Antecedents (1932–1943).

During a hundred years of its history Carlism was headed by six successive claimants with clear heritage rights; however, in the early 1930s it was evident that the dynasty would soon extinguish. The pretender, Don Alfonso Carlos, was 82 when assuming the claim in 1931 and had no issue. For the first time ever the Carlists were neither clear who would be their next king nor how the issue was to be tackled. Don Alfonso Carlos seemed leaning towards a compromise with the Alfonsists, engineered though not sealed by his predecessor, Don Jaime. Such a perspective triggered protests; the dissenting Carlists claimed that a compromise with the liberal Borbón branch would be an insult to generations of their forefathers, who fought and died to topple the hated dynasty.  A Madrid Jaimista weekly "" was since late 1931 among the most outspoken opponents of dynastical compromise. It advocated appointing an heir during Don Alfonso Carlos’ lifetime; initially the focus was on Renato de Borbón-Parma. Headed by an ex-combatant of the Third Carlist War Juan Pérez Nájera, in February 1932 the group presented their cause in a letter to the claimant, who received them at a meeting in Toulouse but refused to bow to any pressure. The Cruzadistas, as they were already known, changed their strategy; though initially they seemed to rely on their king for nominating his heir, they began to call for a grand Carlist assembly, which would settle the issue. They did not propone any specific candidate openly and in a pamphlet by a mid-age military lawyer Jesús Cora y Lira they merely laid out the basics of their reading of the succession law; however, they were already in touch with the oldest daughter of the charismatic Carlist king Carlos VII, Doña Blanca, setting their sights on her youngest son, Barcelona-resident Carlos Pio, referred to as Don Carlos. In 1933 the Cruzadistas suffered two major setbacks. Carlos Pio, following brief incarceration related to the Sanjurjo coup, moved from Spain to Vienna. Don Alfonso Carlos, tired of constant pressure, expulsed the Cruzadistas group and in 1934 convinced his grandnephew to acknowledge having no succession rights. Nevertheless, the expulsed were now free to act; having formed a group with a challenging name, in early 1935 they staged a meeting in Zaragoza. It was styled as a Magna Asamblea advocated earlier; though in private many Carlists might have sympathized with their goals, formally the gathering represented a minor offshoot grouping. It adopted a declaration that Doña Blanca was in position to transmit legitimate hereditary rights to her sons. She publicly distanced herself from the enterprise, but her position changed when in January 1936 Don Alfonso Carlos eventually decided to sort the succession issue by appointing a distant relative, Javier de Borbón-Parma, a future regent. In May 1936 Doña Blanca issued a non-compatible statement declaring that after the death of her uncle, she would accept her hereditary rights to transmit them to her youngest son.  When the Civil War broke out Cruzadistas were re-admitted to. Nevertheless, some Carlist requetés—nominally loyal to Don Alfonso Carlos and after his death in September 1936 to the regent Don Javier - referred to Carlos Pio as to the future king Carlos VIII and used his name as their battle cry. Don Carlos sought permission of his granduncle to enlist to Carlist troops, but was explicitly banned from doing so; later approaches directly to Franco produced only polite refusal. After 1937 Carlos Pio and the Cruzadistas alike refrained from political activity, with key issue on Carlist agenda having been defense of own identity against the Francoist pressure to amalgamate within a new state party. After the 1939 Nationalist victory the former Cruzadista supporters raised their voice again, but in 1940 Doña Blanca declared loyalty to the regent and ignored her 1936 commitment. However, instead of dying out the issue got reinvigorated. At that time what looked like a typical dynastical dispute overlapped with political fragmentation of Carlism, triggered mostly by different views on policy towards Francoism. It soon became evident that many Carlists skeptical about intransigent opposition, mounted by Don Javier, started to look to Don Carlos as to a royal alternative.

Background: Spain in 1943.

After 1936 the emerging Francoist state left the monarchist question parked in obscurity; feeble maneuvers on part of the Alfonsists and the Carlists were dismissed on the ground of wartime necessities. In the early 1940s the monarchist pressure started to mount. The Alfonsist claimant Don Juan, who in 1941–1942 courted Hitler about overthrowing Franco and setting up an authoritarian monarchy, changed his strategy. Now converted to constitutionalism, in March 1943 he addressed Franco with a letter, denouncing the regime as provisional and urging swift monarchical restoration; the response read that restoration based on dynastical or political continuity was out of the question. In June Franco received the most direct challenge so far, when 26 Cortes deputies signed a letter recommending that traditional state institutions be re-introduced. In August Don Juan dispatched another, increasingly bold message, countered shortly afterwards by a note from the Carlist leader, who warned that a future monarchy must be a Traditionalist, not a Liberal one. In September 1943 Franco faced a serious threat to his rule: majority of the most senior army generals signed a letter, in polite but ultimative terms demanding restoration of the monarchy. It was only with greatest difficulty that caudillo managed to talk them into compliance.  The international context of Francoism changed dramatically in 1942–1944. In the early 1940s the Allies were chiefly concerned with preventing Spain from joining the Axis; though unhappy about fascistoid nature of the regime, they could have not afforded ruining their relations with Madrid by challenging Franco's internal policy. The war developments of 1942–1943, especially the Anglo-American landing in North-Western Africa, German military disasters at Stalingrad and in Tunisia and the fall of Mussolini made Spain's entry into war a non-issue. In 1943 the official propaganda of the Allies already marketed a hostile vision of Spain; an American newsreel presented it as a fascist country and anti-Francoist tones in BBC broadcasts elicited protest even from a British press attaché in Madrid. However, the mounting Allied pressure was directed at preventing Spanish supplies to Germany rather than at toppling the regime. In late 1943 the Allied demands regarding termination of shipments to the Nazis became ultimative and spelled the threat of total fuel embargo, which indeed early next year would prove its effectiveness by bringing the Spanish economy to its knees in just two months. The public opinion and politicians in Britain and the United States were turning firmly against Franco. In late 1943 the dictator started to consider an Allied invasion a more likely threat than a German one and soon ordered re-grouping of the Spanish army accordingly.  The increasing domestic monarchist fronde and the international pressure combined convinced Franco that a national-syndicalist regime built so far needed major re-dressing. As following the so-called Begoña crisis the chief architect of totalitarian state, Ramón Serrano Suñer, was already sidetracked, in 1943 the dictator embarked on first major redefinition of the system. The Falangist threads were slightly de-emphasized, while more focus on Catholic and traditional values was combined with efforts to distinguish between the Spanish and the Axis regimes. A quasi-parliament was intended to institutionalize the system and provide it with a non-dictatorial image. Last but not least, caudillo began to consider the monarchist solution seriously. In his trademark style balancing different political groupings, Franco decided to keep supporters of both dynastical options in check by pursuing two paths at the same time. The decreasingly cooperative but still tractable Alfonsist pretender Don Juan was invited to live in Spain, the offer which was ultimately turned down. The intransigent Carlist regent Don Javier was ignored first when trapped in Vichy France and later when arrested by Gestapo and detained in Dachau, but Carlos Pio was welcome in Spain.

Carloctavista claim and its reception.

The Carloctavista claim relied upon the theory developed earlier by the Cruzadistas. The Carlist succession doctrine was based on a French Salic Law, upon its implementation in Spain in the early 18th century modified as. It specified that by default the throne is inherited by males. Later in the 19th century the Carlist doctrine developed into a theory of so-called double legitimacy, namely that a king must by legitimate also by execution, the latter amounting to compliance with Traditionalist principles. Supporters of Carlos VIII advanced a theory, embraced already in 1914 by Vázquez de Mella, that according to the 1713 law an oldest daughter of a legitimate ruler in some circumstances might inherit the succession rights. Since Alfonso Carlos and the second last Carlist king Don Jaime had no children, they focused on Doña Blanca as the oldest daughter of the third last Carlist king, Carlos VII.  The highlight on Doña Blanca shocked many Carlists, convinced that the theory turned Carlism on its head; the movement was triggered by opposition to violation of the 1713 law by Fernando VII, who in 1830 declared his daughter Isabel the future queen. Supporters of Carlos Pio responded that the analogy was false. First, Doña Isabel violated heritage rights of her uncle, while in case of Doña Blanca there was no legitimate male heir. Second, Doña Isabel executed the heritage rights with respect to herself as a queen, while Doña Blanca was merely to transmit them to her son. Another challenge pointed to Don Carlos having been the fifth son of Doña Blanca. The response read that while the oldest brother died with no issue, the other three have excluded themselves from heritage either by concluding morganatic marriages or by non-compliance with double legitimacy theory. The first of these arguments turned against Carlos Pio in 1938, when he concluded a morganatic marriage as well; the issue was then played down until 1949, when abandoned by his wife he requested in Vatican that the marriage be declared invalid. Finally, there were other counter-arguments quoted.  From the Alfonsist perspective all the above was irrelevant debates between supporters of usurper dynasty. The Alfonsists were almost entirely united behind their candidate, Don Juan; only minor controversies related to his older brother, who on basis of his disability renounced all heritage rights in 1933 to backtrack in 1941 and to declare himself head of the House of Bourbon and legitimate heir to the French throne.  Franco's views on monarchy are not entirely clear. He was a loyal subject of Alfonso XIII, who sort of courted his young officer personally. Hence, during the Republic years the Alfonsists were somewhat disappointed by Franco standing clear of monarchist initiatives. His engagement in military plot of 1936 was not motivated by monarchist zeal; like most of the plotters he was bent on confronting proto-revolutionary Left and preventing apparent implosion of the state. During the Civil War he remained highly ambiguous about a would-be restoration, at some stage concluding that sort of it might be necessary as means of sustaining the regime. He cared little about dynastical debates and it seems compliance with his own vision and acceptance of his own leadership were the key criteria of choice. The dictator appreciated Carlism as its anti-democratic outlook to a large extent overlapped his own, but realized also that within the Spanish society it was a minority option and an Alfonsist candidate was more practicable, especially that Alfonsist sympathies prevailed among the top military. Since heads of both branches, Don Juan and Don Javier, refused to be domesticated, caudillo concluded he should proceed on monarchist path as slowly as possible and keeping all options opened. It seems that at that stage Franco considered nothing settled except that a future king is appointed on his own terms.

