History.

Early development and railroads.

Originally, the area was called Blythebourne, a small hamlet composed of cottages built and developed in 1887 by Electus Litchfield, and then expanded with more housing by developer William Reynolds. It was served by the Brooklyn, Bath and Coney Island, a steam railroad that is today's elevated BMT West End Line (); the line ran from Green-Wood Cemetery to Coney Island when it was built in the 1860s. This line was put on an elevated structure in 1917.  The Sea Beach Railroad was another steam railroad. This railroad was named after the Sea Beach Palace Hotel, its southern terminal in 1879. In 1913, it was electrified and placed in an open cut; it now serves the.  In 1902, State Senator William H. Reynolds bought the land northeast of Blythebourne. The new area was then named Borough Park. Blythebourne was absorbed into Borough Park by the 1920s.

Jewish settlement.

Jewish immigrants began populating Borough Park at the turn of the 20th century, beginning in 1904-1905. By 1914, a YMHA had formed and purchased a lot on 58th Street and 14th Avenue on which to build a large facility. Through the 1930s, 13th Avenue was lined with pushcart vendors and pickle sellers. In the late 1930s, the city opened a public market on 42nd Street to force an end to the pushcart trade.  In the 1980s, the neighborhood changed demographically from one of Italian, Irish, and Modern Orthodox Jewish to Hasidic Jewish families. By 1983, an estimated 85 percent of the residents of Borough Park were Jewish. New shops and restaurants opened on 13th Avenue to serve the expanding Orthodox Jewish community. In 1987, two of the most popular stores debuted: Eichler's Judaica bookstore, and Kosher Castle Dairy Cafeteria. New stores also opened selling imported goods and computer technology. At the end of the 1990s, businesses began selling electronics and Jewish books, music, and videos to overseas customers via the Internet. The area continued developing into a very large Jewish enclave around that time period.

"Baby Boom Capital" nickname.

In the 2000 United States Census, it was reported that an estimated 76,600 Jews lived in Borough Park. Since that time, Borough Park has grown significantly, and was given the title of "baby boom capital" of New York City by the "New York Post" because of the high birth rate. The population in 2011 was 140,000. The neighborhood recorded 4,523 births in 2004, the highest in the city. The closest Brooklyn neighborhood in terms of population growth was Williamsburg, home to many Satmar Hasidim, which reported 3,839 births. Borough Park's birth rate, 24.4 per 1,000 residents, has translated into growth in the neighborhood.  Many of these births occur at Maimonides Medical Center, a hospital in the Borough Park area. The Maimonides Infants & Children’s Hospital of Brooklyn is fully accredited as a "children’s hospital within a hospital", one of three such facilities in New York City. Here, at The Stella and Joseph Payson Birthing Center, Maimonides handles more births than any other hospital in New York State.  The size of many Hasidic families often requires larger homes, and this has fueled construction and renovation projects across the neighborhood. The majority of these projects involve larger bedrooms and kitchens. A "New York Times" article in 1998 stated that "Since 1990, the Building Department has issued more permits for private construction projects—new homes and additions—in the Borough Park area than in any other residential neighborhood in Brooklyn." These construction projects were aided with a new law passed in 1992, which established Borough Park as a special zoning district where residents could build on 65% of their lot, thus reducing the size of setbacks and backyards.

Business development.

Thirteenth Avenue, a commercial strip roughly one mile in length from 39th to 55th Streets, features storefronts supplying Jewish households. Many Hasidic Jews shop at these stores, coming from all parts of the city, other states, and even other countries to buy kosher items. Businesses have benefited from the growing Jewish population, the increasing density of the neighborhood, and the use of entrepreneurial spirit on the Internet.  The community receives many visitors, especially among Israeli expatriates and tourists. In 1987, The Park House Hotel opened its doors between 12th and 13th Avenues on 47th Street as the first kosher hotel in Borough Park. In 1999, a kosher hotel called "The Avenue Plaza Hotel" opened on 13th Avenue, becoming the first hotel to appear in the neighborhood in more than a decade. These hotels are among the few hotels that can accommodate the needs of many Orthodox Jews.

Demographics.

Based on data from the 2010 United States Census, the population of Borough Park was 106,357, an increase of 5,302 (5.2%) from the 101,055 counted in 2000. Covering an area of, the neighborhood had a population density of.  The racial make-up of the neighborhood was 77.0% (81,910) White, 0.7% (794) African American, 0.1% (60) Native American, 11.7% (12,464) Asian, 0.0% (8) Pacific Islander, 0.2% (236) from other races, and 0.8% (894) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 9.4% (9,991) of the population.  The entirety of Community District 12, which includes Borough Park, Kensington, and Ocean Parkway, had 201,640 inhabitants as of NYC Health's 2018 Community Health Profile, with an average life expectancy of 84.2 years. This is higher than the median life expectancy of 81.2 for all New York City neighborhoods. Most inhabitants are middle-aged adults and youth: 34% are between the ages of 0–17, 28% between 25–44, and 18% between 45–64. The ratio of college-aged and elderly residents was lower, at 9% and 10% respectively.  As of 2016, the median household income in Community District 12 was $45,364. In 2018, an estimated 28% of Community District 12 residents lived in poverty, compared to 21% in all of Brooklyn and 20% in all of New York City. Less than one in fifteen residents (6%) were unemployed, compared to 9% in the rest of both Brooklyn and New York City. Rent burden, or the percentage of residents who have difficulty paying their rent, is 64% in Community District 12, higher than the citywide and boroughwide rates of 52% and 51% respectively. Based on this calculation,, Community District 12 is considered to be high-income relative to the rest of the city.

Police and crime.

The NYPD's 66th Precinct is located at 5822 16th Avenue. The 66th Precinct ranked 3rd safest out of 69 patrol areas for per-capita crime in 2010. With a non-fatal assault rate of 19 per 100,000 people, Borough Park's rate of violent crimes per capita is less than that of the city as a whole. The incarceration rate of 155 per 100,000 people is lower than that of the city as a whole.  The 66th Precinct has a lower crime rate than in the 1990s, with crimes across all categories having decreased by 87.7% between 1990 and 2018. The precinct reported 0 murders, 20 rapes, 101 robberies, 141 felony assaults, 186 burglaries, 447 grand larcenies, and 79 grand larcenies auto in 2018.  Borough Park also has various volunteer neighborhood patrols that are mostly made up of members of the Hasidic community. Hatzolah is a volunteer ambulance group composed of emergency medical technicians and paramedics. Brooklyn South Safety Patrol Shomrim is a citizens watch group that is sanctioned by the New York City Police Department (NYPD) community affairs division. They respond to security related calls in the area, and are called upon by the NYPD to assist in searches for missing persons. The Hasidic community has been able to form ties with the local authorities.

Fire safety.

The New York City Fire Department (FDNY) operates two firehouses in the area. Engine Co. 282/Ladder Co. 148 is located at 4210 12th Avenue. Engine Co. 247 is located at 1336 60th Street.

Health.

Preterm and teenage births are less common in Community District 12 than in other places citywide. In Community District 12, there were 60 preterm births per 1,000 live births (compared to 87 per 1,000 citywide), and 18.1 teenage births per 1,000 live births (compared to 19.3 per 1,000 citywide). Community District 12 has a high population of residents who are uninsured, or who receive healthcare through Medicaid. In 2018, this population was estimated to be 15%, which is higher than the citywide rate of 12%.  The concentration of fine particulate matter, the deadliest type of air pollutant, in Community District 12 is, lower than the citywide and boroughwide averages. Ten percent of Community District 12 residents are smokers, which is lower the city average of 14% of residents being smokers. In Community District 12, 15% of residents are obese, 9% are diabetic, and 27% have high blood pressure—compared to the citywide averages of 24%, 11%, and 28% respectively. In addition, 17% of children are obese, compared to the citywide average of 20%.  Ninety-two percent of residents eat some fruits and vegetables every day, which is higher than the city's average of 87%. In 2018, 78% of residents described their health as "good," "very good," or "excellent," equal to the city's average of 78%. For every supermarket in Community District 12, there are 20 bodegas.  Maimonides Medical Center has 679 beds, a full ER with a level 2 trauma center, maturity wards, and Psychiatric services. It includes a large outpatient clinics program, and is a major teaching hospital in the state of New York.

Post offices and ZIP Codes.

Borough Park is covered by ZIP Codes 11204, 11218, 11219, and 11230. 11219 is the primary ZIP Code for Borough Park. The United States Post Office operates the Blythebourne Station at 1200 51st Street.

Religion.

Borough Park is home to many Hasidic groups, the largest being the Hasidic Bobov sect. The Bobov-45, Belz, Ger, Satmar, Stolin, Vizhnitz, Munkacz, Spinka, Klausenburg, Skver, and Puppa communities also reside here, among others. There is a minority of Haredi non-Hasidic Lithuanian Jews (typically called Litvish or Yeshivish) and Sephardic Jews, with a smaller number of Modern Orthodox Jews.  In Brooklyn, about 37% of Jews consider themselves Orthodox, and Borough Park is often referred to as the "heartland" or "home" for New York's Orthodox Jewish population. The neighborhood became largely Orthodox in the last 40 years, making a transformation sometimes referred to as "suburb to shtetl".  During much of the early 1900s, the Jewish population in Borough Park, and Brooklyn as a whole, was part of a much more liberal-leaning voting block. However, many of these early Jewish families moved to the suburbs or other places around the city, while more conservative Hasidic Jews (many of them survivors of the Holocaust and immigrant families from Eastern Europe) joined their neighborhoods. As a result, the overwhelming majority of the Hasidic population in Borough Park and Brooklyn introduced a more traditional Jewish religious lifestyle. A 2002 study by the UJA Federation-New York revealed that only 2% of Borough Park's Jews identified themselves as Reform Jews, and nearly three-fourths identified themselves as Orthodox Jews.

Religious observances.

