Career.

Background and formation.

Katie White started her music career as a school-time hobby in an all-female punk trio called TKO—short for Technical Knock Out—with two friends from Lowton School, Marion Grethe Seaman and Emma Lally. The band had minimal success, once sharing the same stage as the bands Steps and Atomic Kitten. While De Martino was in Manchester, the pair bumped into each other and discovered they had a mutual love of Portishead. De Martino relocated to Islington Mill Studios (the Mill) in the Salford, Greater Manchester area. The pair, along with friend Simon Templeman, went on to form the Portishead-influenced trio Dear Eskiimo, who signed to Mercury Records. However, due to a change of directors and managers, the management style of the record label caused them to split. The experience left White and De Martino with a distrust of the music industry.  White was a bartender at the Mill while De Martino produced tracks for various artists therein. The pair developed their sound from influences of performers at the Mill, and were inspired to form their own group, "The Ting Tings". "Ting Ting" was the name of a Chinese colleague of White at a shop, who told her that it sounded like the pronunciation of "bandstand" in Mandarin (亭). The band researched the name and found it to also mean the "sound of innovation on an open mind".  Having created three songs, the band's first gig was a free-beer invite all at the Mill in their rented dwelling called "the Engine House". Subsequent gigs were funded on donations, and after their third gig they were name-checked on XFM. The Islington Mill gigs ended up as some of the most sought-after tickets on the Manchester party scene with various A&R reps and record producers, such as Rick Rubin, asking for tickets.

Exposure.

Their first double-A single "That's Not My Name/Great DJ" was jointly released by the band and local label, Switchflicker Records. With their second single "Fruit Machine", they were on heavy rotation on British radio, including BBC 6 Music and others. DJ Marc Riley was the first to have them in session on 6 Music and the first to play their record on the station. "Fruit Machine" was a released as limited-edition, 500-only, seven-inch single on Legendre Starkie Records (the band's own label), which was only available at the group's gigs at Islington Mill in Salford, Electrowerkz in Islington, Berlin, Germany and at Glasslands in Brooklyn, New York City. They had a notable performance at the Glastonbury Festival in 2007, and after an October 2007 tour of universities in the UK with Reverend and the Makers, they signed to Columbia Records. On 14 December 2007, they appeared on "Later with Jools Holland". In May 2008, the band credited "BBC Introducing" for giving them their 'life changing' break after the show spotted the band and put them forward for inclusion in the Glastonbury running order.  In January 2008, they were voted third in the annual BBC 6 Music poll of industry experts "Sound of 2008", for acts to emerge in the coming year. In February 2008, they were the opening slot act on the 2008 Shockwaves NME Awards Tour, performing with The Cribs, Joe Lean And The Jing Jang Jong, and Does It Offend You, Yeah?. In conjunction with "NME" and HMV, the band contributed a demo version of "Great DJ" to a limited-audience, 5,000-copies-only, 10" vinyl release of all the artists on the NME Awards Tour. In late March 2008, The Ting Tings joined with Alphabeat and The Fratellis to play as part of the MTV Spanking New Music Tour, at a gig held at the Islington Academy in London.

2008–2009: "We Started Nothing".

The first single released on Columbia was "Great DJ", which received considerable airplay on BBC Radio 1 and XFM in the UK and praise from magazines such as "NME". "Great DJ" reached top 40 on the UK Singles Chart. The band's debut album, "We Started Nothing", was released in May 2008 and entered the UK Albums Chart at number one, following the single "That's Not My Name", which topped the singles chart. Subsequent singles were "Shut Up and Let Me Go", which peaked at number six, "Be the One" (number 28) and "We Walk" (number 58). "We Started Nothing" won an Ivor Novello Award for best album in May 2009. The Ting Tings recorded a cover version of Altered Images' "Happy Birthday" for the children's show "Yo Gabba Gabba".  In May 2008, the band performed a live set on the in New Music We Trust stage at Radio 1's Big Weekend in Maidstone, Kent, which was made available by the BBC's online video player application iPlayer. The Ting Tings performed at the iTunes Live London Festival in the KOKO nightclub in July 2008; the performance was released as a downloadable EP in the iTunes Store under the title "iTunes Live: London Festival '08". In December 2008, they (along with numerous other singers and bands) performed on Jools Holland's "Hootenanny" show on BBC2. The band toured Australia and New Zealand in early 2009 as part of the Big Day Out Festival. They also toured in Singapore as part of that festival's night counterpart, Big Night Out. In June 2009, they returned to the Glastonbury Festival, playing the Other stage on Friday night, and appeared at the Isle of Wight Festival.  In the United States, the single "Shut Up and Let Me Go" appeared in an Apple iPod commercial in late April 2008, helping the song peak at number 55 on the "Billboard" Hot 100. Tracks from the album were featured in various television shows, films and advertisements. The Ting Tings were one of four performers who played small interludes consisting of remixes of past hits throughout the 2008 MTV Video Music Awards, including a section from "Shut Up and Let Me Go" with Blink-182 drummer Travis Barker and DJ AM. They also won the award for Best UK Video for their single "Shut Up and Let Me Go". Columbia Records announced the U.S. release of the single "That's Not My Name" for January 2009, followed by a March/April U.S. concert tour. The duo also toured the country as a support act for Pink on her Funhouse Tour. In December 2009, the duo was nominated for Best New Artist at the 52nd Grammy Awards. The Ting Tings appeared as the musical guests on "Saturday Night Live" on the 16 January 2010 episode, hosted by Sigourney Weaver.

2010–2012: "Sounds from Nowheresville".

The duo began writing their second album in Paris, France. The original incarnation of the album was recorded over a period of eight months in the basement of a former jazz club in the Friedrichshain area of Berlin, Germany. It was described by "Clash" writer April Welsh in 2010 as "an album glistening with polished pop perfection. Ranging from acoustic folk to bangin' electro, R‘n’B and, of course, rock and roll." The lead single, "Hands" (the first track they wrote for the album), was released in October 2010. It was mixed by Calvin Harris and written by the duo themselves. The single debuted at number 29 on the UK Singles Chart, marking the duo's fifth top 40 single; it also topped the "Billboard" dance chart in the US.  The Ting Tings later scrapped the majority of the material from the Berlin sessions against the wishes of their label, with White explaining: "We were in Berlin where there is a great electro scene with Sian Hogan, and so we made songs like that, but quickly realised that everything on the radio was Euro-pop shite. We didn't want our record to be tarnished with that brush". De Martino added that they were angry the single "Hands" was promoted on BBC Radio 1, but had been intended by the band as "an underground, white label-only release". The band relocated to Spain, where they found influence in the music of the Beastie Boys, Spice Girls and TLC. They performed new material from the album in July 2011 at DCode Festival in Madrid.  The video for the single "Hang It Up" premiered on YouTube in October 2011, followed by a video for the song "Silence" (remixed by Australian electro-house duo Bag Raiders) in November 2011. The album's third single, "Soul Killing", premiered on the internet in early February 2012; a video was filmed but never released. The album, "Sounds from Nowheresville", was released in the same month and reached number 24 on the UK Albums Chart.

2012–present: "Super Critical" and "The Black Light".

The band went to Ibiza in September 2012 to begin writing and recording material for their third studio album, which they worked on through in April 2013. They travelled to New York City to mix and master the album in September 2013. In October 2013, the band stated they had nearly finished mixing their third album and were planning to record numerous music videos. They released a club remix of the first single, "Wrong Club" through SoundCloud in April 2014; the single was released to download in July. The duo's third studio album, "Super Critical", was released in October 2014. The band's 2015 US tour was cancelled in June 2015 as a result of a hand injury suffered by White. As of March 2018, The Ting Tings have been more active on social media, even stating that their "new album 'The Black Light' is released" (on 26 October 2018) via their Instagram story.

Members.

Katie White.

Katherine Rebecca "Katie" White (born 1983 in Lowton, England) was raised on a farm in Lowton, and attended Lowton High School, which has a large performing arts department. In 1995, White's grandfather Ken (of whom Katie saw little) won £6.6 million from the then-newly established National Lottery and gave each of his three sons £1 million. Katie's father David used his share of the money to purchase a haulage company, and as a father helped Katie during her school years as a prospective musician.

Jules De Martino.

Julian "Jules" De Martino (born 1969 in London) began playing drums at age 13. He studied fine art at East London's Loughton College and signed a minor publishing deal with Morrison Leahy Music (who also publish George Michael). He formed a band, Mojo Pin, which was influenced by artist Jeff Buckley. The band released two indie singles: "You" and "My Imagination", with Lowlife Records and toured with Irish band the Big Geraniums in 1997.

The Ting Tings are an English indie pop duo from Salford, Greater Manchester formed in 2007. The band consists of Katie White (vocals, guitar, bass drums, bass guitar, cowbells) and Jules De Martino (drums, lead guitar, bass guitar, vocals, piano).

The Ting Tings je anglická popová skupina, která vznikla v roce 2006 v Salfordu. Je tvořena pouze dvěma členy: Katie White (zpěv, kytara, bicí) a Julesem De Martinem (zpěv, bicí). Pozornost na sebe strhli koncem roku 2007, a to díky dvojici singlů „Great DJ“ a „That's Not My Name“. Debutové album "We Started Nothing" vydané 19. května 2008 na Columbia Records se dostalo na první místo britské hitparády stejně jako singl „That's Not My Name".


Early work.

French and German social science research on rumor locates the modern scholarly definition of it to the pioneering work of the German William Stern in 1902. Stern experimented on rumor involving a "chain of subjects" who passed a story from "mouth to ear" without the right to repeat or explain it. He found that the story was shortened and changed by the time it reached the end of the chain. His student was another pioneer in the field, Gordon Allport.  The experiment is similar to the children's game Chinese whispers.

