Early life.

Jiang Qing was born in Zhucheng, Shandong province on 19 March 1914. Her birth name was Lǐ Shūméng (). Her father was Li Dewen (), a carpenter, and her mother, whose name is unknown, was Li's subsidiary wife, or concubine. Her father had his own carpentry and cabinet making workshop. After Jiang's parents had a violent argument, her mother found work as a domestic servant (some accounts cite that Jiang's mother also worked as a prostitute) and separated from her husband.  When Jiang enrolled in elementary school, she took the name Lǐ Yúnhè (), meaning "Crane in the Clouds", by which she was known for much of her early life. Due to her socioeconomic status and the fact that she was an illegitimate child, she was looked down upon by her schoolmates and she and her mother moved in with her maternal grandparents when she started middle school. In 1926, when she was 12 years old, her father died. Her mother relocated them to Tianjin where Jiang worked as a child laborer in a cigarette factory for several months. Two years later, Jiang and her mother settled in Jinan. The following summer, she entered an experimental theater and drama school. Her talent brought her to the attention of administrators who selected her to join a drama club in Beijing where she advanced her acting skills. She returned to Jinan in May 1931 and married Pei Minglun, the wealthy son of a businessman.

Acting career.

From July 1931 to April 1933, Jiang attended National Qingdao University (renamed to National Shandong University in 1932) in Qingdao. She met Yu Qiwei, a physics student three years her senior, who was an underground member of the Communist Party Propaganda Department. By 1932, they had fallen in love and were living together. She joined the "Communist Cultural Front," a circle of artists, writers, and actors, and performed in "Put Down Your Whip", a renowned popular play about a woman who escapes from Japanese-occupied north-eastern China and performs in the streets to survive. In February 1933, Jiang took the oath of the Chinese Communist Party with Yu at her side, and she was appointed member of the Chinese Communist Party youth wing. Yu was arrested in April the same year and Jiang was subsequently shunned by his family. She fled to her parents' home and returned to the drama school in Jinan. Through friendships she had previously established, she received an introduction to attend Shanghai University for the summer where she also taught some general literacy classes. In October, she rejoined the Communist Youth League and, at the same time, began participating in an amateur drama troupe.  In September 1934, Jiang Qing was arrested and jailed for her political activities in Shanghai, but was released three months later, in December of the same year. She then traveled to Beijing where she reunited with Yu Qiwei who had just been released following his prison sentence, and the two began living together again.  Jiang Qing returned to Shanghai in March 1935, and became a professional actress, adopting the stage name "Lán Píng" (meaning "Blue Apple", Chinese: 蓝苹). She appeared in numerous films and plays, including "Goddess of Freedom", "Scenes of City Life", "Blood on Wolf Mountain" and "Wang Laowu". In Ibsen's play "A Doll's House", Jiang Qing played the role of Nora.  With her career established, she became involved with actor/director Tang Na, with whom she appeared in "Scenes of City Life" and "Goddess of Freedom". They were married in Hangzhou in March 1936; however, he soon discovered she was continuing her relationship with Yu Qiwei. The scandal became public knowledge and he made two suicide attempts before their divorce became final. In 1937, Jiang joined the Lianhua Film Company and starred in the drama "Big Thunderstorm" (). She reportedly had an affair with director, Zhang Min; however, she denied it in her autobiographical writings.  In 1967, at the beginning of China's Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, Jiang declared eight works of performance art to be the new models for proletarian literature and art. These "model operas", or "revolutionary operas""," were designed to glorify Mao Zedong, The People's Liberation Army, and the revolutionary struggles. The ballets "White-Haired Girl", "Red Detachment of Women", and "Shajiabang" ("Revolutionary Symphonic Music") were included in the list of eight, and were closely associated with Jiang Qing, because of their inclusion of elements from Chinese and Western opera, dance, and music. During Richard Nixon's famous visit to China in February 1972, he watched "Red Detachment of Women", and was impressed by the opera. He famously asked Jiang who the writer, director, and composer were, to which she replied it was "created by the masses."

Filmography.

"Note: This table only lists films from the 1930s. It doesn't include later documentaries."

Flight to Yan'an and marriage to Mao Zedong.

Following the Marco Polo Bridge Incident on 7 July 1937, and the Japanese invasion of Shanghai, which destroyed most of its movie industry, Jiang left her celebrity life on the stage behind. She went first to Xi'an, then to the Chinese Communist headquarters in Yan'an to "join the revolution" and the war to resist the Japanese invasion. In November, she enrolled in the "Counter-Japanese Military and Political University" (Marxist–Leninist Institute) for study. The Lu Xun Academy of Arts was newly founded in Yan'an on 10 April 1938, and Jiang Qing became a drama department instructor, teaching and performing in college plays and operas.  Shortly after arriving in Yan'an, Jiang became involved with Mao Zedong. Some communist leaders were scandalized by the relationship once it became public. At 45, Mao was nearly twice Jiang's age, and Jiang had lived a highly bourgeois lifestyle before coming to Yan'an. Mao was still married to He Zizhen, a lifelong Communist who had previously completed the Long March with him, and with whom Mao had five children. Eventually, Mao arranged a compromise with the other leaders of the CCP: Mao was granted a divorce and permitted to marry Jiang, but she was required to stay out of public politics for twenty years. Jiang abided by this agreement. However, thirty years later, at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, Jiang became active in politics.  On 28 November 1938, Jiang and Mao married in a small private ceremony following approval by the Party's Central Committee. Because Mao's marriage to He had not yet ended, Jiang was reportedly made to sign a marital contract which stipulated that she would not appear in public with Mao as her escort. Jiang and Mao's only child together, a daughter named Li Na, was born in 1940.

Rise to power.

Entry into Chinese politics.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, Jiang became the nation's first lady. She worked as Director of Film in the Central Propaganda Department, and as a member of the Ministry of Culture steering committee for the film industry. An uproar in 1950 led to the investigation of "The Life of Wu Xun", a film about a 19th-century beggar who raised money to educate the poor. Jiang supported criticism of the film for celebrating counter-revolutionary ideas.  Following the Great Leap Forward (1958–61), Mao was highly criticized within the CCP, and turned to Jiang, among others, to support him and persecute his enemies. After Mao wrote a pamphlet questioning the persistence of "feudal and bourgeois" traditional opera, Jiang took this as a license to systematically purge Chinese media and literature of everything but political propaganda. The result ended up being a near-total suppression of all creative works in China aside from rigidly-prescribed "revolutionary" material.

Cultural Revolution.

Backed by her husband, she was appointed deputy director of the Central Cultural Revolution Group (CCRG) in 1966 and emerged as a serious political figure in the summer of that year. At the 9th Party Congress in April 1969, she was elevated to the Politburo. By then, she had established a close political working relationship with the other members of what later became known as the Gang of Four—Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan and Wang Hongwen. She was one of the most powerful and controversial figures in China during Mao's last years.  During this period, Mao Zedong galvanized students and young workers as his paramilitary organization the Red Guards to attack what he termed as revisionists in the party. Mao told them the revolution was in danger and that they must do all they could to stop the emergence of a privileged class in China. He argued this is what had happened in the Soviet Union under Khrushchev.  With time, Jiang began playing an increasingly active political role in the movement. She took part in most important Party and government activities. She was supported by a radical coterie, dubbed, by Mao himself, the Gang of Four. Although a prominent member of the Central Cultural Revolution Group and a major player in Chinese politics from 1966 to 1976, she essentially remained on the sidelines.  The initial storm of the Cultural Revolution came to an end when President Liu Shaoqi was forced from all his posts on 13 October 1968. Lin Biao now became Mao's designated successor. Chairman Mao now gave his support to the Gang of Four: Jiang Qing, Wang Hongwen, Yao Wenyuan and Zhang Chunqiao. These four radicals occupied powerful positions in the Politburo after the Tenth Party Congress of 1973.  Jiang Qing also directed operas and ballets with communist and revolutionary content as part of an effort to transform China's culture. She dominated the Chinese arts, and in particular attempted to reform the Beijing Opera. She developed a new form of art called the Eight model plays or "revolutionary opera" which depicted the world in simple, binary terms: the positive characters ("good guys") were predominantly farmers, workers and revolutionary soldiers, whilst the negative characters ("bad guys") were landlords and anti-revolutionaries. The negative characters, in contrast to their proletarian foils who performed boldly center stage, were identifiable by their darker make-up and relegation to the outskirts of the stage until direct conflict with a positive character. Critics would argue that her influence on art was too restrictive, because she replaced nearly all earlier works of art with revolutionary Maoist works. After the fall of the Gang of Four in the late 1970s, traditional Chinese opera and literature, as well as select foreign media, was permitted once again.  Jiang Qing first collaborated with then second-in-charge Lin Biao, but after Lin Biao's death in 1971, she turned against him publicly in the Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius Campaign. By the mid 1970s, Jiang Qing also spearheaded the campaign against Deng Xiaoping (afterwards saying that this was inspired by Mao). The Chinese public became intensely discontented at this time and chose to blame Jiang Qing, a more accessible and easier target than Chairman Mao. By 1973, although unreported due to it being a personal matter, Mao and his wife Jiang had separated:  Jiang Qing's hobbies included photography, playing cards, and holding screenings of classic Hollywood films, especially those featuring Greta Garbo, one of her favorite actresses, even as they were banned for the average Chinese citizen as a symbol of bourgeois decadence. When touring a troupe of young girls excelling in marksmanship, she "discovered" Joan Chen, then 14 years old, launching Joan's career as a Chinese and then international actress.  When Philippines president Ferdinand Marcos and his wife Imelda visited China in 1974, Jiang Qing was said to be "extremely jealous" of the latter's flashy clothing, hair, and makeup.  She developed severe hypochondriasis and erratic nerves. She required two sedatives over the course of a day and three sleeping pills to fall asleep. Staff were assigned to chase away birds and cicadas from her Imperial Fishing Villa. She ordered house servants to cut down on noise by removing their shoes and preventing clothes from rustling. Mild temperature differences bothered her; thermostats were always set to 21.5 °C (70.7 °F) in winter and 26 °C (78.8 °F) in summer.