The Orthodox Jewish population adheres strongly to halakha (Jewish law) and the Shulkhan Arukh (halakhic code), following religious laws in their daily lives. Saturday is the Shabbos (Ashkenazi pronunciation of Hebrew shabbat, Jewish Sabbath), a day of rest, which is strictly observed by Orthodox members of the Jewish community. In some areas, a siren is sounded on Friday before sundown to indicate the arrival of the Shabbos. Culturally and religiously, the Jewish population of the neighborhood is considered one of the most Orthodox in the world, as "[m]any families do not own televisions or attend movies. The children attend yeshivas instead of public schools. Adolescent girls do not leave the house without making certain that their knees and elbows are covered, and at weddings and funerals alike, women and men sit separately to avoid physical contact, as required by religious law." Additionally, most stores in Borough Park sell or prepare only kosher food made under rabbinical supervision. There was a large controversy surrounding the erection of an "eruv" in Borough Park, because of differing interpretations of the application of Jewish law. An eruv was built in 1999-2000, and encompasses about 225 blocks in Borough Park. Its use is still the subject of controversy. Mikvahs (Jewish ritual baths) are scattered across the neighborhood, as it is considered a vital part of Orthodox Jewish life. It is rather difficult to identify, as it is not usually explicitly advertised to promote privacy among its users.

Bobov.

Borough Park is home to the headquarters of Hasidic Judaism's large Bobov community, numbering an estimated several thousand families. It is one of Brooklyn's largest Hasidic communities, and also has followers in Canada, England, Belgium, and Israel.

Satmar.

Satmar is one of the largest Hasidic groups in Brooklyn. It is characterized by extreme religious rigidity, complete rejection of modern culture, and fierce anti-Zionism. Satmar sponsors a comprehensive education system. It has two large boys' schools in Borough Park - one on 53rd Street, between 13th and 14th Avenues, and the other at 54th Street and Fort Hamilton Parkway. Their largest girls school, Bais Ruchel, is on 14th Avenue, between 53rd and 54th Street; the building served as a New York City public school until its purchase in 1979 by United Talmudical Academy, Satmar's educational arm.

Education.

Borough Park generally has a lower ratio of college-educated residents than the rest of the city. While 32% of residents age 25 and older have a college education or higher, 23% have less than a high school education and 45% are high school graduates or have some college education. By contrast, 40% of Brooklynites and 38% of city residents have a college education or higher. The percentage of Borough Park students excelling in reading and math has been increasing, with reading achievement rising from 50 percent in 2000 to 53 percent in 2011, and math achievement rising from 46 percent to 70 percent within the same time period.  Borough Park's rate of elementary school student absenteeism is lower than the rest of New York City. In Borough Park, 11% of elementary school students missed twenty or more days per school year, compared to the citywide average of 20% of students. Additionally, 77% of high school students in Borough Park graduate on time, higher than the citywide average of 75% of students.

Schools.

The New York City Department of Education operates Borough Park's public schools and its District 20 covers Borough Park. 180 Homewood School, a zoned public K-8 school, receives many bused-in students from other neighborhoods, including Bay Ridge and Bensonhurst. Many elementary schools have had mixed results from this student drain; for example, in 2004, a "New York Times" reporter stated that PS 164 was "at only 89 percent of capacity because many children in the community attend yeshivas (Jewish private schools). Classes are small, the hallways quiet, the principal and assistant principal know every student by name." Subsequently, the percentage of children reading at or above the grade level has increased to 55% in 2004 from 40% in 1998 in an otherwise unchanged school.  Most Borough Park neighborhood parents send children to yeshivas. In fact, virtually all the large population of school-children born into Borough Park's Hasidic families attend local yeshivas for boys and Bais Yaakov-type schools for girls. This had diminished the student population of local schools, such as The Montauk Intermediate School. The New York City Department of Education hoped to take advantage of the empty space and construct a small school, called the Kingsborough Early College School, inside Montauk. The Hasidic community was not pleased by the prospect of a new public school because it would bring "a bad element" (a supposed euphemism for immodestly attired girls), and protested the decision. The Community Educational Council heard these complaints and decided against expanding its public school system. Instead, an all-girls 6-12 school, the Urban Assembly for School for Criminal Justice moved in, and occupies part of the 3rd floor and the entire 4th floor of the building with its over 500 girls. In addition, The Montauk School now serves mostly Asian students; and nearly a third of its nearly 1000 students are English as a New Language students. Together, the schools service nearly 1600 students, above the target capacity of 1422 students.

Library.

The Brooklyn Public Library (BPL)'s Borough Park branch is located at 1265 43rd Street near 13th Avenue.

Transportation.

The New York City Bus routes serve the area, as well as the private bus route to the predominantly Jewish neighborhood of Williamsburg. The New York City Subway's BMT West End Line, serving the, is at 55th Street, 50th Street, and Fort Hamilton Parkway. The IND Culver Line, serving the, runs along McDonald Avenue, the eastern border of Borough Park. The BMT Sea Beach Line on the also serves the neighborhood at Fort Hamilton Parkway.  Borough Park's major avenues run from north to south, and its major shopping districts are on 13th, 16th, and 18th Avenues.

Borough Park (also spelled Boro Park) is a neighborhood in the southwestern part of the borough of Brooklyn, in New York City. The neighborhood is bordered by Bensonhurst to the south, Bay Ridge to the southwest, Sunset Park to the west, Kensington and Green-Wood Cemetery to the northeast, Flatbush to the east, and Midwood to the southeast.

Borough Park (obvykle místními vyslovováno jako Boro Park) je čtvrť v jihozápadní části obvodu Brooklyn ve městě New York. Borough Park je domovem jedné z největších komunit ortodoxních Židů mimo Izrael a jedné z největších ve Spojených státech ve které žije mnoho navzájem ideologicky soupeřících izolovaných náboženských obcí. Borough Park zažívá prudký populační růst, jelikož průměrný počet dětí v charedi rodinách je 6,7. Jedná se o socio-ekonomicky rozdílnou oblast, pohromadě zde žijí, chodí do stejných škol a synagog bohatí i příslušníci pracující třídy a chudí. Jeho střed leží mezi 11. a 18. avenue a 40. a 60. ulicí. Borough Park spadá pod 66. policejní okrsek NYPD.


Early life and family.

He was born in 14 BC in Rome with the name Nero Claudius Drusus, and is often referred to by historians as Drusus II, Drusus the Younger and Drusus Minor to distinguish him from his paternal uncle, Nero Claudius Drusus, the younger brother of Tiberius after whom Drusus was named. Drusus was the maternal grandson of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, a close friend of Augustus, and his first wife Caecilia Attica.  As a member of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, he was a close relative of all five Julio-Claudian emperors. His father was emperor, and his adoptive grandfather was the founder of the Roman Empire, Augustus. On his mother's side, he was the cousin of Caligula, a paternal cousin of Claudius, and a first cousin once removed of Nero - all future emperors of Rome.  Before Tiberius, the heirs of Augustus were the sons of Marcus Agrippa, Gaius and Lucius Caesar, whom he adopted and made heir. They advanced through their careers at the same pace and were going to rule together; however, they died young, forcing Augustus to draw another line of succession. In AD 4, Augustus adopted Tiberius on condition that Tiberius adopt Germanicus. This made Tiberius the heir of Augustus, and Germanicus the heir of Tiberius. Like the sons of Agrippa, it was the intention of Augustus that Germanicus and Drusus would rule together.  Later that year, Drusus was married to his paternal cousin, Livilla, to bring him closer to the Julians. Tacitus says she was unattractive as a child, but grew up to be beautiful. Their daughter Julia was born not long after the marriage, and they had twin sons: Tiberius Gemellus and Tiberius Claudius Caesar Germanicus II Gemellus in 19, the latter of whom died while still an infant in 23. The birth of his sons was commemorated on coins.  Just as Agrippa's sons were, Drusus was about the same age as Germanicus, and both of them also followed parallel careers. Drusus and Germanicus held all their offices at the same age, and progressed through the "cursus honorum" at the same pace. Both held the office of quaestor at the same age, both were exempted from holding the praetorship, they held their first and second consulships at the same age, and both were given proconsular "imperium maius" when they were sent to govern Germania and Illyricum respectively.

Career.

Drusus' first office was that of quaestor in AD 10. Being politically inclined, he was made a permanent member of the Senate committee Augustus had founded in AD 13 to draw up the Senate's daily business.  In August of 14 his adoptive grandfather Augustus died. In his honor, Drusus read a eulogy before the rostra at his funeral. The next month, on 17 September, the senate met to confirm his father as "princeps". Among his first acts as emperor, Tiberius instituted the "Sodales Augustales", a priesthood of the cult of Augustus which members of the imperial family, such as Drusus, joined. This wasn't his first religious post though, as he had been a "pontifex" since AD 7/8 - an important step to the prestigious "pontifex maximus". Since 14 May AD 14, he was a member of the "Fratres Arvales" as well.  Drusus had little time to mourn the death of Augustus or celebrate the ascendance of his father Tiberius: the legions in the Rhine and Illyricum were in mutiny. They had not received the bonuses promised to them by Augustus, and when it became clear a response from Tiberius was not forthcoming, they revolted. On 17 or 18 September, Drusus was sent to deal with the troops in Illyricum, and a delegation was sent to confer proconsular "imperium maius" upon Germanicus, who dealt with the situation on the Rhine. Drusus did not require proconsular powers because he was consul designate.

The revolt in Pannonia.

The three legions in Pannonia (VIII Augusta, XIX Hispana, and XV Apollinaris) were under the command of Junius Blaesus, who allowed his men a rest from military duties to mourn the death of Augustus. There was a breakdown in discipline, and the soldiers stopped obeying orders as a result. They soon became restless and lashed out against their officers, including Blaesus and a prefect named Aufidienus Rufus. Having been dispatched with two Praetorian cohorts, Drusus and Praetorian prefect Sejanus reached the Pannonian legions at Emona on 26 September.  The soldiers met with him upon his arrival and let Drusus into their entrenchments. The soldiers were rowdy, but as Tacitus says:  Their demands were: a discharge from military service after only sixteen years (down from twenty), a reward for service, an increase of pay to one denarius a day, and that the veterans not be detained under a standard. However, negotiations broke down and the soldiers began stoning members of Drusus' party. Next morning, a lunar eclipse before dawn convinced the soldiery that their mutiny was doomed, and order was restored by daybreak as a result. Drusus was allowed into the camp by Blaesus before an assembly of the troops in which Drusus commended the controlled behavior of the soldiery and promised to write a letter to his father addressing their demands. If Drusus' letter was dispatched on 28 September, it should have reached Rome by 3 or 4 October.  Having gained control of the soldiers, his next move, according to Tacitus, was executing the leaders of the mutiny. He sent out a search party into the surrounding forest to kill those leaders not present for the assembly. Having settled these matters, Drusus returned to Rome.

First consulship and command of Illyricum.

