Breed characteristics.

The Boulonnais today stands from or more. It has a short, elegant head with a broad forehead and a short, muscular neck. Members of the breed have full chests, rounded rib cages and sloping shoulders. The legs are fairly short but robust and strong. Unlike other draft breeds such as the Shire or Clydesdale, it has no heavy feathering on its lower legs. The breed is generally branded with a small anchor mark on the left side of the neck. Due mostly to the many additions of Oriental blood, the Boulonnais has an elegant appearance that is not often seen in heavy draft breeds and it has been called "Europe's noblest draft horse". The fineness of the skin and delicate appearance of the veins has allowed the horse to be described as looking "like polished marble", leading to its "White Marble Horse" nickname.  In 1778, the French National Stud performed an initial survey of the breed and found that most were black or dark bay. During the 1800s, gray horses began to appear, and it was the predominating color by the end of the century. Gray became a popular color during this time due to the use of the horses to haul fish at night – gray horses were more visible in the dark, and therefore more valuable. In the later years of the 20th century, breeders again began to prefer darker colors such as bay and chestnut. Today, chestnut, gray and black are the only colors allowed by the French breed registry, with the vast majority of horses being gray – a popular phrase says that the horses have coats "the color of the clouds from the coast".

Sub-types.

There were originally several types of Boulonnais. The Petit Boulonnais, Mareyeuse or Mareyeur was used in the rapid transport of cartloads of fresh fish ("la marée") from the Pas-de-Calais to Paris; it stood and weighed. The Picard draft came from the Picardy region, and was called the "horse of the bad land", in comparison to the Cauchoix horse from the Pays de Caux area, which was called the "horse of the good land". The "grand Boulonnais", which stood high and weighed, was bred in the 19th century for farm work in the sugar beet fields. All of these types were bred together to create the modern Boulonnais horse.

History.

One theory states that the origins of the Boulonnais breed emerged from the crossbreeding of native French mares and stallions brought by the Numidian army in 55–54 BC. However, many equine scholars are skeptical of this theory, and state that, whatever the early origins, the later selective breeding and local climate and soil types had a greater influence on the breed than any early Oriental blood. During the Crusades, two breeders, Eustache, Comte de Boulogne, and later Robert, Comte d'Artois, wanted to create a fast, agile, and strong warhorse for knights to ride in battle. They crossed the existing heavy French stallions with German Mecklenberg mares, similar to modern-day Hanoverians. During the 17th-century Spanish occupation of Flanders, a mixture of Spanish Barb, Arabian, and Andalusian blood was added to the breed, to create the modern Boulonnais. By the 17th century, horse dealers were coming into the Boulonnais district from Picardy and Upper Normandy to buy local horses, which enjoyed a good reputation among breeders. From the late 18th through the mid-19th century, the Boulonnais spread across France and Europe; during this time, the breed increased in size as the Industrial Revolution called for larger horses that retained the active movement of the original type. Beginning in the 1830s, it was proposed to cross the Arabian with the Boulonnais to create a new type of cavalry horse, and in the 1860s, calls were put forth to add Thoroughbred blood for the same reason. However, breeders rejected these calls, stating that using the breed to create cavalry horses would make them poorer draft horses. Breed societies also discouraged crosses between the Boulonnais and the Brabant. In June 1886, a studbook was created for the breed in France, and placed under the jurisdiction of the Syndicat Hippique Boulonnais (SHB) in 1902.  During the early 20th century, the Boulonnais was imported into the United States in large numbers, where it was registered along with other French heavy horse breeds as the "French draft horse". Breed members in the United States were registered with the Anglo-Norman Horse Association (or National Norman Horse Association) beginning in 1876, an association that was renamed the National French Draft Association in 1885. This association declared in 1876 that the Boulonnais, Norman, Percheron and Picardy breeds were all essentially the same, and should all be known as the "Norman horse". They later declared that all of the "Norman horses" were in fact "Percherons", regardless of actual breeding. This was mostly designed to sell mixed breed draft horses to American consumers at higher prices, and the Illinois Board of Agriculture soon ruled that only those Percherons who came from proven Percheron stock were to be registered as such, and all other breeds, including the Boulonnais, were to be considered separately. Boulonnais were exported from France to Austria, although they saw little success there, and breeding stallions were sent to Argentina.

20th century and today.

The Boulonnais was once a popular workhorse in France, with an estimated population of over 600,000 in the early 1900s. World War I and World War II almost destroyed the breed, as its home area saw heavy combat in both wars and the bands of broodmares were scattered. Between World War II and the 1970s, the breed almost became extinct, and only a few breeders kept it alive. In the 1970s, it became popular for horse meat, and consumers considered it to be some of the best meat available. However, by this point, there were fewer than 1,000 mares remaining. During the mid-20th century, the stallions Fréthun (foaled in 1949), Select (1962), Trésor (1963), Astérix (1966) and Prince (1981) had a strong influence on the breed, although this contributed to the problem of inbreeding. Fréthun genes are found in 14 percent of the pedigrees of Boulonnais living today. In the early 1970s, Henry Blanc, the newly appointed director of the French National Stud, proposed that nine draft horse breeds, including the Boulonnais, be recategorized from pulling horses to meat horses. When enacted, this recategorization helped to preserve the gene pool of the Boulonnais by encouraging breeding, but it also changed its primary purpose, resulting in a dramatic weight increase by the 1980s.  The Boulonnais is still bred in small numbers, with the American Boulonnais Horse Association estimating a population of fewer than 1,000 animals remaining in Europe. Many studs are government-funded, to prevent the breed from dying out. The majority of the breed, 95 percent, are located in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais and Normandy regions and 75 percent in just the Pas-de-Calais department of Nord-Pas-de-Calais alone. Although most Boulonnais are in France, a few are exported. In 1999, fifteen foals were exported to Brazil and one stallion to Argentina. On average, a little over a dozen horses a year are exported, mainly to Brazil and Belgium for breeding and to Germany for forestry work. A few horses live in the Netherlands, Switzerland and Luxembourg, as well as in North America. Since 2006, twenty horses, including two registry-approved breeding stallions, have been exported from France to Denmark to create a stud farm in that country.  The French national stud, the Haras Nationaux, allows the registration of horses bred using artificial insemination and embryo transfer, but does not allow the registration of cloned horses. It considers the breed to be endangered, along with several other French draft breeds. A 2009 study of French equine genetics proposed that the Boulonnais, along with four other French breeds, should be a conservation priority, with a goal of maintaining maximum genetic variability in France's native horse population. This follows from studies done as early as 1983 that showed inbreeding and a lack of genetic diversity in the breed.

Uses.

During the 17th century, the smaller Mareyeuse type was used for transporting fresh fish from Boulogne to Paris, a distance of almost 200 miles, in under 18 hours. This journey is remembered annually in the Route du Poisson race. Only mares pulled small carts full of ice and fish on the relay-style trip. By 1884, the Boulonnais was called the "largest and most valuable of that kind of horse in France". At that time, they were used to move heavy blocks of building stone in Paris, with six to eight horses drawing blocks of several tons. During the 20th century, the larger Boulonnais type was utilized by the French army, and highly regarded for its ability to pull artillery and supply wagons. Falling demand for the breed means that today it is bred mainly for horsemeat. In 2010, 60 percent of Boulonnais horses bred in France were intended for slaughter, and 80 percent of these were exported, mainly to Italy, to be fattened before being sent to slaughterhouses. However, the sector is in crisis due to falling prices, controversy and the importation of cheap meat; despite a resurgence following the Mad Cow scares of the 1990s, the consumption of horse meat has fallen sharply, although the Nord-Pas-de-Calais region remains the largest consumer of horse meat in France.  The Boulonnais provided part of the base for the Anglo-Norman breed, which was later to play a large role in the creation of the Selle Francais. It was also used in the creation and refinement of the Italian Heavy Draft, the post-World War II improvement of the Schleswig horse, and the creation of the early 19th-century Ardennes. Some equine scholars theorize that if the smaller Mareyeur had survived, it would have been an ideal horse to cross with the Thoroughbred or Anglo-Arabian to produce a warmblood for competition. In France, a breeding program has been developed by the National Stud to cross Boulonnais and Arabian horses to create a fast, alert driving horse, called the Araboulonnais. This breeding program also brings new blood into the Boulonnais line as, if an Araboulonnais mare is bred to a Boulonnais stallion, and a resulting filly is bred to another Boulonnais stallion, the third generation horse may be inducted into the purebred Boulonnais studbook if it passes an inspection.

The Boulonnais, also known as the "White Marble Horse", is a draft horse breed. It is known for its large but elegant appearance and is usually gray, although chestnut and black are also allowed by the French breed registry. Originally there were several sub-types, but they were crossbred until only one is seen today. The breed's origins trace to a period before the Crusades and, during the 17th century, Spanish Barb, Arabian, and Andalusian blood were added to create the modern type.