Political persecution of enemies.

Jiang Qing took advantage of the Cultural Revolution to wreak vengeance on her personal enemies, including people who had slighted her during her acting career in the 1930s. She incited radical youths organized as Red Guards against other senior political leaders and government officials, including Liu Shaoqi, the President at the time, and Deng Xiaoping, the Vice Premier. Internally divided into factions both to the "left" and "right" of Jiang Qing and Mao, not all Red Guards were friendly to Jiang Qing.  Jiang's rivalry with, and personal dislike of, Zhou Enlai led Jiang to hurt Zhou where he was most vulnerable. In 1968, Jiang had Zhou's adopted son (Sun Yang) and daughter (Sun Weishi) tortured and murdered by Maoist Red Guards. Sun Yang was murdered in the basement of Renmin University. After Sun Weishi died following seven months of torture in a secret prison (at Jiang's direction), Jiang made sure that Sun's body was cremated and disposed of so that no autopsy could be performed, and so that Sun's family could not have her ashes. In 1968, Jiang forced Zhou to sign an arrest warrant for his own brother. In 1973 and 1974, Jiang directed the "Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius" campaign against premier Zhou because Zhou was viewed as one of Jiang's primary political opponents. In 1975, Jiang initiated a campaign named "Criticizing Song Jiang, Evaluating the Water Margin", which encouraged the use of Zhou as an example of a political loser. After Zhou Enlai died in 1976, Jiang initiated the "Five Nos" campaign in order to discourage and prohibit any public mourning for Zhou.

Death of Mao Zedong.

On 5 September 1976, Mao's failing health turned critical when he suffered a heart attack, far more serious than his previous two earlier in the year. Upon being contacted by Hua Guofeng, Jiang Qing returned from her trip to the countryside and spent only a few minutes in the hospital's Building 202, where Mao was being treated. Later she returned to her own residence in the Spring Lotus Chamber.  On the afternoon of 7 September, Mao's condition took a turn for the worse. Mao had just fallen asleep and needed to rest, but Jiang Qing insisted on rubbing his back and moving his limbs, and she sprinkled white powder on his body. The medical team protested that the dust from the powder was not good for his lungs, but she instructed the nurses on duty to follow her example later.  The next morning, 8 September, she went into Mao's room to visit him again. This time, she wanted the medical staff to change Mao's sleeping position, claiming that he had been lying too long on his left side. Li Zhisui, the lead doctor on duty objected, explaining to her that Mao could breathe only on his left side. Jiang ordered Li to move Mao nonetheless. As a result, Mao's breathing stopped and his face turned blue. Jiang Qing left the room while Dr. Li and the rest of the medical staff put Mao on a respirator and performed an emergency cardiopulmonary resuscitation.  Eventually, Mao was revived and Hua Guofeng urged Jiang Qing not to interfere further with the doctors' work. However, nearly all of Mao's organs failed and he fell into a coma by the end of that day. With Mao beyond recovery and unwilling to further prolong his suffering, Jiang and other members of the Chinese government decided to disconnect Mao's life support mechanism.  Mao's death occurred just after midnight at 00:10 hours on 9 September 1976. Mao's chosen successor, Hua Guofeng, became the chairman of his funeral committee. It was believed Hua was a compromise candidate between the free-marketeers and the party orthodox. Some argue this may have been due to his ambivalence and his low-key profile, particularly compared to Deng Xiaoping, the preferred candidate of the market-oriented factions. The party apparatus, under orders from Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao, wrote a eulogy affirming Mao's achievements in order to justify their claims to power.  By this time, state media was effectively under the control of the Gang of Four. State newspapers continued to denounce Deng shortly after Mao's death. Jiang Qing was little-concerned about the weak Hua Guofeng, but she feared Deng Xiaoping greatly. In numerous documents published in the 1980s, it was claimed that Jiang Qing was conspiring to make herself the new Chairman of the Communist Party.

Downfall and death.

1976 coup.

Jiang Qing showed few signs of sorrow during the days following Mao's death. It was uncertain who controlled the Communist Party's central organs during this transition period. Hua Guofeng, as Mao's designated successor, held the titular power as the acting Chairman of the Communist Party and as Premier. However, Hua was not very influential. Some sources indicate that Mao mentioned Jiang Qing before his death in a note to Hua Guofeng, telling him to "go and consult her" if he runs into problems ().  Jiang Qing believed that upholding the status quo, where she was one of the highest-ranked members of the central authorities, would mean that she would effectively hold onto power. In addition, she believed that her status as Mao's widow would make it difficult for her to be removed. She continued to invoke Mao's name in her major decisions, and acted as first-in-charge.  Her political ambitions and lack of respect for most of the elder revolutionaries within the Central Committee became notorious. Her support within the Central Committee was dwindling, and her public approval was dismal. Ye Jianying, a renowned general, met in private with Hua Guofeng and Wang Dongxing, commander of a secret service-like organization called the 8341 Special Regiment. They determined that Jiang Qing and her associates must be removed by force in order to restore stability.  On the morning of 6 October 1976, Jiang Qing came to Mao's former residence in Zhongnanhai, gathered her close aides and Mao's former personal aides in a "Study Mao's Work" session. According to Du Xiuxian, her photographer, Jiang Qing remarked that she knew people within the Central Committee were plotting against her.  After the session, Jiang Qing took several aides to Jingshan Park to pick apples. In the evening, Jiang Qing, Zhang Chunqiao, Wang Hongwen, and Yao Wenyuan were arrested and kept in the lower level of Zhongnanhai. According to Zhang Yaoci, who carried out the arrest, Jiang Qing did not say much when she was arrested. It was reported that one of her servants spat at her as she was being taken away. In a bloodless coup, the Gang of Four were charged with attempts to seize power by organizing militant coups in Shanghai and Beijing, subverting the government, counter-revolutionary activity, and treason.  After her arrest, Jiang Qing was sent to the Qincheng Prison and detained for five years. In both official and civilian accounts of the period, the fall of the Gang was met with celebrations all over China. Few people other than diehard Maoists felt any sympathy for Jiang Qing, and the Gang of Four also became a convenient scapegoat to direct the public's anger over the Cultural Revolution away from the Communist Party.

Trial.

In 1980, the trials of the Gang of Four began. The trials were televised nationwide. By showing the way the Gang of Four was tried, Deng Xiaoping wanted the people to realize that a new era had begun.  Portions of the 20,000-word indictment were printed in China's press before the trial started; they accused the defendants of a host of heinous crimes that took place during the Cultural Revolution. The charges specify that 727,420 Chinese were "persecuted" during that period, and that 34,274 died, though the often vague indictment did not specify exactly how. Among the chief victims: one-time President Liu Shaoqi’s widow Wang Guangmei, herself imprisoned during the Cultural Revolution for 12 years, attended the trial as an observer.  The indictment described two plots by the "Jiang Qing-Lin Biao Counter-revolutionary Clique" to seize power. Jiang Qing was not accused of conspiring with Lin Biao, or with other members of the Gang of Four who allegedly planned an armed rebellion to "usurp power" in 1976, when Mao was close to death. Instead, the charges against her focused on her systematic persecution of creative artists during the Cultural Revolution. Amongst other things, she was accused of hiring 40 people in Shanghai to disguise themselves as Red Guards and ransack the homes of writers and performers. The apparent purpose was said to find and destroy letters, photos and other potentially damaging materials on Jiang Qing's early career in Shanghai, which she wanted to keep secret.  Despite the seriousness of the accusations against her, Jiang Qing appeared unrepentant. She did not confess her guilt, something that the Chinese press emphasized to show her bad attitude. There had been reports that she planned to defend herself by cloaking herself in Mao's mantle, saying that she did only what he approved. As the trial got under way, Jiang Qing dismissed her assigned lawyers, deciding instead to represent herself. During her public trials at the "Special Court", Jiang Qing was the only member of the Gang of Four who argued on her own behalf. The defense's argument was that she obeyed the orders of Chairman Mao Zedong at all times. Jiang Qing maintained that all she had done was to defend Chairman Mao. It was at this trial that Jiang Qing made the famous quote: "I was Chairman Mao's dog. I bit whomever he asked me to bite." ().

Death.

Jiang Qing was sentenced to death with a two-year reprieve in 1981. By 1983, her death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. During this time, she made several requests to visit Mao Zedong's embalmed body in Beijing, but they were turned down. When the Tiananmen Square protests occurred, Jiang believed that the student activists were liberals rather than Maoists, but she blamed them on Deng Xiaoping, writing that "He let in all those Western ideas!".  While in prison, Jiang Qing was diagnosed with throat cancer, but she refused an operation. She was eventually released, on medical grounds, in 1991. At the hospital, Jiang Qing used the name Lǐ Rùnqīng (). She committed suicide on 14 May 1991, at the age of 77, by hanging herself in a bathroom of her hospital. She penned a suicide note reading "Today the revolution has been stolen by the revisionist clique of Deng, Peng Zhen, and Yang Shangkun. Chairman Mao exterminated Liu Shaoqi, but not Deng, and the result of this omission is that unending evils have been unleashed on the Chinese people and nation. Chairman, your student and fighter is coming to see you!" Her suicide occurred two days before the 25th anniversary of the Cultural Revolution.  She wished for her remains to be buried in her home province of Shandong, but in consideration of possible future vandalism to her tomb, the state decided to have her remains moved to a safer common cemetery in Beijing. Jiang Qing is buried in Futian Cemetery in the western hills of Beijing. Her grave is marked by a tall white stone inscribed with her school name, not the name by which she was famously known, which reads: "Tomb of Late Mother, Li Yunhe, 1914–1991" ().