In AD 15 he held the consulship alongside Gaius Norbanus Flaccus. It was this year that he hosted the gladiatorial games in his and Germanicus' name, which he enjoyed in such excess that it disturbed the other spectators. He reportedly carried out his duties as consul well, although he was prone to violence and earned the nickname "Castor" from fighting an equestrian. There was also an incident at a theater between the Praetorians and "claqueurs" ("actors") in which Drusus reportedly sided with the actors, preventing the Praetorian Guard from punishing unruly actors. In "Annals" 1.77, Tacitus says the unruly behavior of actors and the crowds were later addressed by the Senate which passed measures allowing the praetors to punish riotous spectators. Such were his excesses that Tiberius decided to make him governor of Illyricum the following year, both to give him experience in war and bolster his popularity with the troops - perhaps also to keep him away from the indulgences of city life.  For those reasons, Drusus was sent to Illyricum with proconsular "imperium maius", and would be governor there from AD 17 to 20. Since Germanicus had left the Rhine in AD 16, the German tribes that formerly fought alongside each other against the Romans had turned on each other. The two major forces in the region, the Marcomanni under king Maroboduus and the Cherusci under Arminius clashed and, after an indecisive battle, Maroboduus withdrew to the heart of his kingdom in the forests of Bohemia. Before that, two tribes (the Semnones and Langobardi) had defected to Arminius.  Realizing his situation, Maroboduus requested Roman aid. It had been two years since the Marcommani refused to help the Romans against the forces of Arminius, and so Tiberius refused to send aid. Instead, Tiberius sent Drusus to further Roman interests at Maroboduus' expense as he knew the Marcomanni were vulnerable. During the summer of 18, Drusus received intelligence from a former captive of Maroboduus, Catualda, that Maroboduus was weak and that it was a good time to attack. Hence, Drusus led a powerful force into the heart of the Marcomanni, and stormed their royal stronghold. Maroboduus fled, but was forced to seek asylum in Rome, which Tiberius granted. Later, Catualda lost a battle against the Hermunduri, and he too was granted asylum. The Senate decreed that Drusus be given an ovation for his success, which he received on his return to Rome on 28 May 20.

Heir to the Principate.

While Drusus was in Illyricum, his adoptive brother Germanicus had died in Syria of illness or poison on 10 October 19. The death of Germanicus made Drusus the new heir, for which Germanicus' wife Agrippina suspected murder. She believed Tiberius had her husband murdered to allow Drusus to become his heir. Historian Levick says this is unlikely given the advancement of her son Nero's career the following year.  Also on 10 October 19, his wife Livilla had given birth to twin sons, Tiberius Gemellus and Germanicus, whom he named after his adoptive brother. Their birth was celebrated by his father who claimed that never before in the history of Rome had twins been born to a man as high in rank as Drusus, and the event was commemorated on the reverse of coins. Tiberius had hoped that Drusus would keep the imperial family together and entrusted him with the guardianship of Germanicus' sons, Nero and Drusus.  He returned to Rome in December, and was present in 20 March when Agrippina arrived with Germanicus' ashes. He was also present for the trial of Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, who was posthumously found guilty for the crime of "maiestas" (treason). On 16 December, his father gave a eulogy for Germanicus during a Senate meeting, and he gave a eulogy the next meeting. It was decided that their eulogies would both be inscribed in bronze: that of Tiberius for future generations, but the "libellus" (eulogy) of Drusus to demonstrate the devotion of Drusus for his adoptive brother in a show of "pietas" (piety).  Several changes affected his father's reign following the death of Germanicus. In addition to losing his adoptive son and heir, Tiberius lost a friend: Gnaeus Piso, whose family had been close supporters of the principate since the early days of Augustus. The loss of Germanicus and the trial of Piso dealt a significant blow to Tiberius' popularity, and he came to resent the role of princeps.

Second consulship.

Maintaining the same interval of three years between Germanicus' and Drusus' first and second term as consul, Drusus was given the consulship again in AD 21, which he held with his father. The hardship of the last two years on his father had made him reclusive. For Tiberius, Drusus holding the consulship was a welcome sight, and with the state of his health, he retreated to Campania, leaving Drusus alone in carrying out the obligations of the consulship. Tiberius' retreat lasted about twenty months.  As consul he took part in a number of Senate debates. His first chance to shine in the Senate came in the dispute between ex-praetor Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo and Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Cornelius failed to give his seat to Corbula at a gladiatorial show, and the incident sparked a debate between the rights of age and the defenders of tradition, in which Drusus argued a rapprochement. In another, it was proposed by Caecina Severus that the wives of governors be banned from joining their husbands in the provinces. Caecina delivered a speech in support of the bill, followed with speeches by both Valerius Messalinus and Drusus in opposition to it. The proposal was then abandoned, not because of the arguments made, but because of the intervention of an external force (the "auctoritas" of Drusus)--the same reason for the later repeal of the Oppian law ("lex Oppia").  Drusus then settled an incident involving the abuse of the protection afforded by icons of the princeps, in which the emperor's images were being used to shield the guilty. Gaius Cestius Gallus brought a complaint into the Senate, and claimed he was being abused under this safeguard by Annia Rufilla. Drusus was soon brought in to weigh on the matter, for the Senate felt only a member of the imperial family could speak on such a delicate issue. At the request of many senators, Drusus had Rufilla arrested and imprisoned. Later, he was given credit for the condemnation of two Roman "equites", Considius Aequus and Coelius Cursor, who had attacked the praetor, Magius Caecilianus, with false charges of "maiestas". It is unlikely that he himself was responsible, for every verdict was given by the Senate with Tiberius' authority, but this did not prevent his popularity.  Meanwhile, there had been a rebellion in Gaul led by Sacrovir and Florus, Gauls with Roman citizenship, but the rebellion was settled by Gaius Silius (commander of the legions of the Lower Rhine) without the intervention of Tiberius or Drusus. After praising the loyalty of the legions in Gaul, Tiberius defended the statement he had made in 14, that neither he nor Drusus should have to "quit the capital" in response to every minor revolt in the empire.  Thus the consulship of Drusus was successful, but at the end of the year he fell ill. His illness prompted the equestrian, Clutorius Priscus, believing his life to be in jeopardy, to write his elegy. Priscus had previously written an elegy for Germanicus for which he was paid. He thought that he would be rewarded again, and so recited his elegy before an audience in preparation for Drusus' death. An unamused informer brought the matter before the Senate, and it was voted that he be executed. His execution was decreed and carried out without first consulting the emperor. This induced Tiberius to introduce a law where the Senate must wait 10 days after such condemnations before making such decrees public as to allow him to learn of their decisions first.  The following year, Tiberius asked the Senate of Rome to grant Drusus "tribunicia potestas" (tribunician power), which they responded to elatedly. The Senate decreed statues, shrines, temples, an arch, and other "customary honors" upon the princeps and his son. Thus in the spring of AD 22 Drusus received "tribunicia potestas", a distinction no senator could then aspire to, as the honor was reserved exclusively for the emperor and his immediate successors. Only two men had been honored this way by Augustus—first Marcus Agrippa and then Tiberius himself—but Tiberius had never bestowed the power on Germanicus. It was then that Drusus shared the symbol of supreme power with his father.

Downfall.

While it was officially Drusus who was the heir to Tiberius, in practice, it was the Praetorian prefect Sejanus who was the second man in the empire. As early as AD 20, Sejanus had sought to strengthen his ties to the imperial family by betrothing his daughter Junilla to the son of Claudius, Claudius Drusus. At the time the girl was only 4 years old but the marriage was prevented when the boy accidentally died a few days later of asphyxiation. Regardless, his ambition to further expand his power was clear.  By AD 23, Sejanus had come to exert considerable influence over the emperor. Such was his relationship with the emperor that he was referred to by Tiberius as "Socius Laborum" ("my partner in my toils"). Sejanus' influence and position allowed him to be elevated to the rank of praetor, a position typically confined to members of the equestrian order. His supporters in the Senate were given advancement in their offices, and statues were being erected in his honor, such as the one in the Theatre of Pompey.  By this time the enmity between Drusus and Sejanus had reached a critical point: Drusus had struck the prefect with his fist, and openly lamented that "a stranger was invited to assist in the government while the emperor's son was alive". According to Levick, there is nothing to suggest bad relations between the two before this point, especially not as far back as 14, during their expedition to Pannonia. She says, however, it may have been the clash between theatrical "claqueurs" and the Praetorian Guard in 15 that began the quarrel, but not enough is known to say for certain. Of more concern to Drusus was, perhaps, that in 20 his father mentioned Sejanus to the Senate in terms that treated him as his partner in power. For Drusus, the heir of that exact position, this was a legitimate cause for concern. At the time, Tiberius was in his sixties, so there was a realistic possibility of Drusus succeeding his father in the near future. In the account of Tacitus, Sejanus began plotting against Drusus in secrecy to secure his position.  After seducing Drusus' wife Livilla, Sejanus convinced her that he loved her and went as far as to divorce his own wife, Apicata. They involved Livilla's physician, Eudemus, whom they met in secret for some time. With the help of Livilla, Drusus was poisoned and died of what passed as natural causes on 14 September 23. Cassius Dio says the actions of Sejanus were revealed in a letter by Apicata following his death in October 31.

Post mortem.

Unlike Germanicus, Drusus was given a full funeral, and his body was interred in the Mausoleum of Augustus, alongside other deceased members of the imperial family. Like Germanicus, stories of poison abounded, with Sejanus as the murderer. Modern historians like Ronald Syme believe that he may simply have died of illness.  His death not only devastated Tiberius but also challenged the future of the principate. Tiberius still trusted Sejanus and had no suspicion. Since Drusus' son was too young, Tiberius adopted his grandchildren by Germanicus, Nero and Drusus, and recommended them to the Senate. Nero was given the office of quaestor five years in advance and was married to Julia Livia, the daughter of Drusus, to combine the families of both possible successors. However, neither would live to succeed Tiberius.  By 26, the emperor had withdrawn from politics altogether and moved to Capri, leaving the management of the empire to Sejanus who then began eliminating other members of the imperial family. In 28/29, Nero was exiled to the island of Ponza as an enemy of the state. Germanicus' son Drusus was imprisoned within the dungeon under the Imperial palace on the Palatine Hill, where he starved to death not long after. Nero died in exile in 33.  Sejanus remained powerful until his sudden downfall and summary execution in October 31, the exact reasons for which remain unclear. On 26 October 31, just eight days after his death, his wife Apicata committed suicide. According to Cassius Dio, she left a message for the emperor: his son had been murdered by his wife Livilla and her lover, Sejanus. The story should be read with caution. Levick says that Sejanus must have murdered Drusus in self-defense because only Tiberius stood between the Praetorian Prefect and the end of his career at the hands of Drusus. Furthermore, he says it is even less likely that Livilla would have been complicit in the destruction of her family, the key to her children's future. Levick dismisses the accusation of Apicata as the revenge of a woman whose husband left her for another.  The deaths of Germanicus' oldest sons elevated his third son, Gaius Caesar (Caligula), to successor and he became "princeps" when Tiberius died in AD 37. Drusus' son Tiberius Gemellus was summoned to Capri by his father Tiberius, where he and Gaius Caligula were made joint heirs. When Caligula assumed power, he made Gemellus his adopted son, but Caligula soon had Gemellus killed for plotting against him.

