC) and the Commission on Fine Art (CFA). The coin was released to the public in February 2020, and will be followed by four other America the Beautiful quarters for the remainder of 2020.

The National Park of American Samoa is a national park in the United States territory of American Samoa, distributed across three islands: Tutuila, Ofu, and Ta‘ū. The park preserves and protects coral reefs, tropical rainforests, fruit bats, and the Samoan culture. Popular activities include hiking and snorkeling. Of the park's, is land and is coral reefs and ocean. The park is the only American National Park Service system unit south of the equator.

Národní park Americká Samoa () je národní park na jihu Oceánie, v Americké Samoi. Národní park se rozkládá na ostrovech "Tutuila", "Ofu", a "Ta‘ū", které tvoří východní část Samojského souostroví. Park má rozlohu 55 km a byl založen v roce 1988. Národní park tvoří tropické deštné lesy, mlžné deštné lesy, korálové útesy a až třetina původní endemické flory a fauny.


List of last call times around the world.

Australia.

In New South Wales, there is no specified closing time, but in residential areas, bars are often required to close at midnight. In non residential areas, some bars are open 24 hours. However, a six-hour daily closure period applies to new licenses (and extended hours authorizations) granted from 30 October 2008, which is nominated depending on individual and community circumstances.  During a significant part of the early 20th century, bars in Australia and New Zealand were closed at 6 p.m. by law. The resulting rush to buy drinks after work was known as the six o'clock swill.

Austria.

Bar closing hours in Austria are regulated by the federated states. In most states bars must close at 4 a.m. although many places have special permits to close later. In the capital Vienna bars and clubs are allowed to stay open until 6 a.m. Alcohol is allowed to be served until the bar or club closes.

Belgium.

There is no legally mandated last call in Belgium; many bars will stay open all night.

Brazil.

There is no legally mandated last call in Brazil; many bars will stay open all night. However, some cities have laws that require bars to close during the early morning hours.

China.

Many bars, KTVs and nightclubs have no specific last call and will continue to sell alcohol and stay open provided there are paying customers present. However, during sensitive times where national security is increased (i.e. the Olympics, the 60th Anniversary of the PRC), closing times may be in effect in some cities between 1 and 2 a.m. Alcohol is sold through retailers 24 hours a day.

Croatia.

Establishments that serve drinks may register as bars and then may be open in inhabited areas only indoors and only between 9 p.m. and 6 a.m., but no such restrictions exist if bars are located outside inhabited areas. Various exceptions can be made for bars located in transit facilities, if approved by the local authorities, etc. The prescribed working hours for bars are a frequent point of contention between city authorities and local businessmen, particularly during the summer tourist season.

France.

The French Republic has an alcohol curfew starting at 2:00 a.m. exempting non-religious National Holidays. Not applicable to residential dwellings.

Finland.

Bars are allowed to serve drinks until 1:30 a.m., but a provincial government may at the proprietor's request, grant extensions up to 4 a.m. Extensions require the establishment to maintain a higher standard of amenities, service and entertainment by, for example, providing a coat check, entertainment programming such as a DJ or live music, and even general cleanliness and "look and feel" count. The laws were loosened beginning of 2018.  A last call is not announced per se, but as a custom, the lights are flashed a few times (or in case of a dimly lit establishment such as a nightclub, all lights are left on) to notify the customers that serving drinks is over.

Germany.

Bar closing hours in Germany are regulated by the federated states or cities. Since the 2000s, many federated states and cities have none or relaxed regulations. In many states and cities bars are open as long as there are customers.  Open-air locations such as beer gardens often must close at 11 p.m. or 12 a.m. to reduce noise pollution. Exceptions may exist for weekends, Carnival and New Year's Eve. Not all cities strictly enforce the regulation.

Greece.

In Greece, all bars, cafeterias, clubs and the like will stay open as long as there are customers inside. Usually, cafeterias stay open until 11 p.m., bars until 2 a.m. and clubs until early in the morning, but there is no last call. In 1994, Stelios Papathemelis, the Minister for Public Order, passed a law mandating closing of all bars at 2 a.m. The law was widely unpopular, never materialized fully and was abolished a few years later.

India.

India closing time of bars vary in different states. In Delhi it is 1am, Mumbai 1:30am, Chennai, Hyderabad and Kolkata at midnight. In Chandigarh it is 1 a.m. weekdays and 2 a.m. weekends. In Bangalore it is 11:30 p.m. on weekdays and 1am on Friday and Saturday nights.

Ireland.

Bar closing hours are governed by the "Intoxicating Liquor Act 2000". Generally, bars must close at 23:30 Sunday to Thursday and 00:30 on Friday and Saturday. There are special provisions for certain holidays and festivals. However, bars may get an extended license until 02:30 any night.

Israel.

In Israel, there are no specific closing times and the country has liberal alcohol laws. Bars and clubs in entertainment districts will serve alcohol practically 24 hours a day, while in residential districts local regulations apply; establishments that serve alcohol outside may often have to call their guests inside after midnight or even close completely.  In 2006, Knesset member Ruhama Avraham attempted to pass a bill in parliament that would forbid selling alcohol between 2 and 6 a.m. The bill faced severe resistance from bar and restaurant owners and finally was drawn back.  In Tel Aviv, bars are fined for remaining open past 1 a.m. Though few bars actually close at that time, they are forced to pay the "back-door" tax to the municipality, with no recourse to the national government. A number of bars are contemplated closing at the required time and during internationally promoted events such as Gay Pride Week in protest of the city's underhanded hypocrisy in promoting itself as "the city that never sleeps" but also fining the very establishments that make it such a hot tourist spot.  Alcohol is no longer sold around the clock in grocery stores, and no sales are allowed between 11 p.m. and 6 a.m.***

Italy.

Italy does not have a legally mandated closing time. Alcohol may be served or sold anywhere 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. In Rome, an ordinance was passed in January 2009 to make 2 a.m. the last call in Campo de' Fiori and the neighbourhoods of Trastevere and Testaccio. The new last call time for these areas was initiated to curtail nighttime commotion in those popular parts of Rome.

Japan.

Japan does not have a legally mandated closing time. Alcohol may be served or sold anywhere 24 hours a day, Five days work week and may close for weekends.

New Zealand.

Until December 18, 2013, bars could close at any time they wanted (often 7 am..). However, since December 18, 2013, all bars and nightclubs must close at 2 am. Special conditions apply on Holy/ Maundy Thursday, Holy Saturday (Easter Eve), the day before ANZAC day and Christmas Eve, when bars must close their doors by midnight (However, private bars and workingmen's clubs may stay open beyond that curfew). There was a time pubs closed at 6 pm and did not open on Sundays*.

Norway.

Last call laws vary. Cities and towns are free to impose more restrictive regulations but no later than 2 a.m.  Out of the 429 counties of Norway, almost 50% have established a closing time or "last call" at 2 a.m. Only 1 in 7 counties serves drinks until the maximum allowance at 3 a.m. That is a major decrease over the last few years because of the government's belief that reduced drinking hours equal less fighting, noise, disturbance, etc.

Sweden.

In Sweden, explicit last calls do not take place, as it would violate a political principle not to encourage people to drink more. The latest allowed closing time of bars and restaurant is decided by the municipality but regulated by national laws and rules. The standard latest time is 1 a.m. But in many cities a later time can be allowed on some conditions, like high security and staff educated in responsible serving of alcohol. In some of the largest cities, a closing time as late as 5 a.m. occurs.

Turkey.

Turkey does not have a legally mandated closing time. Since 2005 Alcohol may be served or sold five days workweek and may close for weekends. In the new Turkish system, Alcohol is no longer sold around the clock in grocery stores, and no sales are allowed.***

United States.

In the U.S., the last call time varies mostly on state, county and/or municipality.

United Kingdom.

The average "Last Call" time is between 11 PM and 1 AM in municipalities like Birmingham and London. This information was taken from two hundred bars from 2014 to 2016. Bars and clubs can apply for individual licenses allowing them to close at any time between 11 pm and 3 am. Some establishments in big cities have 24*-hour licenses.

In a bar, a last call (last orders) is an made shortly before the bar closes for the night, informing patrons of their last chance to buy alcoholic beverages. There are various means to make the signal, like ringing a bell, flashing the lights, or announcing verbally.

Policejní hodina byla úředně stanovená hodina, do které musely restaurace a podobná zařízení ukončit svou činnost a zavřít a od které hodiny mohly otevřít. Obvyklá zavírací doba bývala (podle typu provozovny a místa) mezi 22. a 1. hodinou.


Is it possible to create a machine that can solve "all" the problems humans solve using their intelligence? This question defines the scope of what machines could do in the future and guides the direction of AI research. It only concerns the "behavior" of machines and ignores the issues of interest to psychologists, cognitive scientists and philosophers; to answer this question, it does not matter whether a machine is "really" thinking (as a person thinks) or is just "acting like" it is thinking.  The basic position of most AI researchers is summed up in this statement, which appeared in the proposal for the Dartmouth workshop of 1956: Arguments against the basic premise must show that building a working AI system is impossible, because there is some practical limit to the abilities of computers or that there is some special quality of the human mind that is necessary for thinking and yet cannot be duplicated by a machine (or by the methods of current AI research). Arguments in favor of the basic premise must show that such a system is possible.  The first step to answering the question is to clearly define "intelligence".