1944 study.

"A Psychology of Rumor" was published by in 1944, in which he reports on his analysis of over one thousand rumors during World War II that were printed in the "Boston Herald"'s "Rumor Clinic" Column. He defines rumor as a proposition for belief of topical reference disseminated without official verification". So formidably defined, rumor is but a special case of informal social communications, including myth, legend, and current humor. From myth and legend it is distinguished by its emphasis on the topical. Where humor is designed to provoke laughter, rumor begs for belief. Knapp identified three basic characteristics that apply to rumor: Crucial to this definition and its characteristics is the emphasis on transmission (word of mouth, which then was heard and reported in the newspaper); on content ("topical" means that it can somehow be distinguished from trivial and private subjects—its domain is public issues); and on reception ("emotional needs of the community" suggests that though it is received by an individual from an individual, it is not comprehended in individual but community or social terms).  Based on his study of the newspaper column, Knapp divided those rumors into three types:  Knapp also found that negative rumors were more likely to be disseminated than positive rumors. These types also differentiate between positive (pipe dream) and negative (bogie and wedge-driving) rumors.

1947 study.

In the 1947 study, "Psychology of Rumor", Gordon Allport and Leo Postman concluded that, "as rumor travels it [...] grows shorter, more concise, more easily grasped and told." This conclusion was based on a test of message diffusion between persons, which found that about 70% of details in a message were lost in the first 5-6 mouth-to-mouth transmissions.  In the experiment, a test subject was shown an illustration and given time to look it over. They were then asked to describe the scene from memory to a second test subject. This second test subject was then asked to describe the scene to a third, and so forth and so on. Each person’s reproduction was recorded. This process was repeated with different illustrations with very different settings and contents.  Allport and Postman used three terms to describe the movement of rumor. They are: "leveling", "sharpening", and "assimilation". Leveling refers to the loss of detail during the transmission process; sharpening to the selection of certain details of which to transmit; and assimilation to a distortion in the transmission of information as a result of subconscious motivations.  Assimilation was observed when test subjects described the illustrations as they ought to be but not as they actually were. For example, in an illustration depicting a battle-scene, test subjects often incorrectly reported an ambulance truck in the background of the illustration as carrying “medical supplies,” when, in fact, it was clearly carrying boxes marked “TNT (102).”

Social cognition.

In 2004, Prashant Bordia and Nicholas DiFonzo published their "Problem Solving in Social Interactions on the Internet: Rumor As Social Cognition" and found that rumor transmission is probably reflective of a "collective explanation process." This conclusion was based on an analysis of archived message board discussions in which the statements were coded and analyzed. It was found that 29% (the majority) of statements within these discussions could be coded as “sensemaking” statements, which involved, “[...] attempts at solving a problem.”  It was noted that the rest of the discussion was constructed around these statements, further reinforcing the idea of collective problem solving. The researchers also found that each rumor went through a four-stage pattern of development in which a rumor was introduced for discussion, information was volunteered and discussed, and finally a resolution was drawn or interest was lost.  For the study, archived discussions concerning rumors on the internet and other computer networks such as BITnet were retrieved. As a rule, each discussion had a minimum of five statements posted over a period of at least two days. The statements were then coded as being one of the following: "prudent", "apprehensive", "authenticating", "interrogatory", "providing information", "belief", "disbelief", "sensemaking", "digressive", or "uncodable". Each rumor discussion was then analyzed based on this coding system. A similar coding system based on statistical analysis was applied to each discussion as a whole, and the aforementioned four-stage pattern of rumor discussion emerged.  There are four components of managing rumors that both of you need to understand for the sake of your relationship’s success. The first, anxiety (situational and personality), is when people who either have a more anxious personality, or people who are in an anxiety- lifting situation are more likely to create rumors in order to relieve some of their insecurities. The second component of managing rumors is ambiguity. Ambiguity is when someone is not sure about what is going on, so they end up assuming the worst. The third component is information importance.. Information is key, and if that information is not juicy or if it does not interest people, there won’t be rumors, but information can often be false. Information can also be ambiguous. The last component of managing rumors is credibility. Rumors are often spread by sources that are not credible. A rumor itself is not credible unless it is proven to be true. That is why people say to never trust the tabloids.

Political communication strategy.

Rumor has always played a major role in politics, with negative rumors about an opponent typically more effective than positive rumors about one's own side. In the past, much research on rumor came from psychological approaches (as the discussion of Allport and DiFonzio demonstrates above). The focus was especially on how statements of questionable veracity (absolutely false to the ears of some listeners) circulated orally from person to person. Scholarly attention to political rumors is at least as old as Aristotle's "Rhetoric"; however, not until recently has any sustained attention and conceptual development been directed at political uses of rumor, outside of its role in war situations. Almost no work had been done until recently on how different forms of media and particular cultural-historical conditions may facilitate a rumor's diffusion.  The Internet's recent appearance as a new media technology has shown ever new possibilities for the fast diffusion of rumor, as the debunking sites such as snopes.com, urbanlegend.com, and factcheck.org demonstrate. Nor had previous research taken into consideration the particular form or style of deliberately chosen rumors for political purposes in particular circumstances (even though significant attention to the power of rumor for mass-media-diffused war propaganda has been in vogue since World War I; see Lasswell 1927). In the early part of the 21st century, some legal scholars have attended to political uses of rumor, though their conceptualization of it remains social psychological and their solutions to it as public problem are from a legal scholarly perspective, largely having to do with libel and privacy laws and the damage to personal reputations.  Working within political communication studies, in 2006, Jayson Harsin introduced the concept of the "rumor bomb" as a response to the widespread empirical phenomenon of rumoresque communication in contemporary relations between media and politics, especially within the complex convergence of multiple forms of media, from cell phones and internet, to radio, TV, and print. Harsin starts with the widespread definition of rumor as a claim whose truthfulness is in doubt and which often has no clear source even if its ideological or partisan origins and intents are clear. He then treats it as a particular rhetorical strategy in current contexts of media and politics in many societies. For Harsin a "rumor bomb" extends the definition of rumor into a political communication concept with the following features:  In addition, Harsin locates the "rumor bomb" within other communication genres, such as disinformation (intentional false information) and propaganda, as rumor has been viewed by others. However, he distinguishes it from these concepts as well, since disinformation is often too associated with government, and propaganda is attempts to control opinion without regard for ethics and accuracy of statement. Similarly, "spin" is a generic term for strategic political communication that attempts to frame or re-frame an event or a statement in a way that is politically profitable for one side and detrimental to another, though at its core it may simply be a red herring (Bennett 2003, p. 130).  In addition, a "smear campaign" is a term that loosely means a coordinated effort to attack a person's character. Unlike a "smear campaign," rumor bombs need not be about discrediting a person (as is the case, for example, in claims about Iraq and 9/11 or weapons of mass destruction moved to Syria). “Spin” also specifically refers to an event and its re-framing. Rumor bombs may seek to produce events themselves. A rumor bomb can be seen as having some characteristics of these general concepts, but rumor bombs happen in very particular cultural and historical conditions. They are not about mouth-to-ear interpersonal rumors as much rumor research has been interested in. They begin in a rapport between deliberate "disinformers" and "media", whether TV news, talk shows, newspapers, radio, or websites. They then circulate across these media, perhaps but not necessarily resulting in interpersonal mouth-to-ear rumor diffusion.  Harsin distinguishes the rumor bomb from other more general concepts of rumor by "emphasizing changes in politics, media technology, and culture". According to Harsin, rumor in politics has always existed, but recent changes have created an environment ripe for a new kind of political rumor: a new media "convergence culture" where information produced on the internet can influence the production of media content in other forms; new media technologies and business values that emphasize speed and circulation that combine with entertainment values in news, political marketing, and public craving of tabloid news that mirrors other entertainment genres.  Rumors of affairs, of "weapons of mass destruction" and their alleged removal to other countries"John Kerry is French," Obama is a Muslim, John McCain had an illegitimate black child—all of these involve statements whose veracity is in question or that are simply false. Other statements may have an ambiguous nature that makes them potentially appealing to different audiences who may interpret them in particular ways and circulate them. Harsin builds on rumor research that has emphasized social cognition and diffusion of propaganda. He extends Prashant and Difonzio's work in particular, since they attempt to distinguish rumor from gossip, in that rumor is supposedly about public issues and gossip is about private, trivial things. The emergence of infotainment and tabloidization in especially American and British news has broken that distinction, since politics is now just as much about bringing the private into the public view, as was clear with the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal.

Strategic communication.

Similar to their appearance and function in political communication, wherein rumors can be deployed for specific deleterious effect (rumor bomb) or can otherwise plague a candidate for office, rumors also play an important role in strategic communication. Strategic communication is the process of crafting messages in support of specific organizational goals, and is usually concerned with governments, militaries and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Adroit strategic communication requires an understanding of stories, trends and memes circulating within a culture.  Rumors can be viewed as stories that seem rational but that are steeped into speculation, in connection with a certain narrative landscape (the vast array of cultural expression circulating within a community or region). In their book, "Narrative Landmines: Rumors, Islamist Extremism and the Struggle for Strategic Influence", co-authors Daniel Bernardi, Pauline Hope Cheong, Chris Lundry and Scott W. Ruston coin the term narrative IED to help explain the function and danger of rumors in a strategic communication context. Rumors, as narrative IEDs, are low-cost, low-tech communication weapons that can be used by anyone to disrupt the efforts of communication, civil affairs or outreach campaigns such as those undertaken by governments in crisis response situations or militaries in insurgencies. As Bernardi notes, “Like their explosive cousins, rumors can be created and planted by nearly anybody, require limited resources to utilize, can be deadly for those in its direct path, and can instill fear”.