Names of Jiang Qing.

There are several reasons for Jiang Qing's large repertoire of names. A large part of it has to do with the fluctuating period she lived in. At the time of her birth, many female children never received given names or formal education.  Her father named her Li Jinhai (To Receive A Boy) because he wanted a son, but this was altered after her birth to Li Shumeng (Dim Lady). She enrolled in school under a more dignified name, Li Yunhe (Cloud Crane) and simply changed it for convenience to Li He.  As was customary for Chinese actors during that time, she chose a stage name, which was used in all the plays and films that credited her roles. Lan Ping (Blue Apple) was the name she was known by within Chinese film circles and a name she came to identify with.  It is unclear when she changed her name to Jiang Qing (Blue River), but it probably occurred before her arrival in Yan'an. It is believed that the character "Qing" was chosen because it related to the concept of Blue ("Lan"). There is some evidence that the name signified her status as a communist and a severance from her "bourgeois" past. She also used Li Jin to pen a number of articles she wrote during the Cultural Revolution.  Eventually, to protect her identity, she used Li Runqing (Shining Blue) when she was hospitalized after being released from prison. Her tombstone bears the name "Li Yunhe".

Jiang Qing (19 March 191414 May 1991), also known as Madame Mao, was a Chinese Communist Revolutionary, actress, and major political figure during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76). She was the fourth wife of Mao Zedong, the Chairman of the Communist Party and Paramount leader of China. She used the stage name Lan Ping () during her acting career (which ended in 1938), and was known by many other names. She married Mao in Yan'an in November 1938 and served as the inaugural "First Lady" of the People's Republic of China. Jiang Qing was best known for playing a major role in the Cultural Revolution and for forming the radical political alliance known as the "Gang of Four".

Ťiang Čching (, pinyin: "Jiāng Qīng"; 19. března 1914, Ču Čcheng, provincie Šan-tung – 14. května 1991, Peking, Čína) byla čtvrtou manželkou čínského komunistického vůdce Mao Ce-tunga a jednou z hlavních iniciátorek kulturní revoluce v Číně.


Plot.

Elder Aaron Davis, a young Mormon from Pocatello, Idaho, is sent to Los Angeles with three other missionaries to spread the Mormon faith. They move into an apartment next to openly gay party boy Christian Markelli and his roommate Julie, an aspiring singer. Christian and Julie work as waiters at Lila's, a trendy restaurant owned by retired actress Lila Montagne.  Christian makes a bet with his co-workers that he can seduce one of the Mormons, and soon realizes that Aaron, the most inexperienced missionary, is a closeted homosexual. Aaron and Christian become acquainted after several encounters in the apartment complex. When Christian accidentally cuts himself on a metal hose reel and faints, Aaron helps him indoors and cleans his wound. Christian attempts to seduce Aaron, but the hesitant Mormon becomes upset by Christian's remark that sex "doesn't have to mean anything." Aaron accuses him of being shallow and walks out. Worried that Aaron is correct, Christian joins Project Angel Food, delivering meals to people with AIDS.  Aaron's fellow missionary, Paul Ryder, has a cycling accident. Returning to his apartment, a distraught Aaron encounters Christian, who tries to comfort him with a hug. Both men are overwhelmed by their feelings and end up kissing, failing to notice the return of Aaron's roommates. Aaron is sent home in disgrace, leading Christian to confront Ryder, who is angry that Christian corrupted Aaron for no reason. Christian admits that he initially just wanted to win a bet, but says "it's not about that" anymore. Recognizing Christian's distress, Ryder tells him that Aaron's flight has a five-hour layover in Salt Lake City.  Christian finds Aaron standing in the snow outside the airport terminal. Christian confesses his love, and despite his misgivings, Aaron admits his own feelings of love. With all flights canceled due to a snowstorm, Christian and Aaron spend an intimate night in a motel. When Christian awakes, he finds Aaron gone. Aaron's pocket watch, a family heirloom, has been left behind. Christian returns to Los Angeles. In Idaho, Aaron is excommunicated by the church elders, led by his own father, Farron, who is the stake president. Aaron is rejected by his father and scolded by his mother, who tells him that he needs to pray for forgiveness. When Aaron suggests that he might be gay, his mother slaps him. Overwhelmed by despair, Aaron attempts suicide. He is subsequently sent by his parents to a treatment facility to be cured of his homosexuality.  Christian is desperate to find Aaron and locates his home address and phone number. Aaron's mother informs him that "Thanks to you, my son took a razor to his wrists; thanks to you I have lost my son." Believing that Aaron is dead, Christian spends the next few days thinking continually about Aaron. Julie discovers an entry about Christian's feelings in his cellphone journal and uses it as the basis for her new song. Christian travels to the Davis home in Idaho, where he tearfully returns Aaron's watch to his mother. During an encounter with Julie, she hesitantly shows him her new video, which upsets Christian, realizing that part of the lyrics came from his personal journal without his consent. Julie tells Christian that she hoped something good would come from it.  In the treatment facility, Aaron hears a female voice singing and investigates. He discovers a music video playing on television, the song performed by Julie. The video prompts Aaron to return to Los Angeles in search of Christian. Upon arriving at Christian's apartment, Aaron is heartbroken when a stranger answers the door. Thinking that Christian has returned to his party boy ways and moved on, and having nowhere else to go, Aaron makes his way to Lila's restaurant, having befriended the owner while on missionary work after her life partner died. Christian, who happens to be working there, comes out and is overjoyed to see Aaron alive. They reconcile and later celebrate Thanksgiving with Christian's co-workers. Lila tells everyone that, no matter what, they will always have "a place at my table, and a place in my heart".

Themes.

Cox has stated that the film is primarily about a love story between two characters. There is also an exploration of religious attitudes towards homosexuality, and the dilemma of religious homosexuals, torn between who they are and what they believe. A non-fiction film with similar themes that has been contrasted with "Latter Days" is "Trembling Before G-d".  Cox has also said that there is a massive irony, both in the film and in real life, that a religion so focused on the family and its importance is ripping families apart through its teaching on homosexuality. In fact, Cox believes one cannot be Mormon and gay. Nevertheless, a major theme of "Latter Days" is that there is an underlying spirituality in the world that goes beyond the rituals and dogmas of religion.

Production.

"Latter Days" was written and directed by C. Jay Cox after the success of his previous screenplay, "Sweet Home Alabama", gave him the financial resources and critical credit to write a more personal love story. Cox based both characters – Christian and Aaron – on himself. He was raised as a Mormon and served a mission before coming out as gay, and had wondered what the two halves of himself would have said to each other if they had ever met. "Latter Days" was filmed in several locations in Los Angeles in 24 days on an estimated $850,000 budget. After Cox had financed the search for initial backing, funding was acquired from private investors who wanted to see the film made. However producer Kirkland Tibbels still faced several bottlenecks, as financing the whole film remained difficult. It was distributed through TLA Releasing, an independent film distributor, who picked it up through its partnership with production company Funny Boy Films, which specializes in gay-themed media.  Despite coming from a Mormon background, Cox had to research details of the excommunication tribunal, which is held after Aaron is sent back to Idaho. Former Mormons told him about their experiences and provided Cox with "a pretty accurate representation, right down to the folding tables." According to Cox experienced actress Jacqueline Bisset also added valuable suggestions for improvements to the story.  Casting for the two main characters did not focus on their sexuality, but their ability "to show vulnerability". In a behind-the-scenes commentary, Steve Sandvoss explains that he did not want to play his character as a gay character, and Wes Ramsey emphasizes that the love story aspect of the film to him was detached from the character's gender. Due to several nude and kissing scenes, "Latter Days" was released unrated.

Release.

"Latter Days" premiered at the Philadelphia International Gay and Lesbian Film Festival on July 10, 2003. The audience enjoyed the film so much that they gave it a standing ovation. When the cast came on stage, they received another standing ovation. The film had a similar reception both at OutFest a week later, and at the Palm Springs International Film Festival. The film also screened at the Seattle and Washington film festivals before being released across the United States over the following 12 months. Later the film was released in several other countries and shown at numerous gay film festivals, namely in Barcelona and Madrid (where it was also a popular pick) and Mexico City. Since its initial release it had received nine best film awards, as Cox mentioned in 2005 on a featurette included on the UK DVD.  The film was banned by Madstone Theaters, an arthouse cinema chain with nine theaters across the country, which claimed it was "not up to [our] artistic quality." The company was pressured with threatened boycotts and protests by conservative groups to withdraw their planned release. At the North American box office, "Latter Days" made $834,685 from a maximum of 19 theaters. As of January 2011, the film is the top-grossing film from its distributor TLA Releasing.

Reception.

Critical response.