Ascent (1943–1948).

Since mid-1938 Don Carlos lived o. None of the sources clarifies origins of his move back to Spain in early 1943; in particular it remains obscure whether it was himself or the Francoist authorities who initiated the transfer. Most scholars agree, however, that when in March the family settled in Barcelona, the move must have been at least approved by Franco. Cora y Lira, who after death of Pérez Nájera emerged as the key supporter of Carlos Pio, regularly visited El Pardo; he agreed with caudillo's entourage and with some key Falangists alike that he would soon commence a promotional campaign of the pretender. After Doña Blanca in May reverted to her 1936 pledge and claimed first assuming and then transmitting heritage rights to her youngest son, on June 29, 1943 the latter issued a manifesto, effectively claiming the monarchical succession. The document did not use the name of Carlos VIII and contained no reference to Francoism except a single note on Franco, who fights “peligros como rodean la Patria.”  Supporters of Don Carlos, now named Carloctavistas and again expulsed from the Comunión, started to organize themselves. General Cora y Lira was appointed secretario general of the new claimant, who set up also his Consejo General and embarked on forming Comunión Católico-Monárquica and Juventudes Carlistas, carefully styled not to challenge the ban on all political parties except FET. Enjoying total freedom of movement and accompanied by the police he commenced touring the country. This campaign, exercised in 1944–1946, was aimed at promoting the pretender without seeking massive adhesions; the Octavista political strategy relied upon supporting the regime and ignoring its differences with the Traditionalist doctrine; many of its leaflets featured the "Franco y Carlos VIII" slogan. The official policy was permissive though short of direct endorsement: government and local officials did not attend Carloctavista meetings, however, few Carloctavista supporters landed high admin jobs themselves. The mainstream press were permitted to mention him on the societé rather than political columns. Nevertheless, it remained striking that Don Carlos was the only royal claimant travelling across Spain and openly promoting his cause.  Octavistas were in acute conflict both with mainstream Carlism, loyal to the regency of Don Javier and intransigently opposed to Francoism, and with collaborative branch headed by conde Rodezno and leaning towards dynastic accord with Don Juan. This occasionally led to violent clashes, like in December 1945 in Pamplona. The Carloctavista strength was that many Carlists, tired of semi-clandestine status and envious about open campaign of Don Carlos, were getting increasingly irritated by what they considered inefficient overdue regency. The Carloctavista weakness was that many Carlists saw Carlos Pio as a Francoist puppet, animated with the sole purpose to confuse. As a result, the Carloctavistas, initially referred to as "elites with no supporters", attracted significant backing, though they did not manage to dominate the Javieristas. Some authors claim Carloctavistas might have equaled Javieristas in terms of popularity, enjoying most support in Navarre and in Catalonia. They controlled some of the Carlist periodicals; the highest-positioned though not particularly vehement Octavista supporter was Esteban Bilbao; other nationally known figures included Antonio Iturmendi, Joaquín Bau, Jaime del Burgo and ; many Carloctavistas were politicians known locally.  The climax of Carloctavista bid fell on 1947–1948. Amidst the nadir of international ostracism, Franco decided to make a first formal step towards a monarchy and launched a campaign in favour of "", the document which for the first time officially declared Spain a monarchy. The law left designation of the future king almost entirely in hands of Franco and did not contain a single reference to hereditary claims; it infuriated both Don Juan and Don Javier, who immediately addressed the dictator with protest letters. Don Carlos was from the onset fully supportive of the law and appeared in propaganda campaign related to the 1947 referendum, very cautiously featured in official media like weekly newsreels. At that time some suspected that the law itself might have been written with Carlos VIII in mind.

Descent (1948–1953).

In 1947–48 the international politics turned a corner and though the image of Spain as quasi-enemy from the Second World War lingered, it was getting replaced by perception of quasi-ally in the just commencing Cold War; this rendered monarchist redressing of the regime less urgent. On the other hand, what looked like Franco playing the Carlos VIII card might have worked with regard to Don Juan, who finally agreed to meet the dictator. During their August 1948 encounter it was settled that a 10-year-old son of the claimant, Juan Carlos, would be sent to Spain to continue his education, which indeed took place in November that year. The position of Don Carlos changed dramatically. Though no commitments with regard to Don Juan's son were made and according to the Law of Succession he could be crowned no earlier than in 1968, the regime made a small but visible step towards a would-be Alfonsist restoration. Another blow came in mid-1949, when Christa Satzger abandoned Don Carlos and in Reno obtained an express Nevada-style divorce. This shattered his image of a model Catholic family man and though he requested the marriage be declared void by the Church so that he could remarry, the perspective of a legitimate male descendant became unlikely either in the near future or at all.  The Carloctavistas kept supporting their cause by organizing royal trips, meetings and congresses. In 1948 Juventudes Carlistas published anonymous program booklet; the doctrine was summarized in a long title, "El carlismo no quiere ni una Monarquía absoluta, ni una Monarquía liberal, ni un Estado totalitario, ni un Estado policíaco". The work advanced a fairly Traditionalist vision, founded on monarchical, Catholic, regionalist and organicist threads; it contained no reference to caudillaje system, by no means endorsed Falangist national-syndicalism and when discussing social issues focused on gremialist structures instead. What differed it from orthodox Carlism was that modernizing effort prevailed over focus on tradition; it contained even some democratic references stressing total mobility of the society, unheard of in tradition-entrenched typical Carlist outlook.  The grouping was getting internally divided. 1950 saw emergence of Juntas de Ofensivas de Agitación Carloctavista and Movimiento de Agitación Social Católico Monárquista, two initiatives not agreed with Cora y Lira and apparently confronting his strategy of total commitment to Franco. Two years later they were complemented by Frente Nacional Carlista; it is not clear whether these attempts were discussed with the claimant. In 1950 Francisco Javier Lizarza Inda published "La sucesión legítima a la corona de España", a full-blown lecture of Octavista claim; re-issued in 1951, it won only those convinced already. After a few years of endless petitioning, in 1952 Franco formally received Don Carlos during their only personal meeting; on part of the dictator the move was probably intended to counter Don Javier, who just a month earlier had terminated the Carlist regency and launched his personal claim to the throne. There is no record of their one-hour-conversation, though afterwards Carlos Pio remained ecstatic; feelings were running high also when later that year Franco accepted a Carlos-VIII-created Orden de San Carlos Borromeo.  Any official, semi-official or unofficial endorsement of Don Carlos's claim on part of the regime failed to materialize before in late 1953 he unexpectedly died of cerebral hemorrhage. Though chain-smoker, he was of rather good health, which immediately triggered rumours about a possible assassination attempt; since not a shadow of proof was unearthed, they remained nothing but speculations. Funeral celebrations assumed unexpectedly high-profile; though Franco did not attend, many other top state officials did. Even the popular pro-Alfonsist daily "ABC", which maintained almost perfect blackout on Carlos VIII during the previous ten years, now felt it safe to acknowledge his death; a two-page editorial praised his anti-communism and dwelt on trivia like his affection to motor sports, but did not utter a single word about his royal claim.

Demise (after 1953).

