Early life.

Khan was born in Bhopal, British India, into a "Pathan" Family family that settled in India in 12th century. His mother, Zulekha Begum was of Mughal origin, she was a housewife. His father, Abdul Ghafoor Khan Belonged To A "Pathan" Family And Was alumnus of Nagpur University and an academic who served in the Indian Education ministry then settled the family in Bhopal State after he retired in 1935. After the partition of India in 1947, his family emigrated from India to Pakistan in 1952, and settled in Karachi, Sindh. Briefly attending the D.J. Science College, he enrolled at Karachi University in 1956 to study physics. In 1960, he graduated with a degree in physics with a minor in mathematics, while his degree concentration was in solid-state physics.  For a short time, Khan worked for the city government as an inspector of measures. In 1961, he went to Germany to study metallurgy at the Technical University in Berlin but made a transfer to Delft University of Technology in the Netherlands in 1965. At Delft, he obtained an engineer's degree in technology (equivalent to MS) in 1967 and joined the Catholic University of Leuven for his doctoral studies in 1972. Supervised by Martin Brabers at Leuven University, Khan received a D.Eng. degree in metallurgical engineering in 1972. His doctoral thesis included fundamental work on martensite and its extended industrial applications to the field of morphology.

Research in Europe.

Receiving his engineering doctorate in 1972, Khan joined the senior staff of the Physics Dynamics Research Laboratory in Amsterdam from a recommendation by his mentor, Martin J. Brabers. His initial studies were on the high-strength metals used in the development of centrifuges. Gas centrifuges were first conceived by American physicist Jesse Beams as part of the Manhattan Project but the studies were discontinued in 1944. The Physics Laboratory was a subcontractor for Urenco Group which was operating a uranium-enrichment plant in Almelo, Netherlands. Established in 1970, Urenco employed the centrifuge method to assure a supply of enriched uranium for nuclear power plants in the Netherlands. When Urenco offered him to join the senior scientific staff there, Khan left the Physics Laboratory where he performed physics experiments on uranium metallurgy, to produce reactor-grade uranium usable for light water reactors. Urenco used the Zippe-type gas centrifuges— a method invented by German mechanical engineer Gernot Zippe in the Soviet Union's program. Enrichment of uranium is an extremely difficult physical process, as U exists in natural uranium at a concentration of only 0.7%; Urenco used the Zippe method to separate the fissile isotopes U from non-fissile U by spinning UF gas at up to ~100,000RPM. His pioneering research led to the improvement of the Zippe method, which at that time, was an emerging technology whose publications were classified by the Soviet Union. Khan's leading-edge research in metallurgy brought laurels to Urenco, which had him as one of the most senior scientists at the facility where he researched and studied. His pioneering research greatly improved the technological efficiency of the Zippe method; eventually, Urenco gave Khan access to the blueprints for the Zippe centrifuge to find mathematical solutions for the physics problems in the gas centrifuges.

1971 war and return to Pakistan.

On 20 January 1972, President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto approved a crash program to develop an atomic bomb after a seminar – the Multan meeting – with scientists at Multan. Reporting directly to Bhutto, the program was managed by Munir Ahmad Khan, the chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC); the outcomes of the 1971 war had greatly threatened Pakistan's strategic position. Earlier efforts had attempted Implosion-type nuclear weapons using military-grade plutonium.  Before 1974 Khan had no knowledge of the program, which calls into question his "father-of" claim. Following India's surprise "Smiling Buddha" in 1974, Bhutto accelerated Pakistan's effort to attain atomic capability. Sensing the importance of the test, Munir Ahmad launched the secretive Project-706.  After learning of the nuclear test, Khan wanted to contribute to the military posture. He approached Pakistan government officials, who dissuaded him, saying it was as "hard to find" a job in the PAEC as a "metallurgist".  Undaunted, he wrote to Prime Minister Bhutto, highlighting his specific experience, and encouraged him to develop an atomic bomb using military-grade uranium. According to Kuldip Nayyar, although the letter was received by Prime minister Secretariat, Khan was still unknown to the Pakistan government, leading Bhutto to ask the ISI to run a complete background check and prepare an assessment report on him. The ISI assessed him as "incompetent" but Bhutto was unsatisfied and eager to know more about him, eventually asking Munir Ahmad to dispatch a PAEC team to meet him. The PAEC team, including Bashiruddin Mahmood, arrived at Almelo at his family home at night. After an interview, the team returned to Pakistan and Prime Minister Bhutto decided to meet with Khan, and directed a confidential letter to him. Soon after, Khan took a leave from Urenco, and departed for Pakistan in 1974.

Initiation and atomic bomb project.

In 1974, Abdul Qadeer Khan went to Pakistan and took a taxi straight to the Prime minister Secretariat. The session with Bhutto was held at midnight and remained under extreme secrecy where Qadeer Khan met with Bhutto, Munir Ahmad, and Mubashir Hassan– the Science Adviser. At this session, he enlightened the importance of uranium as opposed to plutonium, but Bhutto remained unconvinced to adopt uranium instead of plutonium for the development of an atomic bomb. Bhutto ended the session quickly, remarking: ""He seems to make sense"." Early morning the next day another session was held where he focused the discussion on HEU against plutonium with other PAEC officials. He explained to Bhutto why he thought the idea of "plutonium" would not work. Many of the theorists at that time, including Munir Khan maintained that "plutonium and the fuel cycle has its significance." They insisted that with the "French extraction plant in the offing, Pakistan should stick with its original plan." Bhutto did not disagree but saw the advantage of mounting a parallel effort toward acquiring HEU fuel. At the last session with Zulfikar Bhutto, Khan also advocated for the development of a fused design to compress the single fission element in the metalised gun-type atomic device, which many of his fellow theorists said would be unlikely to work.  In 1975, Khan finally joined the atomic bomb program, and became a member of the enrichment division at PAEC, collaborating with Dr. Khalil Qureshi– a physical chemist. Calculations performed by him were valuable contributions to centrifuges and a vital link to nuclear weapon research. He continued to push his ideas for uranium methods even though they had a low priority, with most efforts still aimed to produce military-grade plutonium. Because of his interest in uranium, and his frustration at having been passed over for director of the uranium division (the job was instead given to Bashiruddin Mahmood), Khan refused to engage in further calculations and caused tensions with other researchers. He became highly unsatisfied and bored with the research led by Mahmood; finally, he submitted a critical report to Bhutto, in which he explained that the "enrichment program" was nowhere near success.

Kahuta Research Laboratories.

Prime Minister Bhutto sensed great danger as the scientists were split between military-grade uranium and plutonium. Therefore, he called Khan for a meeting and with the backing of Bhutto, Khan took over the enrichment division from Bashiruddin Mahmood at PAEC; thus separating it into founding the Engineering Research Laboratories (ERL). Wanting no PAEC involvement, Khan's request to work with the Corps of Engineers was granted by the Pakistan government in 1976. The Engineer-in-Chief directed Brigadier Zahid Ali Akbar of Corps of Engineers to work with Qadeer Khan in ERL. The Corps of Engineers and Brigadier Akbar quickly acquired the lands of the village of Kahuta for the project. The military realised the dangers of atomic experiments being performed in populated areas and thus remote Kahuta was considered an ideal location for research. Bhutto would subsequently promote Brigadier Zahid Akbar to Major-General and handed over the directorship of the ERL, with Qadeer Khan being its senior scientist.  On the other hand, the PAEC did not forgo the electromagnetic isotope separation research and a parallel program was conducted by theoretical physicist G.D. Alam at Air Research Laboratories (ARL) located at Chaklala PAF base, though G.D. Allam had not seen a centrifuge, but only had a rudimentary knowledge of the Manhattan Project.  At first, the ERL suffered many setbacks, and relied heavily on the knowledge from URENCO brought by Qadeer Khan. Meanwhile, in April 1976, theorist GD Allam accomplished a great feat by successfully rotating the first generation centrifuges to ~30,000 RPM. When the news reached Qadeer Khan, he immediately requested to Bhutto for G.D. Alam's assistance which was granted by the PAEC, dispatching a team of scientists including GD Alam to ERL. At ERL, Khan joined the team of theoretical physicists headed by theorist G.D. Alam, working on the physics problems involving the differential equations in the centripetal forces and angular momentum calculations in the ultra-centrifuges. On 4 June 1978, the enrichment program became fully functional after G.D. Alam succeeded in separating the U and U isotopes in an important experiment in which A.Q Khan also took part. Contrary to his expectation, the military approved to the appointment of Major-General Zahid Ali as the scientific director of the entire uranium division.  In 1981, when General Akbar was posted back to combat assignments, Khan took over the operations of ERL as its interim director and senior scientist. In 1983, his appointment as director of ERL was personally approved by President Zia-ul-Haq who renamed the ERL after him. Despite his role, Khan was never in charge of the actual development of atomic bombs, mathematical and physics calculations, and eventual weapons testing. Outgoing General Zahid Ali recommended Munir Ahmad appointment as the scientific director of the atomic bomb project. This appointment came as a shock to Khan and surprised many in the government and the military as Munir Ahmad was not known to be aligned to conservative military. The government itself restricted to provide full scientific data of atomic projects and had him required the government security clearance and clarifications of his visits of such secret weapons development sites, which he would be visiting with senior active duty officers.  In 1984, the KRL claimed to have carried out its own cold test of a nuclear weapon, which was unsuccessful while PAEC under Munir Khan had already carried out another test in 1983, codenamed: "Kirana-I".  PAEC's senior scientists who worked with him and under him remember him as "an egomaniacal lightweight" given to exaggerating his scientific achievements in centrifuges. At one point, Munir Khan said that, "most of the scientists who work on the development of atomic bomb projects were extremely "serious". They were sobered by the weight of what they don't know; Abdul Qadeer Khan is a showman." During the timeline of atomic bomb project, Qadeer Khan pushed his research into rigorous Theoretical Physics calculations and topics to compete, but yet failed to impress his fellow theorists at PAEC, generally at the physics community. In later years, Abdul Qadeer Khan became a staunch critic of Munir Ahmad Khan's research in physics, and on many different occasions tried unsuccessfully to belittle Munir Khan's role in the atomic bomb projects. Their scientific rivalry became public and widely popular in the physics community and seminars held in the country over the years.