Critics' reviews have been mixed; film review website Rotten Tomatoes reported that 45% of critics gave the film positive write-ups, based upon a sample of 44 reviews, with an average score of 5.4/10. Frank Scheck, reviewer for "The Hollywood Reporter", wrote: "Cox's screenplay, while occasionally lapsing into the sort of clichés endemic to so many gay-themed films, generally treats its unusual subject matter with dignity and complexity." Film critic Roger Ebert gave it two and a half stars out of four, declaring that the script was peopled from the "Stock Characters Store" and "the movie could have been (a) a gay love story, or (b) an attack on the Mormon Church, but is an awkward fit by trying to be (c) both at the same time". Michael Wilmington of the "Chicago Tribune" commented "this movie is often as kitschy and artificial as... 'Sweet Home Alabama'", another film written by Cox.  Other reviewers were more favourable, such as "Toronto Sun" critic Liz Braun, who said "Latter Days" was "the most important gay male movie of the past few years." Kevin Thomas of the "Los Angeles Times" commented: "At once romantic, earthy and socially critical, "Latter Days" is a dynamic film filled with humor and pathos." Gary Booher, an editor for the LGBT Mormon organization, said "It was so realistic that it was scary. I felt exposed as the particulars of my experience and of others I know was brazenly spread across the big screen for all to behold."

Soundtrack.

Eric Allaman scored the soundtrack to the film after shooting wrapped, and composed much of the score himself. Several scenes featuring the rapid passing of time, such as Christian's desperate search for Aaron at Salt Lake City Airport, were scored with techno style beats, and scenes with emotional content were given a more "ambient 'tronica feel". A total of three songs were written by C. Jay Cox for Rebekah Johnson to sing: "More", "Another Beautiful Day", and "Tuesday 3:00 a.m.". Allaman was very impressed with Cox's musical ability, and both men composed more songs as background music.  The official soundtrack album was released on October 26, 2004. Due to contractual reasons, Johnson did not appear on the album, and her character's songs were performed by Nita Whitaker instead.

Novelization and other releases.

In 2004, the "Latter Days" screenplay was adapted into a novel by freelance writer T. Fabris, which was published by Alyson Publications. The book was faithful to the film, but added several extra scenes that explained confusing aspects of the film and gave more about the characters' backgrounds. For example, the reason Ryder tells Christian where to find Aaron is his own broken heart over a girl he fell in love with while on his mission training. The novel also added dialogue that had been cut out of the film: finishing, for example Christian's cry – in the film – of "That's the hand I use to..." with "masturbate with."  In France, "Latter Days" has been titled "La Tentation d'Aaron" ("The Temptation of Aaron"), and the DVD given a cover showing Aaron in a nude and suggestive pose. A new trailer was also released, which is considerably more sexual than the original. In Italy, "Latter Days" is distributed by Fourlab. The film has also been titled "Inguaribili Romantici", shown on pay-TV on Sky Show in December 2006, and then released on DVD by Fourlab's gay-themed label "OutLoud!". The film is also available in an Italian-language-dubbed version.

Latter Days is a 2003 American romantic comedy-drama film about a gay relationship between a closeted Mormon missionary and his openly gay neighbor. The film was written and directed by C. Jay Cox and stars Steve Sandvoss as the missionary, Aaron, and Wes Ramsey as the neighbor, Christian. Joseph Gordon-Levitt appears as Elder Ryder, and Rebekah Johnson as Julie Taylor. Mary Kay Place, Khary Payton, Erik Palladino, Amber Benson, and Jacqueline Bisset have supporting roles.

Latter Days (tj. "Poslední dny") je americký film režiséra Jaye Coxe z roku 2003, který pojednává o milostném vztahu mladého mormona a číšníka. V České republice byl film uveden v roce 2006 na filmovém festivalu Febiofest.


Features.

Carbon offsets represent multiple categories of greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide (), methane (CH), nitrous oxide (NO), perfluorocarbons (PFCs), hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs), and sulfur hexafluoride (SF).  Carbon offsets have several common features:

Markets.

Global market.

In 2009, 8.2 billion metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent changed hands worldwide, up 68 per cent from 2008, according to the study by carbon-market research firm Point Carbon, of Washington and Oslo. But at EUR94 billion, or about $135 billion, the market's value was nearly unchanged compared with 2008, with world carbon prices averaging EUR11.40 a ton, down about 40 per cent from the previous year, according to the study. The World Bank's "State and Trends of the Carbon Market 2010" put the overall value of the market at $144 billion, but found that a significant part of this figure resulted from manipulation of a VAT loophole.

E.U. market.

The global carbon market is dominated by the European Union, where companies that emit greenhouse gases are required to cut their emissions or buy pollution allowances or carbon credits from the market, under the European Union Emission Trading Scheme (EU ETS). Europe, which has seen volatile carbon prices due to fluctuations in energy prices and supply and demand, will continue to dominate the global carbon market for another few years, as the U.S. and China—the world's top polluters—have yet to establish mandatory emission-reduction policies.

U.S. market.

On the whole, the U.S. market remains primarily a voluntary market, but multiple cap and trade regimes are either fully implemented or near-imminent at the regional level. The first mandatory, market-based cap-and-trade program to cut CO in the U.S., called the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI), kicked into gear in Northeastern states in 2009, growing nearly tenfold to $2.5 billion, according to Point Carbon. Western Climate Initiative (WCI)—a regional cap-and-trade program including seven western states (California notably among them) and four Canadian provinces—has established a regional target for reducing heat-trapping emissions of 15 percent below 2005 levels by 2020. A component of California's own Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006, kicked off in early 2013, requires high-emissions industries to purchase carbon credits to cover emissions in excess of 25,000 CO2 metric tons.

U.K. market.

Carbon offset projects in the U.K. are only available for the voluntary market, due to UN protocols on CERs. Woodland creation and Peatland restoration are the two types of offset scheme in the UK which have recognised validation codes, through the Woodland Carbon Code and Peatland Code respectively.

Voluntary market.

In 2015, the UNFCCC created a dedicated website where organizations, companies, but also private persons are able to offset their footprint with the aim of facilitating everyone's participation in the process of promoting sustainability on a voluntary basis.

Types of offset projects.

The CDM identifies over 200 types of projects suitable for generating carbon offsets, which are grouped into broad categories. These project types include renewable energy, methane abatement, energy efficiency, reforestation and fuel switching (i.e. to carbon-neutral fuels and carbon-negative fuels).

Renewable energy.

Renewable energy offsets commonly include wind power, solar power, hydroelectric power and biofuel. Some of these offsets are used to reduce the cost differential between renewable and conventional energy production, increasing the commercial viability of a choice to use renewable energy sources. Emissions from burning fuel, such as red diesel, has pushed one UK fuel supplier to create a carbon offset fuel named Carbon Offset Red Diesel.  Renewable Energy Credits (RECs) are also sometimes treated as carbon offsets, although the concepts are distinct. Whereas a carbon offset represents a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, a REC represents a quantity of energy produced from renewable sources. To convert RECs into offsets, the clean energy must be translated into carbon reductions, typically by assuming that the clean energy is displacing an equivalent amount of conventionally produced electricity from the local grid. This is known as an indirect offset (because the reduction doesn't take place at the project site itself, but rather at an external site), and some controversy surrounds the question of whether they truly lead to "additional" emission reductions and who should get credit for any reductions that may occur. Intel corporation is the largest purchaser of renewable power in the US.

Methane collection and combustion.

Some offset projects consist of the combustion or containment of methane generated by farm animals (by use of an anaerobic digester), landfills or other industrial waste. Methane has a global warming potential (GWP) 23 times that of CO; when combusted, each molecule of methane is converted to one molecule of CO, thus reducing the global warming effect by 96%.  An example of a project using an anaerobic digester can be found in Chile where, in December 2000, the largest pork production company in Chile initiated a voluntary process to implement advanced waste management systems (anaerobic and aerobic digestion of hog manure), in order to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.

Energy efficiency.

While carbon offsets that fund renewable energy projects help lower the carbon intensity of energy "supply", energy conservation projects seek to reduce the overall "demand" for energy. Carbon offsets in this category fund projects of several types:

Destruction of industrial pollutants.

Industrial pollutants such as hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) and perfluorocarbons (PFCs) have a GWP many thousands of times greater than carbon dioxide by volume. Because these pollutants are easily captured and destroyed at their source, they present a large and low-cost source of carbon offsets. As a category, HFCs, PFCs, and NO reductions represent 71 per cent of offsets issued under the CDM.

Land use, land-use change and forestry.

Land use, land-use change and forestry (LULUCF) projects focus on natural carbon sinks such as forests and soil. There are a number of different types of LULUCF projects:  Deforestation, particularly in Brazil, Indonesia and parts of Africa, account for about 20 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions. Deforestation can be avoided either by paying directly for forest preservation, or by using offset funds to provide substitutes for forest-based products. There is a class of mechanisms referred to as REDD schemes (Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation), which may be included in a post-Kyoto agreement. REDD credits provide carbon offsets for the protection of forests, and provide a possible mechanism to allow funding from developed nations to assist in the protection of native forests in developing nations.  Reforestation could support an additional 0.9 billion hectares of continuous forest which could store the equivalent of 25% of the current atmospheric pool. Offset schemes using reforestation are available in developing countries, as well as an increasing number of developed countries including the US and the UK.  Almost half of the world's people burn wood (or fiber or dung) for their cooking and heating needs. Fuel-efficient cook stoves can reduce fuel wood consumption by 30 to 50%, though the warming of the earth due to decreases in particulate matter (i.e. smoke) from such fuel-efficient stoves has not been addressed.

Links with emission trading schemes.