In popular culture.

He features under the name Castor in the novel "I, Claudius" by Robert Graves, and in its BBC adaptation (in which he was played by Kevin McNally).  He was also portrayed in the 1968 TV series "The Caesars" by William Corderoy.  He is associated with the gourmand Apicius. Under Apicius' influence he disdained a certain vegetable of the cabbage family, earning a reprimand from Tiberius. Drusus is also recorded as using bitter almonds (five or six at a time) as a prophylactic against drunkenness.

Drusus Julius Caesar (14 BC – 14 September AD 23), was the son of Emperor Tiberius, and heir to the Roman Empire following the death of his adoptive brother Germanicus in AD 19.

Drusus Julius Caesar (rodným jménem "Nero Claudius Drusus"; kolem 13 př. n. l. – 14. září 23), známý rovněž jako Drusus mladší, byl jediný syn římského císaře Tiberia a jeho první manželky Vipsanie Agrippiny. Po smrti svého bratrance a adoptovaného bratra Germanika v roce 19 se stal potenciálním nástupcem svého otce na císařském trůnu, což bylo formálně stvrzeno udělením tribunské moci v roce 22.


Simple algebra.

An algebra is simple if it contains no non-trivial two-sided ideals and the multiplication operation is "not" zero (that is, there is some "a" and some "b" such that ).  The second condition in the definition precludes the following situation; consider the algebra with the usual matrix operations:  This is a one-dimensional algebra in which the product of any two elements is zero. This condition ensures that the algebra has a minimal nonzero left ideal, which simplifies certain arguments.  An immediate example of simple algebras are division algebras, where every nonzero element has a multiplicative inverse, for instance, the real algebra of quaternions. Also, one can show that the algebra of "n" × "n" matrices with entries in a division ring is simple. In fact, this characterizes all finite-dimensional simple algebras up to isomorphism, i.e. any finite-dimensional simple algebra is isomorphic to a matrix algebra over some division ring. This result was given in 1907 Joseph Wedderburn in his doctoral thesis, "On hypercomplex numbers", which appeared in the Proceedings of the London Mathematical Society. Wedderburn's thesis classified simple and semisimple algebras. Simple algebras are building blocks of semi-simple algebras: any finite-dimensional semi-simple algebra is a Cartesian product, in the sense of algebras, of simple algebras.  Wedderburn's result was later generalized to semisimple rings in the Artin–Wedderburn theorem.  Let R be the field of real numbers, C be the field of complex numbers, and H the quaternions.

Wedderburn's theorem.

Wedderburn's theorem characterizes simple rings with a unit and a minimal left ideal. (The left Artinian condition is a generalization of the second assumption.) Namely it says that every such ring is, up to isomorphism, a ring of -matrices over a division ring.  Let "D" be a division ring and be the ring of matrices with entries in "D". It is not hard to show that every left ideal in takes the following form:  for some fixed {"n",..., "n"} ⊆ {1,..., "n"}. So a minimal ideal in is of the form  for a given "k". In other words, if "I" is a minimal left ideal, then, where "e" is the idempotent matrix with 1 in the entry and zero elsewhere. Also, "D" is isomorphic to. The left ideal "I" can be viewed as a right module over, and the ring is clearly isomorphic to the algebra of homomorphisms on this module.  The above example suggests the following lemma: Lemma. "A" is a ring with identity 1 and an idempotent element "e" where. Let "I" be the left ideal "Ae", considered as a right module over "eAe". Then "A" is isomorphic to the algebra of homomorphisms on "I", denoted by "Hom"("I").  Proof: We define the "left regular representation" for. Φ is injective because if, then, which implies that.  For surjectivity, let. Since, the unit 1 can be expressed as. So  Since the expression [∑"T"("ae")"eb"] does not depend on "m", Φ is surjective. This proves the lemma. Wedderburn's theorem follows readily from the lemma. Theorem (Wedderburn). If "A" is a simple ring with unit 1 and a minimal left ideal "I", then "A" is isomorphic to the ring of -matrices over a division ring. One simply has to verify the assumptions of the lemma hold, i.e. find an idempotent "e" such that, and then show that "eAe" is a division ring. The assumption follows from "A" being simple.

In abstract algebra, a simple ring is a non-zero ring that has no two-sided ideal besides the zero ideal and itself.

Jednoduchý okruh je v abstraktní algebře každý takový okruh, který nemá žádné (oboustranné) vlastní ideály. Tedy jedinými ideály, které obsahuje, jsou nulový ideál a sám okruh.


Career.

She played four years in Sparta Prague before earning Bayern Munich attention. In her first season at Bayern she was the team's top scorer with 14 goals. At the age of 20 she moved to WUSA's Philadelphia Charge, becoming the first Czech player of women's football in the United States. The WUSA folded in September 2003, so Ščasná returned to Bayern. She played a few more seasons in the Bundesliga before moving to Damallsvenskan in 2006. She spent two years in KIF Örebro DFF and then signed for LdB Malmö, with which she won the 2010 league, her first national title since she left the Czech league. She was drafted by Atlanta Beat in the 2010 WPS Dispersal Draft, but she decided to remain in Malmö. After knee injury in March 2011 she ended with football.  She was an international player for a decade, scoring 24 goals in 50 games for the Czech national team. She retired from international football in Autumn 2008. She was named Czech Footballer of the Year (women) five times, in 1998, 2004, 2006, 2007 and 2008.

Personal life.

Ščasná is the daughter of manager and former international player Zdeněk Ščasný. She began playing football in the junior teams of her father's last two teams as a player, Anagennisi Dherynia in Cyprus and SK Roudnice nad Labem. Her brother Michal is also a professional footballer. In August 2011, Ščasná married footballer Rostislav Novák at the Vrtba Garden in Prague.

Pavlína Ščasná (born 3 April 1982) is a Czech former football striker who last played for Swedish champion LdB Malmö.

Pavlína Ščasná (* 3. dubna 1982 v Roudnici nad Labem) je bývalá česká fotbalová reprezentantka. Kariéru ukončila v březnu 2011 po zdravotních problémech s kolenem.


History.

Lynn Lake was founded in 1950, when a deposit of nickel ore was discovered. The nickel mine was developed, and soon after, gold was also discovered. Most of Lynn Lake's 208 houses and commercial buildings were moved from Sherridon, over cat train trails. The houses and commercial buildings were moved by digging out the foundation, loading them on the tricycle winter freighting sleigh pulled by Linn Tractors and caterpillar crawlers. The buildings once loaded were the last sleigh on the cat trains which were usually 4–5 sleighs long.  After a rich vein of copper ore had been nearly depleted in Sherridon, the company sent out prospectors to find another strike. Around 1945, the expeditions were successful when one of the world's largest nickel strikes was found near the soon to be established Lynn Lake. Most of the people of Sherridon moved to Lynn Lake when housing was completed.  Gold mining was once the major industry of the town. The mine was shut down in the late 20th century, but if the price of gold and other metals rises enough, mining operations could be resumed.

Demographics.

In the 2011 Census, Statistics Canada reported that the Town of Lynn Lake had a population of 482 living in 169 of its 295 total dwellings, a −32.5% change from its 2006 population of 714. Statistics Canada amended the 2011 census results to a population of 674 living in 246 of its 386 total dwellings, a −5.6% change from 2006. With a land area of, it had a population density of in 2011.  In 2001, the population of Lynn Lake was 699, a −32.7% change from its 1996 population of 1,038.

Attractions.

Burge Lake Provincial Park and Zed Lake Provincial Park are nearby.

Transportation.

The town is served by Lynn Lake Airport and Manitoba Provincial Road 391. There is a functional rail line between Lynn Lake and The Pas. The rail line is owned by Keewatin Railway and is inactive between Pukatawagan and Lynn Lake.

Notable people.

Canadian musician, writer, and Officer in the Order of Canada, Tom Cochrane was born in Lynn Lake and lived there until he was four years old. On October 31, 2016, he announced a return to Lynn Lake for a live performance scheduled for August 20, 2017. This announcement was made from the Manitoba Legislature as part of a ceremony that announced the renaming of Manitoba Provincial Road 391 from Thompson, MB to Lynn Lake as the "Life Is A Highway" in commemoration of the 25th anniversary of his best selling album "Mad Mad World".  Lynn Johnston, the creator of the comic strip "For Better or For Worse", also lived for a number of years in Lynn Lake, where she began her career.

Climate.

Lynn Lake experiences a subarctic climate (Köppen Dfc).

Local media.

Television.

"CBTA" began operation in September 1966 on channel 8. CBTA was a Frontier Coverage Package station with program broadcast on a one-week delay. The station operated 4 hours per day from 6pm to 10pm, 7 days a week. CBTA's antenna, transmitter and video equipment were located at the Lynn Lake post office. In early 1969 the province-wide microwave system replaced the video tape recordings. CBTA became part of the CBC network rebroadcasting programing from CBW TV in Winnipeg. The transmitter was later moved to the MTS site. CBTA was managed and operated by Ken Crowston from September 1966 until shortly after the station connected to live CBC network. Lynn Lake has enjoyed live television since then.

Internet.

Northwest Communities Cooperative Inc. (NCC), an independent broadband provider, was formed in July 2010. NCC was the first high-speed internet service of its kind to become available to the community, and had been working to accommodate the large demand. The company's list of subscribers had been growing steadily since its formation. NCC was dissolved in September 2011, and the continued operation of high-speed wireless service was transferred to Broadband Communications North. MTS Allstream began to offer DSL Internet service in December 2011 in addition to its dial-up service. Internet is also available through external satellite providers.MTS Allstream Inc. DSL Availability

Print.

The Town of Lynn Lake used to publish "Lynn Lake Life", a local newsletter, on a monthly basis. It was available at many local locations in paper format and simultaneously available on-line. Monthly publication was suspended in July 2013 when the editor left the community.