Uranium tests: Chagai-I.

Many of his theorists were unsure that gaseous uranium would be feasible on time without the centrifuges, since Alam had notified to PAEC that the "blueprints were incomplete" and "lacked the scientific information needed even for the basic gas-centrifuges." However, calculations by Tasneem Shah, and confirmation by Alam showed the possibility of improvise transformation of different centrifugal methods. Against popular perception, the URENCO's blueprints were based on civilian reactor technology; the blueprints were filled with serious technical errors. Its SWU rate was extremely low that it would have to be rotated for thousands RPMs on the cost of taxpayer's millions of dollars, Allam maintained. Calculations and innovation came from the team of his fellow theorists, including mathematician Tasnim Shah, and headed by theorist G.D. Alam, who solved the centrifugal problems and developed powerful versions of the centrifuges. Scientists have claimed that Qadeer Khan would have never gotten any closer to success without the assistance of Alam and others. The issue is controversial; Qadeer Khan maintained to his biographer that when it came to defending the "centrifuge approach" and really putting work into it, both Shah and Alam refused.  In 1998, India conducted the series of nuclear tests at the site located in Pokhran, Rajasthan. Political momentum in Pakistan began to build up on conservative Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif by the influential political circle to authorize the nuclear testing program. Together with PAEC, Khan repeatedly lobbied in seeking the permission in favor of the tests. At the NSC meetings with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, Khan even maintained that the tests could be performed at the controlled test site in Kahuta. But this was rebuffed by the military and Prime Minister Sharif ordered Ishfaq Ahmad of PAEC to perform the tests in Chagai due to their long experience of performing the tests in the past.  When the news reached him, a furious Qadeer Khan was badly upset and frustrated with the Prime minister's decision. Without wasting a minute, Khan drove to Joint Staff Headquarters where he met with the Chairman joint chiefs General Jehängir Karamat, lodging a strong protest. General Karamat thereupon called the Prime minister, and decided that KRL scientists, including Qadeer Khan, would also be involved in the test preparations and present at the time of testing alongside those of the PAEC. It was the KRL's HEU that ultimately claimed the successful detonation of Pakistan's first nuclear devices on 28 May 1998, under codename "Chagai-I". Two days later, on 30 May, a small team of scientists belonging to PAEC, under the leadership of Samar Mubarakmand, detonated a plutonium nuclear device, codename "Chagai-II". The sum of forces and yields produced by devices were around ~40.0kt of nuclear force, with the largest weapon producing around 35–36kn of force. In contrast, the single plutonium device had produced the yield of ~20.0kt of nuclear force and had a much bigger impact than uranium devices.  Many of Qadeer Khan's colleagues were irritated that he seemed to enjoy taking full credit for something he had only a small part in, and in response, he authored an article, "Torch-Bearers", which appeared in "The News International", emphasising that he was not alone in the weapon's development. He made an attempt to work on the Teller design for the hydrogen bomb, but PAEC had objected the idea as it went against government policy. Known for taking full credit of something he had only small contribution, he often got engrossed in projects which were theoretically interesting but practically unfeasible.

Proliferation of URENCO technology.

Proliferation network was established to acquire knowledge on electronics materials for centrifuge technology at the ERL by Khan, in the 1970s. This atomic network was subsequently used by Libya, North Korea, Iran and China as media reports first surfaced on trade negotiations between China and Pakistan for the sale of (UF) gas and HEU. Allegations were made that "Khan paid visit to China to provide technical support to Chinese nuclear program when building a HEU plant in China's Hanzhong city." The Chinese government offered nuclear material from their side, but Pakistan refused, calling it a "gift of gesture" to China. According to an independent IISS report, Zia had given a "free hand" to Khan and given unlimited import and export access to him. The report showed that his acquisition activities were on the whole not supervised by Pakistan governmental authorities; his activities went undetected for several years.

Court controversy and US objections.

Pakistan's scientific activities rapidly attracted the attention of the outside world, which quickly suspected outside assistance. Suspicions soon fell on Khan's knowledge obtained during his years working in the Urenco Group. In 1983, Khan was sentenced "in absentia" to four years in prison by the local court in Amsterdam for attempted espionage. When the news reached to Pakistan, Barrister SM Zafar immediately travelled to Amsterdam and filed a petition at the Court. Zafar teamed up with Qadeer Khan's old mentor professor Martin Brabers and his Leuven University to prepare evidence for the case. At the trial, Zafar and Martin argued that the technical information supplied by Khan were commonly found and taught in undergraduate and doctoral physics at the university. The sentence was overturned on appeal on a legal technicality by the Court. Reacting on the suspicion of espionage, Qadeer Khan stated: "I had requested for it as we had no library of our own at KRL, at that time". He strongly rejected any suggestion at Pakistan's proliferation attempts and stressed: "All the research work [at Kahuta] was the result of our innovation and struggle. We did not receive any technical "know-how" from abroad, but we cannot reject the use of books, magazines, and research papers in this connection."  In a local interview given in 1987 he stated that: "the U.S. had been well aware of the success of the atomic quest of Pakistan." Allegedly confirming the speculation of export of nuclear technology, the Pakistan Government sharply denied all claims made by Qadeer Khan. Following this, Khan was summoned for a quick meeting with President Zia-ul-Haq, who used a "tough tone" and strongly urged Khan to cease any information "he'd been providing in statements, promising severe repercussions if he continued to leak harmful information against the Pakistan Government." Subsequently, he made several contacts with foreign newspapers, denying any and all statements he had previously released. After U.S. terminating major aid to Pakistan, Benazir government reached an understanding with the United States to "freeze" and "capped" the program to LEU which is up to 3–5%. Later, the program was restored back to 90% HEU in 1990, and on July 1996, he maintained, "at no stage was the program of producing 90% weapons-grade enriched uranium ever stopped".

North Korea, Iran and Libya.