Le Boulonnais, surnommé le « pur-sang des chevaux de trait » ou le « colosse en marbre blanc », est une race de chevaux de trait originaire du Boulonnais, région française de la côte de la Manche. Historiquement élevé dans tout le Pas-de-Calais, la Picardie et le pays de Caux, en France, ce cheval est réputé, selon sa légende, descendre d'étalons orientaux de passage durant l'Antiquité. Il est davantage influencé par la sélection de ses éleveurs, ainsi que les conditions climatiques et géographiques de sa région originelle.


History.

The mountain of Montserrat has been of religious significance since pre-Christian times, when the Romans built a temple to honor the Roman goddess Venus.  By one account, the image of the Madonna was moved to Montserrat in 718, to avoid the danger posed by invading Saracens.  Legend has it that the Benedictine monks could not move the statue to construct their monastery, choosing to instead build around it. The statue's sanctuary is located at the rear of the chapel, where an altar of gold surrounds the icon, and is now a site of pilgrimage.

Description.

The 95-cm (38-inch) statue shows evidence of Byzantine conventional and stylized form, and is painted in polychrome. The reliquary statue of Sainte-Foy in Conques (southern France) may have been a model. The art historical designation for this type of pose is called "Throne of Wisdom". The body is thin, the face elongated. She holds an orb of the earth in her right hand. The Child's hand is raised in a formalized and traditional Eastern blessing.  In 2001 renovators working for the government observed that the black hands and face of La Moreneta had over the centuries undergone a change in colour. They attribute the change—from a lighter tone to black—either to prolonged exposure to candle smoke or a chemical reaction caused by a varnish used as a paint sealant. The statue was repainted black by successive generations of restorers. A series of tests, including X-rays, revealed the statue's original colour and also showed that the last repainting took place at the turn of the 18th century.

Veneration.

After making a pilgrimage to Our Lady of Montserrat around 1203, Peter Nolasco went to Barcelona where he began to practice various works of charity. Nolasco became concerned with the plight of Christians captured in Moorish raids and that he decided to establish a religious order to succor these unfortunates.  Upon his recovery from battle wounds, Ignatius of Loyola visited the Benedictine monastery of Montserrat (on 25 March 1522), where he laid down his military accouterments before the image. He then led a period of asceticism before later founding the Society of Jesus.  The hymn to the Virgin of Montserrat, known as "el Virolai" and sung at noon each day by the Escolania de Montserrat boys' choir, begins with the words: ""Rosa d’abril, Morena de la serra..."" (Rose of April, dark-skinned lady of the mountain...). Therefore, this virgin is sometimes also known as the "Rosa d'abril". Her feast is kept on April 27.

Patronage.

The statue has always been considered one of the most celebrated images in Spain. "La Moreneta" is one of Catalonia's two patron saints, together with Sant Jordi (Saint George).

Given name.

The name Montserrat, traditionally abbreviated to "Serrat", "Rat", "Rateta", "Tat" or "Tóna", and also to "Montse" in recent years, is a popular girl's name in Catalonia.

Our Lady of Montserrat or the Virgin of Montserrat () is a Marian title associated with a statue of the Madonna and Child venerated at the Santa Maria de Montserrat monastery on the Montserrat Mountain in Catalonia, Spain. She is the Patron Saint of Catalonia, an honour she shares with Saint George ("Sant Jordi" in Catalan). The famed image once bore the inscription ""Nigra Sum Sed Formosa"" (Latin: I am Black, but Beautiful). Pope Leo XIII granted the image a Canonical coronation on 11 September 1881. The image is one of the Black Madonnas of Europe, hence its familiar Catalan name, "La Moreneta" ("the little dark-skinned one" or "the little dark one"). Believed by some to have been carved in Jerusalem in the early days of the Church, it is more likely a Romanesque sculpture in wood from the late 12th century.

La Vierge de Montserrat (Catalogne) est une vierge noire patronne de la Catalogne. Son nom vernaculaire est la Moreneta ; en catalan, l'expression signifie "la petite noire" ou "la petite brune", en appliquant le diminutif apportant un sens d'affection ("la brunette").


The fictional NUMA.

In the Dirk Pitt series of adventure novels by Clive Cussler that debuted in 1973 with "The Mediterranean Caper" novel, NUMA is a government organization. The fictional NUMA is devoted to oceanic exploration and investigation, and is the agency employing the main characters in the series of books. Its headquarters is a 30-story building located on the east bank of the Potomac River, overlooking the Capitol building in Washington, D.C.. The agency comprises over five thousand employees and scientists that often work around the clock on expeditions. It is often referred to as a marine version of NASA or the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), an American scientific agency focused on the conditions of the oceans and the atmosphere, and has research vessels that conduct many missions that are similar to the fictional NUMA. The fictional NUMA is headed by the character Admiral James Sandecker, with Rudi Gunn as second in command, although Dirk Pitt is eventually asked to take over when Sandecker pursues the vice-presidency.  Housed inside this headquarters is one of the world's most advanced computer systems which contains almost every known piece of information, both current and ancient, about the sea. The computer center takes up the entire 10th floor but is in an "open" setting with a raised circular platform that uses a hologram to display an artificial intelligence designed by Hiram Yeager, named Max, at its center. There are no cubicles. Hiram Yeager designed, runs, and maintains the computer lab.

Real world organization.

Clive Cussler founded NUMA as a private non-profit organization in 1979, naming it after a fictional government agency in his series of Dirk Pitt novels.

"The Sea Hunters".

Cussler and NUMA have helped produce a television series on underwater exploration called "The Sea Hunters", which chronicles the discovery and subsequent removal and conservation of the CSS "H. L. Hunley" in 1995. The show also features a number of other shipwrecks in various international locations, and on occasion the failure to find anything at all, such as their attempts to find the "Holland III" prototype submarine.  The show features Cussler and James Delgado, who is also an author and executive director of the Vancouver Maritime Museum. The show gives an in-depth explanation of the story of the shipwreck NUMA is exploring, including information about the ship's history and how it sank.  Two books titled "The Sea Hunters" were authored by Clive Cussler about NUMA's explorations.

Trustees.

The NUMA Advisory Board of Trustees:

NUMA expeditions.

NUMA's expeditions tend to focus on ships of American origin from the early 19th century to the early 20th century, especially on Union and Confederate ships of the American Civil War. NUMA has located or attempted to locate the following vessels and historical artifacts:

The National Underwater and Marine Agency (NUMA) is a private non-profit organization in the United States founded in 1979. Originally it was a fictional US government organization in the novels of author Clive Cussler. Cussler later created and, until his death in 2020, led the actual organization which is dedicated to "preserving our maritime heritage through the discovery, archaeological survey and conservation of shipwreck artifacts.” Additionally "NUMA does not actively seek private funding. Most of the financial support for the projects comes from the royalties from Clive Cussler’s books."

La National Underwater and Marine Agency (NUMA) est une association privée à but non lucratif basée aux États-Unis, de type volontaire et qui a pour but de préserver l'héritage maritime par la découverte, la surveillance et la conservation du patrimoine archéologique sous-marin.


History.

Penza was founded as a Russian frontier fortress-city, and to this day, remnants of the Lomovskaya sentry line built in 1640 have been preserved at the western edge of the city, and remains of earth ramparts dating from the mid-16th century are preserved in the city center. Until 1663, Penza was a wooden stockade with only a small settlement. In May 1663, the architect Yuri Kontransky arrived in Penza on the Tsar's orders to direct the construction of a fortress city, as part of a wider fortress building program to protect Russia from attacks by Crimean Tatars. The initial construction consisted of a wooden Kremlin, a village, and quarters for the nobility, small tradesmen, and merchants. The Muscovite government placed the Ukrainian Cossacks here, who constructed a fortress and called it "Cherkassy Ostroh", from which the regional city of Penza has developed, thanks to the arrival of new settlers, particularly Russians. The Ukrainian roots of the city and its first settlers are now remembered in the names of Cherkasskaya street, along with the "Cherkassy" historical district.  In 1774, the insurgent army led by Yemelyan Pugachev occupied Penza after the citizens of the city welcomed the rebellious Cossacks. The first stone houses started to appear after 1801, and by 1809 Penza's population had grown to more than 13,000 people.  In 1918, Vladimir Lenin sent a telegram to communists in the Penza area, complaining about the "insurrection of five kulak districts". He urged the public hanging of 100 "landlords, richmen, bloodsuckers", grain seizure, and hostage taking. This telegram has been used in several historical works on the period and on Lenin. During the Russian Civil War, the Czechoslovak Legions launched an anti-Bolshevik uprising in Penza.  During the Soviet period, the city developed as a regional industrial center. The Ural mainframe was made here between 1959 and 1964.

Administrative and municipal status.

Penza is the administrative center of the oblast. Within the framework of administrative divisions, it is incorporated as the city of oblast significance of Penza—an administrative unit with a status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, the city of oblast significance of Penza is incorporated as Penza Urban Okrug.

Transportation.