A rumor (American English) or rumour (British English; see spelling differences) (from Latin: 'rumorem' - noise) is "a tall tale of explanations of events circulating from person to person and pertaining to an object, event, or issue in public concern."

Fáma (také domněnka či zvěst, anglicky "rumour" či "rumor") je téměř vždy smyšlená, polopravdivá či nepravdivá informace o člověku, jevu či události ze všech sfér soudobého či současného života.


Tourism.

Tourism is a very large part of the Panamanian economy, and much of it revolves around the Panama Bay. The most popular attraction being the Pearl Islands, with its clear, nutrient-rich water and diverse wildlife drawing many tourists and divers to explore the archipelago. Since the Pearl Islands are the most popular tourist destination in the Panama Bay, the local communities have adapted and changed due to the touristic developments. Some islands, such as Pedro González, have been positively affected by the boom in tourism, as the Islanders believe it is good for the local economy. The local inhabitants of other islands such as Contadora believe that tourism is bad for the islands, and wish to preserve the local culture.

Climate.

The climate in the Panama Bay region is extreme, ranging from an extreme dry season (Jan-April) to an extreme wet season. (May–December) This has a major influence on the mangroves in the region, since the dry season as well as El Niño bring strong storms that can damage the Mangroves and disrupt their reproductive cycles.

Mangroves.

Mangroves are an essential part of the bay ecosystem and habitats. These mangroves are crucial to the local bird species’ long term survival, as they provide shelter and nutrients to the local bird species. Over 20 species were documented in the bay at over 57 locations, mostly in the Pearl Island region. Brown Pelicans are the most abundant birds in the bay, with Cattle Egrets and Great Egrets also populating a large portion. The other most plentiful birds in the bay include: The Sooty Tern, Bridled Tern, White Ibis, Glossy Ibis, Little Blue Heron, Cocoi Heron, Bare-Throated Tiger Heron, Black Crowned Night Heron, Blue Footed Booby, Brown Booby, Magnificent Frigatebird, Great Egret, and Snowy Egret. The Seabirds also are an indicator of the health of the fish, which rely on the nutrient-rich debris of the mangroves to survive.  Mangroves have also been used by local communities for centuries for their charcoal, long-lasting fuel wood, poles, bark, and are still an important part of the local communities to this day. Since the seafood and nutrients are abundant in the waters of the bay, it has been proved an advantageous place to live for thousands of years, dating back to the late Preceramic Period, around 6000 B.C. A recent discovery of dolphin remains in a Preceramic hunter-gatherer encampment on the Pearl Islands suggests that the ancient inhabitants of the islands did not only hunt small fish, but larger ones such as dolphins and sharks. The nutrient-rich water draws a significant amount of fish and sea animals to the Panama Bay, giving the ancient hunter-gatherers a wide variety to choose from. Evidence was found that these inhabitants lived mainly off of fish and turtles in the bay, but dolphins and sharks were also exploited for their meat, bones, and oil. One major problem that researchers found was that it is unclear whether the primitive hunter-gatherers systematically hunted the dolphins, or merely herded them towards the islands until they became beached. Nonetheless, this is still an important discovery as it is the first Preceramic site identified in the Pearl Islands, as well as the first evidence in Central America that the early inhabitants exploited dolphins for food.

Environmental concerns.

There has been concern recently relating to the environmental health of the Panama Bay, as industry has grown significantly in the Panama City area in recent years, specifically the oil industry. Petroleum is both a major import and export of Panama City, and as such, the concern for oil spills and how they would affect the bay is significant. Another great concern is the destruction and utilization of the mangroves in the bay. Both the wildlife in the bay and the human population rely on the mangroves for survival. The mangroves in the bay are also not only threatened by siltation by excessive erosion, dam construction, and pesticides from the local farms, but also by the utilization of these mangroves for industrial farming.

Laws and regulations.

The creation of the Panama Canal in 1914 was a major breakthrough in terms of international transport, as it formed Panama and the surrounding area as a new international hub of trade and transport. However, although it brought business to the area, the new boom in transport in the area took a major toll on the environment. As the Panamanian economy has grown over the years, so have the laws and policies relating to it, specifically marine policy. Marine resources in and around the Panama Bay are key to many major industries such as farming and fishing, and over 80% of the surrounding population directly rely on them to survive. Although the laws that have been put into place over the years made major changes to the infrastructure and government, there are still major gaps in the enforcement and structure of these laws.  Many of the laws put into place did not have conservation of the environment in mind, and mainly focused on business. Water treatment is a major problem in the Panama Bay, as much of the once pure water is now polluted with sewage and chemical waste. Sewage treatment is poor in a large portion of Panama, and due to the lack of proper waste management plants, raw sewage from sewage tanks is often dumped into the bay with little to no treatment. Panama City and the surrounding areas draw clean drinking water from the Panama Canal watershed, but the recent boom in urbanization and pollution threatens the quality of the drinking water. The Panamanian Government as well as non-governmental organizations are working towards conservation of the watershed, but the loose laws towards industry and waste management make this hard to achieve.

Conservation efforts.

In 2009, The Panama Bay was declared a "Wetland of International Importance" by the Ramsar Convention, an international convention for the protection of wetlands of international importance. However, this status was temporarily suspended in 2012 by the Panamanian Government to protect Industry and farming. This sparked controversy amongst environmentalists, and in 2013 the bay regained protected status under the Panamanian Supreme court, with the help and support of the Panama Audubon Society.  In February 2015, the Panamanian President Juan Carlos Varela signed into law the ban of construction in the 210,000 acre area of the Bay of Panama, and declared the bay a "wetlands complex as a protected wildlife refuge area". This action was controversial within the Panamanian Government as the previous president, Ricardo Martinelli, was criticized by environmentalists for his neglect of the destruction of the mangroves in the Panama Bay. This law was put into place mainly to conserve the mangrove forests and stop erosion, as well as to protect the habitats of the migratory shorebirds.

The Gulf of Panama () is a gulf in the Pacific Ocean, near the southern coast of Panama. It has a maximum width of, a maximum depth of and the size of. The Panama Canal connects the Gulf of Panama with the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean. The Panamanian capital Panama City is the main urban centre on the gulf shore.

Panamský záliv (španělsky Golfo de Panamá) je nejvýznamnější pacifický záliv středoamerického státu Panama. Rozkládá se jižně od panamské pevniny, jeho největší šířka je 250 km, max. hloubka 220 m a rozloha 2400 km2. Na západě je ohraničen poloostrovem Azuero. Do zálivu Panama vyúsťuje Panamský průplav, který spojuje Atlantik a Pacifik. Na pobřeží zálivu se rozkládá i hlavní město země – Ciudad de Panamá.


Infrastructure.

The Internet backbone consists of many networks owned by numerous companies. Optical fiber trunk lines consists of many fiber cables bundled to increase capacity, or bandwidth. Fiber-optic communication remains the medium of choice for Internet backbone providers for several reasons. Fiber-optics allow for fast data speeds and large bandwidth, they suffer relatively little attenuation, allowing them to cover long distances with few repeaters, and they are also immune to crosstalk and other forms of electromagnetic interference which plague electrical transmission. The real-time routing protocols and redundancy built into the backbone is also able to reroute traffic in case of a failure. The data rates of backbone lines have increased over time. In 1998, all of the United States' backbone networks had utilized the slowest data rate of 45 Mbit/s. However, technological improvements allowed for 41 percent of backbones to have data rates of 2,488 Mbit/s or faster by the mid 2000s.

History.

The first packet-switched computer networks, the NPL network and the ARPANET were interconnected in 1973 via University College London. The ARPANET used a backbone of routers called Interface Message Processors. Other packet-switched computer networks proliferated starting in the 1970s, eventually adopting TCP/IP protocols, or being replaced by newer networks. The National Science Foundation created the National Science Foundation Network (NSFNET) in 1986 by funding six networking sites using interconnecting links, with peering to the ARPANET. In 1987, this new network was upgraded to T1 links for thirteen sites. These sites included regional networks that in turn connected over 170 other networks. IBM, MCI and Merit upgraded the backbone to bandwidth (T3) in 1991. The combination of the ARPANET and NSFNET became known as the Internet. Within a few years, the dominance of the NSFNet backbone led to the decommissioning of the redundant ARPANET infrastructure in 1990.  In the early days of the Internet, backbone providers exchanged their traffic at government-sponsored network access points (NAPs), until the government privatized the Internet, and transferred the NAPs to commercial providers.

Modern backbone.

Because of the overlap and synergy between long-distance telephone networks and backbone networks, the largest long-distance voice carriers such as AT&T Inc., MCI (acquired in 2006 by Verizon), Sprint, and CenturyLink also own some of the largest Internet backbone networks. These backbone providers sell their services to Internet service providers (ISPs).  Each ISP has its own contingency network and is equipped with an outsourced backup. These networks are intertwined and crisscrossed to create a redundant network. Many companies operate their own backbones which are all interconnected at various Internet exchange points (IXPs) around the world. In order for data to navigate this web, it is necessary to have backbone routers—routers powerful enough to handle information—on the Internet backbone and are capable of directing data to other routers in order to send it to its final destination. Without them, information would be lost.

Economy of the backbone.

Peering agreements.

Backbone providers of roughly equivalent market share regularly create agreements called peering agreements, which allow the use of another's network to hand off traffic where it is ultimately delivered. Usually they do not charge each other for this, as the companies get revenue from their customers regardless.

Regulation.