Trade and diplomatic relations were established between Pakistan and North Korea since Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto's period in the 1970s. After Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto's state visit to North Korea in 1990, it was reported that the highly sensitive information was being exported to North Korea in exchange for missile technologies. On multiple occasions, Khan alleged that Benazir Bhutto had "issued clear directions" for that matter. In 1993, downloaded secret information on uranium enrichment was delivered to North Korea in exchange for information on developing ballistic missiles.  In 1987, Iran wanted to purchase a fuel-cycle technology from Pakistan, but it was rebuffed. Zia decided that the civil nuclear co-operation with Iran was purely a "civil matter" and part of maintaining good relations with Tehran; Zia did not further approve any nuclear deals, but Khan passed over a sensitive report on centrifuges in 1987–89. Only in 2003 were the nature of such agreements made public when the Iranian government came under intense pressure from the Western world to fully disclose its nuclear program.  Accepting the tough IAEA inspections, it revealed that Iran had established a large enrichment facility using centrifuge based on the Urenco, which had been obtained "from a foreign intermediary in 1989". The Iranians supplied the names of their suppliers and the international inspectors quickly identified the Iranian gas centrifuges as "Pak-1"'s–the gas centrifuges invented by Khan during the atomic bomb project.  In 2003, the IAEA successfully dismantled Libya's nuclear program after persuading Libya to roll back its program to have the economic sanctions lifted. The Libyan officials turned over the names of its suppliers which also included Khan. The same year, the Bush administration launched its investigation on Khan's leak in 2001 and 2002, focusing on Khan's personal role.

Dismantlement and revelation.

Libyan government officials were quoted saying that Libya bought nuclear components from various black market dealers, including Pakistan. US officials who visited the Libyan plants reported that the centrifuges were very similar to the "Pak-1" centrifuges in Iran. By the time evidence against Khan had surfaced, he was a public icon in the Pakistan and the government's Science Adviser. His vigorous advocacy for atom bombs and missiles became an embarrassment to the Pakistan government. On 31 January 2004, Khan was dismissed from his post, and the government launched an investigation of the allegations surrounding him. "The Wall Street Journal" quoted unnamed "senior Pakistan government officials" as conceding that Khan's dismissal from KRL had been prompted by US suspicions. On 4 February 2004, Khan appeared on state-owned media Pakistan Television (PTV) and confessed to running a proliferation ring, and transferring technology to Iran between 1989 and 1991, and to North Korea and Libya between 1991 and 1997.  Although Khan was not arrested, national security hearings were launched by the joint law officers from JAG Branch. The debriefings implicated the former chief of army staff general Mirza Beg. "The Wall Street Journal" quoted US government officials saying that Qadeer Khan had told the military lawyers that General Beg had authorized the transfers to Iran. According to IISS reports, for several years Khan had security clearances over import and export operations which were largely unsupervised and undetected. Khan's security has been tightened since the 1970s, and he never travelled alone; always accompanied by the secret agents of the Pakistani military establishment.

Pardon, IAEA calls and aftermath.

On 5 February 2004, President Musharraf pardoned him as he feared that the issue would be politicised by his rivals. The Constitution allows the President of Pakistan to issue presidential pardons. The hearings of Khan badly damaged the political credibility of President Musharraf and the image of the United States. While, the Pakistan media aired sympathising documentaries, the political parties on the other hand used that issue politically to the fall of Musharraf. The US Embassy had pointed out that the successor of Musharraf could be less friendly towards the United States; this restrained the United States from applying further "direct" pressure on Musharraf due to a strategic calculation that may led the loss of Musharraf as an ally.  Strong calls were made by many senior IAEA officials, U.S. and European Commission politicians, have Khan interrogated by IAEA investigators, given the lingering scepticism about the disclosures made by Pakistan regarding Khan's activities. All such requests were however strongly dismissed by the Prime minister Shaukat Aziz and the Pakistan government, terming it as "case closed".  In December 2006, the WMDC headed by Hans Blix, a former IAEA chief and UNMOVIC chief; said in a report that Abdul Qadeer Khan could not have acted alone "without the awareness of the Pakistan Government". Blix's statement was also reciprocated by the United States government, with one anonymous American government intelligence official quoting to independent journalist and author Seymour Hersh: "Suppose if Edward Teller had suddenly decided to spread nuclear technology around the world. Could he really do that without the American government knowing?".  In 2007, the hearings were suspended when Musharraf was succeeded by General Ashfaq Pervez Kiani as chief of army staff. Officially, all security hearings were terminated by the Chairman Joint Chiefs General Tariq Majid on November 2008; Khan was never officially charged with espionage activities nor any criminal charges were pressed against him. The military maintained that the debriefings were the process of questioning Khan to learn and dismantle the atomic ring. The details of debriefings were marked as ""classified"" and were quickly wrapped up quietly following the fall of General Pervez Musharraf.  In 2008, in an interview, Khan laid the whole blame on Musharraf, and labelled Musharraf as a ""Big Boss"" for proliferation deals. In 2012, Khan later implicated Benazir Bhutto in proliferation matters, pointing out to the fact as she had issued "clear directions in thi[s] regard." Domestically it is believed by some that Khan was made a scapegoat by President Musharraf to prove his uttermost loyalty to the West whose support was urgently and desperately needed for the survival of his presidency. It was done so to protect the names of those high-ranking military officials and civilian politicians, under whom Musharraf served in the past.

Government work and political advocacy.

Controversial, Qadeer Khan was ostracised by much of the scientific community, but still quite welcome in military science circles. In 2001, Musharraf promoted Abdul Qadeer Khan to Science Adviser to the President.  Abdul Qadeer Khan remains a popular figure and many saw him as national hero of Pakistan. He often served as Pakistan's extreme national pride, and his long association with science bought Khan a tremendous popularity. In the late 1980s, Abdul Qadeer Khan promoted the funding of the Pakistan's integrated space weapons project and vigorously supported, and supervised the Hatf-I and "Ghauri-I" program. In a television speech in 2007, Prime minister Shaukat Aziz paid tribute to Abdul Qadeer Khan and while commenting on last part of his speech, Aziz stressed: "(...)...The services of (nuclear) scientist... Dr. (Abdul) Qadeer Khan are ""unforgettable"" for the country..(..)...". In 2012, Abdul Qadeer Khan announced to form a political party "Movement to Protect Pakistan".  Khan secured the fellowship and the presidency of Pakistan Academy of Sciences, whose membership is restricted to scientists. Through the Pakistan Academy of Sciences, Khan published two books on metallurgy and material science. Khan began to publish his articles from KRL in the 1980s, and began to organise conferences on Metallurgy by inviting scientists from all over the world. Gopal S. Upadhyaya, an Indian nuclear scientist and metallurgist as well, attended Khan's conference in the 1980s and met him along with Kuldip Nayar. In Upadhyaya's words, Khan was a proud Pakistani who wanted to show the world that scientists from Pakistan are inferior to no one in the world.  He contributed to the Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Sciences and Technology when he served as the Project-Director of this university. After the construction of institute Khan took the Professorship of Physics while also serving as the Chairman of Department of Metallurgy and Materials Science. Later, Khan helped established the A. Q. Khan Institute of Biotechnology and Genetic Engineering at the Karachi University.

Legacy.

During his time in the atomic bomb project, he pioneered research in the thermal quantum field and the condensed physics, while co-authored articles on chemical reactions of the highly unstable isotopic particles in the controlled physical system. He maintains his stance to use of controversial technological solutions to both military and civilian problems, including the use of military technologies for the civilian welfare. Khan also remained a vigorous advocate for a nuclear testing program and defence strength through nuclear weapons. He has justified the Pakistan's nuclear deterrence program as sparing his country the fate of Iraq or Libya. In his recent interview, Abdul Qadeer Khan maintained that he has no regrets for what he did and maintained that:  Abdul Qadeer Khan faced heated and intense criticism from his fellow theorists whom he had worked with in the atomic bomb project, most notably theorist Pervez Hoodbhoy. In addition, Qadeer Khan's false claims that he was the "father" of the atomic bomb project since its inception and his personal attacks on Munir Khan caused even greater animosity by his fellow theorists, and most particularly, within the general physics community towards Qadeer Khan. Due to public promotion by the Pakistan media, he remains one of the best known but also most controversial scientists in the country.  Muhammad of Ghor mausoleum was built by Pakistani Scientist Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan through a nexus of illegal private contractors Raja Arshad and Kayani - (the funding erased from KRL balance sheets ) 1994-1995 and later handed over to the Punjab archaeology department He is the recipient of the following honours:

Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan, (; ; (born 1 April 1936)), known as Dr. A. Q. Khan, is a Pakistani nuclear physicist, metallurgical engineer and columnist who founded the uranium enrichment program for Pakistan's atomic bomb project. A. Q. Khan founded and established the Kahuta Research Laboratories (KRL) in 1976, serving as both its senior scientist and Chairman until he retired in 2001. He was also a figure in other Pakistani national science projects, making research contributions to molecular morphology, the physics of martensite alloys, condensed matter physics, and materials physics. He founded a political party Tehreek-e-Tahaffuz-e-Pakistan.