Once it has been accredited by the UNFCCC a carbon offset project can be used as carbon credit and linked with official emission trading schemes, such as the European Union Emission Trading Scheme or Kyoto Protocol, as Certified Emission Reductions. European emission allowances for the 2008–2012 second phase were selling for between 21 and 24 Euros per metric ton of CO as of July 2007.  The voluntary Chicago Climate Exchange also includes a carbon offset scheme that allows offset project developers to sell emissions reductions to CCX members who have voluntarily agreed to meet emissions reduction targets.  The Western Climate Initiative, a regional greenhouse gas reduction initiative by states and provinces along the western rim of North America, includes an offset scheme. Likewise, the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, a similar program in the northeastern U.S., includes an offset program. A credit mechanism that uses offsets may be incorporated in proposed schemes such as the Australian Carbon Exchange.

Carbon retirement.

Carbon retirement involves retiring allowances from emission trading schemes as a method for offsetting carbon emissions. Voluntary purchasers can offset their carbon emissions by purchasing carbon allowances from legally mandated cap-and-trade programs such as the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative or the European Emissions Trading Scheme. By purchasing the allowances that power plants, oil refineries, and industrial facilities need to hold to comply with a cap, voluntary purchases tighten the cap and force additional emissions reductions.

Small-scale schemes.

Voluntary purchases can also be made through small-scale and sometimes uncertified schemes such as those offered at South African based Promoting Access to Carbon Equity Centre (PACE), which nevertheless offer clear services such as poverty alleviation in the form of renewable energy development. These projects have the potential to develop projects that are either too small or too complicated to benefit from legally mandated cap-and-trade programs.

Other.

A UK offset provider set up a carbon offsetting scheme that set up a secondary market for treadle pumps in developing countries. These pumps are used by farmers, using human power, in place of diesel pumps. However, given that treadle pumps are best suited to pumping shallow water, while diesel pumps are usually used to pump water from deep boreholes, it is not clear that the treadle pumps are actually achieving real emissions reductions. Other companies have explored and rejected treadle pumps as a viable carbon offsetting approach due to these concerns.

Accounting for and verifying reductions.

Due to their indirect nature, many types of offset are difficult to verify. Some providers obtain independent certification that their offsets are accurately measured, to distance themselves from potentially fraudulent competitors. The credibility of the various certification providers is often questioned. Certified offsets may be purchased from commercial or non-profit organizations for US$2.75–99.00 per tonne of CO, due to fluctuations of market price. Annual carbon dioxide emissions in developed countries range from 6 to 23 tons per capita.  Accounting systems differ on precisely what constitutes a valid offset for voluntary reduction systems and for mandatory reduction systems. However formal standards for quantification exist based on collaboration between emitters, regulators, environmentalists and project developers. These standards include the Voluntary Carbon Standard, Plan Vivo Foundation, Green-e Climate, Chicago Climate Exchange and the Gold Standard, the latter of which expands upon the requirements for the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol.

Criteria for quality offsets.

Accounting of offsets may address the following basic areas:

Co-benefits.

While the primary goal of carbon offsets is to reduce global carbon emissions, many offset projects also claim to lead to improvements in the quality of life for a local population. These additional improvements are termed "co-benefits", and may be considered when evaluating and comparing carbon offset projects. For example, possible co-benefits from a project that replaces wood-burning stoves with ovens using a less carbon-intensive fuel could include:  Offset projects can also lead to co-benefits such as better air and water quality, and healthier communities.  In a recent survey conducted by EcoSecurities, Conservation International, CCBA and ClimateBiz, of the 120 corporates surveyed more than 77 per cent rated community and environmental benefits as the prime motivator for purchasing carbon offsets.  Carbon offset projects can also negatively affect quality of life. For example, people who earn their livelihoods from collecting firewood and selling it to households could become unemployed if firewood is no longer used. A July 2007 paper from the Overseas Development Institute offers some indicators to be used in assessing the potential developmental impacts of voluntary carbon offset schemes:  Putting a price on carbon encourages innovation by providing funding for new ways to reduce greenhouse gases in many sectors. Carbon reduction goals drive the demand for offsets and carbon trading, encouraging the development of this new industry and offering opportunities for different sectors to develop and use innovative new technologies.  Carbon offset projects also provide savings – energy efficiency measures may reduce fuel or electricity consumption, leading to a potential reduction in maintenance and operating costs.  The UNFCCC has created a dedicated website where CDM activities and prior consideration projects are able to report their co-benefits on a voluntary basis.

Quality assurance schemes.

Quality Assurance Standard for Carbon Offsetting (QAS).

In an effort to inform and safeguard business and household consumers purchasing Carbon Offsets, in 2009, the UK Government has launched a scheme for regulating Carbon offset products. DEFRA have created the "Approved Carbon Offsetting" brand to use as an endorsement on offsets approved by the UK government. The Scheme sets standards for best practice in offsetting. Approved offsets have to demonstrate the following criteria: The first company to qualify for the scheme was Clear, followed by Carbon Footprint, Carbon Passport, Pure, British Airways and Carbon Retirement Ltd.  On 20 May 2011 the Department of Energy and Climate Change announced that the Quality Assurance Scheme would close on 30 June 2011. The stated purpose of the Quality Assurance Scheme was 'to provide a straightforward route for those wishing to offset their emissions to identify quality offsets'. Critics of the closure therefore argued that without the scheme, businesses and individuals would struggle to identify quality carbon offsets.  In 2012 the scheme was relaunched as the Quality Assurance Standard (QAS). The QAS is now run independently by Quality Assurance Standard Ltd which is a company limited by guarantee based in the United Kingdom. The Quality Assurance Standard is an independent audit system for carbon offsets, assessing multiple criteria. Approved offsets are checked against a 40-point checklist.  On 17 July 2012, the first organisations were approved as meeting the new QAS.

Australian Government Emissions Reduction Fund.

The Australian government's Emissions Reduction Fund provides for purchasing carbon offsets from Australian carbon emissions reduction projects. The Government has committed a total of $4.55 billion to the Fund.

Controversies.

Efficiency of funding carbon offset projects.

In 2009, Carbon Retirement reported that less than 30 pence in every pound spent on some carbon offset schemes goes directly to the projects designed to reduce emissions. The figures reported by the BBC and based on UN data reported that typically 28p goes to the set up and maintenance costs of an environmental project. 34p goes to the company that takes on the risk that the project may fail. The project's investors take 19p, with smaller amounts of money being distributed between organisations involved in brokering and auditing the carbon credits. In that respect carbon offsets are similar to most consumer products, with only a fraction of sale prices going to the off-shore producers, the rest being shared between investors and distributors who bring it to the markets, who themselves need to pay their employees and service providers such as advertising agencies most of the time located in expensive areas.

Indulgence controversy.

Some activists disagree with the principle of carbon offsets, likening them to Roman Catholic indulgences, a way for the guilty to pay for absolution rather than changing their behavior. George Monbiot, an English environmentalist and writer, says that carbon offsets are an excuse for business as usual with regard to pollution. Proponents hold that the indulgence analogy is flawed because they claim carbon offsets actually reduce carbon emissions, changing the business as usual, and therefore address the root cause of climate change. Proponents of offsets claim that third-party certified carbon offsets are leading to increased investment in renewable energy, energy efficiency, methane biodigesters and reforestation and avoided deforestation projects, and claim that these alleged effects are the intended goal of carbon offsets. Ecosystem Marketplace reported in 2016 that companies that purchased carbon offsets were likely to be engaged in an overall carbon reduction strategy, not simply buying their way out of emissions.  In October 2009 responsibletravel.com, once a strong voice in favour of carbon offsetting, announced that it would no longer offer carbon offsetting to its clients, stating that "too often offsets are being used by the tourism industry in developed countries to justify growth plans on the basis that money will be donated to projects in developing countries. Global reduction targets will not be met this way."  In August 2006, the three environmental NGOs Greenpeace, World Wildlife Fund-UK (WWF) and Friends of the Earth declared that carbon offsetting is often used as an "easy way out for governments, businesses and individuals to continue polluting without making changes to the way they do business or their behaviour".  On 4 February 2010, travel networking site Vida Loca Travel announced that they would donate 5 percent of profits to International Medical Corps, as they think that international aid can be more effective at cutting global warming in the long term than carbon offsetting, citing the work of economist Jeffrey Sachs.

Effectiveness of tree-planting offsets.

Some environmentalist organizations have questioned the effectiveness of tree-planting projects for carbon offset purposes. Critics point to the following issues with tree planting projects:

Indigenous land rights issues.

Tree-planting projects can cause conflicts with indigenous people who are displaced or otherwise find their use of forest resources curtailed. For example, a World Rainforest Movement report documents land disputes and human rights abuses at Mount Elgon. In March 2002, a few days before receiving Forest Stewardship Council certification for a project near Mount Elgon, the Uganda Wildlife Authority evicted more than 300 families from the area and destroyed their homes and crops. That the project was taking place in an area of on-going land conflict and alleged human rights abuses did not make it into project report. A 2011 report by Oxfam International describes a case where over 20,000 farmers in Uganda were displaced for a FSC-certified plantation to offset carbon by London-based New Forests Company

Additionality and lack of regulation in the voluntary market.

Several certification standards exist, offering variations for measuring emissions baseline, reductions, additionality, and other key criteria. However, no single standard governs the industry, and some offset providers have been criticized on the grounds that carbon reduction claims are exaggerated or misleading. Problems include:

Perverse incentives.