The orphaned Carloctavistas found themselves in total disarray. Most of them, perceiving their cause as hopeless, withdrew to privacy, a few started to near the Javieristas, while almost none joined supporters of Don Juan, by another Carlist branch considered the legitimate heir. Those sticking to the Octavista line focused their attention on different relatives of Don Carlos. Cora y Lira advanced the cause of his older brother, Don Antonio, who seemed leaning towards some sort of political activity. Early 1954 Cora convinced most members of Comunión Católico-Monárquica executive to welcome Don Antonio as Carlos IX, the move which caught him by surprise. Following brief vacillation period, later that year Don Antonio declared that he would not assume any political activity. Most Carloctavista leaders were overwhelmed by this sequence of disasters and sensed that their cause was turning into a grotesque; one of them concluded that "estamos, queridos compañeros, en el más absoluto y completo de los ridículos".  There were some, however, who were determined to go on. Jaime del Burgo suggested that the oldest daughter of Carlos Pio, a 14-year-old Doña Alejandra, is declared "abanderada provisional" so that she could transmit hereditary rights to her future son. Cora y Lira promoted the cause of Don Antonio's 17-year-old son and launched fund-raising campaign to facilitate his settling in Spain, until in 1955 furious might-have-been Carlos IX expulsed Cora for "arbitrario ejercicio del mando". Don Antonio performed a U-turn in 1956: he officially declared himself heir to the Carlist throne and nominated Lizarza Iribarren his delegate in Spain. The confusion was almost total when the same year another brother of late Don Carlos, Don Francisco José, challenged his older sibling and claimed monarchic rights himself, his key supporter turned Cora y Lira.  During the following few years the two brothers—none of them living in Spain—advertised their own claims, e.g. Don Antonio by issuing royal manifestos in the late 1950s and Don Francisco José by fighting nobility-related legal battles before Spanish courts in the early 1960s. In 1961 Don Antonio retired into privacy and Lizarza negotiated formal re-integration of the Antonianos into Comunión; eventually only many local leaders - though not Lizarza himself - in 1962 decided to join the Javieristas and were accepted by Valiente. Don Francisco José in the mid-1960s reduced his activity to few isolated episodes. In 1966 he volunteered to the Spanish embassy in Vienna to declare support for "", just to be subject to a referendum; in 1968 a small group of his supporters showed up at the massive Javierista gathering at Montejurra, staging sort of a semi-suicidal provocation. His cause was supported by few periodicals, mostly "¡Carlistas!" In 1969 "Pueblo", a publication issued by Organización Sindical, published a lengthy interview with Don Francisco José; it was probably part of the last-minute Falangist attempt to block official designation of Don Juan Carlos as the future king.  The Octavistas received what looked like a mortal blow in 1969, with death of the most dedicated supporter of the cause Cora y Lira, even though Don Francisco José passed away in 1975 and Don Antonio in 1987. In the mid 1980s most Carloctavistas, reduced to hardly active minuscule grouplets, merged into a united Traditionalist organization,, which refrained from endorsing any specific claimant or branch. In the Spanish public discourse the Carloctavistas are currently present mostly thanks to a handful of websites, featuring Don Antonio's son as the legitimate king of Spain. Indeed, Don Domingo, residing mostly in New York, decided to raise the claim himself. Though in his 20s he was totally ignorant and indeed indifferent to the Carlist cause, now he styles himself as king and sporadically issues documents like "Proclamación de Don Domingo de Habsburgo-Borbón y Hohenzollern, Rey legitimo de España". The eldest daughter of Carlos Pio lives in Barcelona, and the other in New York; since the early 1960s they maintain no links with Carlism.

Reception and legacy.

Within Carlism the dynastic legitimacy of the Carloctavista claim is still disputed. In general historiography this question remains a minor if not a barely noticed issue. The prevailing theory is that Octavismo owed its political standing to the Francoist policy of checks and balances rather than to the scale of genuine popular support for Carlos VIII. There are, however, vastly different views related to autonomous or non-autonomous character of the movement.  The most bold opinion holds that Carloctavismo was by and large invented by the Francoist regime. This reading is sustained mostly by historians related to Francoism and to Partido Carlista; the latter openly pursue their partisan judgment by naming the Carloctavista supporters "traitors". In some works they acknowledge Cruzadista origins of the movement; in some they present it as almost entirely fabricated by Franco, who pulled his pet claimant out of a hat with the sole purpose to distract the monarchists. The authors from this school claim that for some time the Francoist regime not only tolerated, but in fact promoted and financed Don Carlos, whose adventure was scarcely more than an "appendix to Francoism". At times they specifically identify hard-line syndicalist groups as genuine architects of the plot, quoting claims made by Falangists or ex-Falangists themselves and identifying José Luis Arrese as "el inventor" of Carlos VIII. In few works historians representing such perspective note that neither the invention nor the sustention theory has been proven yet, though that they were widely believed to have been correct at the time.  Many scholars refrain from presenting Carloctavistas as mere puppets of the regime and acknowledge genuine support the group enjoyed. Some of them, both in Spain and abroad, repeat—with reservations or unconditionally—the thesis of financial support lent by the regime, even as late as in the 1960s. Others perform review of different views and limit themselves to concluding that Francoism either was at least amicably tolerating the Carloctavistas or it was lending them at least non-financial forms of support. The collaborationist Octavista line is presented as genuine. Some see it as a conscious political strategy, an attempt aimed at gaining room for open activity and possibly using Francoism as a vehicle for crowning a Carlist king. Some see it as rooted in Carloctavista theoretical framework, to a large extent overlapping with the official doctrine, and wrap up by claiming that "with no doubt, Octavism was either Carlism of the Francoists or Francoism of the offshoot Carlists".  The thesis of fully autonomous character of Carloctavismo is advanced mostly by its activists or their descendants. They focus on pre-Francoist, Cruzadista origins of Don Carlos' claim, dwell on extended network of his supporters and vehemently deny having accepted financial support from the regime. Authors of major monographs on the movement—two out of three not Carloctavistas themselves though certainly Left-wing sympathizers neither—tend to share this perspective. Their works relate the origins of the movement to profound dynastical crisis within Carlism, later enhanced by political fragmentation and bewilderment of Traditionalism resulting from different strategies adopted towards Francoism. Within this perspective, theoretical outlook of the Octavistas is described as having had little in common with Falangist national-syndicalism and having been rather deeply anchored in Traditionalist thought. One scholar suggests Don Carlos stood a real chance of becoming a king, ruined by his wife, who tarnished his image and deprived him of future male descendency. These authors presents Carloctavista stand versus the so-called Rodeznistas, a collaborative and pro-Juanista branch of Carlism, as vehement opposition. Carloctavista support for the regime is presented as an attempt to outsmart the dictator and use the Francoist political setting for own political goals.

Carloctavismo (; the name appears also as "carlosoctavismo", "carlooctavismo", "carlos-octavismo", "carlo-octavismo", or "octavismo") is a branch of Carlism, particularly active in the 1943–1953 period. In terms of dynastical allegiances it advanced the claim to the Spanish throne of Carlos Pio de Habsburgo-Lorena y de Borbón, styled as Carlos VIII, and his relatives. In terms of political line it collaborated very closely with Francoism.

La Communion carliste (en espagnol : "comunión carlista"), plus connue sous le nom de carloctavisme ("carloctavismo") voire octavisme ou carlo-octavisme ("octavismo" ou "carlo-octavismo"), est une branche dissidente du carlisme, un mouvement monarchiste espagnol conservateur. Né dans les années 1930, le carloctavisme connaît un certain développement à la fin des années 1940 et au tout début des années 1950.


Structure.

Paneth cells are found throughout the small intestine and the appendix at the base of the intestinal glands. The Paneth cell increase in numbers towards the end of the small intestine. Like the other epithelial cell lineages in the small intestine, Paneth cells originate at the stem cell region near the bottom of the gland.  However, unlike the other epithelial cell types, Paneth cells migrate downward from the stem cell region and settle just adjacent to it. This close relationship to the stem cell region is thought to suggest that Paneth cells are important in defending the gland stem cells from microbial damage, although their function is not entirely known. Furthermore, among the four aforementioned intestinal cell lineages, the Paneth cells live the longest (18–23 days).

Function.

Paneth cells secrete antimicrobial peptides and proteins, which are "key mediators of host-microbe interactions, including homeostatic balance with colonizing microbiota and innate immune protection from enteric pathogens."  Small intestinal crypts house stem cells that serve to constantly replenish epithelial cells that die and are lost from the villi.  Protection of these stem cells is essential for long-term maintenance of the intestinal epithelium, and the location of Paneth cells adjacent to stem cells suggests that they play a critical role in defending epithelial cell renewal.

Sensing microbiota.

Paneth cells sense bacteria via MyD88-dependent toll-like receptor (TLR) activation which then triggers antimicrobial action.

Secretions.

The principal defense molecules secreted by Paneth cells are alpha-defensins, which are known as cryptdins in mice. These peptides have hydrophobic and positively charged domains that can interact with phospholipids in cell membranes. This structure allows defensins to insert into membranes, where they interact with one another to form pores that disrupt membrane function, leading to cell lysis. Due to the higher concentration of negatively charged phospholipids in bacterial than vertebrate cell membranes, defensins preferentially bind to and disrupt bacterial cells, sparing the cells they are functioning to protect.  Paneth cells are stimulated to secrete defensins when exposed to bacteria (both Gram positive and negative types) or such bacterial products as lipopolysaccharide, muramyl dipeptide and lipid A.  In addition to defensins, Paneth cells secrete lysozyme, tumor necrosis factor-alpha, and phospholipase A2. Lysozyme and phospholipase A2 both have clear antimicrobial activity. This battery of secretory molecules gives Paneth cells a potent arsenal against a broad spectrum of agents, including bacteria, fungi and even some enveloped viruses.

Paneth cells are cells in the small intestine epithelium, alongside goblet cells, enterocytes, and enteroendocrine cells. Some can also be found in the cecum and appendix. They are below the intestinal stem cells in the intestinal glands (also called crypts of Lieberkühn) and the large eosinophilic refractile granules that occupy most of their cytoplasm.