Intelligence.

Turing test.

Alan Turing reduced the problem of defining intelligence to a simple question about conversation. He suggests that: if a machine can answer "any" question put to it, using the same words that an ordinary person would, then we may call that machine intelligent. A modern version of his experimental design would use an online chat room, where one of the participants is a real person and one of the participants is a computer program. The program passes the test if no one can tell which of the two participants is human. Turing notes that no one (except philosophers) ever asks the question "can people think?" He writes "instead of arguing continually over this point, it is usual to have a polite convention that everyone thinks". Turing's test extends this polite convention to machines:  One criticism of the Turing test is that it only measures the "humanness" of the machine's behavior, rather than the "intelligence" of the behavior. Since human behavior and intelligent behavior are not exactly the same thing, the test fails to measure intelligence. Stuart J. Russell and Peter Norvig write that "aeronautical engineering texts do not define the goal of their field as'making machines that fly so exactly like pigeons that they can fool other pigeons'".

Intelligent agent definition.

Twenty-first century AI research defines intelligence in terms of intelligent agents. An "agent" is something which perceives and acts in an environment. A "performance measure" defines what counts as success for the agent. Definitions like this one try to capture the essence of intelligence. They have the advantage that, unlike the Turing test, they do not also test for unintelligent human traits such as making typing mistakes or the ability to be insulted.  They have the disadvantage that they can fail to differentiate between "things that think" and "things that do not". By this definition, even a thermostat has a rudimentary intelligence.

Arguments that a machine can display general intelligence.

The brain can be simulated.

Hubert Dreyfus describes this argument as claiming that "if the nervous system obeys the laws of physics and chemistry, which we have every reason to suppose it does, then... we... ought to be able to reproduce the behavior of the nervous system with some physical device". This argument, first introduced as early as 1943 and vividly described by Hans Moravec in 1988, is now associated with futurist Ray Kurzweil, who estimates that computer power will be sufficient for a complete brain simulation by the year 2029. A non-real-time simulation of a thalamocortical model that has the size of the human brain (10 neurons) was performed in 2005 and it took 50 days to simulate 1 second of brain dynamics on a cluster of 27 processors.  Few disagree that a brain simulation is possible in theory, even critics of AI such as Hubert Dreyfus and John Searle. However, Searle points out that, in principle, "anything" can be simulated by a computer; thus, bringing the definition to its breaking point leads to the conclusion that any process at all can technically be considered "computation". "What we wanted to know is what distinguishes the mind from thermostats and livers," he writes. Thus, merely mimicking the functioning of a brain would in itself be an admission of ignorance regarding intelligence and the nature of the mind.

Human thinking is symbol processing.

In 1963, Allen Newell and Herbert A. Simon proposed that "symbol manipulation" was the essence of both human and machine intelligence. They wrote: This claim is very strong: it implies both that human thinking is a kind of symbol manipulation (because a symbol system is "necessary" for intelligence) and that machines can be intelligent (because a symbol system is "sufficient" for intelligence). Another version of this position was described by philosopher Hubert Dreyfus, who called it "the psychological assumption": The "symbols" that Newell, Simon and Dreyfus discussed were word-like and high level symbols that directly correspond with objects in the world, such as <nowiki><dog></nowiki> and <nowiki><tail></nowiki>. Most AI programs written between 1956 and 1990 used this kind of symbol. Modern AI, based on statistics and mathematical optimization, does not use the high-level "symbol processing" that Newell and Simon discussed.

Arguments against symbol processing.

These arguments show that human thinking does not consist (solely) of high level symbol manipulation. They do "not" show that artificial intelligence is impossible, only that more than symbol processing is required.

Gödelian anti-mechanist arguments.

In 1931, Kurt Gödel proved with an incompleteness theorem that it is always possible to construct a "Gödel statement" that a given consistent formal system of logic (such as a high-level symbol manipulation program) could not prove. Despite being a true statement, the constructed Gödel statement is unprovable in the given system. (The truth of the constructed Gödel statement is contingent on the consistency of the given system; applying the same process to a subtly inconsistent system will appear to succeed, but will actually yield a false "Gödel statement" instead.) More speculatively, Gödel conjectured that the human mind can correctly eventually determine the truth or falsity of any well-grounded mathematical statement (including any possible Gödel statement), and that therefore the human mind's power is not reducible to a "mechanism". Philosopher John Lucas (since 1961) and Roger Penrose (since 1989) have championed this philosophical anti-mechanist argument. Gödelian anti-mechanist arguments tend to rely on the innocuous-seeming claim that a system of human mathematicians (or some idealization of human mathematicians) is both consistent (completely free of error) and believes fully in its own consistency (and can make all logical inferences that follow from its own consistency, including belief in its Gödel statement). This is provably impossible for a Turing machine (and, by an informal extension, any known type of mechanical computer) to do; therefore, the Gödelian concludes that human reasoning is too powerful to be captured in a machine.  However, the modern consensus in the scientific and mathematical community is that actual human reasoning is inconsistent; that any consistent "idealized version" "H" of human reasoning would logically be forced to adopt a healthy but counter-intuitive open-minded skepticism about the consistency of "H" (otherwise "H" is provably inconsistent); and that Gödel's theorems do not lead to any valid argument that humans have mathematical reasoning capabilities beyond what a machine could ever duplicate. This consensus that Gödelian anti-mechanist arguments are doomed to failure is laid out strongly in "Artificial Intelligence": ""any" attempt to utilize (Gödel's incompleteness results) to attack the computationalist thesis is bound to be illegitimate, since these results are quite consistent with the computationalist thesis."  More pragmatically, Russell and Norvig note that Gödel's argument only applies to what can theoretically be proved, given an infinite amount of memory and time. In practice, real machines (including humans) have finite resources and will have difficulty proving many theorems. It is not necessary to prove everything in order to be intelligent.  Less formally, Douglas Hofstadter, in his Pulitzer prize winning book "," states that these "Gödel-statements" always refer to the system itself, drawing an analogy to the way the Epimenides paradox uses statements that refer to themselves, such as "this statement is false" or "I am lying". But, of course, the Epimenides paradox applies to anything that makes statements, whether they are machines "or" humans, even Lucas himself. Consider: This statement is true but cannot be asserted by Lucas. This shows that Lucas himself is subject to the same limits that he describes for machines, as are all people, and so Lucas's argument is pointless.  After concluding that human reasoning is non-computable, Penrose went on to controversially speculate that some kind of hypothetical non-computable processes involving the collapse of quantum mechanical states give humans a special advantage over existing computers. Existing quantum computers are only capable of reducing the complexity of Turing computable tasks and are still restricted to tasks within the scope of Turing machines.. By Penrose and Lucas's arguments, existing quantum computers are not sufficient, so Penrose seeks for some other process involving new physics, for instance quantum gravity which might manifest new physics at the scale of the Planck mass via spontaneous quantum collapse of the wave function. These states, he suggested, occur both within neurons and also spanning more than one neuron. However, other scientists point out that there is no plausible organic mechanism in the brain for harnessing any sort of quantum computation, and furthermore that the timescale of quantum decoherence seems too fast to influence neuron firing.

Dreyfus: the primacy of implicit skills.

Hubert Dreyfus argued that human intelligence and expertise depended primarily on implicit skill rather than explicit symbolic manipulation, and argued that these skills would never be captured in formal rules.  Dreyfus's argument had been anticipated by Turing in his 1950 paper Computing machinery and intelligence, where he had classified this as the "argument from the informality of behavior." Turing argued in response that, just because we do not know the rules that govern a complex behavior, this does not mean that no such rules exist. He wrote: "we cannot so easily convince ourselves of the absence of complete laws of behaviour... The only way we know of for finding such laws is scientific observation, and we certainly know of no circumstances under which we could say, 'We have searched enough. There are no such laws.'"  Russell and Norvig point out that, in the years since Dreyfus published his critique, progress has been made towards discovering the "rules" that govern unconscious reasoning. The situated movement in robotics research attempts to capture our unconscious skills at perception and attention. Computational intelligence paradigms, such as neural nets, evolutionary algorithms and so on are mostly directed at simulated unconscious reasoning and learning. Statistical approaches to AI can make predictions which approach the accuracy of human intuitive guesses. Research into commonsense knowledge has focused on reproducing the "background" or context of knowledge. In fact, AI research in general has moved away from high level symbol manipulation, towards new models that are intended to capture more of our "unconscious" reasoning. Historian and AI researcher Daniel Crevier wrote that "time has proven the accuracy and perceptiveness of some of Dreyfus's comments. Had he formulated them less aggressively, constructive actions they suggested might have been taken much earlier."

