Turmoil in Europe.

Following the Armistice of Compiègne on November 11, 1918 that ended World War I, the years 1918–24 were marked by turmoil as the Russian Civil War continued to rage on, and Eastern Europe struggled to recover from the devastation of the First World War and the destabilising effects of not just the collapse of the Russian Empire, but the destruction of the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the Ottoman Empire, as well.

International relations.

The important stages of interwar diplomacy and international relations included resolutions of wartime issues, such as reparations owed by Germany and boundaries; American involvement in European finances and disarmament projects; the expectations and failures of the League of Nations; the relationships of the new countries to the old; the distrustful relations of the Soviet Union to the capitalist world; peace and disarmament efforts; responses to the Great Depression starting in 1929; the collapse of world trade; the collapse of democratic regimes one by one; the growth of efforts at economic autarky; Japanese aggressiveness toward China, occupying large amounts of Chinese land, as well as border disputes between the Soviet Union and Japan, leading to multiple clashes along the Soviet and Japanese occupied Manchurian border; Fascist diplomacy, including the aggressive moves by Mussolini's Italy and Hitler's Germany; the Spanish

Roaring Twenties.

The Roaring Twenties highlighted novel and highly visible social and cultural trends and innovations. These trends, made possible by sustained economic prosperity, were most visible in major cities like New York, Chicago, Paris, Berlin, and London. The Jazz Age began and Art Deco peaked. For women, knee-length skirts and dresses became socially acceptable, as did bobbed hair with a Marcel wave. The young women who pioneered these trends were called "flappers". Not all was new: “normalcy” returned to politics in the wake of hyper-emotional wartime passions in the United States, France, and Germany. The leftist revolutions in Finland, Poland, Germany, Austria, Hungary, and Spain were defeated by conservatives, but succeeded in Russia, which became the base for Soviet Communism. In Italy the fascists came to power under Mussolini after threatening a March on Rome in 1922.  Most independent countries enacted

Great Depression.

The Great Depression was a severe worldwide economic depression that took place after 1929. The timing varied across nations; in most countries it started in 1929 and lasted until the late 1930s. It was the longest, deepest, and most widespread depression of the 20th century. The depression originated in the United States and became worldwide news with the stock market crash of October 29, 1929 (known as Black Tuesday). Between 1929 and 1932, worldwide GDP fell by an estimated 15%. By comparison, worldwide GDP fell by less than 1% from 2008 to 2009 during the Great Recession. Some economies started to recover by the mid-1930s. However, in many countries, the negative effects of the Great Depression lasted until the beginning of World War II.  The Great Depression had devastating effects in countries both rich and poor. Personal income, tax revenue, profits, and prices dropped, while international trade plunged by more than 50%. Unemployment in the U.S. rose to 25% and in some countries rose as high as 33%. Prices fell sharply, especially for mining and agricultural commodities. Business profits fell sharply as well, with a sharp reduction in new business starts.  Cities all around the world were hit hard, especially those dependent on heavy industry. Construction was virtually halted in many countries. Farming communities and rural areas suffered as crop prices fell by about 60%. Facing plummeting demand with few alternative sources of jobs, areas dependent on primary sector industries such as mining and logging suffered the most.  The Weimar Republic in Germany gave way to two episodes of political and economic turmoil, the first culminated in the German hyperinflation of 1923 and the failed Beer Hall Putsch of that same year. The second convulsion, brought on by the worldwide depression and Germany's disastrous monetary policies, resulted in the further rise of Nazism. In Asia, Japan became an ever more assertive power, especially with regard to China.

Fascism displaces democracy.

Democracy and prosperity largely went together in the 1920s. Economic disaster led to a distrust in the effectiveness of democracy and its collapse in much of Europe, including the Baltic and Balkan countries, Poland, Spain, and Portugal. Powerful expansionary dictatorships emerged in Italy, Japan, and Germany.  While communism was tightly contained in the isolated Soviet Union, fascism took control of Italy in 1922; as the Great Depression worsened, fascism emerged victorious in Germany and in many other

Spanish Civil War (1936–39).

To one degree or another, Spain had been unstable politically for centuries, and in 1936-39 was wracked by one of the bloodiest civil wars of the 20th century. The real importance comes from outside countries. In Spain the conservative and Catholic elements and the army revolted against the newly elected government, and full-scale civil war erupted. Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany gave munitions and strong military units to the rebel Nationalists, led by General Francisco Franco. The Republican (or "Loyalist") government, was on the defensive, but it received significant help from the Soviet Union. Led by

Great Britain and its Empire.

The changing world order that the war had brought about, in particular the growth of the United States and Japan as naval powers, and the rise of independence movements in India and Ireland, caused a major reassessment of British imperial policy. Forced to choose between alignment with the United States or Japan, Britain opted not to renew its Japanese alliance and instead signed the 1922 Washington Naval Treaty, where Britain accepted naval parity with the United States. The issue of the empire's security was a serious concern in Britain, as it was vital to the British pride, its finance, and its trade-oriented economy. India strongly supported the Empire in the First World War. It expected a reward, but failed to get home rule as the British Raj kept control in British hands and feared another rebellion like that of 1857. The Government of India Act 1919 failed to satisfy demand for independence. Mounting tension, particularly in the Punjab region, culminated in the Amritsar Massacre in 1919. Nationalism surged and centred in the Congress Party led by Mohandas Gandhi. In Britain public opinion was divided over the morality of the massacre, between those who saw it as having saved India from anarchy, and those

French Empire.

French census statistics from 1931 show an imperial population, outside of France itself, of 64.3 million people living on 11.9 million square kilometres. Of the total population, 39.1 million lived in Africa and 24.5 million lived in Asia; 700,000 lived in the Caribbean area or islands in the South Pacific. The largest colonies were Indochina with 21.5 million (in five separate colonies), Algeria with 6.6 million, Morocco, with 5.4 million, and West Africa with 14.6 million in nine colonies. The total includes 1.9 million Europeans, and 350,000 "assimilated" natives.

Revolt in North Africa against Spain and France.

The Berber independence leader Abd el-Krim (1882-1963) organised armed resistance against the Spanish and French for control of Morocco. The Spanish had faced unrest off and on from the 1890s, but in 1921, Spanish forces were massacred at the Battle of Annual.

Germany.

Weimar Republic.

The humiliating peace terms in the Treaty of Versailles provoked bitter indignation throughout Germany, and seriously weakened the new democratic regime. The Treaty stripped Germany of all of its overseas colonies, of Alsace and Lorraine, and of predominantly Polish districts. The Allied armies occupied industrial sectors in western Germany including the Rhineland, and Germany was not allowed to have a real army, navy, or air force. Reparations were demanded, especially by France, involving shipments of raw materials, as well as annual payments.  When Germany defaulted on its reparation payments, French and Belgian troops occupied the heavily industrialised Ruhr district (January 1923). The German government encouraged the population of the Ruhr to passive resistance: shops would not sell goods to the foreign soldiers, coal mines would not dig for the

Nazi era, 1933–39.

Hitler came to power in January 1933, and inaugurated an aggressive power designed to give Germany economic and political domination across central Europe. He did not attempt to recover the lost colonies. Until August 1939, the Nazis denounced Communists and the Soviet Union as the greatest enemy, along with the Jews. Hitler's diplomatic strategy in the 1930s was to make seemingly reasonable demands, threatening war if they were not met. When opponents tried to appease him, he accepted the gains that were offered, then went to the next target. That aggressive strategy worked as Germany pulled out of the League of Nations, rejected the Versailles Treaty, and began to rearm. Retaking the Saar Basin in the aftermath of a plebiscite that favoured returning to Germany, Hitler's Germany remilitarised the Rhineland, formed an alliance with Mussolini's Italy, and sent massive military aid to Franco in the Spanish Civil War. Germany seized Austria, considered to be a German state, in 1938, and took over Czechoslovakia after the Munich Agreement with Britain and France. Forming a peace pact with

Italy.

In 1922, the leader of the Italian Fascist movement, Benito Mussolini, was appointed Prime Minister of Italy after the March on Rome. Mussolini resolved the question of sovereignty over the Dodecanese at the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne after the, which formalised Italian administration of both Libya and the Dodecanese Islands, in return for a payment to Turkey, the successor state to the Ottoman Empire, though he failed in an attempt to extract a mandate of a portion of Iraq from Britain.  The month following the ratification of the Treaty of Lausanne, Mussolini ordered the invasion of the Greek island of Corfu after the Corfu incident. The Italian press supported the move, noting that Corfu had been a Venetian possession for four hundred years. The matter was taken by Greece to the League of Nations, where Mussolini was convinced by Britain to evacuate Italian troops, in return for reparations from Greece. The confrontation led Britain and Italy to resolve the question of Jubaland in 1924, which was merged into Italian Somaliland.  During the late 1920s, imperial expansion became an increasingly favoured theme in Mussolini's speeches. Amongst Mussolini's aims were that Italy had to become the dominant power in the Mediterranean that would be able to challenge France or Britain, as well as attain access to the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Mussolini alleged that Italy required uncontested access to the world's oceans and shipping lanes to ensure its national sovereignty. This was elaborated on in a document he later drew up in 1939 called "The March to the Oceans", and included in the official records of a meeting of the Grand Council of Fascism. This text asserted that maritime position determined a nation's independence: countries with free access to the high seas were independent; while those who lacked this, were not. Italy, which only had access to an inland sea without French and British acquiescence, was only a "semi-independent nation", and alleged to be a "prisoner in the Mediterranean":  In the Balkans, the Fascist regime claimed Dalmatia and held ambitions over Albania, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, and Greece based on the precedent of previous Roman dominance in these regions. Dalmatia and Slovenia were to be directly annexed into Italy while the remainder of the Balkans was to be transformed into Italian client states. The regime also sought to establish protective patron-client relationships with

Regional patterns.

Balkans.

The Great Depression destabilised Romania. The early 1930s were marked by social unrest, high unemployment, and strikes. In several instances, the Romanian government violently repressed strikes and riots, notably the 1929 miners' strike in Valea

Japanese Dominance in East Asia.