Les cellules de Paneth, avec les cellules caliciformes, les entérocytes et les cellules entéroendocrines, représentent les principaux types de cellules de l'épithélium de l'intestin grêle. Ce sont des cellules exocrines, également présentes dans l'appendice.


Manchurian Industrial Development Company

Compagnie du développement industriel de Mandchourie

History.

Following on the economic success of the South Manchurian Railway Company, and its various subsidiaries, such as the Showa Steel Works, ideological and economic planners from the Kwantung Army developed a comprehensive plan for the future economic and industrial development of Manchukuo per a state socialist model with a command economy. Prominent Japanese entrepreneur and technocrat, Yoshisuke Aikawa, the founder of the Nissan "zaibatsu" was invited to Manchukuo and asked to establish the Manchukuo Industrial Development Company, a joint venture owned 50% by Nissan and 50% by the Manchukuo government, which would oversee the central plan.  The original plan under Naoki Hoshino and other Army planners envisioned a syndicalist economy, with the military allocating monopolies of one firm per industry. From 1932, the Japanese military had created 26 new companies, ranging from automobiles, aircraft, oil refining, shipping, etc.  Aikawa countered that this policy was unrealistic given the undeveloped state of Manchukuo's resources and industrial infrastructure, and persuaded the military leaders that there should be a single state-controlled entity to manage all of resource development and heavy industry. Aikawa argued that the automotive industry and aircraft industry both required a large number of subcontractors, few of whom where present in Manchukuo. To develop these strategic industries, would be necessary to develop all related machinery industries simultaneously.  In October 1937, Aikawa was given his way, and the "Manshū Jukōgyō Kaihatsu Yoko" (Manchurian Heavy Industrial Development Corporation) was established under the aegis of Nissan, which also moved its headquarters to Hsinking, Manchukuo. Aikawa was guaranteed loans from the Industrial Bank of Japan, Bank of Japan using the natural resources of Manchukuo as collateral, and was granted exemption from dual taxation. The South Manchurian Railway Company, Showa Steel Company and other major industrial concerns in Manchukuo were tied into the new company through cross-holding of shares.  In its initial phases, the new conglomerate was a tremendous success, pulling investment into Manchukuo at a tremendous rate. New industries were created along the transportation routes established by the South Manchurian Railway, and the industrial output of Manchukuo began to outstrip Japan in certain sectors by the end of the first Five Year Plan. However, Aikawa faced numerous difficulties partly due to issues with his politics (which were often at odds with the Kwantung Army leadership), and partly due to interference in the operations of Mangyō by members of the Manchukuo civil government. Aikawa resigned in 1942, and moved back to Japan. He was replaced by Tatsunosuke Takasaki; however, with the growing demands of the military due to World War II and the ongoing quagmire for the Japanese military in China, Mangyō faced severe problems in raw materials, labor, and the subordination of its production into military requirements.  Mangyō was dissolved with the destruction of Manchukuo by the Soviet Red Army in the invasion of Manchuria at the end of World War II.

The () was an industrial conglomerate, or "zaibatsu," in the Japanese-controlled Empire of Manchuria (Manchukuo), established at the instigation of the Imperial Japanese Army to further the industrialization of Manchukuo, and in particular, to make it self-sufficient in strategic heavy industries.

La est un conglomérat industriel, ou "zaibatsu," établi par l'armée impériale japonaise afin de mener l'industrialisation du Mandchoukouo, principalement dans le but de le rendre auto-suffisant en industries lourdes stratégiques.


History.

According to an ancient myth, when the gods created the first man, they took him from the waters of Lake Texcoco and placed him alone in Acolman. The arm of this man, ringed by drops of water from the lake is the Aztec glyph for the site. The glyph can also be seen on the monastery which dominates the landscape here. Acolman is derived from a Nahuatl phrase which has been interpreted in various ways. It may mean "man with hand or arm" or "where man is made." Acolman is the modern name but the settlement has been referred to as Oculma, Axuruman and Aculma in colonial era documents.  The municipality is home of the "Tepexpan Man," named after the community in which he was found. The Tepexpan Man is a human fossilized skeleton between 12,000 and 14,000 years old, which was found in the mid-20th century.  The founding of the settlement of Acolman is attributed to the Acolhuas, a Chichimeca tribe, around the 8th century. The settlement started out independent but was first conquered by the Huexotzincas and remained subject to one dominion or another since. By the time of King Nezahualcoyotl, Acolman was an important town in the Texcoco dominion, after it was conquered by the Aztecs in 1396. The town was important because it was the only place in Mesoamerica that specialized in the breeding and raising of dogs (today known as the breed called xoloitzcuintli).  At the time of the Spanish conquest, Acolman was governed by Moctezuma II. After, Acolman became the encomienda of Pedro de Solis de los Monteros and his son Francisco. The Franciscans arrived first, but the Augustinians were in charge of evangelization efforts after 1539, with twenty four friars in residence by 1580. This order built one of the most important early colonial era monasteries in New Spain here.  The 17th and 18th century is marked by severe floodings issues, which caused widespread damage and population shifts. These floods eventually caused the disappearance of towns near Acolman such as Tlacuilocan, Tzapotla and Tescazonco. During one of the attempts to control the rivers in the area, a dam was constructed which cause havoc for the area. During one of the floods, the monastery was submerged in over six feet of water, covering the church floor with silt and nearly destroyed the cloisters. In the 17th and 18th centuries, epidemics such as smallpox decimated the native population.  After the Mexican War of Independence, Acolman became the seat of the municipality of the same name. In 1876, due to political instability, the seat was temporarily moved to a town called Xometla. In 1877, it returned to Acolman and the appendage "de Nezahualcoyotl" as added.  Another flood affected the municipality in 1925 and affected the monastery, but also spurred the beginning of restoration efforts that would last until the end of the 20th century. The monastery was declared a national monument in 1933.  The torch of the 1968 Summer Olympics passed through here on its way to Mexico City.

The town and its monastery.

The town.

The most important feature of the town by far is the former monastery of San Agustin, located next to the main plaza. However, there are some other attractions as well. The Central Library and Casa de la Cultura contain paintings and sculptures by a native of Acolman named Parmeno. At the municipal market, foods such as mixiote, barbacoa, consume and turkey in mole can be found as well as pulque.  Main festivals include the Feast of Saint Nicholas on 10 September, of the Archangel Michael on 29 September and the Virgin of Guadalupe on 12 December. These are celebrated with traditional dances such as Concheros, Arrieros, Contradance, Pastores, Inditos and Teomates as well as fireworks, amusement rides and music.  The most distinguishing festival for the town is the Feria de la Posada y la Piñata (Piñata and Las Posadas Fair), which has been held here every December since 1985. Acolman claims to be the origin of the Las Posadas tradition in Mexico as well as the "cradle" of piñatas, as they have been a tradition here for over 420 years. Both kinds of piñatas, those made with clay pots and those made entirely of paper are created here. Participants gather from various communities in the area and the main event is a piñata contest. There are also horse races, bullfighting, nativity scenes, "pastorelas" a type of play based on the Christmas season, regional dance, and popular music shows. Horse racing is a tradition that dates back to the Mexican Revolution.

The monastery.

Declared a national monument in 1933, the monastery of San Agustín was built between 1539 and 1580 with most of the work being done after 1550. The walls are of rubble-stone construction and covered in plaster, topped by battlements, and the overall appearance is that of fortress. The crown of battlements, the single bell tower, the open chapel and the Plateresque facade identify the complex as a classic 16th century religious construction. The fortress appearance of complexes of this time were not literally for protection but rather served to dominate the landscape much as mediaeval castles in Europe did. In areas where there are carefully fitted stones, these stones have been carved. The construction of the monastery is attributed to Andrés de Olmos. Restoration work has been done in this complex since the 1920s, which has revealed all of the church’s facade and the atrium is terraced down to its original level of construction. This has exposed the flood damage from the colonial period. Most of the murals and frescos had been buried under years of plaster and paints before being restored. The complex is fronted by a large square atrium, and a courtyard before that, the two of which are today separated by a road The most important feature of this atrium area is the high stone cross, which is considered to be an important expression of "tequitqui" or Christian art executed by Indian craftsmen from the very early colonial period. The cross was mostly likely erected between the time that the Franciscans occupied the site and before the architectural sculptures of the current complex. The cross is decorated with plants, flowers and flames at the top (which allude to the Passion of Christ) all sculpted into the stone. There is also a melancholy, mask-like face of Christ, with crown of thorns which projects from the center of the cross. At the foot of the stone cross is a Madonna figures who has been identified as the Virgin of Sorrows and even associated with the goddess Coatlicue. At the feet of this Virgin is a weathered stone skull and a serpent, and in her breast is imbedded a dark stone disk. This follows the Aztec tradition of placing jades or other precious stones in their statues to symbolize the soul.  To the back of the atrium area is the main church, with its rose/tan Plateresque facade reminiscent of the Colegiata de Santa María in Calatayud, Spain. The facade has Classical composite columns with Plateresque sections below the ribbon garniture, Saint Paul under a deep, Gothic-like canopy with a Renaissance angel below. The portal has double Renaissance doors under archivaults decorated with fruit. Above the doors are seahorses on the main frieze and Moorish paneling on the doors themselves. This facade was mostly likely created by Spanish craftsmen and had significant influence on other Augustinian church fronts in New Spain, especial at Yuriria and Cuitzeo in Michaocán and at Metztitlán in Hidalgo. The church building is long, wide and high, with the interior walls particularly high The interior vault was modified and the interior pilasters and exterior buttresses were added in 1735. The main altarpiece dates from 1690 and was put here in the 20th century to replace the original. The side altarpieces date from the 18th century. These Baroque altarpieces are all sculpted in wood and gilded, decorated with plants, flower, celestial figures and angels. The presbytery has a late medieval ribbed vault and important frescos in black, white and orange, with images of saints on thrones, priests and Augustine popes.  The small open chapel, or chapel of the Indians is located on the upper part of the wall between the church and the main portal to the cloister area. This chapel contains two murals from the 16th century by unknown authors depicting the Last Judgement and Catherine of Alexandria.  The monastery consists of two cloisters. The Claustro Chico or small cloister is of simple architecture, constructed in stone with a cross in the center which has an anagram of Jesus' name. The Claustro Grande or large cloister (also called the Naranjo or Orange Tree cloister) has a more elaborate Plateresque design with "Isabelino" type columns. The small cloister may date from the Franciscan period or might be part of the early Augustinian church. Flatted arches on piers with a barrel-vaulted corridor on the ground level and a wood-roofed second level suggest the simple construction of the very early colonial period. Primitive frescos decorate the walls. The stone cross here is very similar to the Franciscan cross at one of the earliest monasteries in Cuernavaca. The crucifixion fresco on the second level is inspired by various European sources of the 15th and 16th centuries such as German prints, Italian and German ornamental panels. Starkly done in black and white, it reflects the continuing importance of the graphic arts. It also has sun and moon designs, common during the early colonial period, which reflect both old European astrological symbols as well as the importance of these in native art. In the larger, more ornate, cloister, there are medallions with images such as the coat of arms of the Augustine order, a symbol for death, and a symbol representing the union of two worlds. The lower floor has a series of stone etchings with scenes related to the Passion of Christ.