Because offsets provide a revenue stream for the reduction of some types of emissions, they can in some cases provide incentives to emit more, so that emitting entities can later get credit for reducing emissions from an artificially high baseline. This is especially the case for offsets with a high profit margin. For example, one Chinese company generated $500 million in carbon offsets by installing a $5 million incinerator to burn the HFCs produced by the manufacture of refrigerants. The huge profits provided incentive to create new factories or expand existing factories solely for the purpose of increasing production of HFCs and then destroying the resultant pollutants to generate offsets. Not only is this outcome environmentally undesirable, it undermines other offset projects by causing offset prices to collapse. The practice had become so common that offset credits are now no longer awarded for new plants to destroy HFC-23.  In Nigeria oil companies flare off 40 per cent of the natural gas found. The Agip Oil Company plans to build plants to generate electricity from this gas and thus claim 1.5 million offset credits a year. United States company Pan Ocean Oil Corporation has also applied for credits in exchange for processing its own waste gas in Nigeria. Oilwatch.org's Michael Karikpo calls this "outrageous", as flaring is illegal in Nigeria, adding that "It's like a criminal demanding money to stop committing crimes".

Other negative impacts from offset projects.

Although many carbon offset projects tout their environmental co-benefits, some are accused of having negative secondary effects. Point Carbon has reported on an inconsistent approach with regard to some hydro-electric projects as carbon offsets; some countries in the EU are not allowing large projects into the EU ETS, because of their environmental impacts, even though they have been individually approved by the UNFCCC and World Commission on Dams. It is difficult to assess the exact results of carbon offsets given the fact that they are a relatively new form of carbon reduction, and it is possible that some carbon offset purchases are made in an attempt to increase positive business public relations rather than to help solve the issue of greenhouse gas emissions.  Offset projects may also have negative social impacts, for example when local residents are evicted to enable a National Park to be marketed as a carbon offset.

A carbon offset is a reduction in emissions of carbon dioxide or other greenhouse gases made in order to compensate for emissions made elsewhere. Offsets are measured in tonnes of carbon dioxide-equivalent (COe). One tonne of carbon offset represents the reduction of one tonne of carbon dioxide or its equivalent in other greenhouse gases.

Uhlíková kompenzace nebo také uhlíková náhrada, někdy i karbonový offset je snížení emisí oxidu uhličitého nebo skleníkových plynů provedené za účelem vyrovnání emisí vyprodukovaných jinde.


Background.

In an interview with entertainment website Digital Spy lead singer Theo Hutchcraft said of the song: "It's basically based on two extremes: the first being a man who wants to kill himself and the second being love at first sight. He's standing on the bridge about to jump and he's stopped by a woman. They see each other and fall in love. She basically says, 'Come with me, it's all going to be fine'. The song only offers a snippet of someone's life, so we don't know what happens at the end of it."

Critical reception.

"Wonderful Life" was well received from music critics. Digital Spy gave the song five out of five stars writing: "Over noirishly simmering synths, frontman Theo Hutchcraft tells the story of a suicidal man saved from jumping off the Severn Bridge by the strike of love at first sight. The rest, quite frankly, speaks for itself. Classy video? Check. Haunting vocals? You got 'em. Epic instrumental breakdown two-thirds of the way through? Seriously, it's all here." "The Guardian" reviewer Paul Lester wrote: "Wonderful Life is a heart-piercing future classic. Close your eyes and you're transported back to 1987, with the pristine production and melodies." Fraser McAlpine of BBC Chart Blog gave the song four out of five stars and described it as a sad song with "bitterly optimistic lyrics". Brent DiCrescenzo from "Time Out Chicago" gave "Wonderful Life" four out of five stars and called it a "immaculately crafted, melodramatic pop song[s]" Sarah Walters of "City Life" gave the song three out of five stars. She felt the song was "a product of the 1980s", and wrote, "There are countless debts in here: the sentimental synth of the Pet Shop Boys or Fiction Factory, the dancefloor savvy of The Beloved, the emotional lyrical arch China Crisis or the dashes of saxophone used by Spandau Ballet and Black". (Coincidentally, Black had a hit with a song of the same title). Chris Maguire of AltSounds gave a mixed review: "It isn't ground-breaking by any means but it is a good example of pop music done well. Sure the lyrics aren't the greatest [...] but the chorus is good and will rattle around in your brain for quite a few hours after you have finished listening to it."

Personnel.

Source:

"Wonderful Life" is a song by English synthpop duo Hurts from their debut album, "Happiness". It was released as their debut single in Denmark on 3 May 2010, and was released as their second single in the United Kingdom on 22 August 2010. The song peaked at number two in Germany, and reached top ten positions in Denmark, Switzerland, Poland and Austria. It also charted in Belgium.

Wonderful Life je píseň britského synthpopového dua Hurts. Píseň pochází z jeho debutového studiového alba "Happiness". Produkce se ujali producenti Joseph Cross a Jonas Quant.


Etymology.

The area around North Sulawesi used to be called Minahasa. The name is still used sometimes to refer to the province. The word Minahasa is etymologically derived from the words Mina-Esa (Minaesa) or Maesa which means being one or uniting, meaning hope to unite various sub-ethnic groups of Minahasa consisting of Tontemboan, Tombulu, Tonsea, Tolour (Tondano), Tonsawang, Ponosakan, Pasan, And Bantik. The word "Minahasa" itself was only used during the colonial era. "Minahasa" is generally interpreted as "having become one". Based on several historical documents, the word "Minahasa" is firstly used by J.D. Schierstein, the Dutch regent of Manado, in his report to the Governor of Maluku on 8 October 1789. The word "Minahasa" in his report is defined as Landraad or "State Council" or "Regional Council".

History.

Pre-Colonial Era.

Archaeological research has revealed signs of human life in North Sulawesi since 30,000 years ago, based on evidence in the cave Liang Sarru on the island of Salibabu. Other evidence shows life about 6,000 years ago on the Passo Hillside Site in Kakas District and 4,000 years ago to early AD at the Liang Tuo Mane'e cave in Arangkaa on Karakelang Island.

Colonial Period.

At the end of the 16th century, Portuguese and Spanish arrived in North Sulawesi. As Europeans arrived, the Ternate Sultanate had an influence in North Sulawesi, frequented by Bugis traders from South Sulawesi. The wealth of Minahasa's natural resources makes Manado a strategic port for European traders going to and from Maluku. The Portuguese nation was the first western nation to arrive in North Sulawesi, a Portuguese ship anchored on the island of Manado in the Kingdom of Manado in 1521. The northern islands of the peninsula were under the control of the Sultanate of Maguindanao during the time. The Spanish ship docked on the island of Talaud and Siau, on to Ternate. The Portuguese built the fort at Amurang. Spain built the Fort in Manado, since then Minahasa started in control of Spain. The resistance against the Spanish occupation culminated in 1660–1664. The Dutch ship landed in Manado City in 1660 in assisting the struggle of the Minahasa Confederation against Spain. The United Nations republican association of members of the Minahasa Confederation entered into a Trade Agreement with the VOC. This trade cooperation agreement then made the VOC monopolize the trade, which gradually began to impose its will, eventually leading to the 1700s resistance in Ratahan which culminated in the Dutch Minahasa-War in 1809–1811 at Tondano.  The Spanish had colonized the Philippine Islands at the time and Minahasa was made a coffee plantation imported from South America because of its fertile Minahasa land. Manado was further developed by Spain to become a center of coffee trade for Chinese merchants. With the help of Minahasan tribes who became allies, Spain captured the Portuguese fort at Amurang in the 1550s, and the Spanish colonists then built the fort in Manado, so that eventually Spain controlled all Minahasa. In the 16th century one of the first Indo-Eurasian communities in the archipelago appeared in Manado. The first king of Manado, Muntu Untu (1630) is actually a half Spanish ancestry. Spain then handed over Minahasa to the Portuguese in exchange for 350,000 ducats in a treaty. The rulers of Minahasa sent Supit, Pa'at, and Lontoh to ally with the Dutch to expel the Portuguese from Minahasa. In 1655 they finally excelled, built their own fortress in 1658 and drove out the last Portuguese a few years later.  By the beginning of the 17th century the Dutch had overthrown the sultanate of Ternate, and began to close the influence of Spain and Portugal in the archipelago. In 1677 the Dutch conquered the Sangir archipelago and, two years later, Robert Padtbrugge, the governor of Maluku, visited Manado. His arrival resulted in an agreement with the Minahasan chiefs who led to Dutch domination for the next 300 years although the direct rule by the Dutch only began in 1870. The Dutch helped unify the Minahasa confederation, and in 1693 the Minahnians obtained an absolute military victory against the Mongondow tribe in the south. Dutch influence flourished with the development of Christianity and European culture in the land of Minahasa. The missionary schools in Manado in 1881 were one of the first attempts of mass education in Indonesia, providing an opportunity for graduates to find employment as civil servants, army, and other high positions in the Dutch East Indies government. Minahasa relations with the Dutch are often poor. There was a war between the Dutch and Tondano in 1807 and 1809, and the Minahasa territory was not under Dutch direct rule until 1870. But eventually the Dutch and Minahasa became very close to Minahasa often referred to as the 12th Dutch province. Even in 1947, Manado formed the political movement of Twapro, short for Twaalfde Profincie (Twelfth Province) who appealed for formal integration of Minahasa into the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

Independence.