The Japanese modelled their industrial economy closely on the most advanced European models. They started with textiles, railways, and shipping, expanding to electricity and machinery. The most serious weakness was a shortage of raw materials. Industry ran short of copper, and coal became a net importer. A deep flaw in the aggressive military strategy was a heavy dependence on imports including 100 percent of the aluminium, 85 percent of the iron ore, and especially 79 percent of the oil supplies. It was one thing to go to war with China or Russia, but quite another to be in conflict with the key suppliers, especially the United States, Britain, and the Netherlands, of oil and iron.  Japan joined the Allies of the First World War in order to make territorial gains. Together, with the British Empire, it divided up Germany's territories scattered in the Pacific and on

Japan seizes Manchuria.

In September 1931, the Japanese Army—acting on its own without government approval—seized control of Manchuria, an anarchic area that China had not controlled in decades. It created the puppet government of Manchukuo. Britain and France effectively

Towards the conquest of China.

The civilian government in Tokyo tried to minimise the Army's aggression in Manchuria, and announced it was withdrawing. On the contrary, the Army completed the conquest of Manchuria, and the civilian cabinet resigned. The political parties were divided on the issue of military expansion. The new Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi tried to negotiate with China, but was assassinated in the May 15 Incident in 1932, which ushered in an era of nationalism led by the Imperial Japanese Army and supported by other right-wing societies. The IJA's nationalism ended civilian rule in Japan until after 1945.  The Army, however, was itself divided into cliques and factions with different strategic viewpoints. One faction saw the Soviet Union as the main enemy,

Latin America.

The Great Depression posed a great challenge to the region. The collapse of the world economy meant that the demand for raw materials drastically declined, undermining many of the economies of Latin America. Intellectuals and government leaders in Latin America turned their backs on the older economic policies and turned toward import substitution industrialisation. The goal was to create self-sufficient economies, which would have their own industrial sectors and large middle classes and which would be immune to the ups and downs of the global economy. Despite the potential threats to United States commercial interests, the Roosevelt administration (1933–1945) understood that the United States could not wholly oppose import substitution. Roosevelt implemented a Good Neighbour policy and allowed the nationalisation of some American companies in Latin America. Mexican President Lázaro Cárdenas nationalised American oil

Sports.

Sports became increasingly popular, drawing enthusiastic fans to large stadiums. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) worked to encourage Olympic ideals and participation. Following the 1922 Latin American Games in Rio de Janeiro, the IOC helped to establish national Olympic committees and prepare for future competition. In Brazil, however, sporting and political rivalries slowed progress as opposing factions fought for control of international sport. The 1924 Summer Olympics in Paris and the 1928 Summer Olympics in Amsterdam saw greatly increased participation from Latin American athletes.  English and Scottish engineers had brought futebol (soccer) to Brazil in the late 19th century. The International Committee of the YMCA of North America and the Playground Association of America played major roles in training coaches. Across the globe after 1912, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) played the chief role in the transformation of association football into a global game, working with national and regional organisations, and setting up the rules and customs, and establishing championships such as the World Cup.

End of an era.

The interwar period ended in September 1939 with the German and Soviet invasion of Poland and the start of World War II.

In the context of the history of the 20th century, the interwar period was the period between the end of the First World War on November 11, 1918 and the beginning of the Second World War on September 1, 1939. This period is also colloquially referred to as Between the Wars.

Jako meziválečné období či interbellum se v moderních dějinách označuje éra mezi první a druhou světovou válkou, tedy od listopadu 1918 do srpna 1939. Šlo o dobu poznamenanou rostoucí politickou nestabilitou a nástupem diktatur v Evropě, ale zároveň i vědeckým pokrokem a růstem životní úrovně v řadě zemí.


Overview.

Profile.

The PRI is described by some scholars as a "state party", a term which captures both the non-competitive history and character of the party itself, and the inextricable connection between the party and the Mexican nation-state for much of the 20th century. In 1990, Peruvian Nobel Prize laureate for literature Mario Vargas Llosa called the uninterrupted Mexican government under the PRI "la dictadura perfecta" ("the perfect dictatorship").  According to the "Statesman Journal", for more than seven decades, the PRI ran Mexico under an "autocratic, endemically corrupt, crony-ridden government". The elites of the PRI ruled

Etymology.

At first glance, the PRI's name looks like a confusing oxymoron or paradox to speakers of English, for they normally associate the term "revolution" with the destruction of "institutions". As Rubén Gallo

Party practices.

There is a lexicon of terms used to describe people and practices of the PRI, that were fully operative until the 1990s. The most important was the "dedazo", with the finger (“dedo”) of the president pointing to the PRI candidate for the presidency, meaning the president choosing his successor. Right up until the moment the president considers optimal, several pre-candidates, but at least three, attempt to demonstrate their loyalty to the president and their high competence in their position, usually as a high cabinet member. Until the 2000 election, the party had no direct input into the president's decision, although he could consult with constituencies. The president's decision was a closely kept secret, even from the victor. The president revealed his choice in an announcement, "el destape" (the unveiling), with losing candidates learning only then themselves. Once the "destape" occurred, in general the members of the PRI would demonstrate their enthusiasm for the candidate and

Presidential succession before the party, 1920–1928.

When it was founded in 1929, the party structure created a means to control political power and to perpetuate it with regular elections validating the party's choice. Before the party was founded, political parties were not generally the means in which to achieve the presidency. The creation of the party in the wake of the assassination of revolutionary general, former president, and in 1928 president-elect Alvaro Obregón had laid bare the problem of presidential succession with no institutional structures. Obregón was one of three revolutionary generals from Sonora, with Plutarco Elías Calles and Adolfo de la Huerta, who were important for the post-revolutionary history of Mexico. Their collective and then internecine struggles for power in the decade after the end of the military phase of the Mexican Revolution had a direct impact on the formation of the party in 1929. In 1920, the Sonorans staged a coup against President Venustiano Carranza, the civilian First Chief of the Constitutionalist faction that had won the Mexican Revolution. Carranza had attempted to impose his own candidate for the presidency, Ignacio Bonillas. Bonillas had zero revolutionary credentials and no power base of his own, with the implication that Carranza intended to hold onto power after the end

Founding of the Party.

The political party had two previous names before taking its third and current name, but its core has remained the same. It has been characterized as a "in the 1960s as'strongly dominant party', in the 1970s a 'pragmatic hegemonic state', and in the 1990s as a'single party'". The close relationship between the PRI and the Mexican state has been examined by a number of scholars.

PNR (1929–1938).

Even though the armed phase of the Mexican Revolution had ended in 1920, Mexico continued to encounter political unrest. A grave political crisis caused by the July 1928 assassination of president-elect Álvaro Obregón led to the founding on 4 March 1929 of the National Revolutionary Party (, PNR) by Plutarco Elías Calles, Mexico's president from 1924 to 1928. Emilio Portes Gil was interim president of Mexico from December 1928 until February 1929, while a political rather than military solution was sought for presidential succession.  The intent to found the party was to institutionalize the power of particular victors of Mexican Revolution. Calles was ineligible to run for president, since he had just completed a four-year term, because of the prohibition in the 1917 Constitution of re-election directly after serving a term as president. Calles sought to stop the violent struggle for power between the victorious factions of the Revolution, particularly around the presidential elections and

PRM (1938–1946).

Cárdenas became perhaps Mexico's most popular 20th-century president, most renowned for the 1938 expropriating the oil interests of the United States and European petroleum companies in the run-up to World War II. That same year Cárdenas put his own stamp on the party, reorganizing it in 1938 as the Party of the Mexican Revolution (Spanish: "Partido de la Revolución Mexicana", PRM) whose aim was to establish a democracy of workers and socialism. However, this was never achieved.  Cárdenas's intention was to establish the broad-based political alliances necessary for the party's long-term survival, as a national party with territorial presence in state and municipal governments, and organization of mass interest groups, via corporatism. The structure he established has remained intact. He created sectors of the party and structured them into mass organizations to represent

PRI (1946–1988).

Change in structure and ideology.

The party's name was changed in 1946, the final year of Manuel Ávila Camacho's term of office. The sectoral representation in the party continued for the workers, peasants, and the popular sector, but the military was no longer represented by its own sector. The Mexican president was at the apex of the political system with the PRI. To reach the top of the government, as the candidate and then president of the republic, the path was only through membership and leadership in the party and government service. Within the party, there were factions, the

Mexican Miracle.

Starting with the Alemán administration (1946–1952) until 1970, Mexico embarked on a sustained period of economic growth, dubbed the Mexican Miracle, fueled by import substitution and low inflation. From 1940 to 1970 GDP increased sixfold while the population only doubled, and peso-dollar parity was maintained at a stable exchange rate.  Economic nationalist and protectionist policies implemented in the 1930s effectively closed off Mexico to foreign trade and speculation, so that the economy was fueled primarily by state investment and businesses were heavily reliant on government contracts. As a result of these policies, Mexico's capitalist impulses were channeled into massive industrial development and social welfare programs, which helped to urbanize the mostly-agrarian country, funded

Attempts at party reform.

When Alemán became president in 1946, the PRI had begun experiments in internal primaries, but Alemán cracked down on this democratic opening and had congress pass a law against parties from holding primaries. President of the PRI, revolutionary general had been in favor of primaries, but Alemán's viewpoint prevailed and PRI candidates were chosen in closed party assemblies. Sánchez was replaced as titular head of the party, and the president of the republic remained firmly in control.  During the

Political impact of the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre.

The improvement of the economy had a disparate impact in different social sectors and discontent started growing within the middle class as well as the popular classes. The doctors' strike in 1965 was a manifestation of middle class discontent. Seeking better wages and workplace conditions, doctors demanded redress from the government. Rather than give into such demands, President Díaz Ordaz sent in riot troops to suppress the strike with brute force and arrest leaders. Two hundred doctors were fired. Díaz Ordaz's hard line on this strike by a sector of the middle class presaged even harsher suppression during the

Economic crisis of the 1970s.