Lynn Lake is a town in the northwest region of Manitoba, Canada, approximately from Winnipeg. The town is the fourth-largest town in Manitoba in terms of land area. It is centred on the original urban community of Lynn Lake, located at. The town was named after Lynn Smith, chief engineer of Sherritt Gordon Mines Ltd. There are many outfitters in the Lynn Lake area. They offer services for most wilderness experiences, including sport fishing and bear and moose hunting.

Lynn Lake je malé městečko v severozápadním regionu provincie Manitoba, v Kanadě, 1 071 km od Winnipegu. Městečko bylo pojmenováno po Lynnu Smithovi, šéfinženýru společnosti Sherritt Gordon Mines Ltd. V oblasti Lynn Lake provozují svou živnost mnozí dodavatelé výzbroje do divočiny. Nabízejí služby pro většinu činností provozovaných v divočině, včetně sportovního rybaření a lovu medvědů či losů.


History.

"Yedioth Ahronoth" was established in 1939 by an investor named Gershom Komarov. It was the first evening paper in the British Mandate of Palestine, and attempted to emulate the format of the "London Evening Standard". Running into financial difficulties, Komarov sold the paper to Yehuda Mozes, a wealthy land dealer who regarded the paper as an interesting hobby and a long-term financial investment. His sons, Reuben and Noah ran the paper with Noah as the first managing editor.  In 1948, a large group of journalists and staff members led by chief editor Ezriel Carlebach left to form "Yedioth Maariv," shortly later known as "Maariv". According to Dr. Carlebach and his associates, their reason for leaving Yedioth Ahronoth was Mozes' interference in their editorial decisions. He was replaced as chief editor by Herzl Rosenblum. Carelbach is considered the most prominent journalist of his era and his and his associates' departure from Yedioth is commonly known in Israeli media history as "The Putsch". This began an ongoing battle for circulation and prestige between the rival newspapers, which peaked during the 1990s when both papers were discovered to have bugged one another's phones. In the first decades following Carlebach's departure Maariv's circulation greatly outnumbered Yedioth's although over the years Yedioth's readership grew steadily and by the early 1980s its circulation eclipsed Maariv's and therefore became the country's largest newspaper. This success was in large part thanks to the efforts of Dov Yudkovski, a distant cousin of Mozes and holocaust survivor who joined Yedioth following "the Putsch" in 1948, serving as editorial manager between 1953 and 1986, and chief editor between 1986 and 1989. Although officially Rosenblum held the title of chief editor between 1948 and 1986, his duties only extended to writing the paper's leading editorial article while Yudkovski acted as chief editor in practice. For his achievements Yudkovski was awarded the Sokolov Prize for Journalism in 2000 and the 2002 Israel Prize in Communications.  As of 2017, the paper is headed by Noah Mozes's son, Arnon Mozes. For many years it was edited by Herzl Rosenblum's son, Moshe Vardi, who was replaced in 2005 by Rafi Ginat. Shilo De-Beer was promoted to editor in April 2007. He was followed by Ron Yaron in 2011.  The newspaper is published in tabloid format, and according to one author, its marketing strategy emphasizes "drama and human interest over sophisticated analysis." It has been described as "undoubtedly the country's number-one paper." The paper is open to a wide range of political views.  In January 2017, secret recordings were released of conversations between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Mozes discussing a potential deal in which the newspaper would provide better coverage of Netanyahu in exchange for the government limiting the circulation of competitor "Israel Hayom".

Circulation.

In a TGI survey of the media comparing the last half of 2009 with the same period in 2008, "Yedioth Ahronoth" retained the title of most widely read newspaper in Israel but saw its market share fall slightly from 35.9 to 33.9 percent. In July 2010, a TGI survey reported that "Israel HaYom" had overtaken "Yedioth Ahronoth" as the most read newspaper in terms of exposure with a rate of 35.2% compared to "Yedioth"<nowiki>'</nowiki>s 34.9%. After only a few months of publication of a weekend edition, it scored it 25.7% of exposure compared with "Yedioth"'s 43.7% rate. While "Yedioth" is a paid newspaper, "Israel HaYom" is a free newspaper, backed by American casino mogul Sheldon Adelson.

Yedioth Ahronot Group.

The newspaper is owned by the Yedioth Ahronoth Group, which also owns shares in several Israeli mass media companies, such as "Channel 2", a commercial television channel; "Hot", the national cable TV company; "Yedioth Tikshoret", a group of weekly local newspapers; "Vesti", a Russian language newspaper; magazines, such as the weekly TV guide magazine "Pnai Plus" and weekly women's magazine "La'Isha"; and other non-media companies.

Political leaning.

"Yedioth Ahronoth" is generally critical of Benjamin Netanyahu. A study conducted by Moran Rada with the Israeli Democracy Institute showed that "Yedioth"s coverage of the 2009 Israeli legislative election was biased in favor of Kadima and its leader Tzipi Livni in most editorial decisions and that the paper chooses to play down events that do not help to promote a positive image for her, while on the other hand, touting and inflating events that help promote Livni and her party. Oren Frisco reached a similar conclusion after the 2009 Knesset elections, writing that throughout the campaign, "Yediot Ahronoth" was biased against Netanyahu.  In 2017 it was revealed that Netanyahu taped conversations he held with Yediot chairman and editor Arnon Mozes, in which Mozes proposed to him a deal to have more favorable coverage of Netanyahu in the paper in return for legislation harming the paper's main competitor, "Israel Hayom". This led to the opening of "Case 2000", a corruption investigation with Netanyahu and Mozes as its main suspects.

Yedioth Ahronoth (, ; lit. "Latest News") is a national daily newspaper published in Tel Aviv, Israel. Founded in 1939 in Mandatory Palestine, "Yedioth Ahronoth" has been the largest newspaper in Israel by sales and circulation.

Jedi'ot achronot (:, doslova "Nejnovější zprávy") je hebrejský psaný deník vycházející v mandátní Palestině a Izraeli od roku 1939.


History.

Haida history begins with the arrival of the primordial ancestresses of the Haida matrilineages in Haida Gwaii some 14,000 to 19,000 years ago. These include SGuuluu Jaad (Foam Woman), Jiila Kuns (Creek Woman), and KalGa Jaad (ice woman). The Haida canon of oral histories and archeological findings agree that Haida ancestors lived alongside glaciers and were present at the time of the arrival of the first tree, a lodgepole pine, in Haida Gwaii. For thousands of years since Haida have participated in a rigorous coast-wide legal system called Potlatch. After the Islands wide arrival of red cedar some 7,500 years ago Haida society transformed to centre around the coastal "tree of life". Massive carved cedar monuments and cedar big houses became widespread throughout Haida Gwaii.  The first recorded European contact was in 1774 with Spanish explorer Juan Perez. However, some academics believed that there was contact prior to that with Russian explorers as early as 1741 and even earlier with Spanish ships originating from the west coast of Mexico in the 1500s. The name of a principle village Massett is actually a Spanish surname and was gifted by a damaged sailing ship rescued and repaired with the help of Auuxaada (Haida villages located along the mouth of Massett Inlet).  Haida Gwaii's pre-contact population was estimated towards the tens of thousands by the Council of the Haida Nation. A similar estimate was recorded by early fur traders. The Haida used large canoes to navigate, trade and even raid all along the west coast of Canada. Although they had gone on expeditions as far south as California and across the Pacific, confrontations were minimal. European transgressions of Haida law such as attempts to mine gold were responded to with appropriate force by Haida authorities. Despite this, smallpox introduction first by Russian and then intentionally by Canadians resulted in population loss over three plagues finally down to 588 people by 1915. It was not until then that European settlers were confident enough to settle on Haida Gwaii. Over time Europeans increasingly infringed on Haida territories. In 1911 Canada and British Columbia rejected a Haida offer whereby in exchange for full rights of British citizenship Haidas would formally join the Dominion. Haida people then gathered in two communities and armoured themselves against the intrusion of foreign people and policy. The Canadian policy was prolonged and expansive and included seizing children into residential schools located thousands of kilometres away from Haida Gwaii. Such efforts to erode Haida authority were never fully successful. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada was officially launched in 2008 with a plan to help people by exposing the terrible information about the system that residential schools were a part of and in hopes of working toward reconciliation throughout Canada.  Some of the things that living Haida are known for is political resilience. This persistent expression is also seen in their assertive and direct approach causing anthropologist Diamond Jenness to compare them to Vikings. The coastal raiding activities in specialized ocean-going vessels also parallel cultural traditions of Viking culture.  In British Columbia, the term "Haida Nation" often refers to Haida people as a whole however, it also refers to their government, the Council of the Haida Nation. While all people of Haida ancestry are entitled to Haida citizenship, including the Kaigani who as Alaskans are also part of the Central Council Tlingit Haida Indian Tribes of Alaska government. The Haida language has sometimes been classified as one of the Na-Dene group, but is usually considered to be an isolate. In spite of the de facto banning of the Haida language with the introduction of residential schools and the enforcement of the use of English language, Haida language revitalization projects swung into action in the 1970s and continue to this day. It is estimated that there are only 3 or 4 dozen Haida speaking people with almost all of them being the age of 70 or older.  Haida society continues to produce a robust and highly stylized art form, a leading component of Northwest Coast art. While artists frequently have expressed this in large wooden carvings (totem poles), Chilkat weaving, or ornate jewellery, in the 21st century, younger people are also making art in popular expression such as Haida manga.  In 2018 the first feature-length Haida-language film, "The Edge of the Knife" (), was released, with an all-Haida cast. The actors learned Haida for their performances in the film, with a 2-week training camp followed by lessons throughout the 5 weeks of filming. Haida artist Gwaai Edenshaw and Tsilhqot'in filmmaker Helen Haig-Brown directed, with Edenshaw and his brother being co-screenwriters, with Graham Richard and Leonie Sandercock.  In spring 2020, "Now is the Time", a documentary by Haida Film maker Christopher Auchter was selected to screen at Sundance film festival.

Culture and religion.

Many Haida believe in an ultimate being called "Ne-kilst-lass" which can be expressed through the form and antics of a Raven. "Ne-kilst-lass" revealed the world and was an active player in the creation of life. Although "Ne-kilst-lass" has a generous inclination it also includes a darker, indulgent and trickster quality.

Potlatches.