Museo Virrenal.

Much of the cloister area is occupied by the "Museo Virrenal" (Colonial Era) founded in 1925 in what were the portico, the kitchen the refectory and the hallway to the refectory. It has three main halls which give a detailed explanation of the construction of the site, the lives of the monks and the collection of paintings and religious objects that are on display. The museum contains more than 120 pieces. Many of the religious artwork and objects are in the third hall and include furniture, cloaks, and other religious garb (some embroidered in gold thread), sculptures in stone, wood and corn stalk paste, and oils from the 16th to the 19th centuries.  A website has been created by INAH to allow for the virtual visitation of the museum. The tour is a series of 360 degree panoramic views of each of the rooms and the pre-Hispanic base over which the monastery was built. Some of the restored rooms that are visible this way include the kitchen and the dispensary. The church is also accessible in this manner.(virtual) The site is at http://www.inah.gob.mx y http://culturainah.org/panorama360/acolman/

The municipality.

As municipal seat, the town of Acolman is the governing authority for over sixty other named communities,(inegi) which cover a total area of 86.88 km. At the 2010 census, the total population of the municipality was 136,558, but only about four percent of this population lives in the town proper.(inegi) The municipality borders the municipalities of Tecámac, San Juan Teotihuacán, San Salvador Atenco, Tezoyuca, Chiautla, Tepetlaoxtoc and Ecatepec.

Towns and villages.

The municipal seat, Acolman de Nezahualcóyotl, has a population of 5,571 inhabitants, while the largest city (locality) in the municipality, Tepexpan, has a population of 102,667, more than 18 times as big. This is the largest relative difference between any municipal seat and its largest locality of any municipality in Mexico. The largest localities (cities, towns, and villages) are: The municipality is located on a plain in the northern portion of the Valley of Mexico called the Valley of Teotihuacan. It has only three significant elevations. The eastern border is marked by the Sierra de Patlachique and the west is marked by a mountain called Chiconautla. Chiconautla and Tlahuilco are forested and are protected areas. From the mountains that surround this plain flow a number of streams such as the San José and the San Antonio, which are commonly called the Rio Grande and the Rio Chico. The municipality lacks fresh water springs, with most potable water coming from deep wells. The climate is temperate and semi-arid with rains in the summer. Temperatures can range from 36 °C in the summer to -4 °C in the winter. Forested areas of the municipality contain trees such as ahuehuete, mesquite, eucalyptus and Peruvian pepper. In the lower, flatter regions, the flora consists of shrubs, grasses, cactus and other plants adapted to dry areas. Wildlife consists mostly of small mammals such as rabbits and skunks, small reptiles such as the chameleon and insects.

Climate.

Most of the municipality’s territory is dedicated to agriculture. Major crops include barley, corn, sorghum, wheat, maguey, and various vegetables. Orchards also exist there producing capulins, peaches, pears, figs, plums, white sapote, tejocotes and apricots. Livestock includes cattle, pigs, goats and domestic fowl. The second most important economic activity is industry, producing processed foods, drinks, tobacco products and leather goods. Mining is limited to gravel, sand and other construction materials. There are small deposits of gold, silver, copper, quartz and mercury, but they have not been exploited. Most mines are located near the communities of San Pedro Tepetitlan and Xometla. Commerce is mostly limited to serving local needs.  The municipality has a narrow economic base, based on manufacturing and agriculture, with much of the farmland still in ejido status. Acolman is a bedroom community with many of its workers commuting to places such as Mexico City proper and other cities in the State of Mexico. Of those working in the municipality, less than ten percent of the population is employed in agriculture with the rest evenly split between industry and commerce. Population growth has been significantly slower than in other parts of the Mexico City area.  In 2008, Moody's assigned a classification of A3.mx (Mexico scale) and Ba3 (global scale) to the municipality of Acolman. The reasons behind the grades are that while the municipality has a moderate amount of debt and adequate financial development, there have been some management issues in recent years. It also reflects the limited economic base of the area and the need for infrastructure. The municipality needs between 12.5 and 25 million pesos worth of roadwork, which it cannot finance and needs help from the State of Mexico. Unlike other municipalities in the Greater Mexico City area, water supply is based on a system of nineteen water suppliers, with only three owned by the municipality.  The main tourist attractions are the archaeological zone of Tepexpan, where the fossilized bones of the Tepexpan man were found, and the former monastery of San Agustin de Acolman. The Tepexpan Museum is located in the community of the same name, famous due to the discovery of the "Tepexpan Man", a human skeleton which is more than 12,000 years old. It was found in 1945 by Dr. Helmut de Terra and Alberto R. Arellano. The museum exhibits mammoth remains as well as flint and obsidian tools. Other attractions in the municipality include the former haciendas of San Antonio, Tepexpan and Nextlalpan. The San Antonio Hacienda is one of the few colonial-era haciendas what has managed to preserve its original architecture. Today it operates as a recreational center. The Castillo Dam was constructed in the 18th century. Other attractions include the "Cueva de los Gatos" cave, and the Cuevas de la Amistad (Friendship Caves) has areas dedicated to medicinal herbs in addition to the caves. The Sierra de Patlachique is an eco-tourism park with facilities for picnicking, swimming, football, cycling and camping.  One important community outside the seat is called Cuanalán, which is a Nahua community. Fewer than 500 people can still speak an indigenous language, but a number of traditions survive. The community of Cuanalán is noted for its musicians, especially those dedicated to wind instruments. The better known groups include Los Vasquez, Los Juárez and Los Chicanos.

Acolman de Nezahualcóyotl is a town and municipality located in the northern part of State of Mexico, part of the Greater Mexico City area, just north of the city proper. According to myth, the first man was placed here after being taken out of Lake Texcoco. In the community of Tepexpan, the fossilized bones more than 12,000 years old of a man were found in the 20th century. The settlement was founded in the 8th century and was an important commerce center at the time of the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire. After the Conquest, Acolman became the site of an important Augustinian monastery in the 16th century which still contains important art and architecture from that time period.

Acolman (du nahuatl "Ācōlmān") est une municipalité de l'État de Mexico dans la zone métropolitaine de la vallée de Mexico au Mexique.


Background.

At the turn of the 19th century, French Indochina was in the midst of an explosion of railway construction sponsored by its colonial government. A railway from Indochina reaching toward Yunnan was first conceived by Jean Marie de Lanessan, Governor-General of French Indochina from 1891 to 1894. De Lanessan had been convinced of the necessity of building railways to connect the different parts of Indochina, and had identified, among others, a route connecting Hanoi and Lào Cai that should be built as a matter of priority. His recommendations were seized upon by Paul Doumer, Governor-General from 1897 to 1902, who expected that the establishment of a railway line leading into resource-rich Yunnan would permit France to gain a foothold there and to gain privileged access to the Chinese market. His proposal to the French government, submitted soon after his appointment in 1897, included plans for a railway connecting Hai Phong to Kunming. This railway, approved in 1898, was the only railway line proposed by Doumer to be accepted in its entirety.  Construction of the first two legs of the railway began in Haiphong, Vietnam in 1900 and continued until 1906, when tracks finally reached Lào Cai, on the Chinese border. Construction of the Hekou–Kunming leg began in 1906 and continued until 1910. This section opened on April 1, 1910. The Faux-Namti bridge was constructed across the Sicha River, which lay in the path of the railway, from 1907 to 1908.