The Japanese occupation of 1942–45 was a period of deprivation, and the allied forces bombed Manado greatly in 1945. During the period of independence thereafter, there was a split between pro-Indonesian and pro-Dutch Minahasa. The appointment of Sam Ratulangi as the first East Indonesia governor then succeeded in winning Minahasa support to the Republic of Indonesia. After Indonesian independence, Indonesia is divided into 8 provinces, and Sulawesi is one of these provinces. Sulawesi's first governor was S.G.J.Ratulangi, also known as a national hero. In 1948 in Sulawesi was formed the State of East Indonesia, which later became one of the states within the United States of Indonesia. The State of East Indonesia was dissolved, and merged into the Republic of Indonesia as part of a then unified Sulawesi Province.  In March 1957, North and South Sulawesi military leaders held a confrontation with Java, with demands for greater regional autonomy. They called for more active development, a fairer distribution of taxes, assistance against Kahar Muzakar's rebellion in South Sulawesi, and a central government cabinet headed by Sukarno and Hatta in balance. At first the movement of the 'Permesta' (Charter of the Struggle of the Universe) was merely a movement of reform rather than a separatist movement.  Negotiations between the central government and Sulawesi military leaders prevented violence in South Sulawesi, but Minahasan leaders were not satisfied with the outcome of the agreement and the movement broke out. Fearful of southern dominance, Minahasan leaders declared their own North Sulawesi autonomous state in June 1957. At that time the central government had controlled South Sulawesi, but in the North there were no strong figures of the central government and there were rumors that the United States was armed with rebellion in Sumatra North, also has links with Minahasan leaders.  The possibility of foreign intervention prompted the central government to request military assistance from southern Sulawesi. The Permesta forces were later removed from Central Sulawesi, Gorontalo, Sangir, and Morotai in Maluku. Permesta planes (supplied by the US and flown by Philippine, Taiwanese, and American Pilots) were destroyed. The US then moved on, and in June 1958 the central government army landed in Minahasa. The Permesta uprising ended in mid-1961.  The effects of the Sumatra and Sulawesi rebellions ultimately increased what the rebels wanted to fight against. Central government authority increased while regional autonomy weakened, radical nationalism strengthened than pragmatic moderation, communist party power and Sukarno increased while Hatta weakened, and Sukarno finally established guided democracy in 1958. But the demands of the Minahasa peoples for the province of their own would not end, and in 1964 the People's Representative Council enacted Law no. 13 officially creating the province of North Sulawesi, with Manado as provincial seat. 14 August 1959 was designated as the anniversary of the province honoring the legacy of the Minahasa people's fight for responsible government.  Since the 1998 reforms, the Indonesian government has begun to adopt laws that enhance regional autonomy, the main idea that Permesta fought for in 1958.

Environment.

Climate.

Climate areas of North Sulawesi include tropical ones affected by muzon winds. In the months of November to April the West winds bring rain on the north coast, whereas in May to October a dry south wind changes. Uneven rainfall with annual rates ranging from, and the number of rainy days between 90–139 days. Temperatures are at every level up to the height of the cool as the city area Tomohon, Langowan in Minahasa, Modoinding in Minahasa Selatan, Kotamobagu, Modayag and Pasi in Bolaang Mongondow District. The area that receives the most rainfall is the Minahasa area. Temperatures average. The average maximum air temperature was recorded at and the minimum average air temperature was.  The air humidity was 73.4%. However, the temperature is also affected by the altitude of the place above sea level. The higher the location, the lower the temperature also, with the calculation of every increase can lower the temperature by around.

Geography.

The province of North Sulawesi is located in the northern peninsula of Sulawesi Island and is one of three provinces in Indonesia which has geoposition, geostrategy and geopolitical advantages and is located on the Pacific Rim. The other two provinces are North Sumatra and Aceh Special Region. Viewed from geographical location, North Sulawesi is located at 0.30–4.30 North Latitude (Lu) and 121–127 East Longitude (BT). The position of the peninsula stretches from east to west with the northernmost regions are the Sangihe and Talaud Islands. The archipelago is adjacent to neighboring Philippines. The area of North Sulawesi has boundaries:  Most of the mainland area of North Sulawesi Province consists of mountains and hills interspersed by the valleys that make up the land. The mountains are located with a height above above sea level. Some mountains in North Sulawesi are Mount Klabat () in North Minahasa, Mount Lokon (), Mount Mahawu () in Tomohon, Mount Soputan () in Southeast Minahasa, Mount Dua Saudara () in Bitung, Mount Awu (), Mount Space (), Mount Karangketang (), Mount Dalage (), in Sangihe and Talaud, Mount Ambang (), Mount Gambula () and Mount Batu Balawan ().  The lakes in this area potentially have economic value for the development of the field of tourism, irrigation and energy. The lakes are Lake Tondano with an area of in Minahasa, Lake Moat covering in East Bolaang Mongondow. In general, rivers are used for various purposes, among others, for irrigation as well as a source of electricity and drinking water sources. The rivers are Tondano River (), Poigar River (), Ranoyapo River (), Talawaan River () in Minahasa. Other major rivers are located in Bolmong and Bolmut namely Dumoga River (), Sangkub River (), Ongkaw River ().  Along the coast of North Sulawesi, both on the mainland coast and on the coast of the islands, there are several headlands (Indonesian: "Tanjung") and bays (Indonesian: "Teluk"). Some of the prominent headlands are Tanjun Atep, Tanjung Pulisan, Tanjung Salimburung, Tanjung Kelapa in Minahasa. Tanjung Binta, Tanjung Dulang, Tanjung Flesko and Tanjung Tanango in Bolmong. While in Sangihe and Talaud namely Tanjung Binta, Tanjung Barurita, Tanjung Bulude, Tanjung Bunangkem, Tanjung Buwu and Tanjung Esang. The well-known bays of this region include Amurang Bay, Teluk Belang, Manado Bay, Kema Bay (Minahasa and Manado), Tombolata Bay, Taludaa Bay and Bolaang Telun (Bolmong), Manganitu Bay, Map Bay, Miulu Bay, Dago Bay and Ngalipeang Bay (Sangihe and Talaud). The cape and bay are known as places of trade and tourism.  The structure of the land in North Sulawesi in the form of Latosol covering spread in several areas, among others: Tagulandang, Tamako, Manganitu, Kendahe, Tabukan Utara, Esang, Pineleng, Tomohon, Tombariri, Airmadidi, Kakas, Eris, Kombi, Tareran, Passi, Modayag, Pinolocian and Bolaang. Alluvial soil structure of spread over several regions, including the Tabukan Tengah, Lirung, Likupang, Wori, Tombasian, Tenga, New Tompaso, Belang and Tondano.  Regosol soil structure covering spread across several areas, among others, Klabat, Dua Saudara, Soputan and North Bitung, Dimembe, Airmadidi, Langowan, Tombasian, Tombatu and Tumpaan. Soil structure andosol of, spread across several areas between: in Tomohon, Kawangkoan, Tompaso, Langowan, and Modoinding. Apart from the structure of the land mentioned, others including soil types complex covering an area of approximately 76.5 percent of total area of North Sulawesi province so that the area was fertile for agriculture.

Flora and Fauna.

In general, the varieties of flora and fauna in North Sulawesi are similar to those in other parts of Indonesia, except for some animals not found in other areas such as Deer, Maleo, Taong, Mini Tarsius Spectrum in Bitung City Nature Reserve And Coelacanth off the coast of Manado. This area there are no wild animals except the type of snake and crocodile that there are not many.  In the sea off North Sulawesi, there are several species of fish, coral, and plankton. Several types of famous marine fish and is one source of foreign exchange, among others: tuna, skipjack, yellow tail, lobsters, and others. The condition of flora can be said that the mainland of North Sulawesi partly dominated by forest. Forest forest cover ranges from from sea level to mountain tops with various types of good quality timber, including ebony (wooden) iron wood, linggua wood, cempaka wood, wooden nantu, gopasa wood, meranti wood, There are also rattan, and various types of Dammar. In addition, there are many plantation crops such as coconut, nutmeg, and cloves.

Demographics.

North Sulawesi recorded 2,270,596 people in the decennial 2010 Census, growing at 1.41% over the previous census. The slowest growing regency was that of the Sangihe Islands. In 2010, about 68% were Christian (predominantly Protestant with a sizable Catholic minority), one of the few exceptions in the predominantly Muslim Indonesia, due to the prominent Dutch missionary activity during the colonial era. Also, because the Muslim-majority region of Gorontalo (then comprising a city and two regencies) was split off to form a new province in 2000. There are also Muslim, Hindu, and Buddhist minorities. The largest ethnic groups are the Minahasan in the north of the province and the Mongondow to the south. The province's chief city is Manado with population of 432,300 people in mid 2019.

Religion.

Contrary to other provinces of Indonesia, most of the people of North Sulawesi adhere to Christianity, the next is Islam and then Hinduism. Christianity is the majority religion in those districts and cities of the Islands and Minahasa, while Islam is the majority religion in the districts and cities in the Bolaang Mongondow. Most of the Christians in North Sulawesi adhere to Protestantism, while significant Roman Catholicism communities also exist in Manado and Bitung. Chinese folk religions such as Confucianism and Taoism also exist, which is mostly concentrated in Manado, which has a significant Chinese population. Manado also has a significant Judaism community. Currently, the only synagogue in Indonesia is located in Manado. There are an estimated 800 people in Manado who adhere to Judaism. As the Indonesian government only recognizes six religions, those who adhere to Judaism can only put the officially unsanctioned religion on their ID cards.

Ethnicity.