Haida host Potlatches which were intricate economic and social political processes that include acquisition of incorporeal wealth like names and the circulation of property in the form of gifts. They are often held when a citizen wishes to commemorate an event of importance. For example, deaths of a loved one, marriages, and other civil proceedings. The more important potlatches take years to prepare and can continue for days.  Not commonly applied today but young boys and girls entering puberty would embarked on vision quests. These quests would send them out alone for days, they would travel through the forests, in hopes of finding a spirit to guide them through their lives. There were unique spirits for boys and girls who were to become great. A successful vision quest was celebrated by the wearing of masks, face paints, and costumes.

Transformation masks.

Transformation masks were worn ceremonially, used by dancers and represented or illustrated the connection between various spirits. The masks usually depicted an animal transforming into another animal or a spiritual or mythical being. Masks were representations of the souls of the mask owner's family waiting in the afterlife to be reborn. Masks worn during ceremonial dances were designed with strings to open the mask, transforming the spiritual animal into a carving of the ancestor underneath. There was also emphasis on the idea of metamorphosis and reincarnation. With the banning of potlatches by the Canadian government in 1885, many masks were confiscated. Masks and many other objects are considered sacred and designed only for specific people to see. It was unknown who the wearer of the mask was as each mask was made for each individual's soul and spirit animal. Due to the confiscation of the masks and the sacred meaning to each individual who wore the mask, it is unknown if the masks in museums are truly meant to be seen or if they are an aspect of European colonialism and the rejection of Haida religious and spiritual traditions.

Family.

The traditional society of the Haida people had many villages that linked related families. The Haida followed a matrilineal descent that consisted of a mother and her children, her daughter's children and her granddaughter's children, etc.

Social structure.

The Haida social structure before contact was one that is worth noting. The Haida nation was split between two social groups or moieties, the Raven and the Eagle. Between these two social groups marriages would be exchanged between the two tribes as it was enforced that the marriages between two people from the same moiety were prohibited. Due to this any children that were born after the marriage would officially become part of the moiety that the mother had come from. For example, if the father is from the Eagle social group and the mother is from the Raven social group their children would automatically be a part of the Raven moiety. Each group provided its members with entitlement to a vast range of economic resources such as fishing spots, hunting or collecting areas, and housing sites. Each group also had rights to their own myths and legends, dances, songs, and music. Eagles and Ravens were very important to the Haida families as they would identify with one or the other and this would signify what side on the village they would reside on. The family would also own their own property, had specific areas for food gathering. These categories of Eagles and Ravens divided them on an even larger scale, specifying their land, history, and customs. The roles of the family varied between men and women. Men were responsible for all of the hunting and fishing, building home and carving canoes and totem poles. The women's responsibilities were to stay close to home doing a majority of their work on the land. Women were responsible for all of the chores in relation to the keeping of the home. Women were also in charge of curing cedarwood to use for weaving and making clothes. It was also the duty of the women to gather berries and dig for shellfish and clams.  The Haida social system changed significantly by the end of the nineteenth century. At this point a majority of the Haida had taken nuclear family forms, and members of families belonging in the same moiety (Ravens and Eagles) were permitted to marry each other, which was previously forbidden.

Maturity and coming of age.

Once a boy hit puberty, their uncles on their mothers’ side would educate them on their family history and how to behave now that they were a man. It was believed that a special diet would increase his abilities. For example, duck tongues helped him hold his breath under water, whereas blue jay tongues helped him to be a strong climber.  The aunts on the father's side of a young Haida woman would teach her about her duties to her tribe once she first began to menstruate. The young woman would go to a secluded space in her family home. They believed that by making her sleep on a stone pillow and only allowing her to eat and drink small amounts she would become tougher.

History.

The Haida are known for their craftsmanship, trading skills, and seamanship. They are thought to have been warlike and to practise slavery. Anthropologist Diamond Jenness has compared the Haida to Vikings while Haida have replied saying that Vikings are like Haida.  The Haida conducted regular trade with Russian, Spanish, British, and American fur traders and whalers. According to sailing records, they diligently maintained strong trade relationships with Westerners, coastal people, and among themselves. Trade for sea-otter pelts was initiated by British Captain George Dixon with the Haida in 1787. The Haida did really well for themselves in this industry and until the mid-1800s they were at the centre of the profitable China sea-otter trade.  Like other groups on the Northwest Coast, the Haida defended themselves with fortifications, including palisades, trapdoors and platforms. The Haida were known to go to war with other Indigenous nations. They took to water in large ocean-going canoes, each created from a single Western red cedar tree, and big enough to accommodate as many as 60 paddlers. The aggressive tribe were particularly feared in sea battles, although they did respect rules of engagement in their conflicts. The Haida developed effective weapons for boat-based battle, including a special system of stone rings weighing which could destroy an enemy's dugout canoe and be reused after the attacker pulled it back with the attached cedar bark rope. The Haida took captives from defeated enemies, however the Haida also owned slaves, who were war captives or the children of captives. Although they had gone on expeditions as far as Washington State, at first they had minimal confrontations with Europeans. Despite this between 1780 and 1830, the Haida turned their aggression towards European and American traders. Among the dozens ships the tribe captured were the "Eleanor" and the "Susan Sturgis". The tribe made use of the weapons they so acquired, using cannons and canoe-mounted swivel guns.  In 1856, an expedition in search of a route across Vancouver Island was at the mouth of the Qualicum River when they observed a large fleet of Haida canoes approaching and hid in the forest. They observed these attackers holding human heads. When the explorers reached the mouth of the river, they came upon the charred remains of the village of the Qualicum people and the mutilated bodies of its inhabitants, with only one survivor, an elderly woman, hiding terrified inside a tree stump.  Due to smallpox and other diseases brought over by the Europeans resulted in their population dropping to 588 people by 1915. It was not until nearly the 1900s that the European settlers drastically populated Haida Gwaii. Over time Europeans increasingly infringed on Haida territories and eventually the Haida had no choice but to move onto smaller parcels of land.  Also in 1857, the was sent from Seattle to nearby Port Gamble, where indigenous raiding parties made up of Haida (from territory claimed by the British) and Tongass (from territory claimed by the Russians) had been attacking and enslaving the Coast Salish people there. When the Haida and Tongass (sea lion tribe Tlingit) warriors refused to acknowledge American jurisdiction and to hand over those among them who had attacked the Puget Sound communities, a battle ensued in which 26 natives and one government soldier were killed. In the aftermath of this, Colonel Isaac Ebey, a US military officer and the first settler on Whidbey Island, was shot and beheaded on 11 August 1857 by a small Tlingit group from Kake, Alaska, in retaliation for the killing of a respected Kake chief in the raid the year before. Ebey's scalp was purchased from the Kake by an American trader in 1860. The introduction of smallpox among the Haida at Victoria in March 1862 significantly reduced their sovereignty over their traditional territories, and opened the doorway to colonial power. As many as nine in ten Haidas died of smallpox and many villages were completely depopulated. In 1885 the Haida potlatch () was outlawed under the Potlatch Ban. The elimination of the potlatch system destroyed financial relationships and seriously interrupted the cultural heritage of coastal people.  The Haida also created "notions of wealth", and Jenness credits them with the introduction of the totem pole (Haida: "") and the bentwood box. Missionaries regarded the carved poles as graven images rather than representations of the family histories that wove Haida society together. Chiefly families showed their histories by erecting totems outside their homes, or on house posts forming the building. Their social organization was matrilineal. As the islands were Christianized, many cultural works such as totem posts were destroyed or taken to museums around the world. This significantly undermined Haida self-knowledge and further diminished morale.  The government began forcibly sending some Haida children to residential schools as early as 1911. Haida children were sent as far away as Alberta to live among English-speaking families where they were to be assimilated into the dominant culture.

Historical warfare.

Prior to contact with Europeans, other Indigenous communities regarded the Haida as aggressive warriors and made attempts to avoid sea battles with them. Archeological evidence shows that Northwest coast tribes, to which the Haida belong, engaged in warfare as early as 10 000 BC. Though the Haida were more likely to participate in sea battles, it was not uncommon for them to engage in hand-to-hand combat or long-range attacks. Hostilities were not always violent, often ritualized and some resulting in Peace Treaties still in force hundreds of years later.

Archeological and written evidence of warfare.

Analyses of skeletal injuries dating from the Archaic period show that Northwest coast nations, particularly in the North where most Haida communities were situated, engaged in battles of some sort, though the number of battles is unknown. The presence of defensive fortifications dating from the Middle Pacific period show that the incidence of battles rose somewhere between 1800 BC and AD 500. These fortifications continued to be in use during the 18th century as evidenced by Captain James Cook’s discovery of one such hilltop fortification in a Haida village. Numerous other sightings of such fortifications were recorded by other European explorers during this century.

Causes of warfare.

There were multiple reasons that motivated Haida people to commit warfare. Various accounts explain that the Haida went to battle more for revenge and slaves than for anything else. According to the anthropologist Margaret Blackman, who has done research on the Haida since the 1970s, warfare on Haida Gwaii was primarily motivated by revenge. Many Northwest coast legends tell of Haida communities raiding and fighting with neighbouring communities because of insults. Other causes included disputes over property, territory, resources, trade routes and even women. However, a battle between a Haida community and another often did not have simply one cause. In fact, many battles were the result of decades old disputes. The Haida, like many of the Northwest coast Indigenous communities, engaged in slave-raiding as slaves were highly sought after for their use as labour as well as bodyguards and warriors. During the 19th century, the Haida fought physically with other Indigenous communities to ensure domination of the fur trade with European merchants. Haida groups also had feuds with these European merchants that could last years. In 1789, some Haidas were accused of stealing items from Captain Kendrick, most of which included drying linen. Kendrick seized two Haida chiefs and threatened to kill them via cannon-fire if they did not return the stolen items. Though the Haida community complied at the time, less than two years later 100 to 200 of its people attacked the same ship.

War parties.

The missionary W. H. Collison describes having seen a Haida fleet of around forty canoes. However, he does not provide the number of warriors in these canoes, and there are no other known accounts that describe the number of warriors in a war party. The structure of a Haida war party generally followed that of the community itself, the only difference being that the chief took the lead during battles; otherwise his title was more or less meaningless. Medicine men were often brought along raids or before battles to “destroy the souls of enemies” and ensure victory.

Death in battle.