Construction.

The bridge's construction, carried out by the Batignolles Construction Company, was particularly difficult and expensive. Its position over one hundred metres above the Sicha River required the development of novel construction methods, and its remoteness from large population centres, which complicating transportation of materials to and from the site. By the time it was complete, initial cost estimates for the railway had been revised from the equivalent of 19.2 million USD to 33.1 million USD.  Construction crews initially broke through to the gorge at kilometre 111.860 on March 10, 1907. Having eliminated a masonry bridge as a possibility, company engineers turned to metal beams as structural units. A cantilever bridge was found to be out of the question, as was erection by falsework. Engineer Paul Bodin devised the solution, which consisted of two triangular trusses, arranged similarly to the leaves of a bascule bridge, supporting a set of beams that would form the span of the bridge. The trusses would be anchored into notches cut further down the cliff.  Initial masonry work began on February 1, 1908, beginning with the excavation of shelves in each cliff face at the requisite height to carry the anchorages below the tunnel mouths on either side of the gorge. Installation of the anchorages was completed on May 3, 1908. The top members of each of the triangular trusses were riveted up, laid vertically flat against the cliff faces, and secured firmly with lashes. From this foundation each truss was completed. As the construction of the trusses progressed, niches were cut out from the cliff face above the tunnels to create platforms, upon which powerful winches were installed. Each of these carried heavy chains measuring in length, which were transported by coolies up the mountain face, a walking distance of around. The chains were passed around the winches and the outer ends were attached to the tops of the trusses. Construction of the trusses was completed on June 2, 1908, at which point each one was pinned firmly to its anchorage and the lashes were released, leaving the trusses to be held in place by the chains above.  Installation of the trusses was completed on July 16, 1908. The winches, manually operated by groups of labourers, were used to lower the trusses steadily and evenly towards each other until the two arms met in the middle. Labourers then crossed into the gap from either side and rapidly drove in the pins and rivets which secured the two trusses firmly in position. The whole task of lowering and securing the trusses took only four hours, which was considered a noteworthy achievement. Two short steel towers were then erected on the central part of each truss to support the straight steel deck of the bridge, the members of which were brought up to the mouth of the tunnel and launched by being pulled out over rollers. Installation of the straight beam was finished on November 31, 1908. One week later, on December 6, 1908, the bridge was opened and the first train crossed over the gorge.

References.

Notes  References

The Faux Namti Bridge () (alt. "Nami-ti"), also known as Wujiazhai Railway Bridge (五家寨铁路桥), or as the Inverted V Bridge (, "rén zì qiáo", referring to the shape of the character 人), is a single-span railway bridge located in Wantang Township (湾塘乡) of Pingbian County, in the Nanxi River valley region in the Chinese province of Yunnan. The bridge spans a gorge above the Sicha River (), a tributary of the Nanxi. It is located at kilometer 111 of the Kunming–Hekou Railway, the Chinese portion of part of the Kunming–Haiphong railway. Construction of the bridge was carried out by the French Batignolles Construction Company ("Société de Construction des Batignolles"), beginning in March 1907 and ending in December 1908.

Le viaduc de Faux-Namti ("Nami-ti"), aussi connu sous les noms de "pont à arbalètriers"ou "Inverted V Bridge", ou "Pont Renzi", Wujiazhai tielu qiao (五家寨铁路桥) en chinois, est un pont ferroviaire à travée unique, situé dans le canton de Wantang du Xian de Pingbian, sur la rivière Sicha (四岔河), un affluent du fleuve Nanxi, dans la province chinoise du Yunnan. Depuis 2006, le pont est inscrit au Sites historiques et culturels majeurs protégés au niveau national en Chine.


History.

The Chapter of the Cathedral of Apt was founded on 4 August 991 by Bishop Teudericus, in consultation with Prince Guillaume of Provence, Archbishop Annone of Arles, Archbishop Amalric of Aix, and Bishop Ingilram of Cavaillon, out of the clerics who served the cathedral. The original charter establishes a corporation composed of a Provost and twelve canons. By March 1247, dignities of the chapter are named in addition to the Provost: the Archdeacon, the Sacristan, the Precentor, and the Operarius.  In 1790 the National Constituent Assembly conceived a plan to destroy the influence of the Estates throughout France and bring the whole country under central administration. This was to be done by the creation of some 83 or 84 'départements'. At the same time the Church was to be brought into subordination by abolishing the old ecclesiastical diocesan system and creating new dioceses which would have the same boundaries as the departments. The plan made more than fifty of the 135 Catholic dioceses in France redundant. The details were enacted by the Legislative Assembly, under the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790). The diocese of Apt was one of the dioceses which were declared redundant and were suppressed. The abolition of Catholic dioceses was a violation of Canon Law, and the requirement that the clergy were to be obliged to take an oath to the Constitution in order to hold their jobs and collect their state-supplied salaries brought about a schism. New bishops and priests under the Constitutional system were to be elected by special 'Electors' in each department, who did not need to be Catholics or even Christians. That too was uncanonical and schismatic. The vows of monks and nuns were abolished by the National Assembly, and their property was seized by the State.  In 1801 First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte was preparing to end the religious confusion in France by entering into a Concordat with the Vatican. He had plans for the future, and he required a united France in order to carry them out successfully. In separate actions both he and Pius VII called on all bishops in France to submit their resignations. On November 29, 1801, by the bull "Qui Christi Domini", Pope Pius VII suppressed all of the Roman Catholic dioceses in France, and immediately reinstituted them under papal authority. This act did away with whatever doubt or ambiguity might still exist as to a 'Constitutional Church' and 'Constitutional dioceses' in France. Apt was not one of the dioceses that was restored.  The name of the diocese was revived, however, by Pope Benedict XVI in January 2009, as a titular see for bishops who have no diocese of their own.

The former French Catholic diocese of Apt, in southeast France, existed from the fourth century until the French Revolution. By the Concordat of 1801, it was suppressed, and its territory was divided between the diocese of Digne and the diocese of Avignon. Its seat was at Apt Cathedral, in Vaucluse.

Le diocèse d'Apt (en latin : "") est un de l'Église catholique en France. Érigé au, il est un des diocèses historiques de la Provence.


Papal election reforms of Pope Benedict XVI

Instructions.

"De aliquis mutationibus in normis de electione Romani Pontificis".

John Paul's 1996 rules had introduced some "radical" innovations that allowed the cardinal electors, after 33 ballots (not counting any ballot taken on the first day of the conclave), to determine by majority vote how to proceed, allowing them to lower the majority needed for election from two-thirds of those voting to as little as a simple majority, and allowing them to restrict the balloting to the candidates who had received the most votes in the preceding ballot. John Paul had then received "more than a few requests" (""), according to Benedict, to restore the traditional requirement of a two-thirds majority. The two-thirds majority requirement had been established by the Third Lateran Council in 1179.  Since participants in a conclave are bound by an oath of secrecy, the impact of these changes on the one conclave where they controlled is unknowable. Observers imagine two opposite effects. During the papal election in 2005, once the votes for Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger exceeded a simple majority, his supporters knew they could continue voting for him until they were able to institute the simple majority rule that John Paul allowed. On the other hand, it is questionable whether Ratzinger would have accepted election on such terms, as the first pope in centuries with the support of a bare majority of the electors.  Benedict issued "De aliquis mutationibus in normis de electione Romani Pontificis" on 11 June 2007 after two years as pope. In this five-paragraph document, Benedict denied the cardinal electors the options John Paul had allowed them and retained only John Paul's determination that a change was required after many ballots had failed to produce a result. He restored the two-thirds majority rule. He established the procedure that after 33 ballots (still excluding the first day's ballot if any), additional ballots would allow voting only for the two candidates with the greatest number of votes in the preceding ballot, and he excluded those two candidates from participation in the balloting.

"Normas nonnullas".

Benedict resigned the papacy on 11 February 2013, effective 28 February. On 22 February he issued his second set of instructions on the papal election process, "Normas nonnullas". Following his resignation, cardinals had questioned the rule that they delay starting the conclave until 15 days after the papacy fell vacant. Benedict allowed them to begin earlier "if all the Cardinal electors are present" and to delay the start until 20 days pass "for serious reasons". He modified the oath of secrecy to be taken by all support personnel, making excommunication the automatic punishment ("") for violations of the oath, which had previously been punished at the discretion of the new pope.  The cardinals began meeting in General Congregation, including both cardinal electors and those too old to participate in the balloting, on 4 March. The last of the cardinal electors arrived on 7 March, Cardinal Jean-Baptiste Phạm Minh Mẫn of Vietnam. They took advantage of Benedict's modification of the rules and voted on 8 March to begin the conclave on 12 March.

In the course of his papacy, Benedict XVI (r. 2005–2013) issued two documents altering certain details of the procedures for electing a pope: "De electione romani pontificis" on 11 June 2007 and "Normas nonnullas" on 22 February 2013. These instructions amended the extensive set of rules and procedures issued on 22 February 1996 by his predecessor John Paul II in his apostolic constitution "Universi Dominici gregis".