Can a machine have a mind, consciousness, and mental states?

This is a philosophical question, related to the problem of other minds and the hard problem of consciousness. The question revolves around a position defined by John Searle as "strong AI": Searle distinguished this position from what he called "weak AI": Searle introduced the terms to isolate strong AI from weak AI so he could focus on what he thought was the more interesting and debatable issue. He argued that "even if we assume" that we had a computer program that acted exactly like a human mind, there would still be a difficult philosophical question that needed to be answered.  Neither of Searle's two positions are of great concern to AI research, since they do not directly answer the question "can a machine display general intelligence?" (unless it can also be shown that consciousness is "necessary" for intelligence). Turing wrote "I do not wish to give the impression that I think there is no mystery about consciousness... [b]ut I do not think these mysteries necessarily need to be solved before we can answer the question [of whether machines can think]." Russell and Norvig agree: "Most AI researchers take the weak AI hypothesis for granted, and don't care about the strong AI hypothesis."  There are a few researchers who believe that consciousness is an essential element in intelligence, such as Igor Aleksander, Stan Franklin, Ron Sun, and Pentti Haikonen, although their definition of "consciousness" strays very close to "intelligence." (See artificial consciousness.)  Before we can answer this question, we must be clear what we mean by "minds", "mental states" and "consciousness".

Consciousness, minds, mental states, meaning.

The words "mind" and "consciousness" are used by different communities in different ways. Some new age thinkers, for example, use the word "consciousness" to describe something similar to Bergson's "élan vital": an invisible, energetic fluid that permeates life and especially the mind. Science fiction writers use the word to describe some essential property that makes us human: a machine or alien that is "conscious" will be presented as a fully human character, with intelligence, desires, will, insight, pride and so on. (Science fiction writers also use the words "sentience", "sapience," "self-awareness" or "ghost" - as in the "Ghost in the Shell" manga and anime series - to describe this essential human property). For others, the words "mind" or "consciousness" are used as a kind of secular synonym for the soul.  For philosophers, neuroscientists and cognitive scientists, the words are used in a way that is both more precise and more mundane: they refer to the familiar, everyday experience of having a "thought in your head", like a perception, a dream, an intention or a plan, and to the way we "know" something, or "mean" something or "understand" something. "It's not hard to give a commonsense definition of consciousness" observes philosopher John Searle. What is mysterious and fascinating is not so much "what" it is but "how" it is: how does a lump of fatty tissue and electricity give rise to this (familiar) experience of perceiving, meaning or thinking?  Philosophers call this the hard problem of consciousness. It is the latest version of a classic problem in the philosophy of mind called the "mind-body problem." A related problem is the problem of "meaning" or "understanding" (which philosophers call "intentionality"): what is the connection between our "thoughts" and "what we are thinking about" (i.e. objects and situations out in the world)? A third issue is the problem of "experience" (or "phenomenology"): If two people see the same thing, do they have the same experience? Or are there things "inside their head" (called "qualia") that can be different from person to person?  Neurobiologists believe all these problems will be solved as we begin to identify the neural correlates of consciousness: the actual relationship between the machinery in our heads and its collective properties; such as the mind, experience and understanding. Some of the harshest critics of artificial intelligence agree that the brain is just a machine, and that consciousness and intelligence are the result of physical processes in the brain. The difficult philosophical question is this: can a computer program, running on a digital machine that shuffles the binary digits of zero and one, duplicate the ability of the neurons to create minds, with mental states (like understanding or perceiving), and ultimately, the experience of consciousness?

Arguments that a computer cannot have a mind and mental states.

Searle's Chinese room.

John Searle asks us to consider a thought experiment: suppose we have written a computer program that passes the Turing test and demonstrates general intelligent action. Suppose, specifically that the program can converse in fluent Chinese. Write the program on 3x5 cards and give them to an ordinary person who does not speak Chinese. Lock the person into a room and have him follow the instructions on the cards. He will copy out Chinese characters and pass them in and out of the room through a slot. From the outside, it will appear that the Chinese room contains a fully intelligent person who speaks Chinese. The question is this: is there anyone (or anything) in the room that understands Chinese? That is, is there anything that has the mental state of understanding, or which has conscious awareness of what is being discussed in Chinese? The man is clearly not aware. The room cannot be aware. The "cards" certainly aren't aware. Searle concludes that the Chinese room, or "any" other physical symbol system, cannot have a mind.  Searle goes on to argue that actual mental states and consciousness require (yet to be described) "actual physical-chemical properties of actual human brains." He argues there are special "causal properties" of brains and neurons that gives rise to minds: in his words "brains cause minds."

Related arguments: Leibniz' mill, Davis's telephone exchange, Block's Chinese nation and Blockhead.

Gottfried Leibniz made essentially the same argument as Searle in 1714, using the thought experiment of expanding the brain until it was the size of a mill. In 1974, Lawrence Davis imagined duplicating the brain using telephone lines and offices staffed by people, and in 1978 Ned Block envisioned the entire population of China involved in such a brain simulation. This thought experiment is called "the Chinese Nation" or "the Chinese Gym". Ned Block also proposed his Blockhead argument, which is a version of the Chinese room in which the program has been re-factored into a simple set of rules of the form "see this, do that", removing all mystery from the program.

Responses to the Chinese room.

Responses to the Chinese room emphasize several different points.

Is thinking a kind of computation?

The computational theory of mind or "computationalism" claims that the relationship between mind and brain is similar (if not identical) to the relationship between a "running program" and a computer. The idea has philosophical roots in Hobbes (who claimed reasoning was "nothing more than reckoning"), Leibniz (who attempted to create a logical calculus of all human ideas), Hume (who thought perception could be reduced to "atomic impressions") and even Kant (who analyzed all experience as controlled by formal rules). The latest version is associated with philosophers Hilary Putnam and Jerry Fodor.  This question bears on our earlier questions: if the human brain is a kind of computer then computers can be both intelligent and conscious, answering both the practical and philosophical questions of AI. In terms of the practical question of AI ("Can a machine display general intelligence?"), some versions of computationalism make the claim that (as Hobbes wrote): In other words, our intelligence derives from a form of "calculation", similar to arithmetic. This is the physical symbol system hypothesis discussed above, and it implies that artificial intelligence is possible. In terms of the philosophical question of AI ("Can a machine have mind, mental states and consciousness?"), most versions of computationalism claim that (as Stevan Harnad characterizes it): This is John Searle's "strong AI" discussed above, and it is the real target of the Chinese room argument (according to Harnad).

Other related questions.

Alan Turing noted that there are many arguments of the form "a machine will never do X", where X can be many things, such as: Be kind, resourceful, beautiful, friendly, have initiative, have a sense of humor, tell right from wrong, make mistakes, fall in love, enjoy strawberries and cream, make someone fall in love with it, learn from experience, use words properly, be the subject of its own thought, have as much diversity of behaviour as a man, do something really new. Turing argues that these objections are often based on naive assumptions about the versatility of machines or are "disguised forms of the argument from consciousness". Writing a program that exhibits one of these behaviors "will not make much of an impression." All of these arguments are tangential to the basic premise of AI, unless it can be shown that one of these traits is essential for general intelligence.

Can a machine have emotions?

If "emotions" are defined only in terms of their effect on behavior or on how they function inside an organism, then emotions can be viewed as a mechanism that an intelligent agent uses to maximize the utility of its actions. Given this definition of emotion, Hans Moravec believes that "robots in general will be quite emotional about being nice people". Fear is a source of urgency. Empathy is a necessary component of good human computer interaction. He says robots "will try to please you in an apparently selfless manner because it will get a thrill out of this positive reinforcement. You can interpret this as a kind of love." Daniel Crevier writes "Moravec's point is that emotions are just devices for channeling behavior in a direction beneficial to the survival of one's species."

Can a machine be self-aware?

"Self-awareness", as noted above, is sometimes used by science fiction writers as a name for the essential human property that makes a character fully human. Turing strips away all other properties of human beings and reduces the question to "can a machine be the subject of its own thought?" Can it "think about itself"? Viewed in this way, a program can be written that can report on its own internal states, such as a debugger. Though arguably self-awareness often presumes a bit more capability; a machine that can ascribe meaning in some way to not only its own state but in general postulating questions without solid answers: the contextual nature of its existence now; how it compares to past states or plans for the future, the limits and value of its work product, how it perceives its performance to be valued-by or compared to others.

Can a machine be original or creative?

Turing reduces this to the question of whether a machine can "take us by surprise" and argues that this is obviously true, as any programmer can attest. He notes that, with enough storage capacity, a computer can behave in an astronomical number of different ways. It must be possible, even trivial, for a computer that can represent ideas to combine them in new ways. (Douglas Lenat's Automated Mathematician, as one example, combined ideas to discover new mathematical truths.) Kaplan and Haenlein suggest that machines can display scientific creativity, while it seems likely that humans will have the upper hand where artistic creativity is concerned.  In 2009, scientists at Aberystwyth University in Wales and the U.K's University of Cambridge designed a robot called Adam that they believe to be the first machine to independently come up with new scientific findings. Also in 2009, researchers at Cornell developed Eureqa, a computer program that extrapolates formulas to fit the data inputted, such as finding the laws of motion from a pendulum's motion.