Antitrust authorities have acted to ensure that no provider grows large enough to dominate the backbone market. In the United States, the Federal Communications Commission has decided not to monitor the competitive aspects of the Internet backbone interconnection relationships as long as the market continues to function well.

Transit agreements.

Backbone providers of unequal market share usually create agreements called transit agreements, and usually contain some type of monetary agreement.

Regional backbone.

Egypt.

The government of Egypt shut down the four major ISPs on January 27, 2011 at approximately 5:20 p.m. EST. Evidently the networks had not been physically interrupted, as the Internet transit traffic through Egypt was unaffected. Instead, the government shut down the Border Gateway Protocol (BGP) sessions announcing local routes. BGP is responsible for routing traffic between ISPs.  Only one of Egypt's ISPs was allowed to continue operations. The ISP Noor Group provided connectivity only to Egypt's stock exchange as well as some government ministries. Other ISPs started to offer free dial-up Internet access in other countries.

Europe.

Europe is a major contributor to the growth of the international backbone as well as a contributor to the growth of Internet bandwidth. In 2003, Europe was credited with 82 percent of the world's international cross-border bandwidth. The company Level 3 Communications began to launch a line of dedicated Internet access and virtual private network services in 2011, giving large companies direct access to the tier 3 backbone. Connecting companies directly to the backbone will provide enterprises faster Internet service which meets a large market demand.

Caucasus.

Certain countries around the Caucasus have very simple backbone networks; for example, in 2011, a woman in Georgia pierced a fiber backbone line with a shovel and left the neighboring country of Armenia without Internet access for 12 hours. The country has since made major developments to the fiber backbone infrastructure, but progress is slow due to lack of government funding.

Japan.

Japan's Internet backbone needs to be very efficient due to high demand for the Internet and technology in general. Japan had over 86 million Internet users in 2009, and was projected to climb to nearly 91 million Internet users by 2015. Since Japan has a demand for fiber to the home, Japan is looking into tapping a fiber-optic backbone line of Nippon Telegraph and Telephone (NTT), a domestic backbone carrier, in order to deliver this service at cheaper prices.

China.

In some instances the companies that own certain sections of the Internet backbone's physical infrastructure depend on competition in order to keep the Internet market profitable. This can be seen most prominently in China. Since China Telecom and China Unicom have acted as the sole Internet service providers to China for some time, smaller companies cannot compete with them in negotiating the interconnection settlement prices that keep the Internet market profitable in China. This imposition of discriminatory pricing by the large companies then results in market inefficiencies and stagnation, and ultimately effects the efficiency of the Internet backbone networks that service the nation.

The Internet backbone may be defined by the principal data routes between large, strategically interconnected computer networks and core routers of the Internet. These data routes are hosted by commercial, government, academic and other high-capacity network centers, the Internet exchange points and network access points, that exchange Internet traffic between the countries, continents, and across the oceans. Internet service providers, often Tier 1 networks, participate in Internet backbone traffic by privately negotiated interconnection agreements, primarily governed by the principle of settlement-free peering.

Internetová páteř jsou hlavní linky spojující různé části Internetu. Je tvořena velkým množstvím komerčních, vládních, vědeckých a dalších vysokokapacitních datových cest a také spojeními mezi páteřními směrovači, které se starají o přenos dat v rámci států, kontinentů nebo navzájem mezi kontinenty.


Summary.

Launching all but 12 of its nearly 200 operational jets in three main waves of aerial attacks, and several smaller waves in the days following the operation, a total of 452 aircraft were destroyed, most of them on the ground. That left the IAF in almost complete control of the skies, and it was able to assist the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) ground units effectively.  The operational success was achieved by concentrating on the initial destruction of the runways with a new kind of weapon, a rocket assisted anti-runway warhead. The prototype French/Israeli anti-runway weapon program uses rocket braking over the target to point the warhead directly toward the runway being attacked; at a set altitude, a second accelerator rocket ignites and drives the warhead through the pavement of the runway before it detonates. The explosion creates a small crater over a large new sinkhole, meaning the damaged runway section must be completely removed before the sinkhole can be repaired rather than a normal bomb crater which is simply filled in and patched. Once the runways were disabled, entire air bases' complements of aircraft were effectively grounded and fell victim to subsequent attack waves, resulting in near-total Israeli air supremacy.

Timeline.

June 5, 1967.

Egyptian defensive infrastructure was extremely poor, and no airfields were yet equipped with hardened aircraft shelters capable of protecting Egypt's warplanes in the event of an attack. The Israeli warplanes headed out over the Mediterranean before turning toward Egypt. Meanwhile, the Egyptians hindered their own defense by effectively shutting down their entire air defense system: they were worried that rebel Egyptian forces would shoot down the plane carrying Field Marshal Amer and Lt-Gen. Sidqi Mahmoud, who were en route from al Maza to Bir Tamada in the Sinai to meet the commanders of the troops stationed there. In this event it did not make a great deal of difference as the Israeli pilots came in below Egyptian radar cover and well below the lowest point at which Egypt's SA-2 surface-to-air missile batteries could bring down an aircraft.  The first Israeli wave attacked 11 bases, catching much of the Egyptian Air Force on the ground and destroying them before they got airborne. The Israeli jets then returned to Israel, were "quick-turned" (refueled and re-armed) in 7 minutes 30 seconds, and left in a second wave that attacked 14 Egyptian bases and returned with only minor losses. They "quick-turned" again and departed in a third wave.  The opening stages of Operation Moked were a complete success: Egypt's air force of nearly 500 combat aircraft was destroyed in the space of three hours, with only minor losses to the Israeli Air Force. When Syria, Jordan, and Iraq attacked Israeli targets in retaliation for the airstrike on Egypt, their attacks were mainly directed at civilian targets and were largely ineffectual. In response many of the IAF planes headed for a third strike on Egypt were diverted en route to Syrian and Jordanian targets, and other IAF aircraft were sent against Arab ground forces in support of Israeli ground forces. By the end of the first day of the Six-day War, Israel had complete air superiority over Egypt, the Golan Heights, the West Bank, and the entire Sinai desert.

June 6–10, 1967.

On the second day of the war (June 6) the IAF was used against Egyptian, Jordanian, Syrian, and Iraqi ground forces.  On the third day (June 7) the IAF destroyed hundreds of Egyptian vehicles trying to flee across the Sinai in convoys and trapped thousands more in narrow Sinai passes. By the end of the third day Jordan's air force of 34 combat aircraft had essentially ceased to exist and the Jordanian military was no longer in the fight.  By the sixth and final day (June 10) Syria had lost approximately 100 combat aircraft and the fighting was over.

Aftermath.

During the Six-Day War, the Israeli Air Force, with 250 combat aircraft at its disposal, employing 352 sorties, had prevailed over a coalition with approximately 600 combat aircraft. The IAF destroyed 452 enemy aircraft, including 79 in air combat, while losing 46 of its own. 24 Israeli pilots and hundreds of Arab pilots were killed.

Other effects.

The effectiveness of the operation showed how vulnerable fixed air base installations were to aerial attacks at the time. This caused many nations air forces to develop improved defensive measures against it, such as constructing hardened aircraft shelters to protect aircraft on the ground and establishing highway strips as alternative air bases.

Operation Focus (, "Mivtza Moked") was the opening airstrike by Israel at the start of the Six-Day War in 1967. It is sometimes referred to as "Sinai Air Strike". At 07:45 on June 5, 1967, the Israeli Air Force (IAF) under Maj. Gen. Mordechai Hod launched a massive airstrike that destroyed the majority of the Egyptian Air Force on the ground. Following Syrian, Jordanian, and Iraqi attacks in retaliation, the Israeli Air Force proceeded to bomb air bases in those countries. By noon, the Egyptian, Jordanian and Syrian Air Forces, with about 450 aircraft, were destroyed. It was also very successful in disabling 18 airfields in Egypt, hindering Egyptian Air Force operations for the duration of the war, and remains one of the most successful air attack campaigns in military history.

Operace Moked (, Mivca Moked,, ) byl vzdušný úder izraelského vojenského letectva, kterým byla zahájena Šestidenní válka. Operace Moked byla započata 5. června 1967 v ranních hodinách. Izraelská vojenská letadla při ní zničila většinu egyptského a později i syrského a jordánského vojenského letectva při minimálních vlastních ztrátách. Úspěch během Operace Moked vedl k získání letecké převahy nad bojišti Šestidenní války a významně se podílel na konečném vítězství Izraele v této válce.


History.

Murphy had no prior professional experience as a singer when Moloko was formed. Brydon had previously worked on music as a producer with musicians such as Boy George and Cabaret Voltaire on releases from the 1990s. In 1994, the two met at a party in Sheffield, where Murphy approached Brydon with the chat-up line, "Do you like my tight sweater? See how it fits my body!" Its first sentence became their début album's title, recorded while Murphy and Brydon had begun dating. The name Moloko comes from the narcotic-filled milk drink, Moloko Plus, in the Anthony Burgess novel "A Clockwork Orange", based on the Russian for milk, "молоко" ("moloko").  The group signed to Echo Records and released their single "Where Is the What If the What Is in the Why?" The group's debut album "Do You Like My Tight Sweater?" was released in 1995. The group toured with Pulp following the release.  The single "Fun for Me" was featured prominently on the "Batman & Robin" soundtrack and received radio airplay and strong MTV rotation. It reached no. 4 in the US Dance chart.  In 1997, their cover of "Are 'Friends' Electric?" featured on the Gary Numan tribute album "Random".  After Moloko finished the tour, they built a home studio and recorded their second album, titled "I Am Not a Doctor", which was released in 1998 in the United Kingdom. The album wasn't a success, reaching only no. 64 in the UK album chart. However, a Boris Dlugosch remix of "Sing It Back", the third single from the album that originally failed to reach the Top 40 in the UK Singles Chart, was a huge hit, reaching no. 4 in the UK chart and no. 1 in the US Dance Chart.  Their third album "Things to Make and Do" was released in the year 2000 and reached no. 3 in the UK album chart. The first single, "The Time Is Now" was their biggest hit, charting at no. 2 in the charts. They started touring as a full band along with percussionist Paul Slowly, keyboardist Eddie Stevens, and guitarist Dave Cook.  Their 2003 album "Statues" produced two hit singles, "Familiar Feeling", which reached no. 10 in the UK, and "Forever More", which reached no. 17. Brydon and Murphy ended their romantic relationship after the album's release and, following a tour, disbanded the group.