Battles between a group of Haida warriors and another community sometimes resulted in the annihilation of either one or both of the groups involved. Villages would be burned down during a battle which was a common practice during Northwest coast battles. The Haida burned their warriors who died in battles, though it is not known if this act was done after each battle or only after battles in which they were victorious. The Haida believed that fallen warriors went to the House of Sun, which was considered a highly honourable death. For this reason, a specially made military suit for chiefs was prepared if they fell in battle. The slaves belonging to the chiefs who died in battle were burned with them.

Weapons used in battles.

The Haida used the bow and arrow until it was replaced by firearms acquired from Europeans in the 19th century, but other traditional weapons were still preferred. The weapons that the Haida used were often multi-functional; they were used not only in battle, but during other activities as well. For instance, daggers were very common and almost always the weapon of choice for hand-to-hand combat, and were also used during hunting and to create other tools. One medicine man's dagger that Alexander Mackenzie came across during his exploration of Haida Gwaii, was used both for fights and to hold the medicine man's hair up. Another dagger that Mackenzie obtained from a Haida village was said to be connected to a Haida legend; many daggers had individual histories which made them unique from one another.

Battle armour.

The Haida wore rod-and-slat armour. This meant greaves for the thighs and lower back and slats (a long strip of wood) in the side pieces to allow for more flexibility during movement. They wore elk hide tunics under their armour and wooden helmets. Arrows could not penetrate this armour, and Russian explorers found that bullets could only penetrate the armour if shot from a distance of less than 20 feet. The Haida rarely used shields because of their developed armour.

Villages.

Historical Haida villages were:

Calendar.

The Haidas' calendar:

Ethnobotany.

They use the berries of Vaccinium vitis-idaea ssp. minus as food.

Anthropologists and scholars.

This is an incomplete list of anthropologists and scholars who have done research on the Haida.

Haida (,,,, ) are a nation and ethnic group native to, or otherwise associated with, (an archipelago located off the west coast of Canada and immediately south of Alaska) meaning "Coming out of concealment" or sometimes "island of the People", and the Haida language. The Haida language is an isolate language, that has been spoken historically across Haida Gwaii and other islands on the Alaska Panhandle. To this day, 445 people still claim to speak the Haida language. Prior to the 19th century, Haida spoke a number of coastal First Nations languages such as Tlingit, Nisg̱a'a and Coast Tsimshian. Throughout the Northwest Coast, indigenous nations spoke a minimum of 45 languages. When Haida moved to Alaska in the eighteenth century they also spoke the Masset dialect. The Haida language was ruthlessly driven out of kidnapped Haida children through the Canadian residential school system. This resulted in a sudden decline in its usage throughout the 1900s. Haida language champions are working through multiple initiatives to revitalize the Haida language along with Haida law, customs, and cultural identity.

Haidové, vlastním jménem Haida Gwaii (tj. "Ostrovní lidé", "Ostrované"), jsou etnická skupina severoamerických Indiánů, žijících především na Ostrovech královny Charlotty u pobřeží Britské Kolumbie. V roce 2008 jich byli asi 2 300, avšak jazykem haida, který je pŕes určité vazby k tlingitštině pokládán za izolovaný, plynně hovoří už jen asi 20 příslušníků starší generace a pomalu proto vymírá. Dnešní Haidové většinou hovoří už jen anglicky a většinou pracují v rybářském nebo dřevařském průmyslu, jako turističtí průvodci, v agenturách na ochranu přírody nebo se věnují tradičním uměleckým řemeslům, zejména řezbářství.


Family.

She was the daughter of Manfred del Vasto (brother of Boniface del Vasto, marquess of Western Liguria, and Anselm del Vasto). Her uncle held much political clout in the region of Liguria–a document relating the deeds of Roger I described him as “that most renowned marquis of Italy.” Her father's family was of Frankish descent of a branch of the Aleramici, sharing a common descent from Aleramo of Montferrat with the Marquesses of Montferrat. Her brothers founded the lines of the Marquesses of Saluzzo, of Busca, of Lancia, of Ceva, and of Savona.  Her paternal grandparents were Teto II del Vasto, and his wife Bertha of Turin, daughter of margrave Ulric Manfred II of Turin.

Countess consort of Sicily.

In 1089, Adelaide married Roger I while her sister married Roger's illegitimate son Jordan. Roger I died in 1101, and Adelaide ruled as regent of Sicily for her young sons Simon and Roger II. Adelaide herself was quite young when she became regent; she was only about 26 years old at the time. During her tenure, the emir Christodulus rose to preeminence at the court and Palermo was settled as the capital of the realm.  Almost immediately after Adelaide assumed the position of regent, rebellions broke out in parts of Calabria and Sicily. The writings of the Norman monk Orderic Vitalis recount that Adelaide put an end to these episodes of insurgency with severity. The use of great force in suppressing such rebellions, however, did not tarnish her reputation as a ruler. In fact, Abbot Alexander of Telese's history of Roger I describes Adelaide as “a most prudent woman, [she] exercised the cares of the government and ruled over the county.” A Greek and Arab charter from 1109 describes Adelaide as “the great female ruler, the malikah of Sicily and Calabria, the protector of the Christian faith.”  Adelaide's older son, Simon, was enthroned when he reached the appropriate age (around 8 or 9 years old) but died in 1105, leaving Adelaide regent again until Roger II reached his majority in 1112. Adelaide's second son, Roger II, took control over control of the kingdom in 1112, but there is evidence that Adelaide continued to play a central role in the governing of the island as her signature can still be seen on official documents even after 1112.  Adelaide, and Roger II after her, chose to rule with the help of local officials, rather than importing a retinue of foreign advisors recognizing the great advantage in their familiarity with the island, its people and its cultures. Similarly, she was careful to donate generously to the local Greek monasteries on Sicily as a way of currying favor with the pre-existing religious authorities.  Either through her influence or under her regency, her brother Henry del Vasto was granted Paternò and Butera. Henry (Enrico) was married to Flandina daughter of Count Roger I. of Calabria and Sicily.

Queen consort of Jerusalem.

Meanwhile, in Jerusalem, after the death of Baldwin's first wife Godehilde during the First Crusade, Baldwin married an Armenian noblewoman traditionally known as Arda. Arda was useful in an alliance with the Armenians while Baldwin was Count of Edessa, but when he became King of Jerusalem in 1100 he seemed to have little use for an Armenian wife, and Arda was forced into a convent around 1105.  In 1112 a new marriage was sought for the king. Arnulf of Chocques, Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, suggested that Baldwin marry Adelaide, as Roger II was now old enough to rule Sicily alone. Baldwin sent ambassadors to Sicily, and somewhat hastily agreed to any terms which Adelaide might have; Adelaide demanded that their son, should they have one, inherit Jerusalem, and if they had no children, the kingdom would pass to her own son Roger II. Adelaide brought with her an enormous amount of badly needed money, as well as some Muslim archers and a thousand other Sicilian soldiers.  Adelaide was already well into middle age and no new heir was immediately forthcoming. The king was blamed for a bigamous marriage (as Arda was still alive) and the Patriarch Arnulf was deposed. Pope Paschal II agreed to reinstate him in 1116, provided that he annul the marriage between Baldwin and Adelaide. Baldwin agreed, after falling ill and assuming that renouncing his sin of bigamy would cure him. In 1117 the annulment was performed at Acre, and Adelaide sailed back to Sicily.  Adelaide died on 16 April 1118 and was buried in Patti. Roger II was outraged at the treatment of his mother and never forgave the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Almost thirty years later, Roger still refused to give assistance to the Crusader states during the Second Crusade. William of Tyre wrote of the impact of the incident: “Adelaide’s son was angered beyond measure, because she had been sent back. He conceived a mortal hatred against the kingdom and its people. Other Christian princes in various parts of the world, either by coming in person or by giving liberal gifts, have amplified our infant realm. But he and his heirs at the present time have never become reconciled to us to the extent of a single friend word. Although they could have relieved our necessities by council and aid far more easily than other prince, yet they have always remembered their wrongs and have unjustly avenged upon the whole people the fault of a single individual.”

References.

Adelaide del Vasto (Adelasia, Azalaïs) ( – 16 April 1118) was countess of Sicily as the third spouse of Roger I of Sicily, and Queen consort of Jerusalem by marriage to Baldwin I of Jerusalem. She served as regent of Sicily during the minority of her son Roger II of Sicily from 1101 until 1112.

Adéla del Vasto ( "Adelasia del Vasto", "Adilasia di Monferratu", "Adélaïde de Montferrat" ; 1072 – 16. dubna 1118 Patti) byla hraběnka sicilská a krátce královna jeruzalémská.


Terminology.

The French-speaking missionaries to the northwest of the Red River Colony referred to the Chipewyan people as Montagnais in their documents written in French. Montagnais (in French) therefore has often been mistakenly translated to Montagnais (in English), which refers to the Neenolino Innu of northern Quebec, and not the Dene (Chipewyan people).

Demographics.

Chipewyan peoples live in the region spanning the western Canadian Shield to the Northwest Territories, including northern parts of the provinces of Manitoba, Alberta and Saskatchewan. There are also many burial and archaeological sites in Nunavut which are part of the Dënesųłı̨ne group.  The following list of First Nations band governments had in August 2016 a total registered membership of 25,519, with 11,315 in Saskatchewan, 6,952 in Alberta, 3,038 in Manitoba and 4,214 in the Northwest Territories. All had Denesuline populations; however, several had a combination of Cree and Denesuline members (see the Barren Lands First Nation in Manitoba and the Fort McMurray First Nation in Alberta).  There are also many Dene (Dënesųlı̨ne)-speaking Métis communities located throughout the region. The Saskatchewan village of La Loche, for example, had 2,300 residents who in the 2011 census identified as speaking Dene (Denesuline) as their native language. About 1,800 of the residents were Métis and about 600 were members of the Clearwater River Dene Nation.

Commemorations.

The relocation of the Sayisi Dene is commemorated in the Dene Memorial in Churchill Manitoba.

Governance.

The Dënesųłı̨ne people are part of many band governments spanning Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba and the Northwest Territories.

Historical Chipewyan regional groups.

The Chipewyan moved in small groups or bands, consisting of several extended families, alternating between winter and summer camps. The groups participated in hunting, trapping, fishing and gathering in the boreal forest and around the many lakes of their territory. Later, with the emerging North American fur trade, they organized into several major regional groups in the vicinity of the European trading posts to control, as middleman, the carrying trade in furs and the hunting of fur-bearing animals. The new social groupings also enabled the Chipewyan to dominate their Dene neighbors and to better defend themselves against their rifle-armed Cree enemies, who were advancing to the Peace River and Lake Athabasca.

Ethnography.