Abdul Kádir Chán (1. dubna 1936, Bhópál, Indie) je pákistánský jaderný vědec a metalurg, který bývá označován za zakladatele pákistánského jaderného programu nebo nazýván "otcem pákistánské atomové bomby".


Impact of tourism.

The large number of hikers has led to serious erosion on the trails leading to Besseggen, both from Gjendesheim and Memurubu. In 2005 the Norwegian government authorized spending of 1.2 million Norwegian kroner towards the restoration of the trails. The project involves placing stone plates on the trail to limit additional damage and prevent further erosion. The stone plates were flown in by helicopter from Vågå since mass harvesting of stone from Jotunheimen is illegal. The technique used to pave the trail is modeled on the methods developed for the Snowdonia National Park in Wales.

Competitions.

In 1961, 1962 and 1963 a race across Besseggen called «Besseggløpet» was held during the summer. The race was organized by Norges Orienteringsforbund in cooperation with Den Norske Turistforening. The record time from 1963 is held by Reidar Andreassen who was almost four and a half minutes ahead of the next finisher. The record time of 1 hour 16 minutes and 48 seconds still holds today. The women's record, set in 1963, is held by Valborg Østberg from Gjøvik with a time of 1 hour 39 minutes and 47 seconds. «32 year old housewife with (and mother of) two kids ran like a goat over Besseggen» the newspaper Dagbladet reported.

Besseggen in the literature.

Besseggen is known from Henrik Ibsens play Peer Gynt. Peer tries to convince his mother, Åse, that he has ridden over Gjendineggen, now known as Besseggen, on a reindeer bull. From Act 1, Scene 1 Have you ever
 chanced to see the Gendin-Edge?
 Nigh on four miles long it stretches
 sharp before you like a scythe.
 Down o'er glaciers, landslips, scaurs,
 down the toppling grey moraines,
 you can see, both right and left,
 straight into the tarns that slumber,
 black and sluggish, more than seven
 hundred fathoms deep below you.
 Right along the Edge we two
 clove our passage through the air.
 Never rode I such a colt!
 Straight before us as we rushed
 'twas as though there glittered suns.
 Brown-backed eagles that were sailing
 in the wide and dizzy void
 half-way 'twixt us and the tarns,
 dropped behind, like motes in air.
 Ice-floes on the shores broke crashing,
 but no murmur reached my ears.
 Only sprites of dizziness sprang,
 dancing, round;-they sang, they swung,
 circle-wise, past sight and hearing!
 Besseggen is also described in the poem «Besseggen» by Ragnvald Skrede.

Name.

The mountain ridge is named after Bessvatnet, the last element is the finite form off "egg" 'edge'. In the dialect of the area the form is "Besseggje" - "Besseggen" is the form in Bokmål, and "Besseggi" is the form in Nynorsk.

Besseggen, or Besseggi, is a mountain ridge in Vågå kommune in Innlandet county, Norway. Besseggen lies east in Jotunheimen, between the lakes Gjende and Bessvatnet.

Besseggen (nebo Besseggi) je horský hřeben v oblasti Vågå v norském kraji Innlandet. Nachází se na východě Jotunheimenu, mezi jezery Gjende a Bessvatnet. Cesta po hřebeni Besseggen je jedním z nejoblíbenějších treků v Norsku. Každý rok tuto cestu absolvuje okolo 50 000 lidí. Cesta po Besseggenu začíná v Gjendesheimu, vede stezkou nahoru na nejvyšší bod, Veslfjellet (1743 m), pokračuje klesáním, dále relativní rovinou Bandet (na úpatí Besshø), a končí v Memurubu, kde je jedna z variant cesty nastoupit na trajekt zpátky do Gjendesheimu. Cesta po hřebenu zabere 6 hodin bez přestávek.


Life.

Giovanni Tolomei was born at Siena in Tuscany on the May 10, 1272. He was educated by his uncle, Christopher Tolomeo, a Dominican, and desired to enter the religious life, but his father's opposition prevented him from doing so, and he continued his studies in secular surroundings. After a course in philosophy and mathematics he devoted himself to the study of civil and canon law, and of theology. While studying law in Siena, he joined the Confraternity of the Disciplinati di Santa Maria della Notte dedicated to aiding the sick at the Hospital della Scala. Tolomei became a professor of law at the University of Siena. For a time Bernardo served as a knight in the armies of Rudolph I of Germany. After his return to Siena he was appointed by his fellow citizens to the highest positions in the town government. While thus occupied he was struck with blindness. He is said to have vowed himself to religion in gratitude for the recovery of his eyesight through the intercession of the Blessed Virgin.  In 1313, Giovanni, together with two companions, Patrizio di Francesco Patrizi and Ambrogio di Nino Piccolomini, noble Sienese merchants and members of the same Confraternity, retired to Accona on a property belonging to his family. He had taken the name of "Bernard" (in its Italian form "Bernardo") out of admiration for the Abbot of Clairvaux. Here they lived a hermitic penitential life characterised by prayer, manual work and silence.  Towards the end of 1318, or the beginning of 1319, while deep in prayer, he is said to have seen a ladder on which monks in white habits ascended, helped by angels, and awaited by Jesus and Mary. Tolomei founded the Congregation of the Blessed Virgin of Monte Oliveto (the Olivetans), giving it the Rule of St. Benedict. The purpose of the new religious institute was a special devotion to the Blessed Virgin. Bishop Guido Tarlati of Arezzo, within whose diocese the congregation was formed, confirmed its constitution in (1319), and many favours were granted by Popes John XXII, Clement VI (1344), and Gregory XI. Since the Benedictine rule did not prescribe the colour of monastic dress, the Olivetans wore white habits.  Through the generosity of a merchant a monastery was erected at Siena; Bishop Tarlati built another at Arezzo; a third sprang up at Florence; and within a very few years there were establishments at Camprena, Volterra, San Geminiano, Eugubio, Foligno, and Rome.  During the Plague of 1348 Bernardo left the solitude of Monte Oliveto for the monastery of San Benedetto a Porta Tufi in Siena. The disease was particularly virulent in the city. Bernardo and his monks devoted themselves to the care of the sick. On 20 August 1348, while helping his plague-stricken monks, he himself, fell victim of the Plague. Eighty-two monks likewise succumbed to the plague.  His last days were depicted in a painting by the 18th-century Italian painter Giuseppe Maria Crespi. His work was entitled: 'The Blessed Bernard Tolomei Interceding for the Cessation of the Plague in Siena' (1735).  After having ruled the religious body he had founded for 27 years Bernardo died, at the age of 76. Tolomei was canonized in 2009.

Saint Bernardo Tolomei (10 May 1272 – 20 August 1348) was an Italian Roman Catholic theologian and the founder of the Congregation of the Blessed Virgin of Monte Oliveto. In the Roman Martyrology he is commemorated on August 20, but in the Benedictine calendar his optional memorial is celebrated on the previous day.

Svatý Bernardo Tolomei (1272–1348) byl italský teolog, zakladatel olivetánů. V římskokatolické církvi připadá jeho památka na 20. srpna. Kanonizován byl Benediktem XVI. 26. dubna 2009.


Taxonomy and etymology.

The mandarinfish was first described as "Callionymus splendidus" in 1927 by Albert William Herre, an American ichthyologist working in the Philippines. It was later placed in genus "Synchiropus". The generic name "Synchiropus" is from Ancient Greek "syn-", meaning "together", and "-chiropus" meaning "hand-foot". The specific epithet "splendidus" is from the Latin for 'bright' or 'glittering.' The common name of the mandarinfish comes from its extremely vivid colouration, evoking the robes of an Imperial Chinese mandarin. Other common names include mandarin goby, green mandarin, striped mandarinfish, striped dragonet, green dragonet and sometimes psychedelic mandarinfish. The similarly named mandarin fish ("Siniperca chuatsi"), properly known as the Chinese perch, is distantly related.  The mandarinfish belongs to the perciform family Callionymidae, the dragonets, which counts 10 genera and more than 182 species. Genus "Synchiropus" counts 51 species, divided into 10 subgenera. The mandarinfish is in subgenus "Synchiropus" ("Pterosynchiropus") along with the "S. occidentalis" and "S. picturatus".

Description.