Style.

Moloko's music has been described as trip hop, alternative dance, dance-pop, experimental pop, dance-punk and electropop. Heather Phares of AllMusic described the sound of their debut album similar to that of Portishead and Massive Attack with elements of dance, funk, and trip hop, while noting the group had "a sense of humour and sass unique to Moloko."

Discography.

Compilations.

"All Back to the Mine" (2001) is a collection of 21 remixes (23 in Japan). "Vol. I" and "Vol. II" (2016) each contain 34 remixes, for a total of 68. Not all of the remixes on the 2001 version are included on the 2016 versions.

Awards and honours.

"Best International Live Act" - Belgian TMF Awards 2004

Moloko were an Irish-English electronic music duo formed in Sheffield, England, consisting of vocalist Róisín Murphy and producer Mark Brydon. Blending elements of trip hop, electronica, and dance, they are best known for UK top 10 hits such as "The Time Is Now" (2000) and "Familiar Feeling" (2003), as well as the 1999 Boris Dlugosch remix of "Sing It Back" which became an international hit.

Moloko bylo anglicko-irské hudební duo hrající elektronickou hudbu s prvky trip hopu. Duo se skládalo z Róisín Murphyové a Marka Brydona.


History.

Bolívar.

The Bolívar is named after the hero of Latin American independence Simón Bolívar. The bolívar was adopted by the monetary law of 1879, replacing the short-lived venezolano at a rate of five bolívares to one venezolano. Initially, the bolívar was defined on the silver standard, equal to 4.5 g fine silver, following the principles of the Latin Monetary Union. The monetary law of 1887 made the gold bolívar unlimited legal tender, and the gold standard came into full operation in 1910. Venezuela went off gold in 1930, and in 1934, the bolívar exchange rate was fixed in terms of the U.S. dollar at a rate of 3.914 bolívares = 1 U.S. dollar, revalued to 3.18 bolívares = 1 U.S. dollar in 1937, a rate which lasted until 1941. Until 18 February 1983 (now called Black Friday ("Viernes Negro") by many Venezuelans), the bolívar had been the region's most stable and internationally accepted currency. It then fell prey to high devaluation.  Exchange controls were imposed on February 5, 2003, to limit capital flight. The rate was pegged to the U.S. dollar at a fixed exchange rate of Bs 1,600 to the dollar.

Bolívar fuerte.

The government announced on 7 March 2007 that the bolívar would be revalued at a ratio of 1,000 to 1 on 1 January 2008 and renamed the "bolívar fuerte" in an effort to facilitate the ease of transaction and accounting. The newer name is literally translated as "strong bolívar" but is also a reference to an old coin called the "peso fuerte" worth 10 Spanish reales. The name "bolívar fuerte" is used to distinguish it from the older currency that was being used along with the bolívar fuerte. The official exchange rate is restricted to individuals by CADIVI, which imposes an annual limit on the amount available for travel.  Since the government of Hugo Chávez established strict currency controls in 2003, there have been a series of five currency devaluations, disrupting the economy. On 8 January 2010, the value was changed by the government from the fixed exchange rate of 2.15 bolívares fuertes to 2.60 bolívares for some imports (certain foods and healthcare goods) and 4.30 bolívares for other imports like cars, petrochemicals, and electronics. On 4 January 2011, the fixed exchange rate became 4.30 bolívares for US$1.00 for both sides of the economy. On 13 February 2013 the bolívar fuerte was devalued to 6.30 bolívares per US$1 in an attempt to counter budget deficits. On 18 February 2016, President Maduro used his newly granted economic powers to devalue the official exchange rate of the bolívar fuerte from 6.3 Bs.F per US$1 to 10 Bs.F per US$1, which is a 37% depreciation against the U.S. dollar.  The bolívar fuerte entered hyperinflation in November 2016.  On January 26, 2018, the government retired the protected and subsidized 10 Bs.F per US$1 exchange rate that was highly overvalued as a result of rampant inflation. On February 5, 2018, the Central Bank of Venezuela announced a devaluation, with the exchange rate going to 25,000 Bs.F per USD. This made the bolívar fuerte the second-least valued circulating currency in the world based on the official exchange rate, behind only the Iranian rial, and between September 2017 and August 2018, according to the informal exchange rate, the bolívar fuerte was the least valued circulating currency unit in the world.  The official exchange rate stood at 248,832 VEF/USD as of August 10, 2018, making it the least valued circulating currency in the world based on official exchange rates.  In June 2018, the government authorized a new exchange rate for buying, but not selling currency. On August 13, 2018, the rate was 4,010,000 VEF/USD according to ZOOM Remesas.

Bolívar soberano.

On 22 March 2018, President Nicolás Maduro announced a new monetary reform program, with a planned revaluation of the currency at a ratio of 1 to 1,000. The change was to be made effective from 4 June 2018.  In May 2018, the government required prices to be expressed in both bolívares fuertes and bolívares soberanos at the then-planned rate of 1,000 to 1. For example, one kilogram of pasta was shown with a price of BsF. 695,000 and BsS. 695. Prices expressed in the new currency were rounded to the nearest 50 céntimos as that was expected to be the lowest denomination in circulation at launch. The rounding created difficulties because some items and sales qualities were priced at significantly less than 0.50 BsS.; for example a litre of gasoline and a Caracas Metro ticket typically cost BsS. 0.06 and BsS. 0.04, respectively. The change in currency was originally scheduled for June 4, 2018. The President delayed the planned June launch date of the bolívar soberano, citing from Aristides Maza, "the period established to carry out the conversion is not enough". The revaluation was rescheduled to 20 August 2018, and the rate changed to 100,000 to 1, with prices being required to be expressed at the new rate starting 1 August 2018.  On 20 August 2018, the Maduro government launched the new bolívar soberano currency, with one bolívar soberano worth 100,000 bolívares fuertes. New coins in denominations of 50 céntimos and 1 bolívar soberano, and new banknotes in denominations of 2, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 200 and 500 bolívares soberanos were introduced. Under the country's official fixed exchange rate to the US dollar the new currency was devalued by roughly 95% compared to the old bolívar fuerte. The day was declared a bank holiday to allow the banks to adjust to the new currency. Initially, during a transition period the bolívar soberano was to be run alongside the bolívar fuerte. However, from the start of the transition, on 20 August, bolívar fuerte notes of 500 and less could not be used; only deposited at banks.  Concurrently with the release of the new currency, the minimum wage was raised to 1,800 bolívares soberanos per month, a 33-fold increase, and sales tax increased from 12% to 16%.  Additionally, the bolívar soberano is supposed to have a fixed exchange rate to the petro cryptocurrency, with a rate of 3,600 bolívares soberanos to one petro; a peg of petro and bolívar soberano was announced by Maduro as early as 15 August. The petro is supposedly tied to the price of a barrel of oil (about US$60 in August 2018). As of the end of August 2018, there is no evidence that the cryptocurrency is being traded. Petro is regarded by many as a scam.  Following the introduction of the bolívar soberano, inflation increased from 61,463 percent on 21 August 2018 to 65,320 percent on 22 August 2018. By 24 August 2018, the introduction of the bolívar soberano had not prevented hyperinflation. According to inflation analyst Steve Hanke, between 18 August and 21 August 2018, the inflation rate increased from 48,760 percent to 65,320 percent.

Currency black market.

The black (or parallel) market value of the "bolívar fuerte" and the "bolívar soberano" has been significantly lower than the fixed exchange rate and other rates set by the Venezuelan government (SICAD, SIMADI, DICOM). In November 2013, it was almost one-tenth that of the official fixed exchange rate of 6.3 bolívares per U.S. dollar. In September 2014, the currency black market rate for the bolívar fuerte reached 100 VEF/USD; on 25 February 2015, it went over 200 VEF/USD. on 7 May 2015, it was over 275 VEF/USD and on 22 September 2015, it was over 730 VEF/USD. Venezuela still had the highest inflation rate in the world in July 2015. By 3 February 2016, this rate reached 1,000 VEF/USD. This rate surpassed 4,300 VEF/USD on 10 December 2016. It surpassed 10,000 VEF/USD on 28 July 2017, and on 7 September 2017, the rate surpassed 20,000 VEF/USD for the first time. Inflation accelerated, and on 1 December 2017, it reached 100,000 VEF/USD for the first time ever. The rate surpassed 200,000 VEF/USD on 18 January 2018, then 500,000 VEF/USD on 16 April, 1 million VEF/USD on 30 May, 2 million VEF/USD on 7 June, and 5 million VEF/USD on 16 August.  At the time of redomination on 20 August 2018, the exchange rate was 59.21 VES/USD. By the end of the month it reached 87 VES/USD. The rate then surpassed 100 VES/USD on 3 October 2018, 1,000 VES/USD on 9 January 2019, 10,000 VES/USD on 19 July, and 50,000 VES/USD on 29 December. According to DolarToday, the parallel exchange rate was 54,702.82 VES/USD as of 1 January 2020.