The Minahasan is the dominant ethnic group in the province. They are the most populous ethnic group in the Minahassa Peninsula. They mostly lived in areas covering Bitung City, Manado City, Tomohon City, Minahasa Regency, North Minahasa Regency, South Minahasa Regency and Southeast Minahasa Regency. Other ethnic groups are the Bolaang Mongondow, Sangihe, Talaud and Siau. Ethnicity in North Sulawesi is more heterogeneous then other parts of Indonesia. The Minahasan and Bolaang Mongondow are spread almost throughout the region of North Sulawesi mainland. The Sangihe, Talaud and Siau mostly inhabit the Sangihe Islands, Talaud Island, and Lembeh Island, especially in coastal areas north, east and west of mainland North Sulawesi. The Bajau people are seafaring nomads who has migrated from the Sulu Archipelago in the Philippines, due to the conflict in Mindanao. They inhabits several coastal villages of North Sulawesi in the northern part of North Minahasa Regency.  In addition to the natives, North Sulawesi is also home to migrants. There are a significant Chinese population in North Sulawesi, especially around the city of Manado. The Chinese are also one of the first people to have contact with the local people before the European came. According to the discovery of Chinese ancient letters in the Tompaso area, Minahasa shows the cultural interaction between the Chinese and Minahasa have existed since the Han dynasty. Most of the Chinese population in North Sulawesi are Hakka, while small number of Hokkien and Cantonese population also exist.  Other ethnic groups such as the Javanese and the Sundanese also exist. They are mostly migrated from where they come from due to the Transmigration program enacted by the Dutch during the colonial era until the Suharto era. They generally live in urban areas, such as Manado and Bitung.

Language.

Indonesian is the official language of the province, as well as other parts of Indonesia. Official documents released by the provincial government as well as road signs are all written in Indonesia. However, Manado Malay is the lingua franca of the province. This language resembles Indonesian but with a distinct accent and dialect. Some of the vocabulary are derived from Dutch, Portuguese and other foreign languages. Manado Malay are often used for day-to-day communication between different ethnic groups. Minahasan languages are spoken by the Minahasan people. They are spread around the central and northern part of the province. In the Minahasa, 5 distinct languages are spoken: Tonsawang, Tontemboan, Toulour, Tonsea and Tombulu. To the south, the Mongondow language and the Gorontalo language are spoken. In the islands to the north which borders the Philippines, the Visayan languages are used by the local people.  Other language spoken are Javanese, Sundanese and Balinese. They are mostly spoken by immigrants coming from other parts of Indonesia. As Manado, has a significant Chinese population, Hakka is also spoken by some Chinese people. Some other Chinese dialect are also spoken, such as Hokkien and Cantonese. English and Mandarin are widely understood in areas where there is a large tourism industry, such as the Bunaken National Park. Older generations tend to understand Dutch and Portuguese. People who lived in islands near the borders of the Philippines may understand Tagalog.

Administrative divisions.

North Sulawesi is divided into eleven regencies () and four independent cities (), listed below with their areas and their populations at the 2010 Census and 2015 Intermediate Census, and according to the latest official estimate (for July 2019).

North Sulawesi () is a province of Indonesia. It is located on the Minahasa Peninsula of Sulawesi, south of the Philippines and southeast of Sabah, Malaysia. It borders Davao and Soccsksargen regions of the Philippines to the north, the Maluku Sea to the east, Gorontalo and Celebes Sea to the west and the Gulf of Tomini to the southwest. The province's area is, and its population was 2,270,596 according to the 2010 census; this rose to 2,409,921 at the 2015 Intermediate Census, and the latest official estimate (for 1 July 2019) is 2,512,900.

Severní Sulawesi () je jedna z provincií Indonésie. Zahrnuje severovýchodní výběžek ostrova Sulawesi a řadu menších ostrovů ležících převážně dále na severovýchodě (např. Talaudské ostrovy, ostrovy Sangihe). Na ploše přes 15 000 km2 zde žije asi 2,2 milionu lidí, hustota zalidnění je tedy přes 140 obyv./km2. Součástí provincie Severní Sulawesi bylo i území dnešní sousední provincie Gorontalo, k oddělení došlo v prosinci roku 2000. Hlavním a největším městem je Manado ležící při pobřeží Celebeského moře (asi 420 000 obyvatel). Nejpočetnějším etnikem jsou Minahasové vyznávající převážně křesťanství.


History.

With its parent company, it ceased operations following the First World War, when restrictions on German aviation were created by the Treaty of Versailles. In 1921, the factory was purchased by Heinrich Lübbe, who is said to have assisted Anthony Fokker in the creation of the pioneering "Stangensteuerung" synchronization gear system during 1914-15, and re-commenced aircraft construction for export, opening a subsidiary, Ikarus, in Yugoslavia. Walter Rethel, previously of Kondor and Fokker, was appointed head designer.  In 1925, the company joined the Arado Handelsgesellschaft ("Arado trading firm") that was founded by the industrialist Hugo Stinnes Junior for covering up illegal trade with military equipment. When in 1933 the new Nazi government came to power in Germany, Stinnes emigrated and Lübbe took control of the company. Just prior to this, Walter Blume, formerly of Albatros, replaced Rethel.  Arado achieved early prominence as a supplier to the Luftwaffe with the Arado Ar 66, which became one of the standard Luftwaffe trainers right into World War II. The firm also produced some of the Luftwaffe's first fighter aircraft, the Ar 65 and Ar 68. In 1936, the RLM ("Reichsluftfahrtministerium" – "Reich Aviation Ministry") insisted that, as a show of loyalty, Lübbe should join the Nazi party. When he refused, he was arrested and forced to sell the company to the state. It was renamed to the more specific (and accurate) Arado Flugzeugwerke GmbH, and was placed under the direction of Erich Serno, and Felix Wagenführ, himself a former IdFlieg officer in World War I.  When Germany invaded Poland, instigating World War II, two more Arado products rose to prominence, the Ar 96, which became the Luftwaffe's most used trainer, and the Ar 196 a reconnaissance seaplane that became standard equipment on all larger German warships. Unfortunately for Arado, most of their other designs were passed over in favour of stronger products from their competitors, such as Germany's only heavy bomber fielded during the war, the Heinkel He 177, for which Arado was the primary subcontractor. Perhaps Arado's most celebrated aircraft of the war was the Ar 234, the first jet-powered bomber. Too late to have any real effect on the outcome of the conflict, it was nevertheless a sign of things to come.  Until their liberation in April 1945 by the Soviet army, 1,012 slave laborers from Freiburg, a sub-camp of the Flossenbürg concentration camp, worked at the Arado factory, beginning with the first trainload of 249 prisoners arriving in August 1944. The prisoners were mostly Polish Jewish women and girls sent to Freiburg from Auschwitz.  Arado also licence-built various versions of, and components for the Focke-Wulf Fw 190.  In 1945, the company was liquidated and broken up.  The Ar 96 continued to be produced in Czechoslovakia by Zlin for many years after the war as the C.2B.

Aircraft.

Arado aircraft include:  Major internal World War II projects under the RLM:

Arado Flugzeugwerke was a German aircraft manufacturer, originally established as the Warnemünde factory of the Flugzeugbau Friedrichshafen firm, that produced land-based military aircraft and seaplanes during the First World War.

Arado Flugzeugwerke byl německý výrobce letadel, původně založený jako pobočka továrny společnosti Flugzeugbau Friedrichshafen ve Warnemünde, která existovala od roku 1917.


Club career.

Schneider started his professional career at local Carl Zeiss Jena, going on to help the Thuringian outfit to stay five seasons in the second division; his debut came on 13 August 1991, playing close to ten minutes in a 1–3 loss at Darmstadt 98.  Schneider then played one season at Eintracht Frankfurt, subsequently moving to Bayer Leverkusen, and establishing himself as an essential player for both club and country. In 1999–2000 and 2001–02, he was instrumental in Bayer's runner-up league finishes, serving 11 decisive passes in the latter season, as well as netting five goals himself; he also appeared 19 times as the side reached the 2002 Champions League Final.  More a creator than a finisher, Schneider scored a career-best ten league goals in the 2003–04 season, making him the highest-scoring midfielder in that year's competition, alongside Johan Micoud; Leverkusen finished third and, during the following season, Schneider renewed his link for a further four years.  After two more seasons in which he scored ten goals and achieved 18 assists in 60 matches, Schneider began suffering consecutive injuries: first the calf, then the back, being sidelined almost the entire 2008–09 due to the latter. He only managed to return to action on 16 May 2009, playing the last 20 minutes of a 5–0 home win against Borussia Mönchengladbach. The following month, he announced his retirement after failing to fully recover from the injury.  On 29 May 2009, Carl Zeiss Jena named him as mentor to club president Peter Schreiber, and he began to work as scout for Bayer Leverkusen in June, immediately after retiring from play.

International career.

Schneider made his debut for Germany during the 1999 Confederations Cup, playing in the 2–0 win against New Zealand and the loss to the United States (same result).  Since then, Schneider established himself as a vital squad member due to his work rate and versatility. He was ever-present at the 2002 World Cup, where he scored his first goal in their 8–0 thrashing of Saudi Arabia in the group stages, and at the Euro 2004. At the World Cup on home soil, along with Ballack, Torsten Frings and Bastian Schweinsteiger, they formed a formidable midfield and all played their part in the national team's unexpected success. He captained the team in their opening game against Costa Rica as Ballack was out injured. In the final group stage match, he was instrumental in Germany's 3–0 win over Ecuador which guaranteed them maximum points as group winners.  Schneider was ruled out of Germany's Euro 2008 squad, due to surgery to fix a slipped disc. He retired with 81 caps for Germany.

Personal life.

Schneider and his wife Carina have one daughter, Emily and a son, Giovani.

Career statistics.

International.

Source:

Honours.

Club.

Bayer Leverkusen

International.

Germany

Bernd Schneider (born 17 November 1973) is a retired German footballer. He was mainly a midfielder but could play anywhere on the left and right flanks. After retiring in June 2009, he took up an advisory role at his first club, Carl Zeiss Jena, and a scouting position at Bayer Leverkusen.

Bernd Schneider (* 17. listopadu 1973, Jena, Německá demokratická republika) je bývalý německý fotbalista, univerzální hráč, který nejčastěji nastupoval v záložní řadě. Odehrál 81 zápasů za reprezentaci.