Penza is a major railway junction and lies on the M5 highway linking Moscow and Chelyabinsk. Penza Airport serves domestic flights. Local public transport includes buses, trolleybuses and "marshrutkas" (routed taxis).

Education and culture.

Currently, the city of Penza is seen as a regional center for higher education. It has six universities (the Penza State University, the Pedagogic University, the Academy of Agriculture, the Technology Institute, the University of Architecture and Construction, and the Artillery and Engineering Institute), 13 colleges and 77 public schools. Besides this, Penza is home to three theatres, four museums, and three art galleries including The Museum of One Painting named after G. V. Myasnikov.  Facilities of higher education include:

Climate.

Penza has a humid continental climate (Köppen climate classification "Dfb") with long, cold winters and warm summers. A heat wave in the months of June, July, and August 2010, raised temperatures from previous norms often by in Penza. Some of the higher fluctuations in temperatures were recorded with seven straight days of temperatures and higher compared to the previous year where the higher temperatures for the same period were, on average, lower.

Sports.

Penza first hosted the Russian Sidecarcross Grand Prix in 2009, and did so again in 2010, on August 15.  Dizel Penza is Penza's professional hockey team, playing in the VHL. Dizelist Penza is a junior club playing in the NMHL.  The city football team FC Zenit Penza was established in 1918 but now plays in the Russian Amateur League. Penza has also a professional rugby union club, Imperia-Dynamo Penza, from Russia's Professional Rugby League.

Honors.

A minor planet, 3189 Penza, discovered by Soviet astronomer Nikolai Chernykh in 1978, is named after the city.

Twin towns – sister cities.

Penza is twinned with:

Penza () is the largest city and administrative center of Penza Oblast, Russia. It located on the Sura River, southeast of Moscow. As of the 2010 Census, Penza had a population of 517,311, making it the 38th-largest city in Russia.

Penza (en ) est une ville de Russie et la capitale administrative de l'oblast de Penza. Sa population s'élevait à habitants en 2016.


Names.

The English name "Acoma" was borrowed from Spanish "Ácoma" (1583) or "Acóma" (1598). The Spanish name was borrowed from the Acoma word "ʔáák’u̓u̓m̓é" meaning 'person from Acoma Pueblo'. "ʔáák’u̓u̓m̓é" itself is derived from "ʔáák’u" (singular, plural: "ʔaak’u̓u̓m̓e̓e̓ʈʂha"). The name does not have any meaning in the modern Acoma language. Some tribal authorities connect it to the similar word "háák’u" 'preparedness, place of preparedness' and suggest that this might be the origin of the name. The name does not mean'sky city'. Other tribal elders assert that it means 'place that always was' while outsiders say it means 'people of the white rock'.  Acoma has been spelled in various other ways in historical documents. "ákuma, ákomage, Acus, Acux, Aacus, Hacús, Vacus, Vsacus, Yacco, Acco, Acuca, Acogiya, Acuco, Coco, Suco, Akome, Acuo, Ako," and "A’ku-me." The Spanish mission name was "San Esteban de Acoma".  "Pueblo" is the Spanish word for 'village' or'small town' and 'people'. In general usage, it is applied both to the people and to the unique architecture of the southwestern native tribes.  The Acoma are called "ʔáák’u" [ʔɑ́ːk'ù] in Western Keresan, "Hakukya" in Zuni, and "Haak’oh" in Navajo.

Language.

The Acoma language is classified in the western division of the Keresan languages. In contemporary Acoma Pueblo culture, most people speak both Acoma and English. Elders were forced to speak Spanish.

History.

Origins and prehistory.

Pueblo people are believed to have descended from the Ancestral Puebloans, Mogollon, and other ancient peoples. These influences are seen in the architecture, farming style, and artistry of the Acoma. In the 13th century, the Ancestral Puebloans abandoned their canyon homelands due to climate change and social upheaval. For upwards of two centuries, migrations occurred in the area. The Acoma Pueblo emerged by the thirteenth century. However, the Acoma themselves say the Sky City Pueblo was established in the 11th century, with brick buildings as early as 1144 on the Mesa indicating as such due to their unique lack of Adobe in their construction proving their antiquity. This early founding date makes Acoma Pueblo one of the earliest continuously inhabited communities in the United States.  The Pueblo is situated on a mesa, about west of Albuquerque, New Mexico. The isolation and location of the Pueblo has sheltered the community for more than 1,200 years. They sought to avoid conflict with the neighboring Navajo and Apache peoples.

European contact.

The first mention of Acoma was in 1539. Estevanico, a slave, was the first non-Indian to visit Acoma and reported it to Marcos de Niza, who related the information to the viceroy of New Spain after the end of his expedition. Acoma was called the independent Kingdom of Hacus. He called the Acoma people "encaconados," which meant that they had turquoise hanging from their ears and noses.  Lieutenant Hernando de Alvarado of conquistador Francisco Vázquez de Coronado's expedition described the Pueblo (which they called "Acuco") in 1540 as "a very strange place built upon solid rock" and "one of the strongest places we have seen." Upon visiting the Pueblo, the expedition "repented having gone up to the place." Further from Alvarado's report:  It is believed Coronado's expedition were the first Europeans to encounter the Acoma. (Estevan was a native Moroccan.) Alvarado reported that first the Acoma refused entry even after persuasions but after Alvarado showed threats of an attack the Acoma guards welcomed the Spaniards peacefully noting that they and their horses were tired. The encounter shows that the Acoma had clothing made of deerskin, buffalohide, and woven cotton as well as turquoise jewelry, domestic turkeys, bread, pine nuts, and maize. The village seemed to contain about 200 men.  Acoma was next visited by the Spanish 40 years later in 1581 by Fray Agustín Rodríguez and Francisco Sánchez Chamuscado with 12 soldiers, 3 other friars, and 13 others including Indian servants. The Acoma at this time were reported to be somewhat defensive and fearful. This response may have been due to the knowledge of the Spanish enslavement of other Indians to work in silver mines in the area. However, eventually the Rodríguez and Chamuscado party convinced them to trade goods for food. The Spaniard reports say the pueblo had about 500 houses of either three or four stories high.  In 1582, Acoma was visited again by Antonio de Espejo for three months. The Acoma were reported to be wearing mantas. Espejo also noted irrigation in Acomita, the farming village in the north valley near San Jose River which was two leagues from the mesa. He saw evidence of intertribal trade with "mountain Querechos". Acoma oral history does not confirm this trade but only tells of common messengers to and from the mesa and Acomita, McCartys Village, and Seama.  Juan de Oñate intended on colonizing New Mexico starting from 1595. (He formally held the area by April 1598.) The Acoma warrior Zutacapan heard of this plan and warned the mesa and organized a defense. However, a pueblo elder Chumpo dissuaded war partly to prevent deaths and partly based on Zutancalpo's (Zutacapan's son) mentioning of the widespread belief that the Spaniards were immortal. Thus, when Oñate visited on October 27, 1598, Acoma met him peacefully with no resistance to Oñate's demand of surrender and obedience reported. Oñate demonstrated his military power by firing a gun salute. Zutacapan offered to meet Oñate formally in the religious kiva, which is traditionally used as the place to make sacred oaths and pledges. However, Oñate was scared of death and in suspicious ignorance of Acoma customs refused to enter via ladder from the roof into the dark kiva chambers. Purguapo was another Acoma man out of four chosen for Spaniard negotiations.  Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá visited Acoma soon after Oñate's departure by himself with a dog and a horse and asked for other supplies. Villagrá refused to get off his horse and left to follow after Oñate's party. However, Zutacapan convinced him to return to receive supplies. In questioning by Zutacapan, Villagrá said that 103 armed men were two days away from Acoma. Zutacapan then told Villagrá to leave Acoma.  On December 1, 1598, Juan de Zaldívar, Oñate's nephew, reached Acoma with 20–30 men and peacefully traded with them and had to wait some days for their order of ground corn. On December 4, Zaldívar went with 16 armored men to Acoma to find out about the corn. Zutacapan met them and directed them to the homes with the corn. Zaldívar's people then divided into groups to collect the corn. The traditional oral Acoma narrative tells that a group attacked some Acoma women leading Acoma warriors to retaliate. The Spanish documents do not report an attack on the women and say that the division of the men was a reaction to Zutacapan's plan to kill Zaldívar's party. The Acoma killed 12 of the Spaniards including Zaldívar. Five men escaped although one died from jumping over the citadel leaving four to escape with the remaining camp.  On December 20, 1598, Oñate learned of Zaldívar's death and after encouraging advice from the friars planned an attack in revenge as well to teach a lesson to other pueblos. Acomas requested help from other tribes to defend against the Spanish. Among the leaders were Gicombo, Popempol, Chumpo, Calpo, Buzcoico, Ezmicaio, and Bempol (a recruited Apache war leader). On January 21, 1599, Vicente de Zaldívar (Juan de Zaldívar's brother) reached Acoma with 70 soldiers. The Acoma Massacre started the next day and lasted for three days. On January 23, men were able to climb the southern mesa unnoticed by Acoma guards and breach the pueblo. The Spanish dragged a cannon through the streets toppling adobe walls and burned most of the village killing 800 people (decimated 13% of the 6,000 population) and imprisoning approximately 500 others. The pueblo surrendered at noon on January 24. Zaldívar lost only one of his men. The Spanish amputated the right feet of men over 25 years old and forced them into slavery for 20 years. They also took males aged 12–25 and females over 12 away from their parents putting most of them in slavery for 20 years. The enslaved Acoma were given to government officials and various missions. Two other Indian men visiting Acoma at the time had their right hands cut off and were sent back to their respective Pueblos as a warning of the consequences for resisting the Spanish. On the north side of the mesa, a row of houses still retain marks from the fire started by a cannon during this Acoma War. (Oñate was later exiled from New Mexico for mismanagement, false reporting, and cruelty by Philip III of Spain.)  Survivors of the Acoma Massacre rebuilt their community 1599–1620. Oñate forced the Acoma and other local Indians to pay taxes in crops, cotton, and labor. Spanish rule also brought Catholic missionaries into the area. The Spanish renamed the pueblos with the names of saints and started to construct churches at them. They introduced new crops to the Acoma, including peaches, peppers, and wheat. A 1620 royal decree created Spanish civil offices in each pueblo, including Acoma, with an appointed governor to take command. In 1680 the Pueblo Revolt took place, with Acoma participating. The revolt brought refugees from other pueblos. Those who eventually left Acoma moved elsewhere to form Laguna Pueblo.  The Acoma suffered high mortality from smallpox epidemics, as they had no immunity to such Eurasian infectious diseases. They also suffered raiding from the Apache, Comanche, and Ute. On occasion, the Acoma would side with the Spanish to fight against these nomadic tribes. Forced to formally adopt Catholicism, the Acoma proceeded to practice their traditional religion in secrecy, and combined elements of both in a syncretic blend. Intermarriage and interaction became common among the Acoma, other pueblos, and Hispanic villages. These communities would intermingle in a kind of creolization to form the culture of New Mexico.