By the early 1970s, fundamental issues were emerging in the industrial and agricultural sectors of Mexico's economy. Regional underdevelopment, technological shortages, lack of foreign competition, and uneven distribution of wealth led to chronic underproduction of investment and capital goods, putting the long-term future of Mexican industry in doubt. Meanwhile, ubiquitous poverty combined with a dearth of agricultural investment and infrastructure caused continuous migration from rural to urban areas; in 1971, Mexican agriculture was in such a state that the country had become a net importer of food. Overvaluation of the peso led to a decline in the tourism industry (which had previously compensated for failures in industry and agriculture) meant that by the early 1970s, the economy had begun

Election of 1976, PRI runs unopposed.

In the 1976 election, the PRI presidential candidate José López Portillo faced no real opposition, not even the National Action Party, which did not field a candidate in this election due to an ideological split. The lack of the appearance of democracy in the national elections undermined the legitimacy of the system. He proposed a reform called "Ley Federal de Organizaciones Políticas y Procesos Electorales" which gave official registry to opposition groups such as the Mexican Democratic Party and the Mexican Communist Party. This law also created positions in the lower chamber of congress for opposition parties through proportionality of votes, relative majority, uninominal and plurinominal. As a result, in 1979, the first independent (non-PRI) communist deputies were

First of the technocratic presidents, 1982.

When López Portillo left office in December 1982, the economy was in shambles. He designated Miguel de la Madrid as the PRI candidate, the first of a series of economists to rule the country, a technocrat who turned his back on populist policies to implement neoliberal reforms, causing the number of state-owned industries to

1988–2000.

Left-wing splits from the PRI.

In 1986, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas (former Governor of Michoacán and son of the former president of Mexico Lázaro Cárdenas) formed the "Democratic Current" (Spanish: "Corriente Democrática") of the PRI, which criticized the federal government for reducing spending on social programs to increase payments on foreign debt. The members of the Democratic Current were expelled from the party and formed the National Democratic Front (FDN, Spanish: "Frente Democrático Nacional") in 1987. The following year, the FDN elected Cárdenas as presidential candidate for the 1988 presidential election which was won by Carlos Salinas de Gortari, obtaining 50.89% of the votes (according to official figures) versus 32% of Cárdenas. The official results were delayed, with the Secretary of the Interior (until then, the organizer of elections) blaming it on a computer system failure. Cárdenas, who claimed to have won and claimed such computer failure was caused by a manipulation of the system to count

Attempt at internal reform, 1990s.

Luis Donaldo Colosio at the time party president attempted a "democratic experiment" to open up the party at the level of candidates for gubernatorial and municipal elections, which would bar precandidates from campaigning for the nomination, but without a

Political turmoil and decline of power.

In 1990, Peruvian writer Mario Vargas Llosa called the government under the PRI "la dictadura perfecta" ("the perfect dictatorship"). Despite that perception, a major blow came with the assassination of the 1994 PRI candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio, the first high-level assassination since that of president-elect Alvaro Obregón in 1928, which led to Calles forming the PRN to deal with the political vacuum. President Carlos Salinas de Gortari designated Colosio's campaign director, Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon, as the new PRI

2000–2012.

Loss of the presidency of Mexico.

Prior to the 2000 general elections, the PRI held its first primaries to elect the party's presidential candidate. The primary candidates, nicknamed "los cuatro fantásticos" (Spanish for "The Fantastic Four"), were:  The favorites in the primaries were Labastida and Madrazo, and the latter initiated a campaign against the first, perceived as Zedillo's candidate since many former secretaries of the interior were chosen as candidates by the president. His campaign, produced by prominent publicist Carlos Alazraki, had the motto "Dale un Madrazo al dedazo" or "Give a Madrazo to the "dedazo"" with "madrazo" being an offensive slang term for a "strike" and "dedazo" a slang used to describe the unilaterally choosing of candidates by the

As an opposition party.

After much restructuring, the party was able to make a recovery, winning the greatest number of seats (5% short of a true majority) in Congress in 2003: at these elections, the party won 224 out of 500 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, remaining as the largest single party in both the Chamber of Deputies and Senate. In the Federal District the PRI obtained only one borough mayorship "(jefe delegacional)" out of 16, and no first-past-the-post members of the city assembly. The PRI recouped some significant losses on the state level (most notably, the governorship of former PAN stronghold Nuevo León). On August 6, 2004, in two closely contested elections in Oaxaca and

2012–2018.

Return of the PRI.

Under Enrique Peña Nieto and after ruling for most of the past century in Mexico, the PRI returned to the presidency as it had brought hopes to those who gave the PRI another chance and fear to those who worry about the old PRI tactics of making deals with the cartels in exchange for relative peace. According to an article published by "The Economist" on June 23, 2012, part of the reason why Peña Nieto and the PRI were voted back to the presidency after a 12-year struggle lies in the disappointment of the ruling of the PAN. Buffeted by China's economic growth and the economic recession in the United States, the annual growth of Mexico's economy between 2000 and 2012 was 1.8%. Poverty exacerbated, and without a ruling

Aftermath of the return of the PRI and public reception.

When it was tossed from the presidency in the year 2000, few expected that the "perfect dictatorship", a description coined by Mario Vargas Llosa, would return again in only 12 years. Associated Press published an article in July 2012 noting that many immigrants living in the United States were worried about the PRI's return to power and that it could dissuade many from returning to their homeland. The vast majority of the 400,000 voters outside of Mexico voted against Peña Nieto, and said they were "shocked" that the PRI – which largely convinced them to leave Mexico – had returned. Voters that favored Peña Nieto, however, believed that

2018 presidential election.

On November 27, 2017, José Antonio Meade announced he would compete in the 2018 presidential election, representing the PRI. He has been reported to have been handpicked directly by president Enrique Peña Nieto through the traditional and now controversial practice known as "El Dedazo" (the literal translation would be "The big finger", the slang phrase regards towards the incumbent president directly pointing towards his successor).  There were concerns about the possibility of fraud in the presidential election following allegations of electoral fraud concerning the election of Enrique Peña Nieto's cousin Alfredo del Mazo Maza as governor of the state of Mexico, in December 2017. The Mexican newspaper "Regeneración", which is officially linked to the MORENA party, warned about the possibility of the PRI committing an electoral fraud. Cited was the controversial law of internal security that the PRI senators approved as the means to diminish the protests towards such electoral fraud. "Bloomberg News" also supported that possible outcome, with Tony Payan, director of the Houston's Mexico Center at Rice University's Baker Institute, suggesting that both vote buyout and computer hackings were possible, citing the 1988 previous electoral fraud committed by the PRI. Bloomberg's article also suggested Meade could also receive unfair help from the over-budget amounts of money spent in publicity

Controversies.

Vote-buying.

Due to weak law enforcement and weak political institutions, vote-buying and electoral fraud are a phenomenon that typically does not see any consequences. As a result of a

In popular culture.

Film depiction.

The 1999 film Herod's Law, directed by Luis Estrada, is a political satire of corruption in Mexico under the PRI regime. It was notably the first film to criticize the PRI explicitly by name and carried some controversy and censorship attempts from the Mexican government because of it.  A latter Estrada film, "The Perfect Dictatorship" (2014), dealt with the political favoritism of Televisa towards the PRI, and the

The Institutional Revolutionary Party (, PRI) is a Mexican political party founded in 1929 that held uninterrupted power in the country for 71 years from 1929 to 2000, first as the National Revolutionary Party (, PNR), then as the Party of the Mexican Revolution (, PRM) and finally as the PRI beginning in 1946.

Institucionální revoluční strana (španělsky "Partido Revolucionario Institucional", PRI) je mexická politická strana, kterou jako roku 1929 založil Plutarco Elías Calles a která nepřetržitě ovládala zemi 71 let, od roku 1929 do roku 2000. Členem je i současný prezident Mexika Andrés Manuel López Obrador a strana má nejvyšší počet členů ze všech politických uskupení v Mexiku. Členům se říká "priístas" a straně se přezdívá "el tricolor" podle trikolóry v mexických národních barvách, kterou používá jako symbol. Původní jméno strany bylo Národní revoluční strana (do roku 1938) a poté Strana mexické revoluce (do roku 1946). Institucionální revoluční strana je od roku 1996 členkou Socialistické internacionály, nepatří však ke klasickým sociálnědemokratickým stranám, její politika je více centristická a korporativistická. Jejím hlavním soupeřem je středopravá Strana národní akce ("Partido Acción Nacional", PAN)


Engine.

The PSA-borrowed engine is XU7JP (code LFZ, known as L3 in Iran) 1.8 L SOHC with 2 valves per cylinder capable of producing a maximum power of 101 PS (74 kW) at 6000 rpm and a maximum torque of 153 Nm (15.6 kgf m / 113 ft·lbf) at 3000 rpm which is controlled by SAGEM SL96 ECU. The same engine was already in use in the PSA's Peugeot 405 1.8 SR, Peugeot 306 1.8i 8v, Citroën Xantia 1.8i 8v, and Citroën Xsara 1.8i 8v.

Peugeot Pars 16V.

Not as equipped as ELX, this model was simply an upgraded version of Pars in aspects of engine and rear brakes. The 16V employed a more powerful 16 valve engine, and rear disc brakes, but ABS was not available even as an option. The 16V model's production lasted less than a year; began on the second quarter of 2003 and ended on the first quarter of 2004 (making them 1382 model year based on Persian calendar), the same time it was replaced with the ELX model. Many Iranian car industry critics believe its production was a case study of the Iranian car market capacity performed by Iran Khodro before beginning the production of ELX to see if people are seeking for more powerful and luxurious versions of Pars.  As an improvement to Pars, the 16V utilizes solid disc brakes on rear wheels, but unlike the ELX which is equipped with an advanced ABS/EBD, the 16V model uses the same vacuum booster, master cylinder, distributor, and hydraulic lines as the standard Pars.  The more powerful LFY engine fitted to the 16V models grabbed the interest of the authorities who are always seeking for high-performance yet inexpensive cars as service vehicles. A large number of 16Vs were produced according to requests registered by Iranian governmental organizations. 16Vs can be seen as parliament service cars and also motorcade escorts.