Can a machine be benevolent or hostile?

This question (like many others in the philosophy of artificial intelligence) can be presented in two forms. "Hostility" can be defined in terms function or behavior, in which case "hostile" becomes synonymous with "dangerous". Or it can be defined in terms of intent: can a machine "deliberately" set out to do harm? The latter is the question "can a machine have conscious states?" (such as intentions) in another form.  The question of whether highly intelligent and completely autonomous machines would be dangerous has been examined in detail by futurists (such as the Singularity Institute). The obvious element of drama has also made the subject popular in science fiction, which has considered many differently possible scenarios where intelligent machines pose a threat to mankind; see Artificial intelligence in fiction.  One issue is that machines may acquire the autonomy and intelligence required to be dangerous very quickly. Vernor Vinge has suggested that over just a few years, computers will suddenly become thousands or millions of times more intelligent than humans. He calls this "the Singularity." He suggests that it may be somewhat or possibly very dangerous for humans. This is discussed by a philosophy called Singularitarianism.  In 2009, academics and technical experts attended a conference to discuss the potential impact of robots and computers and the impact of the hypothetical possibility that they could become self-sufficient and able to make their own decisions. They discussed the possibility and the extent to which computers and robots might be able to acquire any level of autonomy, and to what degree they could use such abilities to possibly pose any threat or hazard. They noted that some machines have acquired various forms of semi-autonomy, including being able to find power sources on their own and being able to independently choose targets to attack with weapons. They also noted that some computer viruses can evade elimination and have achieved "cockroach intelligence." They noted that self-awareness as depicted in science-fiction is probably unlikely, but that there were other potential hazards and pitfalls.  Some experts and academics have questioned the use of robots for military combat, especially when such robots are given some degree of autonomous functions. The US Navy has funded a report which indicates that as military robots become more complex, there should be greater attention to implications of their ability to make autonomous decisions.  The President of the Association for the Advancement of Artificial Intelligence has commissioned a study to look at this issue. They point to programs like the Language Acquisition Device which can emulate human interaction.  Some have suggested a need to build "Friendly AI", meaning that the advances which are already occurring with AI should also include an effort to make AI intrinsically friendly and humane.

Can a machine have a soul?

Finally, those who believe in the existence of a soul may argue that "Thinking is a function of man's immortal soul." Alan Turing called this "the theological objection". He writes In attempting to construct such machines we should not be irreverently usurping His power of creating souls, any more than we are in the procreation of children: rather we are, in either case, instruments of His will providing mansions for the souls that He creates.

Views on the role of philosophy.

Some scholars argue that the AI community's dismissal of philosophy is detrimental. In the "Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy", some philosophers argue that the role of philosophy in AI is underappreciated. Physicist David Deutsch argues that without an understanding of philosophy or its concepts, AI development would suffer from a lack of progress.

Bibliography & Conferences.

The main bibliography on the subject, with several sub-sections, is on PhilPapers  The main conference series on the issue is "Philosophy and Theory of AI" (PT-AI), run by Vincent C. Müller

Artificial intelligence has close connections with philosophy because both use concepts that have the same names and these include intelligence, action, consciousness, epistemology, and even free will. Furthermore, the technology is concerned with the creation of artificial animals or artificial people (or, at least, artificial creatures; see Artificial life) so the discipline is of considerable interest to philosophers. These factors contributed to the emergence of the philosophy of artificial intelligence. Some scholars argue that the AI community's dismissal of philosophy is detrimental.

Filosofie umělé inteligence (UI) je odvětví filosofie, které se pokouší odpovědět na otázky jako: Tyto tři otázky odrážejí rozdílné zájmy vědců, zabývajících se umělou inteligencí: lingvistiku, kognitivní vědu a filosofii. Vědecká odpověď na tyto otázky plně závisí na užité definici "inteligence", "vědomí" a "stroje".


Overview.

Spanning one week the Gothia Cup is a youth association football tournament held annually in Gothenburg, Sweden, open for both boys and girls of ages 11 to 18. In terms of participants, it is the world's second largest football tournament with only the Norway Cup being bigger. In 2017, 1730 teams from 82 nations participated.  The Gothia Cup started in 1975 with 275 participating teams. In July each year, the event becomes the dominant event in Gothenburg, with (as of 2017) 4,349 games played on 110 fields, and 300,000 visitors to the center in Heden. According to the tourist authorities of Gothenburg, the 2006 Gothia Cup generated 282 million Swedish krona in tourist income for Gothenburg city and 118 million krona in tax income for Sweden.  Teams compete from across the world; such as from Brazil, United Arab Emirates and the Czech Republic.  In 2020, for the first time since the tournament's inaugural season, the tournament was not held, due to the COVID-19 pandemic in Sweden.

Gothia Cup China.

The concept of Gothia Cup was exported to China in the 2010s. From 2016, the Gothia Cup had a sister tournament in Shenyang, China, known as the "Gothia Cup China". The first Gothia Cup China began between 13–19 August 2016. At the newly-built Gothia Cup Football park the Tournament saw 250 participating teams from 20 nations.

Famous participants.

This list includes notable players who played in Gothia Cup in their youth and later had been playing for their national teams.

Controversies.

Sexual harassment.

In the 2016 tournament, a team from Morocco was rejected from the Cup after its team members including its 36-year-old manager and about 30 boys from other teams sexually harassed three 16-year-old girls as crowds were exiting after the opening ceremony. The 36-year-old was sentenced to two months in prison and to pay damages to each of the three victims by the District Court. The other assailants could not be identified.

Age cheating.

The Under 18 competition in 2013 was won by Kampala Junior Team from Uganda who defeated GAIS 5–2 after penalties with the assistance of over-age players. The triumphant Kampala side fielded KCCA FC goalkeeper Jamal Salim and midfielder Gaddafi Kiwanuka albeit without knowledge of their Lugogo employers. Salim, a Ugandan international player, changed his name to Omar Magoola and made an immense contribution in the finals by saving two penalties. Besides Salim and Kiwanuka, Ssali Edris Tamale, a third year student at Nkumba University, also featured for the side. He is reported to have changed his identity by changing his name from 'Tamale' to 'Yamale' in the new passport he acquired. Another age cheat in this squad is identified as Eriasa Sserwadda, a graduate from Nkumba University.

The Gothia Cup () is an international youth association football tournament organized by professional football club BK Häcken, which has been held annually since 1975 in Gothenburg, Sweden, a copy of Norway Cup started 1972. Considered the biggest tournament in the world in terms of participating teams, competing youth teams throughout the world enter the competition. The Gothia Cup is also Sweden's largest annual event. The Jamie Johnson (TV series) in Series 4 shows Phoenix FC competing in the Gothia Cup.

Gothia Cup, zvaný také "World Youth Cup" ("Světový pohár mládeže") je mezinárodní turnaj mládežnických fotbalových klubů, který se koná každoročně v červenci ve švédském městě Göteborg. Pořádá ho klub BK Häcken, slavnostní zahájení a finálový zápas se konají na stadionu Ullevi. Účastní se hráči od jedenácti do devatenácti let, kteří soutěží v kategoriích oddělených podle pohlaví a ročníku narození. Starší ročníky hrají 2×30 minut v jedenáctičlenných týmech, mladší na menším hřišti 2×20 minut v sedmi s neomezenou možností střídání. Zápasy jsou řízeny podle oficiálních pravidel FIFA. Během týdne se odehraje okolo čtyř tisíc zápasů.


Concept.

The Internet has expanded the variety and amount of accessible political information. On the positive side, this may create a more pluralistic form of public debate; on the negative side, greater access to information may lead to selective exposure to ideologically supportive channels. In an extreme "echo chamber", one purveyor of information will make a claim, which many like-minded people then repeat, overhear, and repeat again (often in an exaggerated or otherwise distorted form) until most people assume that some extreme variation of the story is true.  The echo chamber effect occurs online due to a harmonious group of people amalgamating and developing tunnel vision. Participants in online discussions may find their opinions constantly echoed back to them, which reinforces their individual belief systems due to the declining exposure to other's opinions. Their individual belief systems are what culminate into a confirmation bias regarding a variety of subjects. When an individual wants something to be true, they often will only gather information that supports their existing beliefs and disregard any statements they find that are contradictory or speak negatively upon their beliefs. Individuals who participate in echo chambers often do so because they feel more confident that their opinions will be more readily accepted by others in the echo chamber. This happens because the Internet has provided access to a wide range of readily available information. People are receiving their news online more rapidly through less traditional sources, such as Facebook, Google, and Twitter. These and many other social platforms and online media outlets have established personalized algorithms intended to cater specific information to individuals’ online feeds. This method of curating content has replaced the function of the traditional news editor. The mediated spread of information through online networks causes a risk of an algorithmic filter bubble. Leading to concern regarding how the effects of echo chamber's on the internet promote the division of online interaction  It is important to note that members of an echo chamber are not fully responsible for their convictions. Once part of an echo chamber, an individual might adhere to seemingly acceptable epistemic practices and still be further misled. Many individuals may be stuck in echo chambers due to factors existing outside of their control, such as being raised in one.  Furthermore, the function of an echo chamber does not entail eroding a member's interest in truth; it focuses upon manipulating their credibility levels so that fundamentally different establishments and institutions will be considered proper sources of authority.