Exchange rate history.

It is illegal to publish the "parallel exchange rate" in Venezuela. One popular website that has been publishing parallel exchange rates since 2010 is DolarToday, which has also been critical of the Maduro government.  This table shows a condensed history of the parallel foreign exchange rate of the Venezuelan bolívar (fuerte and soberano) to one United States dollar between 2012 and 2020, according to DolarToday.

Coins.

Bolívar.

In 1879, silver coins were introduced in denominations of,, 1, 2, and 5 bolívares, together with gold 20 bolívares. Gold 100 bolívares were also issued between 1886 and 1889. In 1894, silver bolívar coins were introduced, followed by cupro-nickel 5 and céntimos in 1896.  In 1912, production of gold coins ceased, whilst production of the 5 bolívares ended in 1936. In 1965, nickel replaced silver in the 25 and 50 céntimos, with the same happening to the 1 and 2 bolívares in 1967. In 1971, cupro-nickel 10 céntimo coins were issued, the céntimos having last been issued in 1958. A nickel 5 bolívares was introduced in 1973. Clad steel (first copper, then nickel and cupro-nickel) was used for the 5 céntimos from 1974. Nickel clad steel was introduced for all denominations from 25 céntimos up to 5 bolívares in 1989.  In 1998, after a period of high inflation, a new coinage was introduced consisting of 10, 20, 50, 100 and 500 bolívares denominations.  The former coins were:  All the coins had the same design. On the obverse the left profile of the "Libertador" Simón Bolívar is depicted, along with the inscription ""Bolívar Libertador"" within a heptagon, symbolizing the seven stars of the flag. On the reverse the coat of arms is depicted, circled by the official name of the country, with the date and the denomination below. In 2001, the reverse design was changed, putting the denomination of the coin at the right of the shield of the coat of arms, Semi-Circled by the official name of the country and the year of its emission below.

Bolívar fuerte.

Coins of the bolívar fuerte were in denominations of 1, 5, 10,, 25, 50 céntimos, and 1 bolívar. They were quickly rendered obsolete by high inflation. It may be noticed that there was a -céntimo coin and a 1-céntimo coin, but no -céntimo coin. Therefore, giving correct change for a purchase of, say, céntimos would require using a -céntimo coin and getting 8 céntimos back.  In December 2016, it was announced that coins of 10, 50, and 100 bolívares would enter circulation. These three coins would replace the banknotes of the same denominations.

Bolívar soberano.

Bolívar soberano coins were announced to be produced in denominations of 50 céntimos and 1 bolívar (50,000 bolívares fuertes and 100,000 bolívares fuertes). These two coins are worthless by Sept 2019.

Banknotes.

Bolívar.

In 1940, the Banco Central de Venezuela began issuing paper money, introducing by 1945 denominations of 10, 20, 50, 100 and 500 bolívares. 5-bolívar notes were issued between 1966 and 1974, when they were replaced by coins. In 1989, notes for 1, 2 and 5 bolívares were issued.  As inflation took hold, higher denominations of banknotes started being introduced: 1,000 bolívares in 1991, 2,000 and 5,000 bolívares in 1994, and 10,000, 20,000 and 50,000 bolívares in 1998. The first 20,000-bolívar banknotes were made in a green color similar to the one of the 2,000 banknotes, which caused confusion, and new banknotes were made in the new olive green color.  Starting from 2000, banknotes ranging from 5,000 bolívares to 50,000 bolívares were renamed to "REPÚBLICA BOLIVARIANA DE VENEZUELA" instead of "BANCO CENTRAL DE VENEZUELA" on the front, after the 1999 constitution was adopted. Moreover, banknotes of 10,000, 20,000 and 50,000 bolívares were updated in April 2006 after the National Assembly approved changes to the coat of arms, which were made official on March 12, 2006.  The following is a list of former Venezuelan bolívar banknotes:

Bolívar fuerte.

2008–2016 ("2007").

New banknotes of the series 2007–2015 with values of 2 to 100 BsF were issued from 20 March 2007 until 5 November 2015 and became legal tender from 1 January 2008 to 20 August 2018. The greater the values, the longer re-issuing occurred. Only the 50 and 100 BsF notes were re-issued in November 2015.  The obverse side is portrait-oriented, with the lower half carrying a portrait, while the reverse side is landscape-oriented, the left two thirds showing an animal in front of its habitat.  Re-issues retain the value-specific motifs, but the printing quality is different. The notes are printed by Casa de la Moneda Venezuela in Venezuela.

2016–17.

High inflation, which was a part of Venezuela's economic collapse, caused the bolívar fuerte's value to plummet. The 2- and 5-bolívar notes were no longer found in circulation due to the hyperinflation, but remained legal tender. By December 2016, the 100-bolívar note, Venezuela's largest denomination of currency, was only worth about US$0.23 on the black market.  On 7 December 2016, a new series of banknotes (recolors of the previous notes) in denominations of 500, 1,000, 2,000, 5,000, 10,000, and 20,000 bolívares fuertes was unveiled to the Venezuelan public. Days later on 11 December, President Nicolás Maduro who had been ruling by decree wrote into law that the 100 Bs.F. would be pulled from circulation within 72 hours because "mafias" were allegedly storing those particular bills to drive inflation. With more than 6 billion 100 Bs.F. notes issued consisting of 46% of Venezuela's issued currency, Maduro enacted an exchange for Venezuelan citizens to transfer all 100 Bs.F. notes for 100 Bs.F. coins while also blocking international travel to prevent the return of the bolívares that were supposedly stockpiled. The government justified the move claiming that the United States was working with crime syndicates to spirit away Venezuela's paper money to warehouses in Europe to cause the fall of the government. The government was thwarting this threat by withdrawing the notes from circulation. On 14 February 2017, Paraguayan authorities uncovered a 30-tonne stash of 50- and 100-bolívar notes totaling 1.5 billion Bs.F on its Brazilian border that had not yet been circulated. According to a United States Department of Defense adviser linked to The Pentagon, the 1.5 billion Bs.F was printed by Venezuela and destined for Bolivia, since unlike the implied exchange rate of thousands of bolívares fuertes equaling one United States dollar, the exchange rate was approximately 10 bolívares fuertes per dollar, making the value of the stash 419 times stronger, from US$358,000 to US$150 million. The Pentagon adviser further stated that the Venezuelan government tried to send the newly printed notes to be exchanged by the Bolivian government so Bolivia could pay 20% of its debt to Venezuela, and so Venezuela could use the US dollars for its own disposal.  On November 3, 2017, the Banco Central de Venezuela issued a 100,000-bolívar note which is similar to the 100-bolívar note of the 2007 series and the 20,000-bolívar of the 2016 series, but with the denomination spelled out in full instead of adding an additional three zeros to the number 100. This denomination was worth US$2.42 using the unofficial exchange rate at the date of its release.  New banknotes of the 2016–17 series with values of 500 to 100,000 BsF were issued from 7 December 2016 until 20 August 2018, the day when the bolívar soberano was introduced. Notes from 5,000 BsF to 100,000 BsF were recently re-issued in December 2017.  Maduro has announced that after the currency redenomination has carried out on 20 August 2018, these old denominations with a face value of 1,000 bolívares fuertes or higher will circulate in parallel with the new series of bolívar soberano notes and will continue to be used for a limited time. Banknotes with a face value below 1000 bolívares fuertes were withdrawn from circulation and ceased to be legal tender on 20 August 2018. They have to be deposited in local banks.

2018.

By May 2018, the bolívar fuerte's banknotes represented very little value and they had become in short supply. Weighing scales could no longer convert mass to price and receipts could no longer fit the numbers on their paper.  On June 2018, seven months after its release, the value of the 100,000-bolívar note (largest denomination), had its value reduced by 98%, from US$2.42 (in November 2017) to US$0.05, as a result of increasing hyperinflation.  The lower denomination bolívar fuerte banknotes (up to Bs.F 500) were demonetized on 20 August 2018; with the introduction of the bolívar soberano. Higher denominations (Bs. 1,000 and above) remained legal tender during a transition period. On 30 November 2018, it was announced that the remaining denominations of the old currency will be withdrawn from circulation and cease to be legal tender on 5 December 2018.

Bolívar soberano.

2018–19 ("2018").

The bolívar soberano banknotes were introduced to the public on 20 August 2018 in denominations of BsS 2, BsS 5, BsS 10, BsS 20, BsS 50, BsS 100, BsS 200 and BsS 500. Only the 50 BsS, 100 BsS and 500 BsS were recently reissued on May 18, 2018.  Four months after entry into circulation, the Bs.S 2 (about US$0.002 at that time), began being refused in shops and state banks, as its value has significantly declined since redenomination.  By December 2019 of all soberano Bolivar notes issued on 20 August 2018 only the highest denomination 500 Bolivar notes are still in use. All other denomination are deemed worthless and the shops don't accept them

2019.

Further inflation since redenomination has resulted in the entry of BsS 10,000, BsS 20,000 and BsS 50,000 banknotes into circulation effective 13 June 2019. The Central Bank of Venezuela said in a statement that the introduction of the new banknotes will "make the payment system more efficient and facilitate commercial transactions."  The highest denomination banknote (BsS 50,000) is worth US$0.25 as of 25 May 2020 on the black market and the minimum wage is BsS 800,000 (~US$4.00) per month. All bolivar soberano banknotes (2 to 500 bolivar soberano) issued in August 2018 became useless by April 2020. On 23 April 2020, the exchange rate per xe.com was 1 USD = 144,697.34 VES; the following day the rate slid to 1 USD = 171,140.42 VES.