Peugeot Pars ELX.

Comparing to Pars, the ELX features smart instrument cluster, multi-purpose Persian-reading dashboard telematics, alarm with door auto-lock, park assistant, electric Recaro cloth seats equipped with heater/cooling fan, luxury dashboard trim, passenger illuminated vanity mirror, a more powerful 16 valve engine, 4-disc brakes with ABS/EBD, and finally rally alloy wheels.  The PSA-borrowed engine is XU7JP4 (code LFY, known as L4 in Iran) 1.8 L DOHC with 4 hydraulically adjusted valves per cylinder capable of producing a maximum power of 109.0 bhp (81.3 kW / 110.5 PS) at 5500 rpm and a maximum torque of 155.0 N·m (15.8 kgf·m / 114 ft·lbf) at 4250 rpm which is controlled by Bosch Motronic MP 7.3 ECU. The same engine was already in use in the PSA's Peugeot 406 LX 1.8i 16v, Citroën Xantia SX 1.8i 16v, and Citroën Xsara VTS 1.8i 16v.  The ABS/EBD-featured MK20-E servo-assisted dual-circuit brake system is partially manufactured by Iranian Toklan Toos under license of Continental Teves. It is coupled to ventilated discs on front and solid discs on rear wheels. Front single-piston calipers are also manufactured by Toklan Toos under license of Lucas-TVS and rear single-piston calipers are manufactured by Girling.  The Italian-made rally light-weight one-piece flow-formed cast aluminium wheels are provided by Speedline Corse; the manufacturer claims these "Turini" (type 2120) wheels are FEA-cast in low pressure, heat-treated, low-weight, and designed in accordance with latest FIA regulations for tarmac rally Super 1600 kit cars. The 11-spoke wheel has a diameter of 15 inches, a section width of 7 inches, a bolt pattern of 4 x 108 mm (4 x 4.25"), an ET of 38 millimeters, and is attached to the ELX's hub applying four 19 mm lugs.

Peugeot Pars LX.

The PSA-borrowed engine is TU5JP4 (code NFU, known as TU5 in Iran) 1.6 L DOHC with 4 valves per cylinder capable of producing a maximum power of 109 PS (80 kW) at 5800 rpm and a maximum torque of 142 Nm (14.47 kgf m / 104.73 ft·lbf) at 4000 rpm which is controlled by Crouse Or Bosch ECU. The same engine was already in use in the PSA's Peugeot 206 1.6 16v TU5, Peugeot 405 SLX 1.6 16v TU5, Runna 1.6 16v TU5, and.

The Peugeot Pars () also known as "Peugeot Persia" is an Iran Khodro product. After 10 years of manufacturing Peugeot 405 in Iran Khodro company, Peugeot Persia was designed as a facelift of the 405. Peugeot Persia was soon renamed to Peugeot Safir and eventually Peugeot Pars because of local copyright problems. Peugeot Pars had been made in three models Pars, Pars 16V, and Pars ELX. The 16V and ELX models use a more powerful PSA 16 valve engine and a few extra facilities.

Peugeot Pars, neboli Peugeot Persia, byl navržen jako nástupce (resp. facelift) modelu Peugeot 405, který se v Íránu vyrábí již od roku 2001. Peugeot Persia byl poté přejmenován na Peugeot Safir a nakonec Peugeot Pars a to z důvodu místních problémů s autorskými právy. Peugeot Pars byl vyráběn ve 3 základních modelech Pars, Pars 16V a Pars ELX.


History.

Glen Ridge traces its beginning to 1666 when 64 Connecticut families led by Robert Treat bought land from the Lenni Lenape Native Americans and named it New Ark to reflect a covenant to worship freely without persecution. The territory included the future towns of Bloomfield, Montclair, Belleville and Nutley. When Bloomfield was established in 1812, Glen Ridge was a section "on the hill" composed mostly of farms and woodlands with the exception of a thriving industrial area along Toney's Brook in the glen. For most of the nineteenth century, three water-powered mills produced lumber, calico, pasteboard boxes and brass fittings. A copper mine and a sandstone quarry were located on the north side of the brook.  With the arrival of the Newark and Bloomfield Railroad in 1856 and the construction of the Glen Ridge station and the New York and Greenwood Lake Railway station at today's Benson Street in 1872, Glen Ridge began its transition to a suburban residential community. Stately homes slowly replaced orchards and wooded fields.  Mountainside Hospital, a local hospital with more than 300 beds now known as HackensackUMC Mountainside, was founded in 1891. The Glen Ridge Country Club was founded in 1894, making it one of the state's oldest clubs.  Residents "on the hill" became unhappy with their representation on the Bloomfield Council. In spite of repeated requests to Bloomfield officials, roads remained unpaved, water and sewer systems were nonexistent, and schools were miles away. Area residents marked out the boundaries of a area to secede from the adjoining town. At the election held on February 12, 1895, the decision to secede passed by only 23 votes. Robert Rudd was elected the first mayor of Glen Ridge.  In 1989, athletes from the high school were involved in the sexual assault of a mentally handicapped student. Three teenagers were found guilty of first-degree aggravated sexual assault; a fourth was convicted of third-degree conspiracy. Author Bernard Lefkowitz wrote about the incident in the 1997 book "Our Guys: The Glen Ridge Rape and the Secret Life of the Perfect Suburb". Lefkowitz's book was adapted into the 1999 TV movie "Our Guys: Outrage at Glen Ridge".  Glen Ridge is a frequent location for film, television, and commercial shoots. Notable works include "Winter Solstice" and "Mona Lisa Smile".

Geography.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the borough had a total area of 1.287 square miles (3.332 km), including 1.282 square miles (3.320 km) of land and 0.005 square miles (0.012 km) of water (0.36%). It is bounded by Bloomfield, Montclair and East Orange.  Glen Ridge stretches from north to south and a maximum of six blocks wide from east to west, and it is only three or two blocks wide in "the Panhandle" north of Bay Avenue.  Glen Ridge borders the Essex County municipalities of Bloomfield, East Orange, Montclair and Orange.

Climate.

Glen Ridge has a temperate climate, with warm / hot humid summers and cool / cold winters, according to the Köppen climate classification humid subtropical climate. The town gets an average of of rain per year and of snowfall, compared to the US averages of and inches. Glen Ridge has 124 days of measurable precipitation a year. During the winter, it is highly recommended to wear warm clothing because it can get very cold, while the summers can get extremely hot and humid. The majority of February and a bit of March is when there are the most snowfall.  There are typically about 205 sunny days per year in Glen Ridge. The temperature ranges from a high around 86 degrees in July and a low around 21 degrees in January. The comfort index for the town is 47 out of 100, compared to a national average of 44 (with higher numbers being more comfortable).

Demographics.

2010 Census.

The Census Bureau's 2006-2010 American Community Survey showed that (in 2010 inflation-adjusted dollars) median household income was $160,511 (with a margin of error of ±$11,073) and the median family income was $173,466 (±$25,554). Males had a median income of $111,968 (±$11,975) versus $85,938 (±$24,626) for females. The per capita income for the borough was $64,222 (±$8,487). About 1.1% of families and 2.8% of the population were below the poverty line, including 1.9% of those under age 18 and none of those age 65 or over.

2000 Census.

As of the 2000 United States Census there were 7,271 people, 2,458 households, and 1,978 families residing in the borough. The population density was 5,695.0 people per square mile (2,193.2/km). There were 2,490 housing units at an average density of 1,950.3 per square mile (751.1/km). The racial makeup of the borough was 89.18% White, 4.98% African American, 0.15% Native American, 3.34% Asian, 0.99% from other races, and 1.36% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 3.45% of the population.  There were 2,458 households, out of which 46.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 69.9% were married couples living together, 8.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 19.5% were non-families. 16.7% of all households were made up of individuals, and 8.0% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.95 and the average family size was 3.33.  In the borough, the population was spread out, with 30.7% under the age of 18, 4.5% from 18 to 24, 29.5% from 25 to 44, 24.9% from 45 to 64, and 10.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.9 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 89.3 males.  The median income for a household in the borough was $105,638, and the median income for a family was $120,650. Males had a median income of $91,161 versus $51,444 for females. The per capita income for the borough was $48,456. About 1.9% of families and 3.0% of the population were below the poverty line, including 3.3% of those under age 18 and 4.1% of those age 65 or over.

Government.

Local government.

Glen Ridge is governed under the Borough form of New Jersey municipal government, which is used in 218 of 565 municipalities statewide, making it the most common form of government in New Jersey. The governing body is comprised of a Mayor and a Borough Council, with all positions elected at-large on a partisan basis as part of the November general election. A Mayor is elected directly by the voters to a four-year term of office. The Borough Council is comprised of six members elected to serve three-year terms on a staggered basis, with two seats coming up for election each year in a three-year cycle. The Borough form of government used by Glen Ridge is a "weak mayor / strong council" government in which council members act as the legislative body with the mayor presiding at meetings and voting only in the event of a tie. The mayor can veto ordinances subject to an override by a two-thirds majority vote of the council. The mayor makes committee and liaison assignments for council members, and most appointments are made by the mayor with the advice and consent of the council. , the mayor of Glen Ridge is Independent Stuart K. Patrick, whose term of office ends December 31, 2023. Members of the borough council are Council President Daniel T. Murphy (I, 2020), Peter A. Hughes (I, 2022), Richard P. Law (I, 2022), Paul A. Lisovicz (I, 2021), Deborah Mans (I, 2020) and Ann Marie Morrow (I, 2021).  In January 2016, the Borough Council chose former mayor Peter Hughes to fill the council seat expiring in December 2016 that was vacated by Stuart K. Patrick, who resigned from the council to take his seat as mayor.  Murphy was selected by the borough council in November 2013 to serve the unexpired term of Elizabeth K. Baker. Ann Marie Morrow was elected in November 2014 to fill a one-year unexpired term.  The Glen Ridge Civic Conference Committee, established in 1913, is made up of delegates from the community and from local civic organizations, provides a non-partisan method of candidate selection for Borough elections. The CCC endorsement is very significant; in most elections, the CCC's candidates are unopposed. The eight organizations currently sending delegates to the CCC are: The Democratic Club, Freeman Gardens Association, Friends of the Glen Ridge Library, The Glen Ridge Historical Society, The Northside Association, The Republican Club, The Golden Circle, The South End Association and the Women's Club of Glen Ridge. In recent years, the CCC has been weakened both by changing attitudes in the borough, the actions of a number of community residents, and internal conflicts within the CCC itself. Mayor Carl Bergmanson was the first mayor since the establishment of the CCC to be elected without seeking (or receiving) the Committee's endorsement. A member of the council for three terms, he ran for mayor in 1999, losing to the CCC candidate Steven Plate. When Plate was selected as the CCC candidate again in 2003 (contradicting the committee's precedent of one term per mayor), Bergmanson ran again, and won, gaining the majority in all but one of the town's districts. However, the CCC is still firmly in control of the town's political structure – all 16 of the elected officials currently serving Glen Ridge were nominated by the CCC. Generally, when non-CCC candidates run, they run as independents. The Democratic and Republican parties are not forces in local elections.