"S. splendidus" is one of only two vertebrate species known to have blue colouring because of cellular pigment, the other being the closely related psychedelic mandarin ("S. picturatus"). The name "cyanophore" was proposed for the blue chromatophores, or pigment-containing and light-reflecting cells. In all other known cases, the colour blue is structural, as it comes from thin-film interference from piles of flat, thin and reflecting purine crystals. The mandarinfish has a body shape similar to a goby, though this is the only resemblance between the two. The vivid coloration sports a bright blue background, with swirly orange stripes and a blue-greenish face with bold blue stripes. The large pelvic fins are used for 'walking' on the seafloor and are often mistakenly seen as the pectoral fins. The real pectorals are located almost at the center and are nearly transparent, with a tinge of fin, the anal fins and on part of the tail, the rest of which is striped in vibrant orange and blue. The dorsal fin, which is exceptionally tall in males, has a striking orange-and blue design as well. The eyes are usually red with black pupils. Different varieties sport different markings and colors. The green mandarin is the fish that has been described. The red mandarin is the same species, but its pelvic fins and what would be orange is red. In some rare cases, the entire dragonet is red with black stripes. The spotted mandarin is light gray-green with black, pink and blue spots.  Mandarinfish are reef dwellers, preferring sheltered lagoons and inshore reefs. While they are slow-moving and fairly common within their range, they are not easily seen due to their bottom-feeding habit and their small size (reaching only about 6 cm). They feed primarily on small crustaceans and other invertebrates.

Diet.

Based on the gut analyses of seven wild fish Sadovy "et al." (2001) determined that the mandarinfish has a mixed diet that consists of harpacticoid copepods, polychaete worms, small gastropods, gammaridean amphipods, fish eggs and ostracods. In the wild, feeding is continuous during daytime; the fish peck selectively at small prey trapped on coral substrate in a home range of many square meters.

Relationship to humans.

Despite their popularity in the aquarium trade, mandarinfish are considered difficult to keep, as their feeding habits are very specific. Some fish never adapt to aquarium life, refusing to eat anything but live amphipods and copepods (as in the wild); though individuals that do acclimatize to aquarium food are considered to be quite hardy and highly resistant to diseases such as marine ich. They are less likely to contract marine ich because they do not have the typical skin type that is affected by this disease. Mandarinfish also have a layer of debatably smelly and bitter slime instead of scales, which blocks out disease and probably also discourages predators, implying their bright coloration is aposematic.  The mandarinfish appeared on a 39-kip postage stamp from Laos issued in 1987, and a 40-cent postage stamp of the Federated States of Micronesia issued on 26 August 1993.

Synchiropus splendidus, the mandarinfish or mandarin dragonet, is a small, brightly colored member of the dragonet family, which is popular in the saltwater aquarium trade. The mandarinfish is native to the Pacific, ranging approximately from the Ryukyu Islands south to Australia. It can usually be found in some of the warmer waters.

Vřeténka mandarín ("Synchiropus splendidus" Herre, 1927) je malá mořská ryba dorůstající velikosti okolo 6 cm z čeledi vřeténkovitých. Přirozeně obývá oblast Indického a Tichého oceánu, kde vyhledává teplá mělká útesová moře do hloubky přibližně 18 metrů.


History.

The Taliban and its rule arose from the chaos after the Soviet–Afghan War. It began as an Islamic and Pashtun politico-religious movement composed of madrasa students in southern Afghanistan. Overwhelmingly ethnic Pashtuns, the Taliban blended Pashtunwali tribal code with elements of Sunni Islamic teaching to form an anti-Western and anti-modern Islamic ideology with which it ruled. It began to receive support from neighboring Pakistan as well as from Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

Ethnic conflict.

The Taliban considered many of Afghanistan's other ethnic communities as foreign. Pashtun people are the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan and comprised the vast majority of the Taliban movement. As the Taliban expanded from their southern and south-eastern strongholds, they encountered more resistance; their brand of Deobandi Islam, incorporated with the Pashtun tribal code of Pashtunwali, was viewed as foreign by the other ethnic groups of Afghanistan. The Battles of Mazar-i-Sharif illustrated this ethnic tension.

Governance.

Spreading from Kandahar, the Taliban eventually ruled Kabul in 1996. By the end of 2000, the Taliban were able to rule 90% of the country, aside from the opposition (Northern Alliance) strongholds primarily found in the northeast corner of Badakhshan Province. Areas under the Taliban's direct control were mainly Afghanistan's major cities and highways. Tribal khans and warlords had "de facto" direct control over various small towns, villages, and rural areas. The Taliban sought to establish law and order and to impose a strict interpretation of Islamic "Sharia law", along with the religious edicts of Mullah Omar, upon the entire country of Afghanistan.  During the five-year history of the Islamic Emirate, the Taliban regime interpreted the "Sharia" in accordance with the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence and the religious edicts of Mullah Omar. The Taliban forbade pork and alcohol, many types of consumer technology such as music, television, filming, and the Internet, as well as most forms of art such as paintings or photography, male and female participation in sport, including football and chess; recreational activities such as kite-flying and keeping pigeons or other pets were also forbidden, and the birds were killed according to the Taliban's ruling. Movie theaters were closed and repurposed as mosques. Celebration of the Western and Iranian New Year was forbidden. Taking photographs and displaying pictures or portraits was forbidden, as it was considered by the Taliban as a form of idolatry. Women were banned from working, girls were forbidden to attend schools or universities, were requested to observe purdah and to be accompanied outside their households by male relatives; those who violated these restrictions were punished. Men were forbidden to shave their beards and required to let them grow and keep them long according to the Taliban's liking, and to wear turbans outside their households. Communists were systematically executed. Prayer was made compulsory and those who didn't respect the religious obligation after the "azaan" were arrested. Gambling was banned, and thieves were punished by amputating their hands or feet. In 2000, the Taliban leader Mullah Omar officially banned opium cultivation and drug trafficking in Afghanistan; the Talibans succeeded in nearly eradicating the majority of the opium production (99%) by 2001. Under the Taliban governance of Afghanistan, both drug users and dealers were severely prosecuted.  Cabinet ministers and deputies were mullahs with a "madrasah education." Several of them, such as the Minister of Health and Governor of the State bank, were primarily military commanders who were ready to leave their administrative posts to fight when needed. Military reverses that trapped them behind lines or led to their deaths increased the chaos in the national administration. At the national level, "all senior Tajik, Uzbek and Hazara bureaucrats" were replaced "with Pashtuns, whether qualified or not." Consequently, the ministries "by and large ceased to function."  Rashid described the Taliban government as "a secret society run by Kandaharis... mysterious, secretive, and dictatorial." They did not hold elections, as their spokesman explained:  They modeled their decision-making process on the Pashtun tribal council ("jirga"), together with what they believed to be the early Islamic model. Discussion was followed by a building of a consensus by the "believers". Before capturing Kabul, there was talk of stepping aside once a government of "good Muslims" took power, and law and order were restored.  As the Taliban's power grew, decisions were made by Mullah Omar without consulting the "jirga" and without consulting other parts of the country. He visited the capital, Kabul, only twice while in power. Instead of an election, their leader's legitimacy came from an oath of allegiance ("Bay'ah"), in imitation of the Prophet and the first four Caliphs. On 4 April 1996, Mullah Omar had "the Cloak of the Prophet Mohammed" taken from its shrine for the first time in 60 years. Wrapping himself in the relic, he appeared on the roof of a building in the center of Kandahar while hundreds of Pashtun mullahs below shouted "Amir al-Mu'minin!" (Commander of the Faithful), in a pledge of support. Taliban spokesman Mullah Wakil explained:  The Taliban were very reluctant to share power, and since their ranks were overwhelmingly Pashtun they ruled as overlords over the 60% of Afghans from other ethnic groups. In local government, such as Kabul city council or Herat, Taliban loyalists, not locals, dominated, even when the Pashto-speaking Taliban could not communicate with the roughly half of the population who spoke Dari or other non-Pashtun tongues. Critics complained that this "lack of local representation in urban administration made the Taliban appear as an occupying force."

International relations.