Echo Chambers vs Epistemic Bubbles.

In recent years, closed epistemic networks have increasingly been held responsible for the era of post-truth and fake news. However, the media frequently conflates two distinct concepts of social epistemology: echo chambers and epistemic bubbles.  An epistemic bubble is an informational network in which important sources have been excluded by omission, perhaps unintentionally. It is an impaired epistemic framework which lacks strong connectivity. Members within epistemic bubbles are unaware of significant information and reasoning.  On the other hand, an echo chamber is an epistemic construct in which voices are actively excluded and discredited. It does not suffer from a lack in connectivity; rather it depends on a manipulation of trust by methodically discrediting all outside sources. According to research conducted by the University of Pennsylvania, members of echo chambers become dependent on the sources within the chamber and highly resistant to any external sources.  An important distinction exists in the strength of the respective epistemic structures. Epistemic bubbles are not particularly robust. Relevant information has merely been left out, not discredited. One can ‘pop’ an epistemic bubble by exposing a member to the information and sources that they have been missing.  Echo chambers, however, are incredibly strong. By creating pre-emptive distrust between members and non-members, insiders will be insulated from the validity of counter-evidence and will continue to reinforce the chamber in the form of a closed loop. Outside voices are heard, but dismissed.  As such, the two concepts are fundamentally distinct and cannot be utilized interchangeably. However, one must note that this distinction is conceptual in nature, and an epistemic community can exercise multiple methods of exclusion to varying extents.

Similar concepts.

A filter bubble – a term coined by internet activist Eli Pariser – is a state of intellectual isolation that allegedly can result from personalized searches when a website algorithm selectively guesses what information a user would like to see based on information about the user, such as location, past click-behavior and search history. As a result, users become separated from information that disagrees with their viewpoints, effectively isolating them in their own cultural or ideological bubbles. The choices made by these algorithms are not transparent.  Homophily is the tendency of individuals to associate and bond with similar others, as in the proverb "birds of a feather flock together". The presence of homophily has been detected in a vast array of network studies.  Both echo chambers and filter bubbles relate to the ways individuals are exposed to content devoid of clashing opinions, and colloquially might be used interchangeably. However, echo chamber refers to the overall phenomenon by which individuals are exposed only to information from like-minded individuals, while filter bubbles are a result of algorithms that choose content based on previous online behavior, as with search histories or online shopping activity. It is equally important to understand that although similar, Homophily and echo chambers are not the same either.

Implications of Echo Chambers.

Online Communities.

Online social communities become fragmented by echo chambers when like-minded people group together and members hear arguments in one specific direction with no counter argument addressed. In certain online platforms, such as Twitter, echo chambers are more likely to be found when the topic is more political in nature compared to topics that are seen as more neutral. Social networking communities are communities that are considered to be some of the most powerful reinforcements of rumors due to the trust in the evidence supplied by their own social group and peers, over the information circulating the news. In addition to this, the reduction of fear that users can enjoy through projecting their views on the internet versus face-to-face allows for further engagement in agreement with their peers.  This can create significant barriers to critical discourse within an online medium. Social discussion and sharing can potentially suffer when people have a narrow information base and don't reach outside their network. Essentially, the filter bubble can distort our very own realities that we thought could not be altered by outside sources. The Farnam Street academic blog explains that the filter bubble can have a bigger impact on us than we think. It can create echo chambers that leads us to believe that what you are seeing through ads is the only opinion or perspective that is right.

Offline Communities.

Many offline communities are also segregated by political beliefs and cultural views. The echo chamber effect may prevent individuals from noticing changes in language and culture involving groups other than their own. Online echo chambers can sometimes influence an individual's willingness to participate in similar discussions offline. A 2016 study found that “Twitter users who felt their audience on Twitter agreed with their opinion were more willing to speak out on that issue in the workplace”.

Examples.

Ideological echo chambers have existed in many forms, for centuries. Some examples of this include:  However, since the creation of the internet, scholars have been curious to see the changes in political communication. Due to the new changes in information technology and how it's managed, understanding opposing perspectives and reaching a common ground in a democracy has been up for debate. The effects seen from the echo chamber effect has largely been cited to occur in politics as the effects of this fragmenting media exposure method as described in these examples:

Countermeasures.

From Media Companies.

Some companies have also made efforts in combating the effects of an echo chamber on an algorithmic approach. A high-profile example of this is the changes Facebook made to its “Trending” page, which is an on-site news source for its users. Facebook modified their “Trending” page by transitioning from displaying a single news source to multiple news sources for a topic or event. The intended purpose of this was to expand the breadth of news sources for any given headline, and therefore expose readers to a variety of viewpoints. There are startups building apps with the mission of encouraging users to open their echo chambers. "UnFound.news" offers an AI(Artifical Intelligence) curated news app to readers presenting them news from diverse and distinct perspectives, helping them form rational and informed opinion rather than succumbing to their own biases. It also nudges the readers to read different perspectives if their reading pattern is biased towards one side/ideology. Another example is a beta feature on BuzzFeed News, called “Outside Your Bubble". This experiment adds a module at the bottom of BuzzFeed News articles to show reactions from various platforms, like Twitter, Facebook, and Reddit. This concept aims to bring transparency and prevent biased conversations diversifying the viewpoints their readers are exposed to.

In news media, an echo chamber is a metaphorical description of a situation in which beliefs are amplified or reinforced by communication and repetition inside a closed system and insulates them from rebuttal. By visiting an "echo chamber", people are able to seek out information that reinforces their existing views, potentially as an unconscious exercise of confirmation bias. This may increase social and political polarization and extremism. The term is a metaphor based on the acoustic echo chamber, where sounds reverberate in a hollow enclosure. Another emerging term for this echoing and homogenizing effect on the Internet within social communities, such as Reddit, is cultural tribalism. Many scholars note the effects that echo chambers can potentially have on citizen's stance and viewpoints, more specifically what implications this effect will have on politics. However, there are counterarguments with supporting evidence that suggest the effects of echo chambers are significantly lowered than assumed and suggested.

Komnata ozvěn (anglicky "echo chamber") je situace, ve které se skupina osob vzájemnou komunikací utvrzuje ve svých názorech. Názory shodné se opakováním zesilují (vrací se jako ozvěna), zatímco odlišné názory jsou zeslabovány či přímo vyloučeny. Komnaty ozvěn nemusejí být tak negativní, jak se prezentuje.


Location.

San Francisco's gay village is mostly concentrated in the business district that is located on Castro Street from Market Street to 19th Street. It extends down Market Street toward Church Street and on both sides of the Castro neighborhood from Church Street to Eureka Street. Although the greater gay community was, and is, concentrated in the Castro, many gay people live in the surrounding residential areas bordered by Corona Heights, the Mission District, Noe Valley, Twin Peaks, and Haight-Ashbury neighborhoods. Some consider it to include Duboce Triangle and Dolores Heights, which both have a strong LGBT presence.  Castro Street, which originates a few blocks north at the intersection of Divisadero and Waller Streets, runs south through Noe Valley, crossing the 24th Street business district and ending as a continuous street a few blocks farther south as it moves toward the Glen Park neighborhood. It reappears in several discontinuous sections before ultimately terminating at Chenery Street, in the heart of Glen Park.

History.

Castro Street was named after José Castro (1808–1860), a Californian leader of Mexican opposition to U.S. rule in California in the 19th century, and alcalde of Alta California from 1835 to 1836. The neighborhood known as the Castro, in the district of Eureka Valley, was created in 1887 when the Market Street Railway Company built a line linking Eureka Valley to downtown.  In 1891, Alfred E. Clarke built his mansion at the corner of Douglass and Caselli Avenue at 250 Douglass which is commonly referenced as the Caselli Mansion. It survived the 1906 earthquake and fire which destroyed a large portion of San Francisco.

Early years.