Federal, state and county representation.

Glen Ridge is located in the 10th Congressional District and is part of New Jersey's 28th state legislative district. Prior to the 2011 reapportionment following the 2010 Census, Glen Ridge had been in the 34th state legislative district. Prior to the 2010 Census, Glen Ridge had been part of the, a change made by the New Jersey Redistricting Commission that took effect in January 2013, based on the results of the November 2012 general elections.

Politics.

As of March 23, 2011, there were a total of 5,169 registered voters in Glen Ridge, of which 2,135 (41.3%) were registered as Democrats, 993 (19.2%) were registered as Republicans and 2,037 (39.4%) were registered as Unaffiliated. There were 4 voters registered to other parties.  In the 2012 presidential election, Democrat Barack Obama received 62.6% of the vote (2,415 cast), ahead of Republican Mitt Romney with 36.2% (1,396 votes), and other candidates with 1.1% (44 votes), among the 3,871 ballots cast by the borough's 5,380 registered voters (16 ballots were spoiled), for a turnout of 72.0%. In the 2008 presidential election, Democrat Barack Obama received 62.9% of the vote (2,583 cast), ahead of Republican John McCain with 35.2% (1,444 votes) and other candidates with 0.8% (33 votes), among the 4,104 ballots cast by the borough's 5,185 registered voters, for a turnout of 79.2%. In the 2004 presidential election, Democrat John Kerry received 59.1% of the vote (2,381 ballots cast), outpolling Republican George W. Bush with 39.9% (1,608 votes) and other candidates with 0.7% (35 votes), among the 4,031 ballots cast by the borough's 4,967 registered voters, for a turnout percentage of 81.2.  In the 2013 gubernatorial election, Republican Chris Christie received 53.2% of the vote (1,450 cast), ahead of Democrat Barbara Buono with 45.5% (1,240 votes), and other candidates with 1.2% (34 votes), among the 2,772 ballots cast by the borough's 5,429 registered voters (48 ballots were spoiled), for a turnout of 51.1%. In the 2009 gubernatorial election, Democrat Jon Corzine received 51.0% of the vote (1,388 ballots cast), ahead of Republican Chris Christie with 39.3% (1,071 votes), Independent Chris Daggett with 8.5% (231 votes) and other candidates with 0.7% (19 votes), among the 2,722 ballots cast by the borough's 5,144 registered voters, yielding a 52.9% turnout.

Education.

The Glen Ridge Public Schools serve students in pre-kindergarten through twelfth grade. As of the 2017–18 school year, the district and its four schools had an enrollment of 1,922 students and 146.0 classroom teachers (on an FTE basis), for a student–teacher ratio of 13.2:1. Schools in the district (with 2017-18 enrollment data from the National Center for Education Statistics) are Forest Avenue School (241 students in grades PreK-2), Linden Avenue School (229; PreK-2), Ridgewood Avenue School (594; 3-6) and Glen Ridge High School (834; 7-12). The class sizes are fairly small allowing for more one on one help. This is very beneficial to the student because the teaching becomes more personal. Additionally, teachers are typically always available for extra help after school hours.  The high school was the 12th-ranked public high school in New Jersey out of 328 schools statewide in "New Jersey Monthly" magazine's September 2012 cover story on the state's "Top Public High Schools", after being ranked 4th in 2010 out of 322 schools listed. The students attending the public schools at Glen Ridge High School are academically very competitive. Their work ethic is extremely strong, providing them with high test scores such as standardized tests.

Housing.

The median price for a house in Glen Ridge in 2014 was $580,000, which is double the national average. Out of the 2,549 houses in the borough, 84.7% of them were single units (detached) and had a median of 7.7 rooms. Glen Ridge is known for its old town charm, with 72.8% of its houses having been built before 1939. In 1895, when the town was chartered, Glen Ridge became one of the first communities to hire a town planner which resulted in many late Victorian and Edwardian elements. The condition of the town has been maintained due to the building codes that were established, the creation of the Building Department which included a Building Inspector, and a zoning ordinance (the first in the state of New Jersey). Although the majority of Glen Ridge consists of houses, many residents live in apartment complexes. One apartment complex is behind the Glen Ridge Community Pool, while the other apartment complex is not far from that.  The architecture of the borough includes houses representing every major style from the mid-nineteenth century onward. Some of the architecture styles include the Carpenter Gothic, the Medieval, the High Victorian Period, the Queen Anne Cottage, American Georgian, Shingle Style, and the Prairie Home Style. Notable architects that have left their legacy in the town include Frank Lloyd Wright, Stanford White, and John Russell Pope. To maintain the historical feel of the town and protect the architectural features, the town has created a Historic Preservation Commission which reviews construction on houses in the historic district. Many homes are included in the Glen Ridge Historic District, which was listed on the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) in 1982 and later expanded in two boundary increases. It includes the Glen Ridge and the Benson Street train stations.

Transportation.

Roads and highways.

, the borough had a total of of roadways, of which were maintained by the municipality and by Essex County.  The primary roads directly serving Glen Ridge include County Route 506 (Bloomfield Avenue) and County Route 509. Major highways near the borough include the New Jersey Turnpike, Interstate 80, Interstate 280, the Garden State Parkway, U.S. Route 46, Route 3 and Route 21.

Public transportation.

Glen Ridge is a little over a mile long, making it accessible for residents by walking or biking.  NJ Transit provides bus service to Newark on the 11, 28 and 29 via Bloomfield Avenue. Buses from DeCamp Bus Lines run to and from the Port Authority Bus Terminal in Midtown Manhattan.  Commuters can also take trains from the Glen Ridge station (formerly named Ridgewood Avenue), where NJ Transit provides service to Penn Station in Midtown Manhattan and to Hoboken Terminal via the Montclair-Boonton Line. There are many other train stations near Glen Ridge.  The town has a jitney service which provides transportation to and from the Glen Ridge Station for commuters. This service has a fee and is only available between certain hours in the day. The Freeman Parkway Bridge, constructed in 1926, is a deck arch bridge that crosses over Toney's Brook and the Montclair-Boonton Line.

Notable people.

People who were born in, residents of, or otherwise closely associated with Glen Ridge include:

Glen Ridge is a borough in Essex County, New Jersey, United States. As of the 2010 United States Census, the borough's population was 7,527, reflecting an increase of 256 (+3.5%) from the 7,271 counted in the 2000 Census, which had in turn increased by 195 (+2.8%) from the 7,076 counted in the 1990 Census.

Glen Ridge je město v okrese Essex County ve státě New Jersey, Spojených státech amerických. V obci dle Sčítání lidu v USA k roku 2010 žije 7,527 obyvatel.


History.