Normas Nonnullas (en latin, « Certaines normes ») sont les premiers mots d'une lettre apostolique, sous forme de "motu proprio", rédigée le par le pape Benoît XVI et publiée le 25, dont l'objet est de modifier certains points dans les normes relatives à l'élection du Pontife Romain.


Biography.

Born in Queens, New York, to a Polish-American policeman and an Irish-born mother, she was the first model to use a single name. The name Dovima is composed of the first two letters of her three given names.  Dovima was discovered on a sidewalk in New York by an editor at "Vogue", and had a photo shoot with Irving Penn the following day. She worked closely with Richard Avedon, whose photograph of her in a floor-length black evening gown with circus elephants—"Dovima with the Elephants"—taken at the Cirque d'hiver, Paris, in August 1955, has become an icon and sold for $1,151,976 in 2010. The gown was the first evening dress designed for Christian Dior by his new assistant, Yves Saint-Laurent. Dovima was reputed to be the highest-paid model of her time; she commanded $60 per hour when most of the top models were receiving anything up to $25 per hour. She became known as the Dollar-a-Minute Girl.  She had a minor role as an aristocratic-looking, but empty-headed, fashion model with a Jackson Heights whine: Marion in "Funny Face" (Paramount, 1957).  Dovima gave birth to a daughter named Allison on July 14, 1958, in Manhattan. Allison's father was Dovima's second husband, Allan Murray.  When the marriage to Murray ended in divorce, causing her to become penniless, Dovima first tried acting then attempted working as an agent during the 1960s. Eventually, by the 1970s, she found herself moving in with her parents who had relocated to Florida, and was working as a hostess at The Two Guys Pizza Parlor in Fort Lauderdale, Florida by the 1980s.  She died of liver cancer on May 3, 1990 at the age of 62.

Dorothy Virginia Margaret Juba (December 11, 1927 – May 3, 1990), professionally known as Dovima, was an American model during the 1950s.

Dovima, née Dorothy Virginia Margaret Juba le à New York et morte le à Fort Lauderdale, est un mannequin américain. Remarquée en 1949, elle figure notamment sur l'un des plus célèbres clichés de l'histoire de la photographie de mode, "Dovima et les Éléphants", prise par son compatriote photographe Richard Avedon. Elle apparaît également dans quelques séries télévisées.


Life.

Thomas "Toivi" Blatt was born on April 15, 1927, to a Jewish family in Izbica, Second Polish Republic, where his father owned a liquor store. The population of the town was 90 percent Jewish at the time according to the "Holocaust Encyclopedia". Tomasz (Toivi) also had a brother. During the occupation of Poland by Nazi Germany in World War II, his family was forced into the Izbica Ghetto created by the SS in 1941, the largest transit ghetto in the Lublin Reservation. On April 28, 1943, Blatt was taken to Sobibór by truck with about 400 Jews from Izbica. Members of his family were killed there on arrival. Thomas (age 16) along with 40 young men was selected to join the "Arbeitsjuden" in the Lower, and later, the Upper Camp, where he cut the hair of naked women before gassing.  During the one year and a half in which the Sobibór killing centre operated, at least 167,000 people were murdered there, according to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; virtually all of the victims were Jews, mostly from Poland, France and the Netherlands. Other estimates range from 200,000 (Raul Hilberg) to 250,000 (Dr. Aharon Weiss, and Czesław Madajczyk).

Escape from Sobibór.

Blatt was among some 300 prisoners who attempted to escape from the camp during the uprising staged by the Sobibór underground on October 14, 1943.

Emigration.

In 1957, Blatt emigrated from Stalinist Poland to Israel and in 1958 settled in the United States. In the late 1970s and 1980s, he worked for Richard Rashke, an American journalist and author who wrote the "Escape from Sobibor" first published in 1982. Blatt was commissioned by Rashke to help him locate and interview Sobibór survivors for the story of the revolt.  Blatt also did his own research. In 1983, he interviewed Karl Frenzel after his release from prison, a Nazi German who had been third in command at Sobibór. Frenzel, convicted at trial and sentenced to life in prison for his actions at the camp, was released on appeal after serving 16 years. Blatt later claimed that his interview was the first one after World War II in which an extermination camp survivor spoke face-to-face with a camp functionary.  The 1983 book by Rashke was adapted into the award-winning 1987 television film, "Escape from Sobibor". It portrayed the events leading up to, and including the uprising in Sobibór. Blatt served as a technical adviser on the film. The revolt leaders Leon Feldhendler and Alexander Pechersky, as well as other camp prisoners including Blatt were played by actors. The film was directed by Jack Gold and shot in Yugoslavia.  Blatt wrote two books about Sobibór. His first mémoire, "From The Ashes of Sobibor" (1997), is about his life before the war and the German occupation of Izbica leading up to the deportation of his family to the Sobibór death camp. His second mémoire titled "Sobibor: the forgotten revolt" (1998) also based on his own experience and supplementary research, and written with the help of his son Leon Blatt, describes the story of the prisoner revolt of October 14, 1943, as remembered by Alexander Pechersky and others. The book material was used as the source for his personal website by the same name.  Blatt lived in Santa Barbara, California. He died at his home on October 31, 2015, at the age of 88.

Thomas "Toivi" Blatt (born Tomasz Blatt; April 15, 1927 – October 31, 2015) was a Jewish-American Holocaust survivor, writer of mémoires, and public speaker, who at the age of 16 escaped from the Sobibór extermination camp during the uprising staged by the Jewish prisoners in October 1943. The escape was attempted by about 300 inmates, many of whom were recaptured and killed by the German search squads. Following World War II Blatt lived in the Soviet-controlled Poland until the Polish October revolution. In 1957, he emigrated to Israel, and in 1958 settled in the United States.

Thomas Blatt, aussi appelé Toivi Blatt et né Thomasz Blatt, né le à Izbica, un shtetl à l'Est de la Pologne et mort le à Santa Barbara (Californie), est un juif polonais survivant du camp d'extermination de Sobibor. Seuls 53 Juifs ont survécu. Il existe donc très peu de témoignages sur ce camp.


Algerian nationalism in the early 1900s.

A new generation of Muslim emerged in Algeria at the time of World War I and grew to maturity during the 1920s and 1930s. It consisted of a small but influential class of "évolués", other Algerians whose perception of themselves and their country had been shaped by wartime experiences, and a body of religious reformers and teachers. Some of these people were members of the few wealthy Muslim families that had managed to insinuate themselves into the colonial system in the 1890s and had with difficulty succeeded in obtaining for their sons the French education coveted by progressive Algerians. Others were among the about 173,000 Algerians who had served in the French army during World War I or the several hundred thousand more who had assisted the French war effort by working in factories. Many Algerians stayed on in France after 1918, and sent the money they earned there to their relatives in Algeria. In France they became aware of a standard of living higher than any they had known at home and of democratic political concepts, taken for granted by Frenchmen in France, which "colons", soldiers, and bureaucrats had refused to apply to the Muslim majority in Algeria. Some Algerians also became acquainted with the pan-Arab nationalism growing in the Middle East.

Political movements.

One of the earliest movements for political reform was an integrationist group, the Young Algerians ("Jeunese Algérienne"). Its members were drawn from the small, liberal elite of well-educated, middle-class "évolués" who demanded an opportunity to prove that they were French as well as Muslim. In 1908 they delivered to France's Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau a petition that expressed opposition under the status quo to a proposed policy to conscript Muslim Algerians into the French army. If, however, the state granted the Muslims full citizenship, the petition went on, opposition to conscription would be dropped. In 1911, in addition to demanding preferential treatment for "the intellectual elements of the country", the group

Foreign inspiration.

Algeria's Islamic reform movement took inspiration from Egyptian reformers Muhammad Abduh and Muhammad Rashid Rida and stressed the Arab and Islamic roots of the country. Starting in the 1920s, the reform ulema, religious scholars, promoted a purification of Islam in Algeria and a return to the Qur'an and the "sunna", or tradition of the Prophet. The reformers favored the adoption of modern methods of inquiry and rejected the superstitions and folk practices of the countryside, actions that brought them into confrontation with the "marabouts". The reformers published their own periodicals and books, and established free modern Islamic schools that stressed Arabic language and culture as an alternative to the schools for Muslims operated for many years by the French. Under the dynamic leadership of Shaykh Abd al Hamid Ben Badis, the reformist ulama organized the Association of Algerian Muslim Ulema ("Association des Uléma Musulmans Algériens", AUMA) in 1931. Although their support was concentrated in the Constantine area, the AUMA struck a responsive chord among the Muslim masses, with whom it had closer ties than did the other nationalist organizations. As the Islamic reformers gained popularity and influence, the colonial authorities

Viollette Plan.

The mounting social, political, and economic crises in Algeria for the first time induced older and newly emerged classes of indigenous society to engage from 1933 to 1936 in numerous acts of political protest. The government responded with more restrictive laws governing public order and security. In 1936, French socialist Léon Blum became premier in a Popular Front government and appointed Maurice Viollette his minister of state. The Ulemas and in June 1936 the Star of Messali, sensing a new attitude in Paris that would favor their agenda, cautiously joined forces with the FEI.  Representatives of these

Polarization and politicization at the time of WWII.