Up to the 19th century, the areal possession of the Russian Empire in North America included the modern-day U.S. state of Alaska and settlements in the modern-day U.S. states of California (1 settlement) and Hawaii (3 settlements, starting in 1817). These Russian possessions were collectively and officially referred to by the name Russian America from 1733 to 1867. Formal incorporation of the possessions by Russia did not take place until the establishment of the Russian-American Company (RAC) in 1799.  In 1809–1917, Finland was an autonomous part of the Russian Empire and was officially referred to as the Grand Duchy of Finland. During this era, the operations of both merchant and naval fleets as well as construction of naval vessels, relied heavily on Finnish know-how, seamen and officers. At the time, Russia was a relatively young naval power, gaining gradually access to the Baltic Sea only after the city of Saint Petersburg was founded on its coast in 1703, becoming officially part of Russia only at the end of the Great Northern War (1700–1721) in 1721.  In 1839, Sitka Lutheran Church, the first Protestant congregation on the west coast of the Americas and the first Lutheran congregation on the entire Pacific Rim was founded in Sitka, Alaska, by Finns who worked for the Russian-American Company. From the start, in 1840–1865, three consecutive Finnish pastors served this pastorate: Uno Cygnaeus (1840–1845), Gabriel Plathan (1845–1852) and Georg Gustaf Winter (1852–1865). The Finns Aaron Sjöstrom and Otto Reinhold Rehn served as the parish organists/sextons during this period.  In 1841, under the governorship of Russian America by Finnish Arvid Adolf Etholén (1840–1845) (promoted to rear admiral in 1847), the Russian-American area of Fort Ross in Bodega Bay, California, was sold to Johann Sutter. On January 24, 1848, the first California gold was discovered on Sutter's land in Coloma, California, leading to the California Gold Rush, after news of this were spread abroad, mainly by the Finnish seamen in the service of the Russian-American Company.  During the final three decades of the existence of Russian America, Finnish Chief Managers ("governors") of Russian America included Arvid Adolf Etholén (a.k.a. Etolin) in 1840–1845 and Johan Hampus Furuhjelm in 1859–1864. A third Finn, Johan Joachim von Bartram, declined the offer for the five-year term between 1850 and 1855. All three were high ranking Imperial naval officers. In reference to San Francisco, researcher Maria J. Enckell states the following about the Finns in the Russian-American Company:  Russia relied heavily on Finnish seamen. These seamen manned Russian naval ships as well as its deep-sea-going vessels. Company records show that in the early 1800s these ships were crewed predominantly by merchant seamen from Finland. From 1840 onward the Company's around-the-world ships were manned entirely by Finnish merchant skippers and crews. Most Company ships stationed in Sitka and the Northern Pacific were likewise manned by Finnish skippers and Finnish crews.  <poem>... Significant too is that from the early 1800s the Finnish seamen sailing these ships had journeyed up and down the North and South American coasts. Salt, used by the Company in preserving pelts, was obtained on islands in Baja California. Fort Ross in Bodega Bay, just north of San Francisco, was a stop on that route until 1841 when the fort was sold to the "swindler" Johann Sutter, on whose land the first California Gold was found. Thus, all Finnish seamen plying these waters knew every nook and cranny on these shores. Similarly they knew equally well the coast on the Asiatic side. Returning to Finland on their mandatory around-the-world journeys, they spread the news of the riches they had seen.  San Francisco's harbor records and the Russian Consular records display the names of many Finnish and Baltic Russian Alaska skippers busily plying the waters between San Francisco, Petropavlovsk, Nikolajefsk and Vladivostok... Long before the turn of the century 11% of San Francisco's seaman community were Finns. The commercial activities of these former Finnish Russian-American Company skippers and their men were impressive. At least two are known to have become multimillionaires: Gustaf Nybom (later Niebaum), the founder of Inglenook wineries, and Otto Wilhelm Lindholm of Vladivostok. Their business ventures had interests spread across the Northern Pacific. This activity continued until 1922 and the Soviet terror, when Vladivostok's numerous Finns and Manchurians were rounded up, marched to the central square and shot.</poem>

Late 19th century.

During the California Gold Rush and in its aftermath, a substantial Finnish population had settled in San Francisco. In addition to Etholén, Furuhjelm and Niebaum, a number of Finns had become household names in the social circles of San Francisco by the time when the Finnish corvette Kalevala anchored in San Francisco on November 14, 1861. Accordingly, Kalevala's visit in the city received a very warm welcome and created much attention. In 1863, a six-vessel Russian Imperial Navy squadron, a part of the Russian Pacific Fleet, sailed via Vladivostok to the West Coast of the United States, to help defend the waters there against a possible attack by the United Kingdom or France, during the American Civil War (April 12, 1861 – May 10, 1865). In addition to the Finnish-built corvette "Kalevala" now returning to the U.S. West Coast, this squadron included three other corvettes, "Bogatyr", "Rynda" and "Novik" (Russian: "Новик"), as well as two Finnish-built clippers, the sister-ships "Abrek" (Russian: "Абрек") and "Vsadnik" (Russian: "Всадник"), both built in the southwestern Finnish town of Pori and launched in 1860. Finnish officers serving in the squadron included "Theodor Kristian Avellan", who later became the Minister of Naval Affairs of the Russian Empire (similar role to Great Britain's First Lord of the Admiralty). Among Finnish officers participating in the expedition were also Mr. "Enqvist" and Mr. "Etholén" (not Governor Etholén of Russian America).  At the time when Finnish Sea Captain Gustave Niebaum, the founder of Inglenook Winery (1879) in Rutherford, California, was busy conducting business in the San Francisco Bay Area and Alaska – from the late 19th to the early 20th century –, both places had considerably large Finnish settlements. As the Governor of Russian America from 1858 to 1864, Finnish Johan Hampus Furuhjelm helped pave way for the American Alaska purchase, just like Gustave Niebaum did as the Consul of Russia for the United States in San Francisco in 1867 (at the time Finland was an autonomous Grand Duchy of Russia), when Alaska became part of the United States of America.  During his governorship of Russian America, Furuhjelm put an end to the hostilities involving groups of the native peoples of Alaska, and he succeeded in abolishing the Alaskan "Ice Treaty" with San Francisco. According to a contract which had been signed, Russian America had to deliver a certain amount of ice to San Francisco at a fixed price. The problem was that the product melted down on the way to the warmer climates. The ice contract became very awkward for the Russian colony. Furuhjelm arranged for a new contract to sell ice to San Francisco: 3,000 tons at $25.00 a ton.  Officially registered Finnish Club No. 1 was established in the Castro District of San Francisco in 1882. Soon after, two "Finnish Halls" were erected nearby. One was located at the corner of 24th Street and Hoffman Street. The other hall was located on Flint Street, on the "Rocky Hill" above Castro, an area densely populated by Finns at the time, consequently nicknamed "Finn Town".  In 1899, the First Finnish Lutheran Church was founded on 50 Belcher Street, in what then was considered part of the "Eureka Valley" district of San Francisco, but what is located on the outskirts of what today is best known as the Castro District. Next to it, on September 17, 1905, the cornerstone was laid for the Danish St. Ansgar Church at 152 Church Street, between Market Street and Duboce Avenue. During the April 18, 1906, San Francisco earthquake and its aftermath, the parsonage served as a feeding station and hospital. In 1964, St. Ansgar merged with First Finnish Lutheran Church. The name for the united church, St. Francis Lutheran Church, was derived from San Francisco.  Before the 1906 San Francisco earthquake, nearly all the kids attending the McKinley school (now McKinley Elementary School) at 1025 14th Street (at Castro) were Finnish. Following the earthquake, a large number of Finns from San Francisco and elsewhere moved to Berkeley, where a Finnish community had been established already before the earthquake. A large part of the early Berkeley population was Finnish. The brick and wood frame of the St. Francis Lutheran Church building survived the 1906 San Francisco earthquake and then was used for several months as an infirmary. Following the earthquake, the same year, Finns founded the "Lutheran Church of the Cross" in Berkeley, at University Avenue, where the Lutheran congregation still operates today.  In c. 1910, a bathhouse called Finnila's Finnish Baths began serving customers in the Castro District, at 9 Douglass Street. Its opening as an official business serving the general public took place in 1913. In 1919, the business moved to 4032 17th Street, a half block west from the busy Castro Street. In 1932, the business moved again, now to 2284 Market Street. In 1986, after having been stationed in the Castro District for over seven decades, the business moved the final time, now to 465 Taraval Street in the San Francisco's Sunset District, where it continued as Finnila's Health Club, serving women only. Despite public outcry and attempts to prevent the closing of the popular Finnila's Market Street bathhouse, the old bathhouse building was demolished by Alfred Finnila soon after the farewell party held in the end of December 1985. Today, the Finnila family owns the new "Market & Noe Center" building at the location of the old bathhouse, in the corner of Market and Noe Streets.

Change of character.