The main currency of Venezuela since 20 August 2018 has been the bolívar soberano (sovereign bolivar) (sign: Bs.S. or Bs.; plural: "bolívares soberanos;" ISO 4217 code: VES).

Bolívar (celé oficiální pojmenování "Bolívar soberano") je zákonným platidlem jihoamerického státu Venezuela. Svoje pojmenování nese po hispanoamerickém hrdinovi a bojovníkovi za nezávislost na Španělsku Simónu Bolívarovi. Bolívar je měnou Venezuely od roku 1879, kdy nahradil do té doby používaný venezolano. Jedna setina bolívaru se nazývá „céntimo“.


First generation (A10/A30; 1970–1977).

The first-generation Carina was manufactured from December 1970, and sold at "Toyota Store" dealership channels in Japan, sharing its platform with the "Toyota Corolla Store" exclusive Toyota Celica sports coupe, while the already established Toyota Corona was sold at "Toyopet Store" locations. Its European release took place in October 1971. Toyota was able to save development and tooling costs by building a family sedan and a sports car on the same platform and in the same factory. The Carina filled the size gap between the smaller Corolla and the larger Corona.  Features included reclining seats with built-in head restraints, radio, clock, reversing lights and servo-assistance on the brakes. The chassis code was A10, with A15, 17 and 18 being reserved for hardtop coupés. Excepting the anomalous RA16 hardtop, A16 and 19 were used on vans (utility wagons). Beginning in 1975, A30-series numbers were used for some hardtop coupés. The wagons/vans of the first generation were not regularly exported. Carina vans entered production in December 1975.  The A10 Carina was also exported to the US, but its introduction coincided with the introduction of a 10% import duty and sales volumes were disappointing. Cars destined for export were increasingly switched towards other markets in Europe and elsewhere, and US exports stopped after only two years: instead the company progressed with plans to build car plants in the USA.  The original model usually featured a choice of a 1407 cc OHV (T) or 1588 cc OHV (2T) engine, choice of a four-speed manual gearbox, two-speed automatic gearbox or three-speed automatic gearbox and front-wheel disc brakes (drum brakes on the lowest model). It was revised in 1972 with a restyled body, new rear light cluster, filler cap repositioned in the rear quarter panel, restyled front grille and fascia. The specification was once again revised in 1974 including sealed cooling system, improved brakes, restyled wheels with flared wheel arches, and restyled interior fittings.  In late October 1975 (on sale 1 November), the Carina received a new front and rear-end styling, dual-line braking system with servo, and a repositioned handbrake and gear lever in a modified dashboard. The wheelbase and tread were increased slightly, as for the sister Celica series. Some chassis codes were accordingly changed, and the Japanese market cars received a plethora of altered engines, ranging from 1.4 to 2.0 liters.  Vehicles installed with engines with displacement at 1.5 litres or larger obligated Japanese owners to pay more annual road tax, and were considered top trim level packaged cars. Toyota introduced the "TTC-V" (Toyota Total Clean-Vortex) on the 19R engine only, using an exhaust gas recirculation implementation to comply with recently enacted emission regulations passed by the Japanese Government. The 1.4 was dropped from sedans and coupés, and a mid-range 1.8 was added at the time of the late 1975 facelift.  In December 1975 a Van version was developed, featuring the same facelifted front end. The new rear end uses the cargo door of the 30-series Corolla wagon. The Carina Van also received a very unusual opera-style side window in the cargo area, and was available with the 1400 or 1600 T-J/2T-J engines with. The Carina Van was generally not exported. The Van's TA16V/TA19V chassis codes continued to be used for the next-generation Van, until it was facelifted again in August 1979. To bring these models in line with the second-generation Carina, they then received a new TA49 chassis code.

Second generation (A40/A50; 1977–1981).

Released in Japan August 1977, the next-generation Carina was available in Germany in December 1977 and in other European countries during 1978. The chassis was mostly the same as that of the facelifted late Carinas of the first generation; the Van versions actually continued to use the old TA16/19 chassis codes in spite of receiving the new bodywork. In most markets Carinas were fitted with the same 1,588 cc 2T engine as its predecessor. In the Carina, an output of DIN was claimed. The option of automatic transmission was new to many export markets.  An estate car model was introduced to export markets for the first time, with heavy-duty leaf-spring rear suspension as it was intended for commercial use in Japan. In 1980, all models had revised front- and rear-end styling and headlights, and also received improved interiors. The following year, saloon and coupé models (but not the estate) were fitted with five-speed gearboxes as standard, still with optional automatic transmissions.  Starting with this generation, fuel injection was available optionally on top level models. In November 1977, the 3T-U 1,800 cc engine emissions are updated. In May 1978, the GT 1600 cc was added, and a three-speed automatic transmission became available. The 1600GT 2T-GEU engine was made to comply with the Showa 53 (1978) emissions regulation, while output improved from to. The options list was updated to include a urethane bumper for impact improvement.  In September 1978, the 3T-EU engine (1,770 cc OHV EFI) was installed in the ST-EFI and SR-EFI models, initially only with a five-speed manual. At the same time, the 2000GT with DOHC 18R-GU and the 18R-GEU EFI engine, fit 1978 exhaust emission regulations, as did the 18R-U and 21R-U engines. The emblem was changed to "TOYOTA" from "TOYOTA CARINA". The 2000GT hardtop coupe shared a platform with the Celica, which gave Toyota the ability to sell the Celica at a different Japanese Toyota dealership called "Toyota Store" as the Celica was exclusive to "Toyota Corolla Store" locations.  In August 1979, the front of the vehicle received a major change that now included four headlamp lights rather than the previous setup, with the Van remaining with four round lamps. The rear received a changed license plate mounting to give it a new style. 3T-EU and 21R-U engines were now available with the four-speed automatic transmission. These two, along with the 18R-GEU, were now the only engines offered (in Japan). The rear suspension became of the semi-trailing type, becoming the A50 series Carina in the process. The Super Deluxe two-door sedan was discontinued, as was the 1400 Van. The 1600 Van received the 12T-J engine and the option of an automatic transmission, along with a chassis code now in line with the remainder of the Carina range (TA49V).  As of August 1980, the EFI specification 1800 Hard Top (ST-EFI, SR-EFI) was the only engine offered in the sedans/coupés.

Celica Camry (1980–1982).

Toyota utilised the A40/A50 series Carina as the basis for the Celica Camry, a four-door sports sedan launched in Japan during January 1980, and sold at "Toyota Corolla Store" dealerships, remaining a companion to the Carina which was exclusive to "Toyota Store" locations. Positioned as the sedan counterpart to the Toyota Celica (A40 and A50) two-door coupe and three-door liftback, the Celica Camry shared few components with this model. Instead, Toyota elongated the front-end of its Carina, incorporating styling cues resembling those of the 1978–1981 Celica XX (known as the Celica Supra in export markets).  Powered by either a 1.6-liter "12T-U" engine producing JIS and or a 1.8-litre "13T-U" engine producing and, Toyota also offered a fuel-injected 1.8-litre () and a 2.0-litre ("21R-U") with producing the same power. Towards the end of its model lifecycle, Toyota introduced a sports version of the Celica Camry equipped with the double overhead camshaft 2.0-litre "18R-GEU" engine from the Celica producing.  Although it has an identical wheelbase to the Celica, Corona, and Carina, it is longer than the Carina but shorter than both the Corona and Celica. During its model cycle, over 100,000 units were sold in Japan. The Celica Camry was also exported to a number of markets using the Carina name, replacing the front-end styling of the second-generation Carina in these markets. These export market hybrids used a different rear-end design and were also available with station wagon bodywork. The performance image of the Celica Camry was shared with the Toyota Chaser, which was exclusive to "Toyota Vista Store" Japanese dealerships.

Third generation (A60; 1981–1988).

In its third incarnation, the Carina followed the fashion of the time with a still more angular and four-square design. The car followed its predecessors in retaining a front-engine rear-wheel-drive configuration even though by then competitor manufacturers were following a trend of switching to front-wheel drive in this class. In addition to the petrol-engined versions, the Carina was later (February 1982) offered with the option of an 1839 cc 1C diesel engine, for which a power output of at 4500 rpm was claimed - in markets where fuel pricing and availability rendered this model appropriate.  The third generation was first released in September 1981. This was the last Carina to use rear-wheel drive. The RWD Corona shared its chassis with this vehicle, with the Corona being updated the succeeding year. The 1800SE had power windows, and an 1800SE "Extra Edition" trim level was added. The Carina was famously used by private teams racing for Japan in the Dakar Rally in the two-wheel-drive class for both 1981 and 1982. The Carina managed to achieve four championships in the marathon class divisions.  In February 1982, a five-door wagon series based on the Van was added, marketed as the "Carina Surf" (SA60G) in Japan. In export markets, wagons had been available since the introduction of the van model. The 1C diesel engine was also added to the lineup at this time. In May 1982, the better equipped 1500 SE trim level was added.  In October 1982, the Turbo DOHC engine (3T-GTEU, 1770 cc and in the Touring Super Coupé trim level) with the "GT-TR" trim level was added. Celica and Corona were released with the same powerplant simultaneously. Conversely, the 18R-GEU-engined 2000GT hardtop coupe was no longer available, and was replaced by the next-generation Carina ED four-door hardtop in 1985.  In May 1983, minor changes were done to the whole range, excepting the vans. Power mirrors were added, while the front grille and the taillights were redesigned. The 1600GT sports model replaced the 2T-GEU engine with the all new 4A-GEU engine, also a 1600 cc DOHC unit but now with 16 valves. The 3T-EU engine was no longer offered.  In August 1983, a series of minor changes to the Carina Van took place. The 12T-J 1600 cc OHV engine was replaced with the lighter and more economical 1.5-liter 5K-J type.  In May 1984, the front-wheel-drive four-door sedan "Carina FF" (T150 chassis) was introduced in addition to the rear-wheel-drive sedan range. Coupé, Surf (Wagon), and vans were sold continuously. Minor changes also took place, including body-coloured bumpers for higher grade models. In August 1985, the trim levels were changed to shift the Sports models (1600GT, 1600GT-R, 1800GT-T, 1800GT-TR) into the front-wheel-drive range. Rear-wheel-drive coupé sales were terminated. The sedan lineup was now reduced to 1500 standard, DX, SG, and 1800 SG trim levels. Surf and van sales continued as heretofore. Front-engine, rear-wheel-drive Carinas continued to be produced alongside the new T150 series until May 1988 in Surf, Van, and sedan models. The Carina Van ended production in April 1987.