San Esteban Del Rey Mission.

Between 1629 and 1641 Father Juan Ramirez oversaw construction of the San Estevan Del Rey Mission Church. The Acoma were ordered to build the church, moving of adobe, straw, sandstone, and mud to the mesa for the church walls. Ponderosa pine was brought in by community members from Mount Taylor, over away. The church has an altar flanked by -high wood pillars. These are hand carved in red and white designs representing Christian and Indigenous beliefs. The Acoma know their ancestors' hands built this structure, and they consider it a cultural treasure.  In 1970 it was placed on the National Register of Historic Places. In 2007 the mission church was designated as a National Trust Historic Site, the only Native American site in that ranking as identified by the National Trust for Historic Preservation, a non-profit organization.

19th and 20th century.

During the nineteenth century, the Acoma people, while trying to uphold traditional life, also adopted aspects of the once-rejected Spanish culture and religion. By the 1880s, railroads brought increased numbers of settlers and ended the pueblos' isolation.  In the 1920s, the All Indian Pueblo Council gathered for the first time in more than 300 years. Responding to congressional interest in appropriating Pueblo lands, the U.S. Congress passed the Pueblo Lands Act in 1924. Despite successes in retaining their land, the Acoma had difficulty during the 20th century trying to preserve their cultural traditions. Protestant missionaries established schools in the area, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs forced Acoma children into boarding schools. By 1922, most children from the community were in boarding schools, where they were forced to use English and to practice Christianity. Several generations became cut off from their own culture and language, with harsh effects on their families and societies.

Present day.

Today, about 300 two- and three-story adobe buildings stand on the mesa, with exterior ladders used to access the upper levels where residents live. Access to the mesa is by a road blasted into the rock face during the 1950s. Approximately 30 or so people live permanently on the mesa, with the population increasing on the weekends as family members come to visit and tourists, some 55,000 annually, visit for the day.  Acoma Pueblo has no electricity, running water, or sewage disposal. A reservation surrounds the mesa, totaling. Tribal members live both on the reservation and outside it. Contemporary Acoma culture remains relatively closed, however. According to the 2000 United States census, 4,989 people identify themselves as Acoma.

Culture.

Governance and reservation.

Acoma government was maintained by two individuals: a "cacique", or head of the Pueblo, and a war captain, who would serve until their deaths. Both individuals maintained strong religious connections to their work, representing the theocracy of Acoma governance. The Spanish eventually imposed a group to oversee the Pueblo, but, their power was not taken seriously by the Acoma. The Spanish group would work with external situations and comprised a governor, two lieutenant governors, and a council. The Acoma also participated in the All Indian Pueblo Council, which started in 1598 and arose again in the twentieth century.  Today, the Acoma controls approximately of their traditional land. Mesas, valleys, hills, and arroyos dot the landscape that averages about in altitude with about of rain each year. Since 1977, the Acoma have increased their domain through several land purchases. On the reservation, only tribal members may own land and almost all enrolled members live on the property. The cacique is still active in the community, and is from the Antelope clan. The cacique appoints tribal council members, staff, and the governor.  In 2011 Acoma Pueblo and the Pueblo of Santa Clara were victims of heavy flooding. New Mexico supplied more than $1 million to fund emergency preparedness and damage repair for victims and governor Susana Martinez requested additional funding from the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

Warfare and weaponry.

Historically, engagements in warfare were common for Acoma, like other Pueblos. Weapons used included clubs, stones, spears, and darts. The Acoma later would serve as auxiliaries for forces under Spain and Mexico, fighting against raids and protecting merchants on the Santa Fe Trail. After the nineteenth-century, raiding tribes were less of a threat and Acoma military culture began to decline. The war captain position eventually would change to a civil and religious function.

Architecture.

Acoma Pueblo has three rows of three-story, apartment-style buildings which face south on top of the mesa. The buildings are constructed from adobe brick with beams across the roof that were covered with poles, brush, and then plaster. The roof for one level would serve as the floor for another. Each level is connected to others by ladders, serving as a unique defensive aid; the ladders are the only way to enter the buildings, as the traditional design has no windows or doors. The lower levels of the buildings were used for storage. Baking ovens are outside the buildings, with water being collected from two natural cisterns. Acoma also has seven rectangular kivas and a village plaza which serves as the spiritual center for the village.

Family life.

About 20 matrilineal clans were recognized by the Acoma. Traditional child rearing involved very little discipline. Couples were generally monogamous and divorce was rare with a quick burial after death, followed by four days and nights of vigil. Women would wear cotton dresses and sandals or high moccasin boots. Traditional clothing for men involved cotton kilts and leather sandals. Rabbit and deer skin was used for clothing and robes, as well. In the seventeenth century horses were introduced to the Pueblo by the Spanish. Education was overseen by kiva headmen who taught about human behavior, spirit and body, astrology, ethics, child psychology, oratory, history, dance, and music.  Since the 1970s, Acoma Pueblo has retained control over education services, which have been keys in maintaining traditional and contemporary lifestyles. They share a high school with Laguna Pueblo. Alcoholism, drug use, and other health issues are prominent on the reservation and Indian Health Service hospitals and native healers cooperate to battle health problems. Alcohol is banned on the Pueblo. The community is served by the Acoma-Canoncito-Laguna (ACL) Hospital run by the Indian Health Services and located in Acoma. Today, 19 clans still remain active.

Religion.

Traditional Acoma religion stresses harmony between life and nature. The sun is a representative of the Creator deity. Mountains surrounding the community, the sun above, and the earth below help to balance and define the Acoma world. Traditional religious ceremonies may revolve around the weather, including seeking to ensure healthy rainfall. The Acoma also use kachinas in rituals. The Pueblos also had one or more kivas, which served as religious chambers. The leader of each Pueblo would serve as the community religious leader, or "cacique". The cacique would observe the sun and use it as a guide for scheduling ceremonies, some which were kept secret.  Many Acoma are Catholic, but blend aspects of Catholicism and their traditional religion. Many old rituals are still performed. In September, the Acoma honor their patron saint, Saint Stephen. For feast day, the mesa is opened to the public for the celebration. More than 2,000 pilgrims attend the San Esteban Festival. The celebration begins at San Esteban Del Rey Mission and a carved pine effigy of Saint Stephen is removed from the altar and carried into the main plaza with people chanting, shooting rifles, and ringing steeple bells. The procession then proceeds past the cemetery, down narrow streets, and to the plaza. Upon arriving at the plaza, the effigy is placed in a shrine lined with woven blankets and guarded by two Acoma men. A celebration follows with dancing and feasting. During the festival, vendors sell goods such as traditional pottery and cuisine.

Subsistence.