The Bongos grew out of a band called "a", which had included the three original Bongos and Glenn Morrow, who later formed the Individuals and helped found Bar/None Records. "a" was the first band to play Maxwell's, a rock and roll club in Hoboken.  The group was led by Richard Barone on vocals and guitar and included Rob Norris, formerly of the Zantees on bass and Frank Giannini on drums. James Mastro, later of the Health & Happiness Show, joined the band as a guitarist after the release of their first LP. The group played extensively in Hoboken and New York City and toured the U.K. and Europe before touring in the U.S.  The Bongos emerged from Hoboken, and Manhattan's new wave and no wave venues such as Tier 3 and the Mudd Club, with a guitar-driven pop that included a strong influence of avant-garde and propulsive dance music. One of their early excursions as a trio was backing up violinist Helen Hooke of the legendary group the Deadly Nightshade (one of the first all-woman rock bands of the 1970s) at Gerde's Folk City. Hooke was instrumental in helping the band create their first demo recording. Soon, well-reviewed shows at Hurrah, Danceteria, and later The Ritz established them as particularly effective live performers. What set them apart from other such groups of the era were their sudden guitar outbursts or saxophone improvisations that echoed the work of Lou Reed, Ornette Coleman, or Captain Beefheart within the context of a pure, melodic pop song. In addition, unlike many of their peers, the group explored unabashedly sensual dance rhythms that made their recordings dance-floor favorites.  While in London performing at The Rainbow Theatre, Dingwall's, and trendy Cabaret Futura, the Bongos recorded their early singles and their well-received debut EP "Time and the River" for UK-based Fetish Records. Cover designs for their Fetish releases were created by influential graphic artist Neville Brody, who was soon to become the designer of "The Face" magazine. The group's love of avant-garde performers brought them in touch with artists such as Throbbing Gristle and Clock DVA who performed with them live in London, and on their recordings. Their debut U.S. album, "Drums Along the Hudson", compiled from the band's British singles, was released in 1982 to widely favorable reviews on both sides of the Atlantic. While Trouser Press suggested that the group "may trade a certain amount of substance for easy appeal," it added that "there's no better musical equivalent of whipped cream anywhere." Writing in the Village Voice, Robert Christgau dryly commented that "for all their jumpy originality [the songs are] still slight, and Richard Barone's lyrics are so oblique you have to wonder what his angle is." In 2007 however, Jim DeRegotis wrote in the Chicago Sun-Times: "The initial impression of naiveté is offset by deceptively simple lyrics that actually hint at deep, dark mysteries and unfathomed mystical enigmas." The group's cover of T. Rex's "Mambo Sun" reached No. 22 on the "Billboard" Dance Chart. A thriving Hoboken pop scene emerged, triggered by the Bongos and Maxwell's, which gained national media attention, and drew many bands and fans to the city. An August 1, 1982 article in the New York Times Real Estate section hinted at the scene's popularity as an influence on increasing rents and property values.  After touring domestically in support of "Drums Along the Hudson", including thirty concerts with The B-52s, Barone and Mastro retreated to Mitch Easter's "Drive-In Studios" in Winston-Salem, N.C. to record a their own, duo album entitled "Nuts & Bolts". Co-produced by Easter, the album exhibited a more acoustic sound, and each side showcased the songs and lead vocals of either Barone or Mastro.  In 1983, the group was signed to RCA Records, which subsequently released the album, "Numbers With Wings." New York Times' critic Robert Palmer — himself a former Hoboken-based musician with the Insect Trust — marked this as the beginning of the Bongos' creative decline, lamenting the "slick, overproduced records which vitiated the raw vitality the group had originally displayed." Regardless, the album spawned a popular and inventive MTV video of the title song (nominated for 'Best Direction' on the 1984 MTV Video Music Awards, and the song itself remained at the number one spot on the College Music Journal (CMJ) chart for six consecutive weeks. The album also included the tribal, dance-floor hit "Barbarella." A hectic tour schedule of over 300 shows a year sustained support at radio and MTV. Their Brazilian-influenced follow-up album, "Beat Hotel", along with relentless touring, now with a further-expanded lineup including percussionist Steve Scales from Talking Heads, raised the Bongos' profile further and continued to increase their devoted cult following. It was in the midst of recording the "Phantom Train" album in Compass Point, Bahamas for Island Records that the band split up in 1987, with each member pursuing solo interests. The album was to remain unfinished and unreleased until 2013.

Later work.

Richard Barone has subsequently released a series of well-received solo albums, including "Glow" released on September 14, 2010 on Hoboken's Bar/None Records, a 3-disc CD/DVD live collection "'cool blue halo' 25th Anniversary Concert" on the DigSin label in 2012, and "Sorrows & Promises: Greenwich Village in the 1960s" in late 2016. He tours regularly and has also established a career as a recording and concert producer. Since 2011, Barone has been a professor at NYU's Clive Davis Institute of Recorded Music and more recently at The New School of Jazz and Contemporary Music. He serves on the Board of Governors for the Recording Academy/Grammys and on the advisory board of Anthology Film Archives. His memoir "Frontman" was published by Hal Leonard Books. James Mastro owns a popular guitar shop in Hoboken ("The Guitar Bar") and tours regularly as guitarist for Ian Hunter and for the reformed Mott the Hoople. Bassist Rob Norris plays in numerous groups including some offshoots of the Feelies, while drummer Frank Giannini pursues other interests and continues drumming on various projects.  In 2006, the original three Bongos re-entered the studio with longtime fan Moby producing to create bonus material for a CD reissue of the group's debut album. The remastered, 27-track special edition of "Drums Along the Hudson", which was released internationally by Cooking Vinyl Records in June, 2007, includes rare, live bonus tracks and new studio recordings. An accompanying video for "Bulrushes 2007," a remake of the band's early single "The Bulrushes" featuring Moby seen mixing the track, was released simultaneously on iTunes.  The trio also reunited for two shows at Joe's Pub at The Public Theater in Greenwich Village in October 2006, and two more in February 2007. On September 30, 2007, the quartet played again in Hoboken for the first time in twenty years to an overflowing and appreciative crowd, and received a Proclamation from Mayor David Roberts commending them for their substantial contributions to Hoboken's culture and heritage. They headlined a day-long bill that featured the Chris Stamey Group, Glenn Mercer (formerly of the Feelies) and the Health and Happiness Show.  Richard Barone's memoir, "Frontman: Surviving the Rock Star Myth", was published on September 28, 2007 by Backbeat/Hal Leonard Books.  In Spring, 2008, Sony/Legacy re-issued the Bongos RCA catalog for the first time to iTunes and all digital retailers.  On March 11, 2009, the Bongos performed a full concert set at The City Winery in NYC following a tribute to their longtime friends R.E.M. held at Carnegie Hall, a benefit for music education programs. On October 22, 2009 the group returned to their home club Maxwell's for the first time since 1986, and subsequently performed at Manhattan's Hiro Ballroom, during the CMJ Music Marathon 2009 that same month (with longtime friends the Fleshtones). On January 25, 2010, the Bongos reunited once again at the City Winery, this time to benefit Emergency Earthquake Relief efforts in Haiti. Various members have joined Richard Barone onstage for his solo performances.  Coming full-circle, the Bongos came together again on July 31, 2013 to perform the final concert at Maxwell's, which was closing after its long run. The original members had also performed the venue's first show. With a crowd spilling into the Hoboken streets, Barone announced that the group's "lost" album "Phantom Train" would finally be released on October 1, 2013. The group also promised a series of reunion shows to celebrate its release.. Marty Scott, co-founder of Jem Records announced that "Phantom Train" would be the first release of the reconstituted label. The album was remixed and prepared for release in summer, 2013 by Richard Barone and Steve Addabbo. The original album cover graphics and photography, designed and hand-lettered by Emil Schult of Kraftwerk fame, were restored and used in the CD packaging.  On June 8, 2015 the Bongos once again came together, this time with drummer Dennis Diken of the Smithereens, to perform and act as "house band" at public radio station WFUV's "Fare Thee Well" concert for beloved radio legend Vin Scelsa at City Winery, who was retiring from radio. Besides renditions of their own songs, the group backed David Johansen, Marshall Crenshaw, Southside Johnny, Stephen Trask (composer of Hedwig and the Angry Inch), David Bromberg, and others in a three-hour concert that was broadcast on the station on July 4, 2015.  The group embarked on a mini-tour of the Northeast during October 2016 that paired them with West Coast power-pop band the Rubinoos.  In early 2020 it was announced that The Bongos would perform in several select cities including Atlanta, Philadelphia, and New York to "celebrate four decades Hoboken Pop".

The Bongos were a power pop band from Hoboken, New Jersey that emerged from the New York City arts scene, primarily active in the 1980s, led by Richard Barone. With their unique musical style, they were major progenitors of the Hoboken indie-pop community, college radio favorites, and made the leap to national recognition with the advent of MTV. Their breakthrough song "Numbers with Wings" garnered the group a major cult following and was nominated at the first MTV Video Music Awards. Along with a handful of others, the Bongos were instrumental in the advancement of the Alternative Rock movement.

The Bongos je americká hudební skupina původem z Hobokenu v New Jersey. Frontmanem kapely byl zpěvák a kytarista Richard Barone, dalšími členy původní sestavy byli baskytarista Rob Norris a bubeník Frank Giannini. Skupina vznikla v roce 1980 a své první album nazvané "Drums Along the Hudson" vydala v roce 1982. Po jeho vydání se ke kapele připojil kytarista James Mastro. Druhá deska, již v Mastrem v sestavě, vyšla roku 1985 pod názvem "Beat Hotel". Skupina ukončila svou činnost v roce 1987 uprostřed natáčení své další desky. V roce 2006 byla původní tříčlenná sestava obnovena a ve spolupráci s hudebníkem Mobym nahrála bonusové písně pro reedici své první desky. Ve třech později odehráli i několik koncertů, nakonec se k nim připojil i Mastro. V roce 2013 bylo vydáno album "Phantom Train", což je nahrávka, na které kapela pracovala před svým rozpadem v roce 1987.


Overview.

The film opens with interviews with Young and most of his band, which includes Emmylou Harris, Young's then-wife Pegi Young, steel guitarist Ben Keith, and keyboardist Spooner Oldham. They and the other band members describe the concert and the making of "Prairie Wind". The recording of the album and the filming of the concert occurred just before and after Young's surgery to correct a cerebral aneurysm, and just a few months after the death of Young's father Scott Young.  The first half of the concert consists entirely of songs from "Prairie Wind", and the second half consists of acoustic songs from throughout Young's career. Young describes the inspiration behind several of his songs.

Songs in the film.

The performance captured in "Neil Young: Heart of Gold" was filmed over two nights on August 18 and 19 2005 at the Ryman Auditorium in Nashville, Tennessee. Recorded by Chad Halley and David Hewitt on Remote Recording's Silver Truck. In order to increase the length of the concert film, director Jonathan Demme asked Neil Young to supplement the songs from "Prairie Wind" with an encore set of older songs. Young agreed and selected songs that he had previously recorded in Nashville. The two sets are set apart by a costume change for the musicians and a different backdrop on the stage.  All songs are written by Young, except where otherwise noted.

Scenic Art.

Michael Zansky created scenic art in "."

Reception.

The film had a limited release to the general public, but came to popular critical acclaim with an 85% average on Metacritic and a 91% Fresh rating average on Rotten Tomatoes.

Neil Young: Heart of Gold is a 2006 American documentary/concert film by Jonathan Demme, featuring Neil Young. It documents Young's premiere of his songs from his album "Prairie Wind" at the Ryman Auditorium.

Neil Young: Heart of Gold je americký dokumentární film. Jeho režisérem byl Jonathan Demme a snímek měl premiéru na festivalu Sundance Film Festival. Svůj název dostal podle stejnojmenné písně kanadského hudebníka Neila Younga. Film je záznamem Youngova koncertu v Nashvillu. Jde o první část trilogie Demmeových filmů souvisejících s Youngem, následovaly "Neil Young Trunk Show" (2009) a "Neil Young Journeys" (2011).


History.