Regarding its relations with the rest of the world, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan held a policy of isolationism: "The Taliban believe in non-interference in the affairs of other countries and similarly desire no outside interference in their country's internal affairs". Only Pakistan, Turkmenistan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) recognized the legitimacy of the Taliban government. The State was not recognised by the UN, which instead recognized the Islamic State of Afghanistan as being the legitimate government of Afghanistan.  Relations between the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and Iran deteriorated in 1998 after Taliban forces seized the Iranian consulate in Mazar-i-Sharif and executed Iranian diplomats. Following this incident, Iran threatened to invade Afghanistan by massing up military forces near the Afghan border but intervention by the United Nations Security Council and the United States prevented the war.  One reason for lack of international recognition was the Taliban's disregard for human rights and the rule of law as demonstrated by their actions on taking power. One of the first acts of the Taliban upon seizing power was the execution of the former Communist President of Afghanistan, Mohammad Najibullah. Before the Taliban had even taken control of Afghanistan's capital they sent out a squad to arrest Najibullah. As Najibullah was staying in the United Nations compound in Kabul, this was a violation of international law. As a further example, the Taliban regime was also heavily criticized for the murder of Iranian diplomats in Afghanistan.  In 1998, the Taliban supported the Islamic militants operating in Chechnya, Xinjiang and Jammu and Kashmir, thus antagonizing Russia, China and India simultaneously. Furthermore, the group has also recognized the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria as a country and established diplomatic relations until its downfall in 2001.  The Taliban also entered in a deal for oil, electricity and gas with Turkmenistan as part of the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline.  Fifteen years later, the Taliban opened an office in Qatar with the goal of beginning talks between themselves, the United States and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. There was a conflict after the office raised the white flag of the former Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry saying that the office could be closed if there was not a "move forward" in peace negotiations., a peace agreement was however signed on 29 February 2020 which corresponded to 15 Rajab 1441 Hijri and 20 Hoot 1398 on Solar Hijri calendar.

Bamyan Buddhas.

In 1999, Mullah Omar issued a decree protecting the Buddha statues at Bamyan, two 6th-century monumental statues of standing buddhas carved into the side of a cliff in the Bamyan valley in the Hazarajat region of central Afghanistan.  But in March 2001, the statues were destroyed by the Taliban of Mullah Omar following a decree issued by him. The Taliban supreme leader Mullah Omar explained why he ordered the statues to be destroyed in an interview: Then Taliban ambassador-at-large Sayed Rahmatullah Hashemi also said that the destruction of the statues was carried out by the Head Council of Scholars after a Swedish monuments expert proposed to restore the statues' heads. Hashimi is reported as saying: "When the Afghan head council asked them to provide the money to feed the children instead of fixing the statues, they refused and said, 'No, the money is just for the statues, not for the children'. Herein, they made the decision to destroy the statues".  This prompted an international outcry from nations such as Japan, India, Sri Lanka, South Korea, Nepal, Iran, Qatar, and Russia. Even Saudi Arabia and the UAE, both of which were among only three nations to recognize the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, voiced their opposition. The Arab branch of UNESCO, a cultural and educational agency of the United Nations, labelled the destruction as "savage".

Sanctions.

On 15 October 1999, the UN Security Council established a sanctions regime to cover individuals and entities associated with Al-Qaeda, Osama bin Laden and/or the Taliban. Since the U.S. Invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the sanctions were applied to individuals and organizations in all parts of the world; also targeting former members of the Taliban government.  On 27 January 2010, a United Nations sanctions committee removed five former senior Taliban officials from this list, in a move favoured by Afghan President Karzai. The decision means the five will no longer be subject to an international travel ban, assets freeze and arms embargo. The five men, all high-ranking members of the Taliban government:  All had been added to the list in January or February 2001.

Economy.

The Kabul money markets responded positively during the first weeks of the Taliban occupation. But the Afghani soon fell in value. They imposed a 50% tax on any company operating in the country, and those who failed to pay were attacked. They also imposed a 6% import tax on anything brought into the country, and by 1998 had control of the major airports and border crossings which allowed them to establish a monopoly on all trade. By 2001 the per capita income of the 25 million population was under $200, and the country was close to total economic collapse. As of 2007 the economy had begun to recover, with estimated foreign reserves of three billion dollars and a 13% increase in economic growth.  Under the Transit treaty between Afghanistan and Pakistan a massive network for smuggling developed. It had an estimated turnover of 2.5 billion dollars with the Taliban receiving between $100 and $130 million per year. These operations along with the trade from the Golden Crescent financed the war in Afghanistan and also had the side effect of destroying start up industries in Pakistan. Ahmed Rashid also explained that the Afghan Transit Trade agreed on by Pakistan was "the largest official source of revenue for the Taliban."  Between 1996 and 1999 Mullah Omar reversed his opinions on the drug trade, apparently as it only harmed kafirs. The Taliban controlled 96% of Afghanistan's poppy fields and made opium its largest source of taxation. Taxes on opium exports became one of the mainstays of Taliban income and their war economy. According to Rashid, "drug money funded the weapons, ammunition and fuel for the war." In "The New York Times", the Finance Minister of the United Front, Wahidullah Sabawoon, declared the Taliban had no annual budget but that they "appeared to spend US$300 million a year, nearly all of it on war." He added that the Taliban had come to increasingly rely on three sources of money: "poppy, the Pakistanis and bin Laden."  In an economic sense it seems however he had little choice, as due to the war of attrition continued with the Northern Alliance the income from continued opium production was all that prevented the country from starvation. By 2000 Afghanistan accounted for an estimated 75% of the world's supply and in 2000 grew an estimated 3276 tonnes of opium from poppy cultivation on 82,171 hectares. At this juncture Omar passed a decree banning the cultivation of opium, and production dropped to an estimated 74 metric tonnes from poppy cultivation on 1,685 hectares. Many observers say the ban – which came in a bid for international recognition at the United Nations – was only issued in order to raise opium prices and increase profit from the sale of large existing stockpiles. The year 1999 had yielded a record crop and had been followed by a lower but still large 2000 harvest. The trafficking of accumulated stocks by the Taliban continued in 2000 and 2001. In 2002, the UN mentioned the "existence of significant stocks of opiates accumulated during previous years of bumper harvests." In September 2001 – before 11 September attacks against the United States – the Taliban allegedly authorized Afghan peasants to sow opium again.  There was also an environmental toll to the country, heavy deforestation from the illegal trade in timber with hundreds of acres of pine and cedar forests in Kunar Province and Paktya being cleared. Throughout the country millions of acres were denuded to supply timber to the Pakistani markets, with no attempt made at reforestation, which has led to significant environmental damage. By 2001, when the Afghan Interim Administration took power the country's infrastructure was in ruins, Telecommunications had failed, the road network was destroyed and Ministry of Finance buildings were in such a state of disrepair some were on the verge of collapse. On 6 July 1999 president Bill Clinton signed into effect executive order 13129. This order implemented a complete ban on any trade between America and the Taliban regime and on 10 August they froze £5,000,000 in Ariana assets. On 19 December 2000 UN resolution 1333 was passed. It called for all assets to be frozen and for all states to close any offices belonging to the Taliban. This included the offices of Ariana Afghan Airlines. In 1999 the UN had passed resolution 1267 which had banned all international flights by Ariana apart from pre approved humanitarian missions.

The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (, "") was a totalitarian Islamic state established in September 1996 when the Taliban began their rule of Afghanistan after the fall of Kabul. At its peak, the Taliban established control over approximately 90% of the country, whereas remaining parts of the country in the northeast were held by the Northern Alliance, who maintained broad international recognition as a continuation of the Islamic State of Afghanistan. After the September 11 attacks and subsequent United States-backed war on terror, international opposition to the regime drastically increased, with diplomatic recognition from the United Arab Emirates, and Pakistan being rescinded. The Islamic Emirate ceased to exist on 17 December 2001, after being overthrown by the Northern Alliance, which had been bolstered by a US-led invasion of the country.

Islámský emirát Afghánistán (: ) byl islámský emirát, který se mezi lety 1996–2001 nacházel na většině území dnešního Afghánistánu. Pojmenování dostal od islámského nábožensko-politického hnutí Tálibán, které tehdy fakticky ovládalo 90 % území dnešního Afghánistánu.


Order in private rooms.