Before contact with the Spanish, Acoma people primarily ate corn, beans, and squash. "Mut-tze-nee" was a popular thin corn bread. They also raised turkeys, tobacco, and sunflowers. The Acoma hunted antelope, deer, and rabbits. Wild seeds, berries, nuts, and other foods were gathered. After 1700, new foods were noted in the historical record. Blue corn drink, pudding, corn mush, corn balls, wheat cake, peach-bark drink, paper bread, flour bread, wild berries, and prickly pear fruit all became staples. After contact with the Spanish, goats, horses, sheep and donkeys were raised.  In contemporary Acoma, other foods are also popular such as apple pastries, corn tamales, green-chili stew with lamb, fresh corn, and wheat pudding with brown sugar.  Irrigation techniques such as dams and terraces were used for agricultural purposes. Farming tools were made of wood and stone. Harvested corn would be ground with hands and mortar.

Ethnobotany.

A full list of their ethnobotany can be found at http://naeb.brit.org/uses/tribes/2/ (68 documented plant uses).

Economy.

Historical Acoma economic practices are described as socialistic or communal. Labor was shared and produce was distributed equally. Trading networks were extensive, spreading thousands of miles throughout the region. During fixed times in the summer and fall, trading fairs were held. The largest fair was held in Taos by the Comanche. Nomadic traders would exchange slaves, buckskins, buffalo hide, jerky, and horses. Pueblo people would trade for copper and shell ornaments, macaw feathers, and turquoise. The Acoma would trade via the Santa Fe Trail starting in 1821, and with the arrival of railroads in the 1880s, the Acoma became dependent on American-made goods. This dependency would cause traditional arts such as weaving and pottery making to decline.  Today, the Acoma produce a variety of goods for economic benefit. Agriculturally they grow alfalfa, oats, wheat, chilies, corn, melon, squash, vegetables, and fruit. They raise cattle and have natural reserves of gas, geothermal, and coal resources. Uranium mines in the area provided work for the Acoma until their closings in the 1980s. After that, the tribe provided most employment opportunities. However, high unemployment rates trouble the Pueblo. The legacy of the uranium mines has left radiation pollution, causing the tribal fishing lake to be drained and some health problems within the community.

Tourism.

Tourism is a major source of income for the tribe. In 2008 Pueblo Acoma opened the Sky City Cultural Center and Haak'u Museum at the base of the mesa, replacing the original, which was destroyed by fire in 2000. The center and museum seek to sustain and preserve Acoma culture. Films about Acoma history are shown and a café serves traditional foods. The architecture was inspired by pueblo design and indigenous architectural traditions with wide doorways in the middle, which in traditional homes make the bringing of supplies easier, Flecks of mica are in the windowpanes, a mineral which is used to create mesa windows. The complex is also fire resistant, unlike traditional pueblos, and is painted in light pinks and purples to match the landscape surrounding it. Traditional Acoma artwork is exhibited and demonstrated at the Center, including ceramic chimneys crafted on the rooftop. Arts and crafts also bring income into the community.  Acoma Pueblo is open to the public by guided tour from March thru October, though June and July have periods of closure for cultural activities. It is advisable for visitors to call ahead to confirm whether they are open or not. Photography of the Pueblo and surrounding land is restricted. Tours and camera permits are purchased at the Sky City Cultural Center. While photography may be produced with permit, video recordings, drawings, and sketching are prohibited.  The Acoma Pueblo also has a casino and hotel - the Sky City Casino Hotel. The casino and hotel are alcohol-free and are maintained by the Acoma Business Enterprise which oversees most Acoma businesses.

Arts.

At Acoma, pottery remains one of the most notable artforms. Men created weavings and silver jewelry, as well.

Pottery.

Acoma pottery dates back to more than 1,000 years ago. Dense local clay, dug up at a nearby site, is essential to Acoma pottery. The clay is dried and strengthened by the addition of pulverized pottery shards. The pieces then are shaped, painted, and fired. Geometric patterns, thunderbirds, and rainbows are traditional designs, which are applied with the spike of a yucca. Upon completion, a potter would lightly strike the side of the pot, and hold it to their ear. If the pot does not ring, then the pot will crack during firing. If this was found, the piece would be destroyed and ground into shards for future use.

References.

Further reading

Acoma Pueblo () is a Native American pueblo approximately west of Albuquerque, New Mexico, in the United States. Four communities make up the village of Acoma Pueblo: Sky City (Old Acoma), Acomita, Anzac, and McCartys. These communities are located near the expansive Albuquerque metropolitan area, which includes several large cities and towns, including neighboring Laguna Pueblo. The Acoma Pueblo tribe is a federally recognized tribal entity, whose historic land of Acoma Pueblo totaled roughly, today much of the Acoma community is primarily within the Acoma Indian Reservation. Acoma Pueblo is a National Historic Landmark.

Pueblo Acoma est un village situé à 96 km à l'ouest d'Albuquerque au Nouveau-Mexique. Il est habité depuis le par les amérindiens.


Contents.

"The numbers given correspond to section numbers within the text."

Title and purpose.

As is customary with Catholic documents, the name of this constitution, "Sacred Council" in Latin, is taken from the first line ("incipit") of the document:

Participation of the laity.

One of the first issues considered by the council, and the matter that had the most immediate effect on the lives of individual Catholics, was the renewal of the liturgy. The central idea was that there ought to be greater lay participation in the liturgy. Popes Pius X, Pius XI, and Pius XII consistently asked that the people be taught how to chant the responses at Mass and that they learn the prayers of the Mass in order to participate intelligently. Now the bishops decreed that: "To promote active participation, the people should be encouraged to take part by means of acclamations, responses, psalmody, antiphons, and songs." Composers should "produce compositions which... [provide] for the active participation of the entire assembly of the faithful."  After centuries when, with the Mass in Latin, Catholic piety centred around popular devotions, the bishops decreed that "Popular devotions... should be so drawn up that they harmonize with the liturgical seasons, accord with the sacred liturgy, are in some fashion derived from it, and lead the people to it, since, in fact, the liturgy by its very nature far surpasses any of them."  On 24 August 2017 Pope Francis emphasized that "the reform of the liturgy is irreversible" and called for continued efforts to implement the reforms, repeating what Pope Paul VI had said one year before he died: "The time has come, now, to definitely leave aside the disruptive ferments, equally pernicious in one sense or the other, and to implement fully, according to its right inspiring criteria, the reform approved by us in application of the decisions of the council."

Consilium.

The council fathers established guidelines to govern the renewal of the liturgy, which included, allowed, and encouraged greater use of the vernacular (native language) in addition to Latin, particularly for the biblical readings and other prayers. Implementation of the council's directives on the liturgy was to be carried out under the authority of Pope Paul VI by a special papal commission, later incorporated in the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments, and, in the areas entrusted to them, by national conferences of bishops, which, if they had a shared language, were expected to collaborate in producing a common translation.

Sacrosanctum Concilium, the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, is one of the constitutions of the Second Vatican Council. It was approved by the assembled bishops by a vote of 2,147 to 4 and promulgated by Pope Paul VI on 4 December 1963. The main aim was to achieve greater lay participation in the Catholic Church's liturgy. The title is taken from the opening lines of the document and means "this Sacred Council".

Sacrosanctum Concilium est l'une des quatre constitutions conciliaires promulguées par le concile Vatican II. Se donnant pour but la « restauration et [le] progrès de la liturgie » (SC 1) de l'Église catholique, elle se place dans la continuité de l'encyclique "Mediator Dei" et du mouvement liturgique. Elle fut solennellement promulguée par le pape Paul VI, le après avoir été adoptée par un vote de 2147 voix contre 4.


History.

Clausewitz was among those intrigued by the manner in which the leaders of the French Revolution, especially Napoleon, changed the conduct of war through their ability to motivate the populace and gain access to the full resources of the state, thus unleashing war on a greater scale than had previously been seen in Europe. Clausewitz was well educated and had strong interests in art, history, science, and education. He was a professional soldier who spent a considerable part of his life fighting against Napoleon. The insights he gained from his political and military experiences, combined with a solid grasp of European history, provided the basis for his work.  A wealth of historical examples is being used to illustrate its various ideas. Napoleon and Frederick the Great figure prominently for having made very efficient use of the terrain, movement and the forces at their disposal.

Clausewitz's theory.

Definition of war.

Clausewitz argued that war theory can not be a strict operational advise for generals. Instead, he wanted to highlight general principles that would result from the study of history and logical thinking. He contended that military campaigns could be planned only to a very small degree because incalculable influences or events, so-called "friction", would quicly make any too-detailed planning in advance obsolete. Military leaders must be capable to make decisions under time pressure with incomplete information since in his opinion "three quarters of the things on which action is built in war" are concealed and distorted by the "fog of war".  In his 1812 "Bekenntnisschrift" ("Notes of Confession"), he presents a more existential interpretation of war by envisioning war as the highest form of self-assertion by a people. That corresponded in every respect with the spirit of the time when the French Revolution and the conflicts that arose from it had caused the evolution of conscript armies and guerrillas. The people's armies supported the idea that war is an existential struggle.  During the following years, however, Clausewitz gradually abandoned this exalted view and concluded that the war served as a mere instrument: "Thus, war is an act of violence in order to force our will upon the enemy."