In 1856 "Max Hermann Pfanner" bought the restaurant "Gasthof Hirschen" in Lauterach and founded a small in-house brewery. In 1919 his grandson "Hermann Pfanner" took over operations and expanded the business in the following years by selling various agricultural products as well as wines and spirits.  By 1933 fruit juice was produced for the first time. After "Hermann Pfanner" died, his wife "Ferdinanda" and their children continued the business. Due to thoughtful business practices and technical innovations they were able to pass on the company to the next generation ("Hedwig, Hans, Erwin" and "Egon Pfanner"). This generation was able to expand the fruit juice business internationally successfully. By 1984 these efforts were rewarded by the Austrian government with the coat of arms of Austria. In 1988 the Hermann Pfanner Getränke GmbH was founded and handed over to the succeeding Generation.  In 2001 fruit Juice production in Hamburg was started to improve the supply for the growing German market. Currently Pfanner is still a family-run Business, managed by the families "Pfanner, Schneider" and "Dietrich".

Products.

Pfanner produces about 210 different products, whereby fruit juices make up the most known articles. In addition ice teas, lemonades and further soft drinks are produced. Apart from filling juices for the Pfanner brand, the company also offers contract bottling services.

Pfanner and Fairtrade.

Pfanner started a cooperation with Fairtrade in 2001. Today Pfanner is the biggest Fairtrade-partner in the sector of fruit juices worldwide and offers the widest range of fair-traded products according to company-related reports.

Production sites.

Pfanner operates factories in Austria, Germany, Italy and the Ukraine. The headquarter is located in Lauterach, the biggest production site in Enns (Upper Austria). Further sites are in Hamburg (Germany), Policoro (Italy) and in Bar (Ukraine).

The Hermann Pfanner Getränke GmbH is an Austrian beverage producer. By his own account it produced over 420 million liters in 2010 whereby more than 80% of the total volume was exported in over 80 countries around the world. Headquartered in Lauterach in Vorarlberg the main markets supplied are Germany, Italy, Austria, Romania and the Czech Republic.

Společnost Pfanner, plným názvem "Hermann Pfanner Getränke GmbH", je mezinárodní rakouský výrobce nápojů. V roce 2010 Pfanner vyprodukoval přes 420 milionů litrů, přičemž více než 80% z celkového objemu produkce bylo exportováno do více než 80 zemí světa. Sídlo společnosti se nachází ve městě Lauterach ve Vorarlbersku. Hlavními trhy jsou Německo, Itálie, Rakousko, Česká republika a Rumunsko.


Critical reception.

In his review for AllMusic, William Ruhlmann gave the album three out of five stars, writing that "in one song after another on this album, you get the feeling that he started out playing some familiar song in a specific genre and eventually extrapolated upon it enough to call it an original." In his review for "Rolling Stone" magazine, David Wild gave the album three and a half out of five stars, writing that the album is "a welcome flashback" to Knopfler's earlier work with Dire Straits. Wild continued: By 2002, the album had sold more than 3.5 million copies worldwide. In some territories—Western Europe for example—the album was released as an HDCD and a 5.1 Surround Sound DVD-A.

Touring.

In 2001, Knopfler supported the release of the album with his Sailing to Philadelphia Tour, which started on 27 March 2001 in Mexico City, Mexico, included 80 concerts in 68 cities, and ended on 31 July 2001 in Moscow, Russia. The tour consisted of three legs: Mexico and South America, North America, and Europe and Russia. The tour lineup included Mark Knopfler (guitar, vocals), Guy Fletcher (keyboards), Richard Bennett (guitar), Glenn Worf (bass), Chad Cromwell (drums), Geraint Watkins (piano, accordion), and Mike Henderson (guitar, mandolin, violin, harmonica).  The Madrid concert on 2 July 2001 was filmed but never released. The Toronto concert at Massey Hall on 3 May 2001 was also recorded, but only four tracks were officially released: "Speedway At Nazareth" (the B-side of "Why Aye Man"), "Who's Your Baby Now" (the B-side of "Boom, Like That"), "Sailing to Philadelphia" and "Brothers in Arms" (both available on a limited edition version of the album "The Ragpicker's Dream").

Track listing.

Singles.

What It Is.

"What It Is" was the first single from the album. An extended version of the song released in Mexico contains an additional verse:  The instrumental portion of the song serves as the theme music for the CBC Radio One radio show, "Dispatches".  All songs were written by Mark Knopfler.

Sailing to Philadelphia.

"Sailing to Philadelphia" was the second single from the album. The song is a duet between Knopfler and American singer-songwriter James Taylor. The song is written in an autobiographical style, and is the story of Jeremiah Dixon and Charlie Mason, a "Geordie boy" and an astronomer, respectively, who sailed to America from the United Kingdom. Dixon (Mark Knopfler) predicted that there was a "land of opportunity" to the west, which Mason (James Taylor), the "stargazer" does not believe. Towards the end of the song, the lyrics suggest that Dixon was correct.  All songs were written by Mark Knopfler.

Silvertown Blues.

"Silvertown Blues" was the third and final single from the album. It was released as a commercial single in the Netherlands and Belgium only, but it received radio airplay in several European countries, notably in France. The song was not performed live during the Sailing to Philadelphia Tour.  Silvertown is an industrial district on the north bank of the River Thames in London, and the song partially deals with the construction of the financially unsuccessful Millennium Dome. It was constructed on a site contaminated by toxic sludge from East Greenwich Gas Works that operated from 1889 to 1985.  All songs were written by Mark Knopfler.

Sailing to Philadelphia is the second solo studio album by British singer-songwriter and guitarist Mark Knopfler, released on 26 September 2000 by Vertigo Records internationally, and by Warner Bros. Records in the United States. The album contains featured vocal performances by James Taylor, Van Morrison, and Chris Difford and Glenn Tilbrook of Squeeze.

Sailing to Philadelphia je druhé sólové studiové album skotského hudebníka Marka Knopflera. Vydáno bylo v září roku 2000 společnostmi Mercury Records (mezinárodně) a Warner Bros. Records (USA). Album vyšlo v několika odlišných verzích, které se lišily například v pořadí písní. Spolu s Knopflerem jej produkoval Chuck Ainlay. Jako hosté se na nahrávce podíleli například James Taylor a Van Morrison. V hitparádě Billboard 200 se deska umístila na šedesáté příčce. V USA, stejně jako v několika dalších zemích, se stala zlatou. V jiných zemích, například v Dánsku a Německu, pak platinovou.


History.

It was founded in conjunction with the construction of the Amur railway in 1910, originally named "Pyora" after the river on which it stands. It was renamed "Gondatti" in 1914 in honor of the then-governor of Amur Oblast, Nikolay Gondatti. In 1920, it was renamed "Vladimiro-Shimanovsky" after Vladimir Shimanovsky, a railway engineer and member of the Red Army who was shot dead in Blagoveshchensk during the Russian Civil War. It was granted town status and its name shortened to Shimanovsk in 1950.  During the construction of the Baikal-Amur Mainline in the 1970s, Shimanovsk saw new growth as a center for production of construction materials.

Administrative and municipal status.

Within the framework of administrative divisions, Shimanovsk serves as the administrative center of Shimanovsky District, even though it is not a part of it. As an administrative division, it is incorporated separately as Shimanovsk Urban Okrug—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, this administrative unit also has urban okrug status.

Economy.

The town's primary industries are production of heavy machinery and building materials. "Kranspetsburmash" corporation produces cranes and drilling equipment in Shimanovsk.

Transportation.

The town has a railway station (Shimanovskaya) on the Trans-Siberian Railway. The Shimanovsk Airport is situated southwest of the town.

Climate.

Monsoon influenced humid continental climate (Köppen climate classification "Dwb"). The average January temperature is. The absolute minimum observed was. Average July temperature is.  During the transition period (April-May) occasionally observed strong winds of up to 20 m / s. In winter, the wind is weak. The average annual background atmospheric pressure above normal, humidity 50-60%, during the year there is not less than 310 days of sunshine.

Shimanovsk () is a town in Amur Oblast, Russia, located on the Bolshaya Pyora River (a right-hand tributary of the Zeya), northwest of Blagoveshchensk. Population:

Šimanovsk () je město v Amurské oblasti v Ruské federaci. Při sčítání lidu v roce 2010 měl bezmála dvacet tisíc obyvatel.


Early life.

Born in Lima, Peru, Charlie was thirteen years old when he started to learn his first instrument, which was a Peruvian Cajón. Spending a lot of his childhood playing games and not being a great student, his parents were told by a school therapist that he ought to learn an instrument in order to focus his energy on something. This led to Charlie picking up the guitar.

Style and influences.

Charlie has been influenced by Slash, Eddie Van Halen, Randy Rhoads, Marty Friedman, Kirk Hammett, Robbin Crosby, Dino Cazares, Dimebag Darrell, Johnny Ramone, Gonzalo Farfán and Joaquín Mariátegui.

Bands.

Difonía.

Charlie started Difonía with a few friends (Ricardo Mendez, Sergio Guerra and Nachi Benza) in year 2003 as a hardcore punk act with heavy metal influences. With this band he composed and recorded the guitars of their 3 albums: “Camino Difícil” (2004), “Tarde o Temprano” (2007) and “Génesis” (2010). As a member of Difonía, Charlie took part of several festivals in the independent rock circuit of Perú and shared stage with international bands as “Silverstein", "Alesana" and "Tres de Corazón".  In 2009, Difonía played the Banda Ancha de Medellín festival Colombia.  In 2010 they played in the Colombian festival "Altavoz Festival 2010" at Medellín, together with "The Skatalites", "Robi Draco Rosa", "Dante Spinetta", "Reincidentes" and the Philharmonic Orchestra of Medellín. There was an audience of about 25,000 people.  In 2012 Charlie quit Difonía due musical differences and to pursue a solo career. Difonía eventually disbanded and Charlie left Peru to join Canadians Kobra and the Lotus. After leaving Kobra and the Lotus, Charlie re formed DIfonía on 2015.

Serial Asesino.