From 1910 on, the Castro District of San Francisco and some of the surrounding areas was known by the term "Little Scandinavia", because of the large number of the residents in the area originating from Finnish, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish ancestry.  The 1943 novel "Mama's Bank Account" by Kathryn Forbes focused on a Norwegian family living in the area in the 1910s. Forbes' book served as the inspiration for John Van Druten's 1944 play "I Remember Mama". The play was adapted to a Broadway theater production in 1944; to a movie in 1948; to a CBS Mama television series running from 1949 until 1957; to a "Lux Radio Theater" play in the late 1950s; and to a Broadway musical in 1979. "Mama's Bank Account" reflected a (then) Eureka Valley neighborhood, where for generations Norwegians worshiped at the Norwegian Lutheran Church at 19th and Dolores streets, and met for fraternal, social events, and Saturday night dances at Dovre Hall, 3543 18th Street, now the Women's Building.  The Cove on Castro used to be called The Norse Cove at the time. The Scandinavian Seamen's Mission operated for a long time on 15th Street, off Market Street, just around the corner from the Swedish-American Hall, which remains in the district. In the 1920s – during prohibition – the downstairs of the Swedish-American Hall served as a speak-easy, one of many in the area. "Unlicensed saloons" were known as "speak-easies", according to an 1889 newspaper. They were "so called because of the practice of speaking quietly about such a place in public, or when inside it, so as not to alert the police or neighbors".  Scandinavian-style "half-timber" construction can still be seen in some of the buildings along Market Street, between Castro and Church Streets. A restaurant called Scandinavian Deli operated for decades on Market Street, between Noe and Sanchez Streets, almost directly across the street from Finnila's.  Receiving an influx of Irish, Italian and other immigrants in the 1930s, the Castro gradually became an ethnically mixed working-class neighborhood, and it remained so until the mid-1960s. There was originally a cable car line with large double-ended cable cars that ran along Castro Street from Market Street to 29th St., until the tracks were dismantled in 1941 and the cable car line was replaced by the 24 MUNI bus. The Castro is at the end of the straight portion of the Market Street thoroughfare, and a mostly residential area follows Market Street as it curves and rises up and around the Twin Peaks mountains.

LGBT community.

The U.S. military discharged thousands of gay servicemen from the Pacific theatre in San Francisco during World War II (early 1940s) because of their sexuality. Many settled in the Bay Area, San Francisco and Sausalito. In San Francisco, an established gay community had begun in numerous areas including Polk Street (which used to be regarded as the city's gay center from the 1950s to the early 1980s), the Tenderloin and South of Market. The 1950s saw large numbers of families moving out of the Castro to the suburbs in what became known as the "White flight", leaving open large amounts of real estate and creating attractive locations for gay purchasers. By 1963, the Castro's first gay bar was opened called the "Missouri Mule".  The Castro's age as a gay mecca began during the late 1960s with the Summer of Love in the neighbouring Haight-Ashbury district in 1967. The two neighbourhoods are separated by a large mountain, topped by Buena Vista Park. The hippie and free love movements had fostered communal living and free society ideas including the housing of large groups of people in hippie communes. Androgyny became popular with men even in full beards as gay hippie men began to move into the area. The 1967 gathering brought tens of thousands of middle-class youth from all over the United States to the Haight which saw its own exodus when well-organized individuals and collectives started to see the Castro as an oasis from the massive influx. Many of the hippies had no way to support themselves or places to shelter. The Haight became drug-ridden and violent, chasing off the gay population, who looked for a more stable area to live.  The gay community created an upscale, fashionable urban center in the Castro District in the 1970s. Many San Francisco gays also moved there in the years around 1970 from what was then the most prominent gay neighborhood, Polk Gulch, because large Victorian houses were available at low rents or available for purchase for low down payments when their former middle-class owners had fled to the suburbs.  By 1973, Harvey Milk, who would become the most famous resident of the neighborhood, opened a camera store, Castro Camera, and began political involvement as a gay activist, further contributing to the notion of the Castro as a gay destination. Some of the culture of the late 1970s included what was termed the "Castro clone", a mode of dress and personal grooming that exemplified butchness and masculinity of the working-class men in construction—tight denim jeans, black or sand combat boots, tight T-shirt or, often, an Izod crocodile shirt, possibly a red plaid flannel outer shirt, and usually sporting a mustache or full beard—in vogue with the gay male population at the time, and which gave rise to the nickname "Clone Canyon" for the stretch of Castro Street between 18th and Market Streets.  There were numerous famous watering holes in the area contributing to the nightlife, including the Corner Grocery Bar, Toad Hall, the Pendulum, the Midnight Sun, Twin Peaks, and the Elephant Walk. A typical daytime street scene of the period is perhaps best illustrated by mentioning the male belly dancers who could be found holding forth in good weather at the corner of 18th and Castro on "Hibernia Beach", in front of the financial institution from which it drew its name. Then at night, after the bars closed at 2 AM, the men remaining at that hour often would line up along the sidewalk of 18th Street to indicate that they were still available to go home with someone (aka The Meat Rack).  The area was heavily impacted by the HIV/AIDS crisis of the 1980s. Beginning in 1984, city officials began a crackdown on bathhouses and launched initiatives that aimed to prevent the spread of AIDS. Kiosks lining Market Street and Castro Street now have posters promoting safe sex and testing right alongside those advertising online dating services.  In 2019, San Francisco Board of Supervisors member Rafael Mandelman authored an ordinance to create the Castro LGBTQ Cultural District; the ordinance was passed unanimously.

Attractions.

One of the more notable features of the neighborhood is Castro Theatre, a movie palace built in 1922 and one of San Francisco's premier movie houses.  18th and Castro is a major intersection in the Castro, where many historic events, marches, and protests have taken and continue to take place.  A major cultural destination in the neighborhood is the GLBT History Museum, which opened for previews on Dec. 10, 2010, at 4127 18th St. The grand opening of the museum took place on the evening of Jan. 13, 2011. The first full-scale, stand-alone museum of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender history in the United States (and only the second in the world after the Schwules Museum in Berlin), the GLBT History Museum is a project of the GLBT Historical Society.  The F Market heritage streetcar line turnaround at Market and 17th-streets where the Jane Warner city park let sits. Across Castro street is the Harvey Milk Plaza in honor of its most famous resident with its iconic giant flag pole with an oversized rainbow flag, symbol of the LGBT community. Below street level is the main entrance to the Castro Street Station, a Muni Metro subway station and a multitiered park. Milk's camera store and campaign headquarters which were at 575 Castro has a memorial plaque and mural on the inside of the store, now housing the Human Rights Campaign Action Center and Store. There is a smaller mural above the sidewalk on the building showing Milk looking down on the street fondly.  Across Market Street from Harvey Milk Plaza, and slightly up the hill, is the Pink Triangle Park – 17th Street at Market, a city park and monument named after the pink triangles forcibly worn by gay prisoners persecuted by the Nazis during World War II.  Harvey's was formerly the Elephant Walk, raided by police after the White Night Riots.  The Hot Cookie Bakery located on Castro Street is a world-famous destination serving cookies. It is especially known for its coconut macaroons.  Twin Peaks is the first gay bar in the city, and possibly the United States, with plate glass windows to fully visibly expose patrons to the public is located at the intersection of Market and Castro.  The Hartford Street Zen Center is also located in the Castro, as well as the Most Holy Redeemer Catholic Church, 100 Diamond Street.  Special events, parade and street fairs that are held in the Castro include the Castro Street Fair, the Dyke March, the famed Halloween in the Castro which was discontinued in 2007 due to street violence, Pink Saturday discontinued in the Castro in 2016, and the San Francisco International LGBT Film Festival.  A LGBTQ Walk of Fame, the Rainbow Honor Walk, was installed in August 2014 with an inaugural twenty sidewalk bronze plaques representing past LGBTQ icons in their field, who continue to serve as inspirations. The walk is originally planned to coincide with the business district of the Castro and eventually include 500 bronze plaques.  The main business section of Castro St from Market to 19th street were under reconstruction and repaving in 2014 to address a number of neighborhood concerns. The area has heavy vehicular traffic as well as many visitors. As part of the work the sidewalks were widened and new trees were planted. Additionally 20 historical cement etchings covering from the inception to the area being settled to the 2010s sweeping gay marriage movement victories were installed in September 2014.

Castro Street History Walk.

A separate sidewalk installation, the Castro Street History Walk (CSHW), is a series of twenty historical fact plaques about the neighborhood—ten from pre-1776 to the 1960s before the Castro became known as a gay neighborhood, and ten “significant events associated with the queer community in the Castro”—contained within the 400 and 500 blocks of the street between 19th and Market streets. They were installed at the same time as the inaugural twenty RHW plaques. The CSHW goes in chronological order starting at Harvey Milk Plaza at Market Street, up to 19th Street, and returning on the opposite side of Castro Street. The $10,000 CSHW was paid for by the Castro Business District (CBD) which “convened a group of local residents and historians to work with Nicholas Perry, a planner and urban designer at the San Francisco Planning Department who worked on the sidewalk-widening project and lives in the Castro” to develop the facts. Each fact was required to be about the neighborhood or the surrounding Eureka Valley. The facts are limited to 230 characters, and were installed in pairs along with a single graphic reminiscent of the historic Castro Theater.

LGBT tourism.