Purpose, goal and means.

Clausewitz analyzed the conflicts of his time along the line of the categories "Purpose", "Goal" and "Means". He reasoned that the "Purpose" of war is one's will to be enforced, which is determined by politics. The "Goal" of the conflict is therefore to defeat the opponent in order to exact the "Purpose". The "Goal" is pursued with the help of a strategy, that might be brought about by various "Means" such as by the defeat or the elimination of opposing armed forces or by non-military "Means" (such as propaganda, economic sanctions and political isolation). Thus, any resource of the human body and mind and all the moral and physical powers of a state might serve as "Means" to achieve the set goal.  One of Clausewitz's best-known quotes summarizes that idea: "War is a mere continuation of politics by other means."  That quote in itself allows for the interpretation that the military will take over from politics as soon as war has begun, as, for example, the German General Staff did during World War I. However, Clausewitz had postulated the "primacy of politics" and in this context elaborated: "[...], we claim that war is nothing more than a continuation of the political process by applying other means. By applying other means we simultaneously assert that the political process does not end with the conclusion of the war or is being transformed into something entirely different, but that it continues to exist and proceed in its essence, regardless of the means, it might make use of."  According to Azar Gat, the "general message" of the book was that "the conduct of war could not be reduced to universal principles [and is] dominated by political decisions and moral forces." These basic conclusions are essential to Clausewitz's theory: Some of the key ideas (not necessarily original to Clausewitz or even to his mentor, Gerhard von Scharnhorst) discussed in "On War" include (in no particular order of importance):  Clausewitz used a dialectical method to construct his argument, which led to frequent modern misinterpretation because he explores various often-opposed ideas before he came to conclusions.  Modern perceptions of war are based on the concepts that Clausewitz put forth in "On War", but they have been diversely interpreted by various leaders (such as Moltke, Vladimir Lenin, Dwight Eisenhower, and Mao Zedong), thinkers, armies, and peoples. Modern military doctrine, organization, and norms are all still based on Napoleonic premises, but whether the premises are necessarily also "Clausewitzian" is debatable.  The "dualism" of Clausewitz's view of war (that wars can vary a great deal between the two "poles" that he proposed, based on the political objectives of the opposing sides and the context) seems to be simple enough, but few commentators have been willing to accept that crucial variability. They insist that Clausewitz "really" argued for one end of the scale or the other. "On War" has been seen by some prominent critics as an argument for "total war".  It has been blamed for the level of destruction involved in the First and the Second World Wars, but it seems rather that Clausewitz, who did not actually use the term "total war", had merely foreseen the inevitable development that started with the huge, patriotically motivated armies of the Napoleonic wars. They resulted (though the evolution of war has not yet ended) in the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, with all the forces and capabilities of the state devoted to destroying forces and capabilities of the enemy state (thus "total war"). Conversely, Clausewitz has also been seen as "The preeminent military and political strategist of limited war in modern times". (Robert Osgood, 1979)  Clausewitz and his proponents have been severely criticized by other military theorists, like Antoine-Henri Jomini in the 19th century, B. H. Liddell Hart in the mid-20th century, and Martin van Creveld and John Keegan more recently. "On War" is a work rooted solely in the world of the nation state, states historian Martin van Creveld, who alleges that Clausewitz takes the state "almost for granted", as he rarely looks at anything before the Peace of Westphalia, and mediaeval warfare is effectively ignored in Clausewitz's theory. He alleges that Clausewitz does not address any form of intra/supra-state conflict, such as rebellion and revolution, because he could not theoretically account for warfare before the existence of the state.  Previous kinds of conflict were demoted to criminal activities without legitimacy and not worthy of the label "war". Van Creveld argues that "Clausewitzian war" requires the state to act in conjunction with the people and the army, the state becoming a massive engine built to exert military force against an identical opponent. He supports that statement by pointing to the conventional armies in existence throughout the 20th century. However, revolutionaries like Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels derived some inspiration from Clausewitzian ideas.

Vom Kriege () is a book on war and military strategy by Prussian general Carl von Clausewitz (1780–1831), written mostly after the Napoleonic wars, between 1816 and 1830, and published posthumously by his wife Marie von Brühl in 1832. It has been translated into English several times as On War. "On War" is an unfinished work. Clausewitz had set about revising his accumulated manuscripts in 1827, but did not live to finish the task. His wife edited his collected works and published them between 1832 and 1835.

De la guerre est un traité de stratégie militaire écrit par le général prussien Carl von Clausewitz. Rédigée en majeure partie après les guerres napoléoniennes, entre 1816 et 1830, et laissée inachevée à sa mort en 1831, l’œuvre fut compilée et publiée à titre posthume entre 1832 et 1835 grâce aux soins de sa femme, Marie von Brühl.


Historical context.

From the start of the war in 1939 until VE Day, several of Canada's Atlantic coast ports became important to the resupply effort for the United Kingdom and later for the Allied land offensive on the Western Front. Halifax and Sydney, Nova Scotia became the primary convoy assembly ports, with Halifax being assigned the fast or priority convoys (largely troops and essential material) with the more modern merchant ships, while Sydney was given slow convoys which conveyed bulkier material on older and more vulnerable merchant ships. Both ports were heavily fortified with shore radar emplacements, searchlight batteries, and extensive coastal artillery stations all manned by RCN and Canadian Army regular and reserve personnel. Military intelligence agents enforced strict blackouts throughout the areas and anti-torpedo nets were in place at the harbour entrances. Even though no landings of German personnel took place near these ports, there were frequent attacks by U-boats on convoys departing for Europe. Less extensively used, but no less important, was the port of Saint John which also saw matériel funnelled through the port, largely after the United States entered the war in December 1941. The Canadian Pacific Railway mainline from central Canada (which crossed the state of Maine) could be used to transport in aid of the war effort.  Although not crippling to the Canadian war effort, given the country's rail network to the east coast ports, but possibly more destructive to the morale of the Canadian public, was the Battle of the St. Lawrence, when U-boats began to attack domestic coastal shipping along Canada's east coast in the St. Lawrence River and Gulf of St. Lawrence from early 1942 through to the end of the shipping season in late 1944.

Spring 1942.

The "Kriegsmarine" had made no formal plans to attack merchant shipping in the St. Lawrence River and Gulf of St. Lawrence, despite its activities off the convoy assembly ports of Halifax and Sydney, Nova Scotia; therefore, early attacks in the Battle of the St. Lawrence were considered ad-hoc and opportunistic.  The first attack was by, which torpedoed and sank the British freighter "Nicoya" at the mouth of the St. Lawrence River several kilometres off Anticosti Island on 12 May 1942, followed by the Dutch freighter "Leto" in the same vicinity several hours later. "U-553" departed the Gulf of St. Lawrence to return to its established patrol in the North Atlantic.  Before these sinkings, the Gulf of St. Lawrence and St. Lawrence River had been guarded by only four RCN warships, a, two Fairmile Marine Motor Launches and an armed yacht; a clearly inadequate force for the task. The RCN's response to the attacks was to deploy five s, but it remained inadequate even with these reinforcements.  The incident revealed that the RCN did not have the resources to deal with the situation and there were political repercussions in Canada with suggestions that RCN ships allocated to the Atlantic convoys should be recalled to protect Canadian territorial waters; however, the RCN's priority remained with the protection of convoys to Britain, the Soviet Union and North Africa.  Several RN escorts were attached to the RCN for some months during 1942, with convoys in the St. Lawrence River and Gulf of St. Lawrence being formed between RCN facilities at in Quebec City, in Gaspé, and in Sydney. RCAF aircraft carried out operational patrols from RCAF stations such as Mont-Joli, Bagotville, Chatham, Mount Pleasant, Charlottetown, Summerside, Debert, Stanley and Sydney as well as various civilian fields, particularly in the Magdalen Islands.  Residents along the Gaspé coast and the St. Lawrence River and Gulf of St. Lawrence were startled at the sight of maritime warfare off their shores, with ships on fire and explosions rattling their communities, while bodies and debris floated ashore. The Canadian government's wartime secrecy saw censors forbid media reporting of incidents; so the only news came from local gossip. Blackouts were strictly enforced and army units were sent out on coastal patrols along roads and railway lines.

Summer 1942.