People in private waiting rooms are queued up based on various methods in different types of waiting rooms. In hospital emergency department waiting areas, patients are triaged by a nurse, and they are seen by the doctor depending on the severity of their medical condition. In a doctor's or dentist's waiting room, patients are generally seen in the order in which their appointments are for, with the exception of emergency cases, which get seen immediately upon their arrival. In Canada, where there is publicly-provided health care, controversy has arisen when some important people or celebrities have jumped the line (which is supposed to be based on the appointment order or by severity of condition). In some government offices, such as motor vehicle registration offices or social assistance services, there is a "first-come, first-served" approach in which clients take a number when they arrive. The clients are then seen in the order of their number. In the 2010s, some government offices have a triage-based variant of the first-come, first-served approach, in which some clients are seen by the civil servants faster than others, depending on the nature of their service request and/or the availability of civil servants. This approach can lead to frustration for clients who are waiting, because one client who has been waiting for 30 minutes may see another client come in, take a number, and then be seen within five minutes.  In car repair businesses, clients typically wait until their vehicle is repaired; the service manager can only give an estimate of the approximate waiting time. Clients waiting in the entrance or waiting area of a restaurant for a table normally are seated based on whether they have reservations, or for those without reservations, on a first-come, first served approach; however, important customers or celebrities may be put to the front of the line. In restaurants, customers may also be able to jump the line by giving a large gratuity or bribe to the maitre d'hotel or head waiter. Some restaurants which are co-located with or combined with a retail store or gift shop ask customers who are waiting for a table to browse in the merchandise section until their table's availability is announced on a PA system or via a pager; this strategy can lead to increased purchases in the retail part of the establishment. One combination restaurant/store is the US Cracker Barrel chain. Some restaurants ask customers who are waiting for a table to sit in the restaurant's bar or its licensed lounge area; this approach may lead to increased sales of alcoholic beverages.  Waiting rooms may be staffed or unstaffed. In waiting rooms that are staffed, a receptionist or administrative staffer sits behind a desk or counter to greet customers/clients, give them information about the expected waiting period, and answer any questions about their appointment time or the appointment process. In doctors' or dentists' waiting rooms, the patients may be able to make additional appointments, pay for appointments, or deal with other administrative tasks with the receptionist or administrator. In police stations, check cashing stores and some government waiting rooms, the receptionist or administrator is behind a plexiglass barrier, with either small holes to permit communication, or, in higher-security settings, a microphone and speaker. In reception areas with a plexiglass barrier, there may be a heavy-duty drawer to enable the client to provide money or papers to the receptionist and for the receptionist to provide documents to the client. The plexiglass barrier and the drawer system help to protect the receptionists from aggressive or potentially violent clients.

Amenities.

Most waiting rooms have seating. Some have adjacent toilets. It is not uncommon to find vending machines in public waiting rooms or newspapers and magazines in private waiting rooms. Also common in waiting rooms in the United States or in airports are public drinking fountains. Some waiting rooms have television access or music. The increasing prevalence of mobile devices has led to many waiting rooms providing electric outlets and free Wi-Fi Internet connections, though cybersecurity is a concern as unsecured connections may be vulnerable to attack, tampering, or even simply by piggybacking users who are within range but not waiting. Sometimes found in airports and railway stations are special waiting rooms, often called "lounges", for those who have paid more. These will generally be less crowded and will have superior seating and better facilities. Waiting rooms for high-end services may provide complimentary drinks and snacks.

In other media.

In fiction.

The films "Brief Encounter" and "The Terminal" use waiting rooms as sets for a large part of their duration. They are used elsewhere in the arts to symbolize waiting in the general sense, to symbolize transitions in life and for scenes depicting emptiness, insignificance or sadness. In the play "No Exit", by French existentialist philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre, several strangers find themselves waiting in a mysterious room, where they each wonder why; finally, they each realize that they are in Hell, and that their punishment is being forced to be with each other ("L'enfer, c'est les autres", which translates as "Hell is other people").  In the 2010 Bollywood film "The Waiting Room", directed by Maneej Premnath and produced by Sunil Doshi, four passengers waiting in a remote South Indian railway station are stranded there on a rainy night. A serial killer is on the prowl, targeting the passengers of the waiting room, creating intense fear among them.

In video games.

The term "waiting room" also extends to the realm of video games as a similar virtual waiting area where players for an online multiplayer game are placed into while waiting for all remaining players for a game session to be present. A virtual waiting room may be a mere, static loading screen (such as the waiting screens in the mobile game ""), or a playable environment in of itself where readied players can practice their skills to pass the time needed for all players to come onboard to begin the session, such as a dedicated "waiting room" arena in "Super Smash Bros. Brawl" and its subsequent sequels, where players can practice their fighting moves with their chosen character while waiting for other players to arrive.

A waiting room or waiting hall is a building, or more commonly a part of a building or a room, where people sit or stand until the event or appointment for which they are waiting begins.

Čekárna je otevřená ale i uzavřená místnost určená pro osoby, které čekají na nějakou společenskou službu. Nejčastěji je využívána v dopravě nebo ve zdravotnických zařízeních.


History.

The "lex mercatoria" was originally a body of rules and principles laid down by merchants to regulate their dealings. It consisted of rules and customs common to merchants and traders in Europe, with some local variation. It originated from the need for quick and effective jurisdiction, administered by specialised courts. The guiding spirit of the merchant law was that it ought to derive from commercial practice, respond to the needs of the merchants, and be comprehensible and acceptable to the merchants who submitted to it. International commercial law today owes some of its fundamental principles to the "lex mercatoria". This includes choice of arbitration institutions, procedures, applicable law and arbitrators, and the goal to reflect customs, usage and good practice among the parties.  Goods and services flowed freely during the medieval merchant law, thus generating more wealth for all involved. It is debated whether the law was uniform in nature, was spontaneous as a method of dispute resolution, or applied equally to everyone who subordinated to it. The "lex mercatoria" was also a means for local communities to protect their own markets. Local kings or lords extracted taxes and set trade restrictions. In 1303 Edward I issued the Carta Mercatoria, a charter to foreign merchants in England, which guaranteed them freedom to trade, with certain protections and exemption under the law. Although the charter was revoked by Edward II, due to complaints by English merchants, foreign merchants retained most of their rights in practice, but these would vary widely with the march of time, events and changes to state policy.

Administration.

The "lex mercatoria" was the product of customs and practices among traders, and could be enforced through the local courts. However, the merchants needed to solve their disputes rapidly, sometimes on the hour, with the least costs and by the most efficient means. Public courts did not provide this. A trial before the courts would delay their business, and that meant losing money. The "lex mercatoria" provided quick and effective justice. This was possible through informal proceedings, with liberal procedural rules. The "lex mercatoria" rendered proportionate judgements over the merchants’ disputes, in light of "fair price", good commerce, and equity.  Judges were chosen according to their commercial background and practical knowledge. Their reputation rested upon their perceived expertise in merchant trade and their fair-mindedness. Gradually, a professional judiciary developed through the merchant judges. Their skills and reputation would however still rely upon practical knowledge of merchant practice. These characteristics serve as important measures in the appointment of international commercial arbitrators today such as the European Commissioner for Trade, Phil Hogan holds the present post.  The "lex mercatoria" owed its origin to the fact that the civil law was not sufficiently responsive to the growing demands of commerce, as well as to the fact that trade in pre-medieval times was practically in the hands of those who might be termed cosmopolitan merchants, who wanted a prompt and effective jurisdiction. It was administered for the most part in special courts, such as those of the guilds in Italy, or the fair courts of Germany and France, or as in England, in courts of the Staple or Piepowder.

Legal concepts.

The "lex mercatoria" was composed of such usages and customs as were common to merchants and traders in all parts of Europe, varied slightly in different localities by special peculiarities. Less procedural formality meant speedier dispensation of justice, particularly when it came to documentation and proof. Out of practical need, the medieval "lex mercatoria" originated the “writing obligatory”. By this, creditors could freely transfer the debts owed to them. The “writing obligatory” displaced the need for more complex forms of proof, as it was valid as a proof of debt, without further proof of; transfer of the debt; powers of attorney; or a formal bargain for sale. The "lex mercatoria" also strengthened the concept of party autonomy: whatever the rules of the "lex mercatoria" were, the parties were always free to choose whether to take a case to court, what evidence to submit and which law to apply.

Reception.

Merchant law declined as a cosmopolitan and international system of merchant justice towards the end of medieval times. This was to a large extent due to the adoption of national commercial law codes. It was also connected with an increasing modification of local customs to protect the interests of local merchants. The result of the replacement of "lex mercatoria" codes with national governed codes was the loss of autonomy of merchant tribunals to state courts. The main reason for this development was the protection of state interests.  The nationalisation of the "lex mercatoria" did not neglect the practises of merchants or their trans-border trade. Some institutions continued to function, and state judges also were appointed for their merchant expertise, just as modern commercial arbitrators. The laws of the merchants were not eradicated, but simply codified. National codes built on the principles laid down by trade commercial practise and to a large extent they embodied "lex mercatoria" substantial rules. This was for example the case in France. The Code Commercial was issued in 1807, where "lex mercatoria" rules were preserved to govern formation, performance and termination of contracts. In effect, the nation states reconstituted the "lex mercatoria" in their image.