San Francisco has a large and thriving tourist economy due to ethnic and cultural communities such as Chinatown, North Beach, Haight-Ashbury and the Castro. The Castro is a site of economic success that brings in capital all year round with many events catered to the gay community along with everyday business.  The Castro is a "thriving marketplace for all things gay" meaning everything in the area is catered to people who identify with LGBT culture and other associated meanings to the word gay. There are cafes, the Castro Theater, and many businesses that cater to or openly welcome LGBT consumers. These establishments make the Castro an area of high spending and lead to high tourist traffic. In addition to the city's locals, people travel to visit the shops and restaurants as well as the events that take place, such as the Castro Street Fair. Events such as the fairs drum up business for the community and bring in people from all over the nation who visit solely for the atmosphere the Castro provides. People who do not necessarily feel comfortable expressing themselves in their own community have the freedom to travel to places such as the Castro to escape the alienation and feel accepted. There is a sense of belonging and acceptance that is promoted throughout the district to accommodate non-heteronormative people that many LGBT travellers are attracted to.  The Golden Gate Business Association (GGBA) was created in 1974 to help promote the Castro as a place for tourists, but also San Francisco and LGBT businesses as a whole. The GGBA sought to gain local political power and hoped to achieve their gains through an increase in gay tourism. This association formed the San Francisco Gay Tourism and Visitor's Bureau in 1983. Politically, the Bureau was neoliberal and focused on economic interests while denying poverty and prejudice. The LGBT tourism industry drives and benefits the economy due to the constant influx of consumers.

The Castro District, commonly referred to as the Castro, is a neighborhood in Eureka Valley in San Francisco. The Castro was one of the first gay neighborhoods in the United States. Having transformed from a working-class neighborhood through the 1960s and 1970s, the Castro remains one of the most prominent symbols of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) activism and events in the world.

The Castro nebo Castro District je část amerického města San Francisco, ležící ve čtvrti Eureka Valley jihozápadně od centra města. Má rozlohu 1,36 km2 a žije v ní okolo dvanácti tisíc obyvatel, hlavní tepnou je ulice Castro Street. Oblast je známá jako centrum místní LGBT komunity.


Plot.

Set in Burleson, Texas, between 2008 and 2012, the film centers on a 10-year-old girl named Anna (Kylie Rogers), daughter of Christy Beam (Jennifer Garner). One day, Anna starts to vomit, and when is examined by her doctor, he does not find anything abnormal. On March 20, 2008, Anna wakes up her family at midnight because of an intense stomach pain, severe enough that her parents decide to take her to the hospital. Doctors find no signs of illness, except to say it could be either acid reflux, or lactose intolerance, but Christy is not convinced by this.  The following morning, Christy finally finds a pediatrician in the hospital that is able to diagnose Anna with an abdominal obstruction, and he tells them he must operate immediately or she will die. After the emergency surgery is performed, the doctor explains that Anna has been left with pseudo-obstruction motility disorder and she is unable to eat, so feeding tubes are needed for her nutrition. The doctor then tells the Beams about America's foremost pediatric gastroenterologist, Dr. Samuel Nurko (Eugenio Derbez), who practices in Boston, but explains it could take months for them to be seen. In January 2009, Christy and Anna travel to Boston despite not having an appointment with the doctor.  Dr. Nurko has a last minute opening, and when Anna is subsequently examined at Boston Children's Hospital, the extent of her chronic illness is found. She then goes through extensive treatment. During this ordeal, Anna and her mother befriend a local Massachusetts resident named Angela Bradford (Queen Latifah), as well as Ben (Wayne Peré) and his daughter, Haley (Hannah Alligood) who has cancer.  On December 29, 2011, Anna, along with her bigger sister Abbie (Brighton Sharbino), climb up to a very high branch of an old cotton tree. While they are on that branch, it begins to break. Anna goes to the trunk for safety, whereupon stepping on it, she falls in a hole to the base of the tree. When Christy finds out what has happened, she desperately calls her husband Kevin (Martin Henderson), as well as the fire department. Anna is then rescued by the firefighters, who warn Christy to expect the worst by saying that nobody could fall 30 feet without sustaining a serious injury; broken bones or paralysis. Once out, Anna is airlifted to a hospital, where a battery of tests are run on her, and all of the tests come back negative. Other than a minor concussion, Anna is uninjured.  Sometime after the fall, Anna seems to no longer be affected by her illness. When Christy and Anna go to an appointment with Dr. Nurko, he tells Christy that Anna is miraculously cured. Anna then recounts with her parents the experience she had during the fall. She describes how her soul left her body during the fall, and God promised that she would be cured of her illness upon her return to Earth. At church, Christy shares the story of how God miraculously healed her daughter with His love. As Christy finishes her speech, one of the congregation protests, stating that he does not believe Christy. Ben, who has traveled from Boston upon hearing the story about Anna, believes her and tells her that Haley died peacefully because Anna gave her faith when in the hospital, making Anna cry because Hayley was her best friend.

Cast.

The real Beam family makes a cameo at the end of the film before the credits.

Production.

On November 10, 2014, "The Hollywood Reporter" reported that Sony Pictures Entertainment had acquired the film adaptation rights to a faith-based memoir, "Miracles From Heaven: A Little Girl, Her Journey to Heaven, and Her Amazing Story of Healing", written by Christy Beam, and hired Randy Brown to write the script. The team behind the studios' 2014 Christian film "Heaven Is for Real", T. D. Jakes and Joe Roth, were retained to produce the film along with DeVon Franklin.  On April 8, 2015, the studio hired Patricia Riggen to direct the film. On April 30, 2015, Jennifer Garner was cast to star in the film as Christy Beam. On June 22, 2015, "The Hollywood Reporter" reported that Queen Latifah was cast as a waitress who befriends Anna and Beam at the Boston Children's Hospital. On the same day, "Variety" confirmed the casting of Martin Henderson to play the girl's father and Beam's husband.  On June 29, 2015, Kylie Rogers was cast as Beam's sick daughter Anna. On July 17, 2015, Eugenio Derbez was cast to play a character inspired by Children's Hospital specialist Dr. Samuel Nurko, an American-based Mexican pediatric gastroenterologist who eases his young patients' treatment by playing games with them. John Carroll Lynch was also cast in the film for an unspecified role.

Filming.

Principal photography on the film began in Atlanta, Georgia, in July 2015. David R. Sandefur and Emma E. Hickox were appointed as production designer and editor, respectively. On August 2, 2015, Latifah and Garner were spotted on the set of film in Atlanta.

Soundtrack.

The "Miracles from Heaven" soundtrack features songs from Howie Day, George Harrison, Clayton Anderson, Third Day and others. The southern Christian rock band Third Day made a cameo as the church worship band.

Release.

On May 11, 2015, the film was scheduled for a March 18, 2016 release by Columbia Pictures. On January 10, it was moved up to March 16. The film held its world premiere on February 21, 2016, in Dallas, Texas.

Home media.

"Miracles from Heaven" was released on Digital Media on June 21, 2016, and was followed by a DVD, Blu-ray, and 4K Ultra HD release on July 12, 2016, from AFFIRM Films and Sony Pictures Home Entertainment. The film debuted in second place on the home video sales chart behind "" for the week ending on July 17, 2016.

Reception.

Box office.

"Miracles from Heaven" grossed $61.7 million in North America and $12.2 million in other territories for a worldwide total of $73.9 million, against a budget of $13 million.  The film grossed $1.9 million on its first day, finishing second at the box office behind "Zootopia" ($4.6 million). The film had an $18 million Wednesday-to-Sunday gross, including $14.8 million in its opening weekend, finishing third at the box office behind "Zootopia" ($37.2 million) and "" ($29 million).  On its opening weekend in the United Kingdom, "Miracles from Heaven" grossed $29 thousand, dropping to $231 by week four.

Critical response.

"Miracles from Heaven" received generally mixed reviews from critics, with Garner's performance receiving praise. On Rotten Tomatoes, the film has a rating of 45%, based on 92 reviews, with an average rating of 5.04/10. The site's consensus reads, ""Miracles from Heaven" makes the most out of an outstanding performance from Jennifer Garner, but it isn't quite enough to keep this faith-based drama from preaching to the choir." On Metacritic the film has a score of 44 out of 100, based on 20 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews". Audiences polled by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade of "A+" on an A+ to F scale.

Miracles from Heaven is a 2016 American Christian drama film directed by Patricia Riggen and written by Randy Brown. It is based on "Miracles from Heaven" by Christy Beam, which recounts the true story of her young daughter who had a near-death experience and was later cured of an incurable disease. The film stars Jennifer Garner, Kylie Rogers, Martin Henderson, John Carroll Lynch, Eugenio Derbez, and Queen Latifah. Principal photography began in Atlanta, Georgia, in July 2015. The film was released on March 16, 2016. The movie was financially successful, becoming the 8th highest-grossing Christian film in the United States. Although critical reception was mixed, Garner's performance earned general praise.

Zázraky z nebe (v anglickém originále Miracles from Heaven) je americké filmové drama z roku 2016. Režie se ujala Patricia Riggen a scénáře Randy Brown. Film je inspirován knihou "Miracles from Heaven" od Christy Beam, která popisuje pravdivý příběh své dcery. Hlavní role hrají Jennifer Garner,Martin Henderson, John Carroll Lynch, Eugenio Derbez a Queen Latifah.