In July 1942, Captain Ernst Vogelsang piloted into the Gulf. On 6 July, within half an hour, he sank three ships from the twelve-ship convoy QS-15: the British registered "Dinaric" and "Hainaut", and the Greek vessel "Anastassios Pateras". Eventually depth charge runs by a ship, and four Curtiss P-40 Warhawk from No. 130 Squadron RCAF damaged the U-boat's ballast pumps and resulted in the loss of of fuel and a few crewmen. This attack drove the submarine to the bottom where it hid for 12 hours. The submarine then rushed out of the Gulf for repairs.  In late August, two U-boats made a joint raid on the St. Lawrence. sank nine ships and damaged another in a two-week period, escaping attacks by escort vessels each time and sinking the Flower-class corvette on 11 September. was less successful in attacking merchant shipping but it sank the armed yacht and heavily damaged. Eastern Air Command positioned itself to better defend the remaining convoys by establishing a "Special Submarine Hunting Detachment" of No. 113 Squadron RCAF in Chatham, New Brunswick. They made their first U-boat attack on 9 September, when Pilot Officer R.S. Keetley dove on "U-165", about south of Anticosti Island. He did not do much damage to the submarine, but subsequent naval and air activity in the area frustrated the U-boat's efforts to attack other convoys. The RCN requested additional forces from Western Local Escort Force, receiving two old Royal Navy destroyers with improved radar to combat the U-boat threat.  Within 24 hours of 24 September, crews from 113 Squadron registered seven sightings and three attacks on "U-517". Flying Officer M.J. Bélanger, an experienced 23-year-old Quebec native who came to the squadron from duty as a flying instructor, made two of the attacks. Neither sank the U-boat. Aircraft continued to harry the submarine as it cruised the Gulf. Bélanger was in the cockpit for another attack on "U-517" on 29 September. Although his depth charges exploded all around the submarine's hull, it survived yet again. Still, Bélanger's attacks had badly hurt the submarine along with some sailors inside it. Later the young airman would be awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross, in large part for his determined attack of the U-boat.  The continued attacks caused the St. Lawrence River and Gulf of St. Lawrence to be closed to all trans-Atlantic shipping, allowing only coastal trade. In practice, although this embargo strained the Canadian National Railway (CNR) system to Sydney and Halifax, it simplified the management of Atlantic convoys. The embargo lasted until early 1944.

Fall 1942.

In September attacked Convoy ON 127 along with a number of other submarines and chased them across the Atlantic all the way to the gulf. The submarine sustained minor damage from the warships but managed to sink by firing two torpedoes at it.  In October, the Newfoundland Railway passenger ferry was torpedoed by, in the Cabot Strait, between Sydney, Nova Scotia and Port aux Basques, Newfoundland, with heavy loss of life. "U-69" escaped a counterattack by the "Bangor"-class minesweeper. In November, sank two iron ore freighters and damaged another at Bell Island in Conception Bay, Newfoundland, "en route" to a patrol off the Gaspé Peninsula where, despite an attack by an RCAF patrol aircraft, it successfully landed a spy, Werner von Janowski at New Carlisle, Quebec; he was captured at the New Carlisle railway station shortly after landing on the beach.  On 21 October moved into the entrance of the river and encountered widespread RCN patrols. The submarine's captain, Hans-Joachim Schwantke, attempted to attack convoy SQ-43 off Gaspé, but was spotted and repulsed by the convoy's escorts. It was stated that six depth charges from the "Bangor"-class minesweeper knocked out the U-Boat's lights, blew the battery circuit breaker and activated a torpedo in one of the sub's stern tubes. Captain Schwantke pushed his sub down to to avoid what he thought was a co-ordinated attack. The submarine was damaged but escaped the river.  In November, was ordered in but turned away because of oppressive Canadian patrols that prevented entry.  U-boat losses experienced by the "Kriegsmarine" during 1942 following the entry of the United States Navy into the Battle of the Atlantic, coupled with declining German shipbuilding capability to replace battle losses, saw the U-boat fleet redeployed to the primary Atlantic convoy routes to disrupt the Allied war resupply effort; this effectively saw enemy submarines withdrawn from the St. Lawrence River and Gulf of St. Lawrence by the end of 1942.

1943.

Canadian military intelligence and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) intercepted mail addressed to several "Kriegsmarine" officers (including Otto Kretschmer) imprisoned at the Camp 30 prisoner of war camp at Bowmanville, Ontario in early 1943. The correspondence detailed an escape plan in which the prisoners were to tunnel out of the camp and make their way (using currency and false documents provided for them) through eastern Ontario and across Quebec to the northeastern tip of New Brunswick off the Pointe de Maisonnette lighthouse where the escapees would be retrieved by a U-boat.  Canadian authorities did not tip off the POWs and detected signs of tunnel digging at Camp 30. All prisoners except one were arrested at the time of their escape attempt; the sole inmate who managed to escape travelled all the way to Pointe de Maisonette undetected, likely travelling onboard Canadian National Railway passenger trains to the Bathurst area. This POW was apprehended by military police and RCMP on the beach in front of the lighthouse on the night of the planned U-boat extraction.  The RCN provided a U-boat counteroffensive force (codenamed "Operation Pointe Maisonnette") that was led by (a Flower-class corvette), which was outfitted with an experimental version of diffused lighting camouflage for the operation.  The task force led by "Rimouski" waited in Caraquet Harbour, obscured by Caraquet Island, the night of 26–27 September 1943 and detected the presence of off Pointe de Maisonnette while shore authorities arrested the POW escapee.  "U-536" managed to elude the RCN task force by diving just as the surface warships began attacking with depth charges; the submarine was able to escape the Gulf of St. Lawrence without making the extraction.

1944.

In 1943, the RCAF had begun to successfully harass U-boat operations in Canadian coastal waters and the RCN had grown in numbers and effectiveness to allow more resources to be dedicated to anti-submarine warfare operations in territorial waters. By early 1944, the shipping lanes in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and St. Lawrence River were reopened to domestic and war-related convoys operating primarily from Quebec City to Sydney.  Late 1944 saw a resurgence of U-boat activity in the St. Lawrence River and Gulf of St. Lawrence. German submarines were being equipped with the snorkel, a telescopic engine ventilation system that permitted continuous underwater operation without surfacing.  "U-1223" entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence undetected in early October and is credited with seriously damaging the on 14 October and sinking the Canadian freighter SS "Fort Thompson" on 2 November. Three weeks later, "U-1228" attacked and sank the Flower-class corvette, a few kilometres off of Channel/Port aux Basque on the night of 24–25 November, with the loss of all 91 crew members, including former Toronto Maple Leafs hockey player Dudley "Red" Garrett. Authorities only realized that it sank when "Caribou"s replacement ferry, SS "Burgeo", sailed into North Sydney without "Shawinigan" on 26 November, after it had tried numerous times to make contact by radiophone earlier that day. Wreckage was discovered on 27 November, and six crewmen's bodies were recovered. It was the worst case of military deaths in Canadian territory during the war.  These two German attacks marked the end of the Battle of the St. Lawrence. In May 1945, following Germany's surrender, and surrendered to the RCN at Shelburne, Nova Scotia and Bay Bulls, Newfoundland respectively.  After the war, it was shown that the mingling of fresh and salt waters in the region (the world's largest estuary), plus temperature variations and sea ice, disrupted RCN anti-submarine operations and reduced the effectiveness of shipboard sonar systems that were designed to detect submarines. Fog and other weather conditions in the St. Lawrence River and Gulf of St. Lawrence also conspired to hamper RCAF patrols.

Order of battle.

Canada.

Canadian Army  Royal Canadian Navy  Frigates  Corvettes  Minesweepers  Armed yachts Auxiliaries  Motor Launches  Royal Canadian Air Force

United Kingdom.

Royal Air Force

Germany.

Kriegsmarine  U-boats

Aftermath.

In 1999, 55 years after the battle, the Governor General of Canada unveiled a monument to commemorate the 55th anniversary of the battle. The monument was erected in Halifax, and has the names of all the sailors that were lost in the battle. The battle is remembered in other ways, too. For example, in 2005, Veterans Affairs published a book on all the events in the battle. This book and others can educate and inform the population about the role Canadians played in the Battle of the Saint Lawrence.

The Battle of the St. Lawrence involved marine and anti-submarine actions throughout the lower St. Lawrence River and the entire Gulf of Saint Lawrence, Strait of Belle Isle, Anticosti Island and Cabot Strait from May–October 1942, September 1943, and again in October–November 1944. During this time, German U-boats sank several merchant ships and four Canadian warships. There were several near shore actions involving the drop of German spies, or the attempted pick up of escaping prisoners of war. Despite the 23 ships lost, this battle marked a strategic victory for Canadian forces as ultimately they managed to disrupt U-boat activity, protect Canadian and Allied convoys, and intercept all attempted shore operations. This marked the first time that a foreign power had inflicted casualties in Canadian inland waters since the US incursions in the War of 1812.

La bataille du Saint-Laurent (ou bataille du golfe du Saint-Laurent) est un épisode de la bataille de l'Atlantique qui opposa, de 1942 à 1944, les sous-marins (U-Boots) allemands de l'amiral Karl Dönitz à la Marine royale canadienne et à ses alliés dans le fleuve et le golfe Saint-Laurent. Ce fut la première fois depuis 1812 que des navires ennemis pénétrèrent dans les eaux intérieures du Canada pour tuer.


Description.