Common law development.

English courts applied merchant customs only if they were "certain" in nature, "consistent with law" and "in existence since time immemorial." English judges also required that merchant customs were proven before the court. But even as early as 1608, Chief Justice Edward Coke described "lex mercatoria" as "a part of the common law," and William Blackstone would later concur. The tradition continued especially under Lord Mansfield, who is said to be the father of English commercial law. Precepts of the "lex mercatoria" were also kept alive through equity and the admiralty courts in maritime affairs. In the US, traditions of the "lex mercatoria" prevailed in the general principles and doctrines of commercial jurisprudence.  The history of the "lex mercatoria" in England is divided into three stages: the first prior to the time of Coke, when it was a special kind of law – as distinct from the common law – administered in special courts for a special class of the community (i.e. the mercantile); the second stage was one of transition, the "lex mercatoria" being administered in the common law courts, but as a body of customs, to be proved as a fact in each individual case of doubt; the third stage, which has continued to the present day, dates from the presidency over the king's bench of Lord Mansfield (q.v.), under whom it was moulded into the mercantile law of to-day. To the "lex mercatoria" modern English law owes the fundamental principles in the law of partnership, negotiable instruments and trade marks. Sir John Holt (Chief Justice 1689 to 1710) and Lord Mansfield (Chief Justice, 1756 to 1788) were the leading proponents of incorporating the "lex mercatoria" into the common law. Holt did not complete the task, possibly out of his own conservatism (see "Clerke v Martin") and it was Lord Mansfield that became known as the 'founder of the commercial law of this country" (Great Britain). Whilst sitting in Guildhall, Lord Mansfield created, a body of substantive commercial law, logical, just, modern in character and at the same time in harmony with the principles of the common law. It was due to Lord Mansfield's genius that the harmonisation of commercial custom and the common law was carried out with an almost complete understanding of the requirements of the commercial community, and the fundamental principles of the old law and that that marriage of idea proved acceptable to both merchants and lawyers.

International commercial law and arbitration.

"Lex mercatoria" precepts have been reaffirmed in new international mercantile law. National trade barriers are torn down in order to induce commerce. The new commercial law is grounded on commercial practice directed at market efficiency and privacy. Dispute resolution has also evolved, and functional methods like international commercial arbitration is now available. These developments have also attracted the interest of empirical sociology of lawThe principles of the medieval "lex mercatoria" – efficiency, party autonomy, and choice of arbitrator – are applied, and arbitrators often render judgements based on customs. The new merchant law encompasses a huge body of international commercial law.

Present and future commercial law.

In summary, nation states somewhat fragmented the medieval "lex mercatoria" but it is far from destroyed. Local interests triumphed in the medieval ages, just as national interests do today. A modern variant of the "lex mercatoria" is the evolving law and dispute resolution in cyberspace. Internet traders are the fastest growing body of merchants in history. Parties can solve domain-name disputes online expeditiously and quickly. In a virtual court documents are filed and examined online, arguments are made online and decisions are published online – seldom challenged before traditional courts of law. ICANN's UDRP (and its proposals for Rapid Suspension) and Nominet's DRS are examples of this. The medieval, the modern and cyberspace merchant laws face comparable issues of enforceability. They solve the problems somewhat differently, but the reaction of the market is the main incentive to comply with a ruling.  Further, "lex mercatoria" is sometimes used in international disputes between commercial entities. Most often those disputes are decided by arbitrators which sometimes are allowed (explicitly of implied) to apply "lex mercatoria" principles. Therefore, some legal practitioners assume that there is a whole set of legal principles named ""lex mercatoria"" in international or transnational commercial law. The most recent and constantly updated set of rules are the "TransLex Principles" collected and formulated by Klaus Peter Berger (University of Cologne) and his Center for Transnational Law.  What remains of "lex mercatoria" precepts today is a qualified faith in self-regulation by merchants, and a reluctance to surrender the efficiencies of merchant practice to state confinement.

Lex mercatoria (from the Latin for "merchant law"), often referred to as "the Law Merchant" in English, is the body of commercial law used by merchants throughout Europe during the medieval period. It evolved similar to English common law as a system of custom and best practice, which was enforced through a system of merchant courts along the main trade routes. It functioned as the international law of commerce. It emphasised contractual freedom and alienability of property, while shunning legal technicalities and deciding cases "ex aequo et bono". A distinct feature was the reliance by merchants on a legal system developed and administered by them. States or local authorities seldom interfered, and did not interfere a lot in internal domestic trade. Under "lex mercatoria" trade flourished and states took in large amounts of taxation.

Lex mercatoria (někdy též transnacionální právo mezinárodních obchodních transakcí nebo světové právo mezinárodního obchodu) je systémem obecných principů a obyčejových norem, spontánně aplikovaných či vypracovaných v rámci mezinárodního obchodu, a to bez odvolání na jednotlivé systémy národních právních norem. Je založen na koncepci existence samostatného systému norem, který je odlišný od jednotlivých systémů vnitrostátního i mezinárodního práva a upravuje právní vztahy vznikající v rámci mezinárodního obchodu. Lex marcatoria vznikl ve středověku na přelomu 11. a 12. století v oblasti středomořských přístavních měst; v současné době ovšem neexistuje jeho jednotná koncepce a některými právními teoretiky je popírána vůbec možnost jeho existence. V praxi se ovšem zpravidla připouštějí určité formy, např. obchodní obyčeje a zejména též standardizované formy obchodních doložek, které přijala Mezinárodní obchodní komora pod názvem INCOTERMS. Je též možné použití Lex mercatoria při rozhodování mezinárodní obchodní arbitráže, a to při výslovné volbě stran na základě autonomie vůle.


Biography.

Émile Mayade was born in Clermont-Ferrand in 1853 and by the 1890s was working as 'Chef d'Atelier' at Levassor in Paris, looking after the workshop and machinery, plus participating in the development of the cars. He was married to Jeanne Marie Louise Dussutour of Tarbes and they lived above the Levassor workshop in the 'Avenue d'Ivry' in the 13th arrondissement of Paris.

Racing.

Mayade drove a Panhard et Levassor Phaeton 8 hp in the world's first motoring event from Paris to Rouen in 1894 where he finished seventh after eight hours and nine minutes. In 1895 he finished sixth in the Paris–Bordeaux–Paris race after 72 hours 14 minutes.  His greatest success was the victory in the 1896 Paris–Marseille–Paris where he won three stages and finished in 67 hours 42 minutes 58 seconds, almost 30 minutes ahead of Merkel in another Panhard et Levassor 8 hp. The Panhard had been extensively upgraded for 1896, using their first four-cylinder engine which provided double the horsepower of the 1895 model. It was equipped with tiller steering and candle lamps. The brakes were a spoon-lever pressing on the solid rubber back tyre plus a belt that tightened onto a drum on the transmission. This was the same vehicle in which Émile Levassor had won 2 of the first three stages before suffering what would become fatal injury during stage 4.  On 14 November 1896 he finished 6th (or poss. 4th) in the inaugural London to Brighton Veteran Car Run ("Emancipation Day Run") to celebrate the Emancipation of British motorists and the repeal of the Red Flag Act. He took 6 hours 8 minutes 15 seconds to complete the in a Panhard & Levassor 8 hp, Phaeton 4 seater. The car was subsequently sold to Charles Rolls for £1,200.  In July 1897 Mayade drove a Panhard in the Paris-Dieppe race which was won by the Marquis Jules-Albert de Dion in a de Dion 20 hp steamer

Death.

Mayade died in 1898 in Chevanceaux, Charente-Maritime, after a traffic accident with a runaway horse and cart that caused him to be thrown from his car and crushed.

Émile Louis Mayade (21 August 1853 – 18 September 1898) (sometimes misspelled Mayard) was a French motoring pioneer and racing driver. He drove a Panhard et Levassor in the world's first 'city to city' motoring contest from Paris to Rouen in 1894 and went on win the world's first open motor race, the 1896 Paris–Marseille–Paris, where the first driver across the line was the winner.

Émile Louis Mayade (21. srpna 1853, Clermont-Ferrand – 18. září 1898, Chevanceux, departement Charente-Maritime) byl francouzský průkopník automobilismu a automobilový závodník.