Historically, the Denesuline were allied to some degree with the southerly Cree, and warred against Inuit and other Dene peoples to the north of Chipewyan lands.  An important historic Denesuline is Thanadelthur ("Marten Jumping"), a young woman who early in the 18th century helped her people to establish peace with the Cree, and to get involved with the fur trade (Steckley 1999).  The Sayisi Dene of northern Manitoba is a Chipewyan band notable for hunting migratory caribou. They were historically located at Little Duck Lake and known as the "Duck Lake Dene". In 1956, the government relocated them to the port of Churchill on the shore of Hudson Bay and a small village north of Churchill called North Knife River, joining other Chipewyan Dene and becoming members of "Fort Churchill Dene Chipewyan Band". In the 1970s, the "Duck Lake Dene" opted for self-reliance, a return to caribou hunting, and relocated to Tadoule Lake, Manitoba, legally becoming "Sayisi Dene First Nation (Tadoule Lake, Manitoba)" in the 1990s.

Culture.

The Chipewyan used to largely be nomadic. They used to be organized into small bands and temporarily lived in tepees. They wore one-piece pants and moccasin outfits. However, their nomadic lifestyle began to erode since 1717 when they encountered English entrepreneurs. The Chipewyan subsequently became important in the subarctic trade by exchanging furs and hides for metal tools, guns, and cloth.  Modern Chipewyan are either fluidly sedentary or semi-nomadic in lifestyle. Many still practice their traditional lifestyle for subsistence like fishing or hunting caribou although this process is modernized with the use of modern nets, tools, transportation and more.

Language.

Denesuline (Chipewyan) speak the Denesuline language, of the Athabaskan linguistic group. Denesuline is spoken by Aboriginal people in Canada whose name for themselves is a cognate of the word ("people"): (or ). Speakers of the language speak different dialects but understand each other. There is a 'k', t dialect that most people speak. For example, people in Fond du lac, speak the 'k' and say while others who use the 't' say.  The name "Chipewyan" is, like many people of the Canadian prairies, of Algonquian origin. It is derived from the Plains Cree name for them, (), "pointed skin", from (), "to be pointed"; and (), "skin" or "hide" - a reference to the cut and style of Chipewyan parkas.  Most Chipewyan people now use "Dene" and "Denesuline" to describe themselves and their language. The Saskatchewan communities of Fond-du-Lac, Black Lake and Wollaston Lake are a few.  Despite the superficial similarity of the names, the Chipewyan are not related to the "Chippewa" (Ojibwa) people.  In 2015, Shene Catholique-Valpy, a Chipewyan woman in the Northwest Territories, challenged the territorial government over its refusal to permit her to use the ʔ character in her daughter's name, Sahaiʔa. The territory argued that territorial and federal identity documents were unable to accommodate the character. Sahaiʔa's mother finally registered her name with a hyphen in place of the ʔ, while continuing to challenge the policy. Shortly afterward, another woman named Andrea Heron also challenged the territory on the same grounds, for refusing to accept the ʔ character in her daughter's Slavey name, Sakaeʔah (actually a cognate of Sahaiʔa).

The Chipewyan (Denésoliné or Dënesųłı̨né or Dënë Sųłınë́, meaning "the original/real people") are an aboriginal Dene ethnolinguistic group of the Athabaskan language family, whose ancestors are identified with the Taltheilei Shale archaeological tradition. They are part of the Northern Athabascan group of peoples, and come from what is now Western Canada.

Čipevajané též Čipevajové (vlastním jménem Denésoliné či Dënesųłiné - ‘Lidé z pustin’, anglicky "Chipewyan") jsou indiáni Dené, domorodí obyvatelé Kanady, jejichž předci byli Taltheilei. V Kanadě žije přibližně 11 000 Čipevajanů, převážně v arktických regionech kolem západního břehu Hudsonova zálivu, včetně Manitoby a Severozápadních teritorií, stejně jako severních částí Alberty a Saskatchewanu. Současné skupiny existují v:


History.

Hercules C.F. has been documented since 1914 although not officially registered until 26 September 1922, alongside Mercantil de Cartagena, Federación Levantina and others. Its founder was Vicente Pastor Alfosea dubbed "El Chepa". In its early days, the club played in various locations, the foothills of la montañosa, the lands of l'Hort del tio Ron, the campo de Benalúa or the facilities of the Alicante Recreation Club. Hercules joined a youth league, becoming champion in 1918. The first official match was in 1919 against Athletic Club Benaluense, Hercules winning 2-1. At first the team played in white and red striped shirts and black pants.  After first appearing in La Liga in the 1935–36 season, Hércules would play sporadically in the category for the next 40 years, playing mainly in the second division but going as low as the third. From 1961 to 1969, neighbours Alicante acted as its feeder club.  After a ten-year spell in the top flight, encompassing 12 seasons in the 1970s and '80s, the club only returned again in the 1996–97 campaign. Though eventually relegated, it managed two remarkable comeback wins over Barcelona, which ultimately handed the Liga title to Real Madrid.  In 2004–05, after five years in the third level, Hércules finished second, being subsequently promoted to the "silver category". After posting three consecutive solid seasons, the club narrowly missed out on a return to the top division in 2009, finishing fourth, three points behind last-promotee Tenerife.  The 2009–10 campaign saw Hércules promoted back into the top flight after 14 years in dramatic fashion: losing 0–1 at half-time at Rayo Vallecano, the team fought back to win 2–1 in the penultimate game of the season and leap frogged Real Betis into third place. In the last round, a 2–0 away win against relegation-threatened Real Unión guaranteed promotion, with the 4–0 win of Betis over Levante eventually counting for nothing (all three teams – Levante, Hércules and Betis – ended equal on points).  Early into the 2010–11 season, one year, three months and 19 days after Barcelona's last home defeat in the league, Hércules recorded a shock 2–0 win at the Camp Nou thanks to a brace from Nelson Valdez – Barcelona had won their last 11 home matches, scored at least three times in each of their last six league fixtures and were protecting a 17-game unbeaten streak. This was the Alicante outfit's third successive win over the Barcelona, having won both meetings in their previous top flight campaign 14 years before.  In the 2013–14 campaign, they were relegated to the Segunda División B after finishing in last place in the Segunda División.  In the 2016-17 Copa del Rey, the team drew 1-1 with Barcelona. In the second match at the Camp Nou (Barcelona's home), Hércules was defeated by the Catalonian side 7-0.

Hércules de Alicante Club de Fútbol, S.A.D. () is a Spanish football team based in Alacant, in the autonomous community of Valencian Community. Founded in 12 March 1922, it currently plays in Segunda División B – Group 3 and plays its home games at the 29,500-capacity Estadio José Rico Pérez.

Hércules Club de Fútbol, S.A.D. je španělský fotbalový klub sídlící ve městě Alicante nacházejícím se ve Valencijském společenství. Založen byl v roce 1922 a v současnosti hraje druhou nejvyšší španělskou soutěž Segunda División. Své domácí zápasy hraje na Estadio José Rico Pérez pro 30 000 sedících diváků. Hércules ve své historii strávil 20 sezón v Primera División a jeho nejlepším výsledkem je 5. místo ze sezóny 1974/75.


"Star Trek: Voyager".

Relevant episodes of "" in which Species 8472 appear include season 3 episode 26 (season finale) "" and season 4 episode 1 (season premiere) "", season 4 episode 16 "", and season 5 episode 4 "".  Species 8472 are discovered by the Borg in 2373 when the Borg invade fluidic space ("") by opening a rift in space using a deflector dish. The Borg discover Species 8472 in the Delta Quadrant and try to assimilate its biotechnology, which is more advanced than anything the Borg have seen. The Borg quickly realize that Species 8472 is immune to assimilation, and that contemporary Borg technology is no match for it. In fact, 8472 is one of the few species so advanced that its ships are able to destroy Borg cubes in seconds. Species 8472 invades the Delta Quadrant in retaliation to Borg aggression and begins a systematic extermination of the Borg, and innocent species, as well. Over the course of five months, tens of billions of drones are lost, as well as several hundred planets and ships. When the crew of "Voyager" realizes that it has no choice but to go through Borg space to continue home in any kind of timely manner, Captain Kathryn Janeway hatches a plan to construct a weapon, based on a treatment that had created, to kill Species 8472, and use it as a bargaining chip with the Borg, in exchange for safe passage through Borg space. The Borg accept. In conjunction with Janeway, the Borg develop a high-yield warhead armed with modified nanoprobes, developed by the Doctor, the ship's Emergency Medical Hologram (EMH), from the Borg's own technology, that is extremely effective at killing 8472 and forces them to retreat to fluidic space. In return for Janeway's help, the Borg allow "Voyager" safe passage through their space for the duration of their cooperative efforts. However, upon Species 8472's retreat from normal space, the Borg terminate the alliance in favor of (unsuccessfully) assimilating "Voyager".  A member of Species 8472 is left in the Delta Quadrant during the retreat, and is relentlessly hunted by a group of Hirogen for several months.  Concerned about the threat posed by humanity, Species 8472 builds 13 "terraspheres" in the Delta Quadrant and recreates Starfleet Academy within as a staging ground for an intelligence gathering mission on Earth. The plan is uncovered by "Voyager" and peace talks commence. Janeway convinces 8472, led by an individual posing as Boothby, that the United Federation of Planets has no quarrel with them – in fact, the Federation is not even aware of the existence of Species 8472, except for the Voyager crew, and the crew is well aware that the Borg themselves started the war between the two species by invading fluidic space to assimilate the superior technology of Species 8472.

Video games.

Species 8472 appear as villains in the video games "" and "". They also make an appearance in "Star Trek Online", in which they are referred to as the Undine. In they are the primary antagonists.

Reception.

In 2017, ScreenRant ranked the Species 8472 the 11th most bizarre aliens in Star Trek. The Guardian's Vera Rule said that their design reminded them "of HR Gigerish bio-nastiness but with Ray Harryhausen animation".

Species 8472 is a fictional extraterrestrial species in the science fiction television series "". Species 8472 is a designation given to them by the Borg. The multiplayer game "Star Trek Online" gives their proper name as Undine.

Druh 8472 je fiktivní mimozemská rasa vyskytující se v seriálu. Jde o tvory enormně biotechnologicky vyvinuté. Jako 8472 je označili Borgové, kteří napadli jejich domovský tekutý prostor, jenž se nachází mimo naši Galaxii. V MMO videohře "Star Trek Online" byli pojmenováni jako undinové (anglicky Undine).