At first glance, the Pyramorphix appears to be a trivial puzzle. It resembles the Pyraminx, and its appearance would suggest that only the four corners could be rotated. In fact, the puzzle is a specially shaped 2×2×2 cube. Four of the cube's corners are reshaped into pyramids and the other four are reshaped into triangles. The result of this is a puzzle that changes shape as it is turned.  The original name for the Pyramorphix was "The Junior Pyraminx." This was altered to reflect the "Shape Changing" aspect of the puzzle which makes it appear less like the 2×2×2 Cube. "Junior" also made it sound less desirable to an adult customer. The only remaining reference to the name "Junior Pyraminx" is on Uwe Mèffert's website-based solution which still has the title "jpmsol.html".  The purpose of the puzzle is to scramble the colors and the shape, and then restore it to its original state of being a tetrahedron with one color per face.

Number of combinations.

The puzzle is available either with stickers or plastic tiles on the faces. Both have a ribbed appearance, giving a visible orientation to the flat pieces. This results in 3,674,160 combinations, the same as the 2×2×2 cube.  However, if there were no means of identifying the orientation of those pieces, the number of combinations would be reduced. There would be 8! ways to arrange the pieces, divided by 24 to account for the lack of center pieces, and there would be 3 ways to rotate the four pyramidal pieces.  The Pyramorphix can be rotated around three axes by multiples of 90°. The corners cannot rotate individually as on the Pyraminx. The Pyramorphix rotates in a way that changes the position of center pieces not only with other center pieces but also with corner pieces, leading to a variety of shapes.

Master Pyramorphix.

The Master Pyramorphix, informally referred to the Mastermorphix, is a more complex variant of the Pyramorphix. Like the Pyramorphix, it is an edge-turning tetrahedral puzzle capable of changing shape as it is twisted, leading to a large variety of irregular shapes. Several different variants have been made, including flat-faced custom-built puzzles by puzzle fans and Uwe Mèffert's commercially produced pillowed variant (pictured), sold through his puzzle shop, Meffert's.  The puzzle consists of 4 corner pieces, 4 face centers, 6 edge pieces, and 12 non-center face pieces. Being an edge-turning puzzle, the edge pieces only rotate in place, while the rest of the pieces can be permuted. The face centers and corner pieces are interchangeable because they are both corners although they are shaped differently, and the non-center face pieces may be flipped, leading to a wide variety of exotic shapes as the puzzle is twisted. If only 180° turns are made, it is possible to scramble only the colors while retaining the puzzle's tetrahedral shape. When 90° and 180° turns are made this puzzle can "shape shift′′.  In spite of superficial similarities, the only way that this puzzle is related to the Pyraminx is that they are both "twisty puzzles"; the Pyraminx is a face-turning puzzle. On the Mastermorphix the corner pieces are non-trivial; they cannot be simply rotated in place to the right orientation.

Solutions.

Despite its appearance, the puzzle is in fact equivalent to a shape modification of the original 3x3x3 Rubik's Cube. Its 4 corner pieces on the corners and 4 corner pieces on the face centers together are equivalent to the 8 corner pieces of the Rubik's Cube, its 6 edge pieces are equivalent to the face centers of the Rubik's Cube, and its non-center face pieces are equivalent to the edge pieces of the Rubik's Cube. Thus, the same methods used to solve the Rubik's Cube may be used to solve the Master Pyramorphix, with a few minor differences: the center pieces are sensitive to orientation because they have two colors, unlike the usual coloring scheme used for the Rubik's Cube, and the face centers are "not" sensitive to orientation (however when in the "wrong" orientation parity errors may occur). In effect, it behaves as a Rubik's Cube with a non-standard coloring scheme where center piece orientation matters, and the orientation of 4 of the 8 corner pieces do not, technically, matter.  Unlike the Square One, another shape-changing puzzle, the most straightforward solutions of the Master Pyramorphix do not involve first restoring the tetrahedral shape of the puzzle and then restoring the colors; most of the algorithms carried over from the 3x3x3 Rubik's Cube translate to shape-changing permutations of the Master Pyramorphix. Some methods, such as the equivalent of Philip Marshall's "Ultimate Solution", show a gradual progression in shape as the solution progresses; first the non-center face pieces are put into place, resulting in a partial restoration of the tetrahedral shape except at the face centers and corners, and then the complete restoration of tetrahedral shape as the face centers and corners are solved.

Number of combinations.

There are four corners and four face centers. These may be interchanged with each other in 8! different ways. There are 3 ways for these pieces to be oriented, since the orientation of the last piece depends on the preceding seven, and the texture of the stickers makes the face center orientation visible. There are twelve non-central face pieces. These can be flipped in 2 ways and there are 12!/2 ways to arrange them. The three pieces of a given color are distinguishable due to the texture of the stickers. There are six edge pieces which are fixed in position relative to one another, each of which has four possible orientations. If the puzzle is solved apart from these pieces, the number of edge twists will always be even, making 4/2 possibilities for these pieces.  The full number is.  However, if the stickers were smooth the number of combinations would be reduced. There would be 3 ways for the corners to be oriented, but the face centers would not have visible orientations. The three non-central face pieces of a given color would be indistinguishable. Since there are six ways to arrange the three pieces of the same color and there are four colors, there would be 2×12!/6 possibilities for these pieces.  The full number is.

The Pyramorphix (), also called Pyramorphinx, is a tetrahedral puzzle similar to the Rubik's Cube. It has a total of 8 movable pieces to rearrange, compared to the 20 of the Rubik's Cube. Though it looks like a simpler version of the Pyraminx, it is an edge-turning puzzle with the mechanism identical to that of the Pocket Cube.

Le Pyramorphix est un casse-tête mécanique tétraédrique équivalent au Pocket Cube. Il a au total huit pièces mobiles pouvant être disposées de telle façon :


Structure.

The 24 prisms are aligned in row with an alternating orientation (normal and upside down). Each prism can adopt 4 different positions, each with an offset of 90°. Usually the prisms have alternating colors.

Notation.

Twisting instructions.

The steps needed to make an arbitrary shape or figure can be described in a number of ways.  One common starting configuration is a straight bar with alternating upper and lower prisms, with the rectangular faces facing up and down, and the triangular faces facing towards the player. The 12 lower prisms are numbered 1 through 12 starting from the left, with the left and the right sloping faces of these prisms are labeled L and R respectively. The last of the upper prisms is on the right, so the L face of prism 1 does not have an adjacent prism.  The four possible positions of the adjacent prism on each L and R sloping face are numbered 0, 1, 2 and 3 (representing the number of twists between the bottom prism and the L or R adjacent prism). Numbering is based on always twisting the adjacent prism so it swings towards the player: position 1 turns the adjacent blocks towards them, position 2 makes a 90° turn, and position 3 turns the adjacent block away from the player. Position 0 is the starting position, therefore it is not explicitly noted in step-by-step instructions.  Using these rules, a twist can be simply described as:

Machine processing.

The position of the 23 turning areas can also be written directly after each other. Here the positions 0, 1, 2 and 3 are always based on the degrees of twist between the right-hand prisms relative to the left-hand prism, when viewed from the right of the axis of rotation. However, this notation is impractical for human readers, because it is difficult to determine the order of the twists.

Fiore method.

Rather than numbers Albert Fiore uses letters to refer to the direction the second (rightward) section is turned in relation to the first (leftward) section: D, L, U, and R. These are listed consecutively rather than numbered, so that a completely straight figure rather than being presumed as a starting point is notated DDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDDD.

Mathematical formulation.

The number of different shapes of the Rubik's Snake is at most 4 = ( ≈ 7×10 or 70trillion), i.e. 23 turning areas with 4 positions each. The real number of different shapes is lower, since some configurations are spatially impossible (because they would require multiple prisms to occupy the same region of space). Berkes Dániel and Jakab Ferenc computed by an exhaustive search that (≈ 1×10) positions are possible when prohibiting prism collisions, or passing through a collision to reach another position; or (≈ 7×10) when mirror images (defined as the same sequence of turns, but from the other end of the snake) are counted as the one position.

A Rubik's Snake (also Rubik's Twist, Rubik's Transformable Snake, Rubik’s Snake Puzzle) is a toy with 24 wedges that are right isosceles triangular prisms. The wedges are connected by spring bolts, so that they can be twisted, but not separated. By being twisted, the Rubik's Snake can be made to resemble a wide variety of objects, animals, or geometric shapes. Its "ball" shape in its packaging is a non-uniform concave rhombicuboctahedron.

Le Rubik's Snake est un casse-tête mécanique composé de 24 prismes triangulaires. Ces triangles sont placés de manière à pouvoir pivoter les uns par rapport aux autres, mais ne peuvent être séparés. Chaque prisme peut adopter quatre positions différentes obtenues par rotations successives de 90°. Habituellement les triangles ont des couleurs alternées. Le Rubik's Snake peut prendre différentes positions comme une ligne droite, une boule, un canard, un rectangle, un serpent et bien d'autres formes encore. Le "Rubik's snake" a été inventé par le professeur Ernő Rubik, aussi connu pour son invention du Rubik's Cube.