Algerian Muslims rallied to the French side at the start of World War II as they had done in World War I. Nazi Germany's quick defeat of France, however, and the establishment of the collaborationist Vichy regime, to which the "colons" were generally sympathetic, not only increased the difficulties of the Muslims but also posed an ominous threat to the Jews in Algeria. The Algerian administration vigorously enforced the anti-Semitic laws imposed by Vichy, which stripped Algerian Jews of their French citizenship. Potential opposition leaders in both the European and the Muslim communities were arrested.  Allied landings were made at Algiers and Oran by 70,000 British and United States troops on November 8, 1942, in coordination with landings in Morocco. As part of Operation Torch under the overall command of General Dwight D. Eisenhower, Algiers and Oran were secured two days later after a determined resistance by French defenders. On November 11, Admiral François Darlan, commander in chief of Vichy French forces, ordered a ceasefire in North Africa. Algeria provided a base for the subsequent Allied campaign in Tunisia.  After the fall of the Vichy regime in Algeria, General Henri Giraud, Free French commander in chief in North Africa, slowly rescinded repressive Vichy laws despite opposition by "colon" extremists. He also called on the Muslim population to supply troops for the Allied war effort. Ferhat Abbas and twenty-four other Muslim leaders replied that Algerians were ready to fight with the Allies in freeing their homeland but demanded the right to call a conference of Muslim representatives to develop political, economic, and social institutions for the indigenous population "within an essentially French framework". Giraud, who succeeded in raising an army of 250,000 men to fight in the Italian campaign, refused to consider this proposal, explaining that "politics" must wait until the end of the war.

The manifesto of the Algerian People.

In March 1943, Abbas, who had abandoned assimilation as a viable alternative to self-determination, presented the French administration with the Manifesto of the Algerian People, signed by fifty-six Algerian nationalist and international leaders. Outlining the perceived past and present problems of colonial rule, the manifesto demanded specifically an Algerian constitution that would guarantee immediate and effective political participation and legal equality for Muslims. It called for agrarian reform, recognition of Arabic as an official language on equal terms with French, recognition of a full range of civil liberties, and the freeing of political prisoners of all parties.  The French governor general created

Demanding autonomy from france.

A new factor influencing Muslim reaction to the reintroduction of the Viollette Plan — which by that date even many moderates had rejected as inadequate — was the shift in Abbas's position from support for integration to the demand for an autonomous state federated with France. Abbas gained the support of the AUMA and formed Friends of the Manifesto and Liberty ("Amis du Manifeste et de la Liberté", AML) to work for Algerian autonomie with equal rights for both Europeans and Muslims. Within a short time, the AML's newspaper, "Égalité", claimed 500,000 subscribers, indicating unprecedented interest in independence. By this time, over 350,000 Algerian Muslims (out of a total Algerian Muslim population of nine million) were working in France to support their relatives in Algeria, and many thousands more worked in towns. Messali and his PPA still rejected anything short of independence.  Social unrest grew in the winter of 1944–45, fueled in part by a poor wheat harvest, shortages of manufactured goods, and severe unemployment. On May Day, the clandestine PPA organized demonstrations

Algerian nationalism and the war of independence.

Political mobilisation.

Between March and October 1954, the CRUA organised a military network in Algeria comprising six military regions (referred to at the time as "wilayat"; singular: "wilaya"). The leaders of these regions and their followers became known as the "internals". Ben Bella, Mohammed Khider, and Hocine Aït Ahmed formed the External Delegation in Cairo. Encouraged by i.e. Egypt's President Gamal Abdul Nasser (r. 1954–71), their role was to gain foreign support for the rebellion and to acquire arms, supplies, and funds for the wilaya commanders. In October the CRUA renamed itself the National Liberation Front ("Front de Libération Nationale", FLN), which assumed responsibility for the political direction of the revolution. The National Liberation Army ("Armée de Libération Nationale", ALN), the

Defining the nation.

The many and versatile events of the war of liberation in Algeria (see Algerian war) between 1954 - 1962, one of the longest and bloodiest decolonisation struggles, have in different ways shaped past and present ideas about the Algerian nation. Both warring parties resorted extensively to violence, and the collective memory of torture during the Algerian war of Independence still lingers heavily on the national identity of Algeria.  The FLN was

The dissonant role of the Woman in Algerian nationalism.

Women played a major yet diverse role in the war of independence in Algeria (see Women in the Algerian War), as physical participants but also as symbolic contestation. The war could in one way be seen as a battle to win hearts and minds of the people, and the body and idea of the Muslim woman was an arena of major confrontation between the French and the FLN. One the one hand, French rule was justified (as in many other conflicts and contexts) by pointing

FLN as the symbol of national liberation.

The Battle of Algiers (1956-57) was a phase of the war that could be described as militarily won by the French but politically won by FLN. The French strategy, led by Charles de Gaulle and General Maurice Challe, alienated the population and resulted in international condemnation of the brutality of the French method. The first time Algerians’ right to self-determination was recognised was in a speech by de Gaule on

Evolution of Algerian nationalism after independence.

In 1963, the Nationality law defined Algerianness on the basis of ethno-cultural terms, which meant that on paper, someone's participation in the war of independence was the signifier of their nationality. This meant amongst many things that even Europeans who had fought on the Algerian side in the war could earn the right to become Algerians.

Algeria – Mecca of the revolutionaries.

In 1962, Ben Bella was after a turbulent couple of months named president of the independent Algeria, and drawing upon a largely mythical and invented past tried to ambitiously govern the post-colonial reality. The relationship between leaders and ordinary people was under the first years of independence a seemingly egalitarian one, building upon the social levelling present in Algerian nationalism even since Messali Hadj. Ben Bella contributed to the mapping of Algeria as a model country in the fight against colonial and imperial rule, and

Diverse 1970s and 80s.

During the 1970s and 80s, much happened in the Algerian society. Early on, Boumedienne made efforts to strengthen the national image, independence from the outside world was emphasised and oil and gas was nationalised. Even though the idea of a collective independence remained present, multiple identities increasingly competed to patent what it was to be Algerian. The cultural battle between French, Berber and Arabic boomed - and the political elite favoured Arabisation

"Black Decade” and the tearing apart of the collective Algerian self.

In the shift from 1980 to 1990 the political culture in Algeria was steaming. Internationally, the communist eastern bloc had just fallen and Islamism was on the rise. Meanwhile, the country was ongoing democratisation and was planning its first multi party election, which the FIS (Islamic Salvation Front) seemed to win. In this context, polarisation bloomed, the political climate toughened and materialised in violence and it got increasingly hard to debate differences verbally. The situation culminated in the Algerian civil war between multiple Islamist groups and the military, who had taken control over the

Young generation and the fall of Bouteflika.

The current anti-Bouteflika demonstrations in Algeria (Manifestations de 2019 en Algérie or 2019 Algerian protests) were, especially in the beginning, extremely careful not to be identified with the Islamist civil war of the 1990s or with the Arab spring of early 2010. The protests have been enormous and reoccurred every Friday – but remained peaceful for a long time. Later protests have seen increased presence of the military, which has a long history of intervening in Algerian politics.  Some important symbols stemming from earlier times of Algerian history have however appeared

Algerianism.

The term Algerianism has had two meanings in history, one during the French colonial era, and another one after the independence of Algeria.  During the French era, "algérianisme" was a literary genre with political overtones, born among French Algerian writers (see "Algerian literature") who hoped for a common Algerian future culture, uniting French settlers and native Algerians. The term "algérianiste" was used for the first time in a 1911 novel by Robert Randau, "Les Algérianistes". A "Cercle algérianiste" was created in France in 1973 by Pieds-Noirs, with several local chapters. It has for "purpose to safeguard the cultural heritage born from the French presence in Algeria."  In Algerian contemporary politics, "algerianist" is a political label given to Algerian nationalists whose policies focus more on the unity of Algeria's nation-state beyond regional idiosyncrasies.  The modern Arabic language actually has two distinct words which can be translated into English as "nationalism": "qawmiyya" قومية, derived from the word "qawm" (meaning "tribe, ethnic nationality"), and "wataniyya" وطنية, derived from the word "watan" (meaning "homeland, native country"). The word "qawmiyya" has been used to refer to pan-Arab nationalism, while "wataniyya" has been used to refer to patriotism at a more local level (sometimes disparaged as "regionalism" by those who consider pan-Arabism the only true form of Arab nationalism). Algerianism is the Algerian patriotism, against pan-Arabist nationalism and different forms of regionalisms.

Algerian nationalism has been shaped by Algerian-French dichotomies; tensions between the French, the Berber and the Arabic language and culture; socialist as well as Islamic ideologies; and gendered symbols of nationhood—and continues to evolve in the present manifestations taking place in Algeria. It was inspired by people such as Ben Badis and Djamila Bouhired who were two of the many opposing French colonial rule in Algeria.

Le mouvement national algérien désigne le mouvement sociopolitique qui, né au début du pendant la colonisation française de l’Algérie, mène au déclenchement de la guerre d'indépendance de ce pays en 1954. Il comprend deux tendances politiques : les réformistes d'une part et les indépendantistes d'autre part.