Charlie was member of the New Metal band Serial Asesino from 2005 until 2009.

M.A.S.A.C.R.E..

In year 2009, Charlie was recruited to be a part of the band as a replacement of their lead guitar Jaqo Sangalli. This was a great honour to Charlie, since he was a huge fan of the band. With M.A.S.A.C.R.E, in 2009, he opened the concerts of the Argentinian bands "Los Violadores" and "Rata Blanca" in Lima, Peru. Charlie left M.A.S.A.C.R.E in 2012 to join Canadian band Kobra and the Lotus. His last concert was at the first Lima Live Rock, in front of more than 20,000 attendees. However, he rejoined M.A.S.A.C.R.E on October 2013 for their first international tour.

Solo career.

In the year 2010 Charlie starts his solo career uploading a first series of videos in his YouTube channel, including a heavy metal version of Peru's National Anthem, the first version of this song in heavy metal style. This version was covered in TV, radio and local newspapers.  In January 2011 he released his first solo album "Procrastinación/Procrastination", together with another series of YouTube videos that led his channel to one of the most viewed of the year. His singles "Speed F*cks" and "Punk vs Metal" have been covered by several guitar players around the world. In 2011, Charlie wrote music for the UK commentator TotalBiscuit, Call of Duty figure Sandy Ravage and Swiss game commentator Diablox9.  After the breakup of Difonía, Charlie continued on with Oliver and Jeremy Castillo and performed some shows playing tracks from the album "Procrastination / Procrastination".  Charlie has continued his solo career even after joining Kobra and the Lotus. His latest album is a collaboration with Oliver and Jeremy Castillo and is called "Organic I". It was released on November 17, 2013. In January 2014, Charlie traveled to France to record guitars for French project "The Lost Rockers".  In 2015, Charlie became the first South American artist to have a signature guitar by Kramer Guitars USA and the Gibson corporation, leading this to a NAMM performance on January. Back in Lima, his band featuring the Castillo brothers supported Slash during his South American leg of the tour and this performance became the live Blu-ray "Charlie en el Parque 2015". Charlie performed as a solo artist in the Hellfire Tavern, at Hellfest 2015 in Nantes, France.  In February 2016, Charlie performed with the Bicentenario Symphonic Orchestra at Gran Teatro Nacional. It was a sold out concert. Charlie also toured in Germany and Mexico to perform as a solo artist in World of Warcraft expansions release parties and at the Overwatch release. He also worked on the music for a Duke Nukem release trailer.

Kobra and the Lotus.

In 2012, Charlie announced he was not playing with Difonía anymore to focus on his next solo release, but instead joined the Canadian heavy metal band Kobra and the Lotus in the beginning of their European tour with Steel Panther, playing in Finland, Germany, Switzerland and Belgium. After that, they toured United Kingdom supporting Buckcherry and Sonata Arctica in United States. In 2013, Charlie joined Kobra and the Lotus again, this time supporting Fear Factory and Amaranthe for most of the year. After the touring season, he recorded guitars for the band's following album "High Priestess", to be released on 2014. The album was produced by Johnny K. On 2014, weeks prior to the release of Kobra and the Lotus third release and a new tour supporting KISS, Charlie was unable to join the band due to visa issues related to a pretour in Europe and was replaced by Jake Dreyer for the KISS tour and subsequently left the group citing management and visa issues in a recent interview. The group lists Charlie as a special guest on their album "High Priestess".

Controversy.

Although the Heavy Metal version of Peru's National Anthem was successful, it also got detractors, mainly because it was done in a non-Peruvian musical genre.

Other information.

Charlie has done, in his style, Salsa, Cumbia, Pop and Classical Music songs. He also played a guitar solo with the pop band Adammo in the release of their album "Amber" (2010).  Charlie is currently sponsored by Kramer Guitars, EMG Pickups, Dean Markley Strings and Razer.

Carlos Enrique Parra del Riego Campoverde better known as Charlie Parra del Riego (born March 5, 1985 in Lima, Peru) is a Peruvian guitarist and composer. He is also known as Charlie Parra.

Carlos Enrique Parra del Riego Campoverde známý pod uměleckým jménem Charlie Parra del Riego (* 5. března 1985) je peruánský kytarista a skladatel.


Biography.

Personal life.

Somerville was raised in Flushing, Michigan. She attended Flushing Senior High School, graduating in 1997, graduating a full year early and winning a scholarship for graduating with high honors to the University of Michigan–Flint, where she majored in psychology. Somerville moved to Wolfsburg, Germany in 1999, where she has resided, working mainly in Germany and the Netherlands.  On August 19, 2013, she announced that she was engaged to be married to After Forever's former guitarist Sander Gommans, and the pair were married on July 28, 2014. On January 8, 2015, she announced that she and Gommans were expecting their first child. On July 17, 2015, their daughter, Lana Elise Gommans, was born. In 2018, their twin daughters Anya and Juliet were born.

Music career.

Somerville has written and recorded with bands such as After Forever, Edguy, Kamelot, Epica, Avantasia, and Docker's Guild, and has produced two solo albums. Her solo releases to date are primarily soft and elegant pop rock with some hard rock, folk and soul music influences. Somerville herself wrote and contributed instrumentally to all of the songs on her solo albums, with only one exception, "Out" from the album "Windows" (written by Sascha Paeth).  She collaborated with several of these metal bands alongside producers Sascha Paeth and Michael Rodenberg, which led her to collaborate with multi-instrumentalist Robert Hunecke-Rizzo, co-writing the rock opera "Aina". Later she made a similar collaboration with guitarist Sander Gommans (After Forever), providing vocals and lyrical concept for the project HDK. In 2008, she toured America with Dutch heavy metal band Epica, while regular vocalist Simone Simons recovered from a staph infection.

Kiske/Somerville.

In 2010, she collaborated with Michael Kiske (ex-Helloween singer) on a musical project entitled Kiske/Somerville. The band is a melodic metal act put together by Frontiers Records, a similar project as Allen/Lande. Songwriting and producing was done by Primal Fear bassist Mat Sinner with collaboration by guitarist Magnus Karlsson (Allen/Lande, also from Primal Fear), Sander Gommans, Jimmy Kresic and Somerville herself. Their first single, "Silence", was released on August 20. Their self-titled album was released on 24 September 2010 by Frontiers Records, after the single accompanied by a music video for "Silence". A music video was also made for the song "If I Had One Wish." Somerville contributed creatively to the album by writing three of its songs: "A Thousand Suns," "Arise" and "Set Afire," all co-written with Sander Gommans.

Avantasia.

Somerville was also one of the live guest vocalists for Tobias Sammet's metal opera "Avantasia" world tours in 2008, 2010, 2013 and 2016. Her role onstage included singing backing vocals during the whole setlist and performing lead vocals for the songs "Farewell," "The Wicked Symphony," "Lost in Space" and "Sign of the Cross."

Trillium.

In 2011, Somerville finally released her first heavy metal-oriented project, called "Trillium", with the record company Frontiers Records. The project has contributions by Sascha Paeth, Michael Rodenberg, Sander Gommans and a guest appearance of Jørn Lande on a duet vocal track with Somerville.

Docker's Guild.

Somerville was featured on Douglas R. Docker's space metal opera "Docker's Guild". In 2012, she appeared on the song "Black Swan", a duet with Göran Edman on the debut album "The Mystic Technocracy - Season 1: The Age of Ignorance". In 2016, she was featured again in the "Flash Gordon Suite", from Queen's soundtrack of the same name, on the album "The Heisenberg Diaries - Book A: Sounds of Future past".

New HDK, Kiske/Somerville albums and beyond.

In 2014, a new HDK album called "Serenades of the Netherworld" was released, featuring Somerville and Geert Kroes on vocals, and once again produced and composed by Sander Gommans. This was also the year Somerville and Gommans were married. Somerville was also part of a metal opera project from the Middle East, produced by Lebanese guitarist Amadeus Awad, with an album called "The Book of Gates". She played the part of the Queen of the Nile.  In 2015, the second Kiske/Somerville album, entitled "City of Heroes", was announced and released, once again featuring bassist Mat Sinner as producer and in a songwriting partnership with guitarist Magnus Karlsson, who was also in charge of the keyboards, while Veronika Lukesova was the drummer. The song "Breaking Neptune" was written by Somerville and Gommans, and two music videos were filmed for the songs "City of Heroes" and "Walk on Water".

Exit Eden.

In 2017, another new project was announced. Called Exit Eden, it features Somerville and three other female singers from the rock/metal scene: Clémentine Delauney (Visions of Atlantis, Serenity, Melted Space, Kai Hansen & Friends), Marina La Torraca (who replaced Somerville in a few festival shows of the Avantasia 2016 world tour) and newcomer Anna Brunner. The band was conceived with the plan "to show the world that almost every classic song can be transformed into a solid Metal-Rock song", a concept similar to Finland's Northern Kings. The tracklist of their debut album, "Rhapsodies In Black", features some pop hits such as Madonna's "Frozen", Adele's "Skyfall" and Lady Gaga's "Paparazzi". The album was released on August 4, 2017 via Napalm Records worldwide and via Starwatch in Germany, Switzerland and Austria. Simone Simons (Epica) appears on two tracks of the album.

Collaborations.

Somerville's contributions include vocals, coaching, production, engineering and choir conductor:

Amanda Somerville (born March 7, 1979) is an American singer-songwriter and vocal coach who resides in Wolfsburg, Germany. She is known primarily for her work with many European symphonic metal bands.

Amanda Somerville (* 7. března 1979 Flushing, Michigan, USA) je písničkářka a hlasová trenérka, známá především pro svoji spolupráci se spoustou evropských symfonicmetalových hudebních skupin. Ženské vokály nahrávala se skupinami jako jsou Edguy, Epica, After Forever, Beyond the Black či Kamelot a spousta dalších. Jako hlavní a doprovodná zpěvačka vystupuje s metalovou operou Avantasia, zpívala také v projektu Aina. Se zpěvákem Michaelem Kiskem vydává alba pod hlavičkou duetu Kiske/Somerville.