Fourth generation (T150; 1984–1988).

Starting from the fourth generation, the Carina shared the Corona platform for four-door sedans. The Carina RWD platform of two-door coupés, Carina Surf, and Carina Van continued to use the Toyota "A" series platform until 1988. The Carina continued to be exclusive in Japan to "Toyota Store" locations, while the Corona remained exclusive to "Toyopet Store" locations. The Carina Coupe was cancelled once the Carina platform was realigned to the Toyota Corona "T" platform, shared with the Celica coupe and hatchback.  In May 1984, the Carina FF four-door sedan (T150 series) was introduced. The styling echoed that of the previous generation, using four headlights and grille setup. The upper trim level model has aerodynamic headlight option. Rather than replace the entire line-up all at once because sales of the previous generation were still good, Toyota gradually introduced the replacement Coupé, Van (wagon) models in stages. The 1,800 cc engine is electronically controlled distributorless ignition, and a 2,000 cc diesel is added. Other 1600 cc EFI "4A-ELU" engine, and a carburetor is used on the 1500 cc with "3A-LU" type engine. The 1800SE models were still offered.  August 1985, the Sport model 1600GT, 1600GT-R, and 2000GT-R were added to the lineup. All with twin-cam engines, they received the T160 chassis code. The 1.6s use the "4A-GELU" engine while two-litres use the "3S-GELU" engine. The sport models had altered chassis, also the wheels were upgraded from four lug nuts to five.  May 1986, had minor changes to the entire range. The design of the grille and taillights was changed. Due to the success of the 1800SE trim level, the similarly equipped but smaller-engined 1500SG Extra was added.

Carina II.

For the European market, the closely related Corona (T150) was sold as the Toyota Carina II.

Carina ED (ST160 series).

The Toyota Carina ED was a Japanese compact car created in 1985 as a companion to the 1984 Carina sedan. It was positioned as the 4-door Celica coupe, ushering in a new styling and appearance direction for Toyota products. It gave "Toyota Store" dealerships an alternative to buyers who desired the luxury of the larger Toyota Crown hardtop, without the tax obligations of a car that exceeded Japanese Government regulations for vehicles larger than the "compact" class. Its design sought to emulate the hardtop styling of large American and European sedans, resulting in a small, low cabin with longer front and rear ends. The ED's B-pillar stood up in the middle with no purpose other than to hinge the rear door on; it was not attached to the roof side of the cabin. "ED" is the initials of "Exciting" and "Dressy".

Fifth generation (T170; 1988–1992).

This generation was released in May 1988. The exterior sheet metal received rounded contours, as was in line with the fashionable design of products at that time. The Surf (wagon) and Van versions also underwent a full model change to bring them in line with their siblings. 4S-Fi is an 1800 cc engine type, 1600 cc of the 4A-GE and the specification for higher-power higher-cam-4A-FHE car, 1500 cc of the 5A-F type, 2000 cc diesel-2C. The 3E engine was fitted to the 1500 cc Van, which was also available with the 2000 cc diesel 2C engine.  In December 1988, a full-time 4WD system with a center differential was added to the sedan (chassis code AT175). The 1587 cc 4A-FE is the only engine available for this new AWD model.  In August 1989, the "G Limited" with the high-performance and high-compression 4A-GE engine is added; it has.  In May 1990, only minor changes. The Toyota emblem in the back is changed to a bright tail lamp lenses bulging from three places and was changed from the previous split design (The front of the van was not changed). The previous generation was a gasoline car engine and is still using the 1800 cc the 4S-FE, 1500 cc with a 5A-FE type. For the front-wheel-drive vehicle 1600 cc 4A-FHE the horsepower is increased from. 4WD vehicles are still equipped with the 4A-FE type. Surf Wagon 2,000 cc 2C has been changed to a diesel (CT170G type). It could be fitted with a driver-side airbag as an option.  Wagons and commercial vans were sold until March 10, 1992, when they were replaced with the Caldina.

Carina II.

For the European market, the T170-series Corona continued to be sold as the Toyota Carina II.

Carina ED (ST180 series).

The restyled second generation was introduced 1989 and luxury equipment content increased. Four-wheel steering appeared on the top level offering and styling was updated more closely resemble the Corona EXiV. Electronic fuel injection was made standard on all engines offered.

Sixth generation (T190; 1992–1996).

In 1993, the Celica, Carina ED and Corona EXiV were redesigned similar to the larger Toyota Mark II series JZX90, after which the product names were discontinued in 1998.

Carina E.

The Carina E () was the European version of the Toyota "T" platform. It was produced in the United Kingdom at the new Burnaston plant near Derby from 16 December 1992 until 1998.

Carina ED (ST200 series).

The Carina ED 4-door hardtop ended production in 1998

Seventh generation (T210; 1996–2001).

The seventh generation Carina was limited to a sedan version produced only for the Japanese market. The car shared few similarities with its sister model the Corona Premio which was marketed in some Asian countries. The T190 model inherited the system as the basic platform.  In 1996, along with the base model "Ti" (1500 cc-2200 cc), a sports "GT" version was introduced with 5 valves per cylinder 4A-GE 'black top' engine and 5-speed C56 manual transmission. In 1998, the GT was equipped with a 6-speed C160 manual transmission. The station wagon/commercial van was no longer offered, having been replaced by the Toyota Caldina, and Toyota offered the Toyota Ipsum, a five-door wagon in the style of a MPV as an alternative. The Ipsum offered front-wheel drive, with optional AWD, borrowed from the Caldina. Besides, the rare 4WD model "Si" ST215, equipped with 3S-FE engine and optitron instrument panel existed. Suspension parts was shared with the Caldina ST215 4WD.  Front and door panels, seats and the instrument panel of the T210 Corona Premio was shared with the Carina. With the new Corona Premio, Toyota's first collision-safety body "GOA" was adopted. The 7A-FE engine was an 1800-cc type RINBAN, the 5A-FE was 1500 cc, and the 2C-TE series was equipped with a 2000-cc turbo-diesel. The 1600-cc version of the 4A-FE-RINBAN was no longer offered.  A "GT" sports version was based on the AT210 model. The engine was shared with the top-of-the-line AE111 Corolla Levin and Toyota Sprinter Trueno (a high-revving 4A-GE producing 165 PS and red-lining at 8000 rpm, known as the "black top"). The GT spec came with an optional manual transmission found in the AE101-AE111 Corolla Levin/Trueno of that period, which was a 5-speed manual transmission (C56-transmission series). In 1997, a Limited model equipped with few extra features was introduced, known as the "GT PIERNA". GT with color black was limited to "GT PIERNA".  August 1998 brought minor changes in design. The headlamps and tail lights were given a makeover for a refreshing look and feel. Slight alterations were also made to the bumpers. The 2000 cc diesel engine of the Ti model was expanded to 2200 cc. The GT model was distinguished by the front grille where, instead of the "CARINA" emblem in the middle, the letters "GT" were placed in red, black and nickel. In addition, the GT was equipped with the same 6-speed short-shifter manual transmission as the Corolla Levin/Trueno C160-series which came with a limited-slip differential (LSD). The diameter of the disc brake was increased and the wheel diameter was increased to. Tyre size for the stock GT was 195-55-R15. Along with a front strut bar, reinforcements to the rear part of the vehicle were added to bind the left and right rear sash to a support and the rear back head. These came stock and were aimed to improve overall stiffness and handling of the vehicle. The GT version came with a stylish stock front bumper body kit, side skirts and rear bumper spoilers and an optional large rear spoiler. A darker sporty fabric was used for the upholstery to match the sporty and aggressive appeal of the vehicle.  In December 2001, Carina production ended after 31 years.

European naming.

In 1984 in Europe, the Corona was rebadged as the "Carina II". This continued with the new model introduced in 1988 and, subsequently, the "Carina E" introduced in 1992 which was also a Corona. The so-called "Avensis" replaced the European Carina range in 1997.

The is an automobile which was manufactured by Toyota from December 1970 to December 2001. It was introduced as a sedan counterpart of the Celica, of which it originally shared a platform. Later, it was realigned to the Corona platform, but retained its performance image, with distinctive bodywork and interior — aimed at the youth market and remaining exclusive to Japanese Toyota dealerships "Toyota Store." It was replaced in Japan by the Toyota Allion in 2000 and succeeded in Europe by the Toyota Avensis.

Toyota Carina je osobní automobil střední třídy, který od roku 1988 vyrábí japonská automobilka Toyota. V roce 1992 čtyřdveřový sedan a pětidveřový hatchback. O rok později přibylo i combi. Hlavní předností tohoto vozu je vysoká spolehlivost, kterou potvrzují i čelní příčky ve statistikách spolehlivosti.