Background.

By the 1820s, the controversy surrounding the Missouri Compromise had quieted down considerably, but was revived by a series of events near the end of the decade. Serious debates over abolition took place in the Virginia legislature in 1829 and 1831. (See Thomas Roderick Dew#Dew and slavery.) In the North, discussion began about the possibility of freeing the slaves and then resettling them back in Africa (a proposal that led to the founding of Liberia). Agitation increased with the publication of David Walker's "Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World" in 1829, Nat Turner's slave rebellion in 1831, and Andrew Jackson's handling of the nullification crisis that same year. According to Louis Ruchame, "The Turner rebellion was only one of about 200 slave uprisings between 1776 and 1860, but it was one of the bloodiest, and thus struck fear in the hearts of many white southerners. Nat Turner and more than 70 enslaved and free blacks spontaneously launched a rebellion in Southampton County, Virginia, in August 1831. They moved from farm to farm, indiscriminately killing whites along the way and picking up additional slaves. By the time the militia put down the insurrection, more than 80 slaves had joined the rebellion, and 60 whites lay dead. While the uprising led some Southerners to consider abolition, the reaction in all Southern states was to tighten the laws governing slave behavior."  That same year, South Carolina's opposition to the federal tariff led the legislature to declare that the law was null and void in the state, and the state's leaders spoke of using the militia to prevent federal customs agents from collecting the tax. President Andrew Jackson swept aside the states' rights arguments and threatened to use the army to enforce federal laws. In the face of Jackson's determination, the state backed down, but the episode raised fears throughout the South that it was only a matter of time before Congress would begin to tamper with slavery. Southern anxiety increased in 1833 with the founding of the American Anti-Slavery Society in Philadelphia.  In the 1820s the focus of anti-slavery was the American Colonization Society, founded on Madisonian principles of gradual, government-compensated emancipation. Consistent with existing and durable prejudices in the nation at the time, President James Madison believed that blacks and whites could not integrate into society together, and thus wanted to institute a policy of separation. Madison said that integration (at the time called "amalgamation") was impossible, because there would always be oppression, hatred, and hostility between former slaves and former slave holders. He also claimed, in his so-called "Memorandum on an African Colony for Freed Slaves", that “freedmen retained the vices and habits of slaves.” He advocated for resettlement of former slaves to the west coast of Africa, where the Society was to found Liberia.

The Society.

The society was considered controversial and was sometimes met with violence. According to the "Encyclopedia Britannica", "The society's antislavery activities frequently met with violent public opposition, with mobs invading meetings, attacking speakers, and burning presses." In the mid-1830s, slavery had become so economically involved in the U.S. that getting rid of it would cause a major blow to the economy.  A convention of abolitionists was called for December of 1833 at the Adelphi Building in Philadelphia. The convention had 62 delegates, of which 21 were Quakers. The new American Anti-Slavery Society charged William Lloyd Garrison with writing the organization's new declaration. The document condemns the institution of slavery and accuses slave owners of the sin of being a "man-stealer". It calls for the immediate abolition of slavery without conditions, and is critical of the efforts of the American Colonization Society. At the same time, it declares the group to be pacifist, and the signers agree, if necessary, to die as martyrs. Beginning in January 1834 and ending in August of the same year, the society published the American Anti-Slavery Reporter, a monthly periodical containing professional essays regarding the subject of slavery. In July 1834 the aims of the society appear to have been misrepresented in the prelude to the Farren Riots in New York, which led to attacks on the homes and properties of abolitionists. After the riots were quelled the society issued a public disclaimer:  The black clergyman Theodore S. Wright was a significant founding member and served on the executive committee until 1840. A Presbyterian minister, Wright, together with well-known spokesmen such as Tappan and Garrison, agitated for temperance, education, black suffrage, and land reform. According to Wright, I will say nothing about the inconvenience which I have experienced myself, and which every man of color experiences, though made in the image of God. I will say nothing about the inconvenience of traveling; how we are frowned upon and despised. No matter how we may demean ourselves, we find embarrassments everywhere. But, this prejudice goes farther. It debars men from heaven. While sir, slavery cuts off the colored portion of the community from religious privileges men are made infidels. What, they demand, is your Christianity? How do you regard your brethren? How do you treat them at the Lord's table? Where is your consistency in talking about the heathen, traversing the ocean to circulate the Bible everywhere, while you frown upon them at the door? These things meet us and weigh down our spirits... Many founding members used a practical approach to slavery, saying economically it did not make sense. Wright used the rhetoric of religion to elicit empathy toward African Americans, and presented slavery as a moral sin.  Frederick Douglass had seen the frustration that Garrison felt towards those who disagreed with him, but wrote many letters to Garrison describing to him the details of the prejudices that slavery had caused. One in particular was directed towards the church. According to Douglass, In the South I was a member of the Methodist Church. When I came north, I thought one Sunday I would attend communion, at one of the churches of my denomination, in the town I was staying. The white people gathered round the altar, the blacks clustered by the door. After the good minister had served out the bread and wine to one portion of those near him, he said, "These may withdraw, and others come forward"; thus he proceeded till all the white members had been served. Then he drew a long breath, and looking out towards the door, exclaimed, "Come up, colored friends, come up! for you know God is no respecter of persons!" I haven't been there to see the sacraments taken since. Douglass hoped his letters would remind Garrison why slavery should be abolished. Douglass' reminder did not ease the minds of those against Garrison.  In 1840, the American Anti-Slavery Society was invited to the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London, England, to meet and network with other abolitionist initiatives of the time. Additionally, it served to strengthen each group's commitment to racial equality. At this convention, female delegates were not allowed to participate in the event, but rather observe only, from a gallery. The ruling to exclude female abolitionists caused feminists Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton to form a group for women’s rights, though it garnered little success initially. Garrison arrived to the convention late and upon hearing of the decision not to allow women to participate, he chose not to enter the Convention, but viewed the proceedings with the women in the gallery. This became the genesis for the women’s suffrage movement.

Publications.

According to the "Encyclopedia of Slavery and Abolition in the United States", Weld held the positions of Manager, 1833–1835, and Corresponding Secretary, 1839–1840. "Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography" states that "in 1836 he...was appointed by the American Anti-slavery Society editor of its books and pamphlets."

The split in the organization.

In 1839, the national organization split over basic differences of approach: Garrison and his followers were more radical than other members. They denounced the U.S. Constitution as supportive of slavery, were against established religion, and insisted on sharing organizational responsibility with women. Disagreement regarding the formal involvement of women became one of the principal factors which contributed to the dissolution of the organization.. In the western United States, women held more important roles in the American Anti-slavery Society. Attitudes of equalitarianism were more widely accepted and women were viewed as "coworkers, not subordinates." Women not only held leadership positions, but also attended various societies and conventions. In contrast, women's participation in the American Anti-slavery Society became a quite contentious issue in the eastern United States. Women who were publicly passionate about abolition were seen as fanatics. A minority of anti-feminist delegates, who were more moderate on many issues, left the society, forming the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. Wright was among them. They were more conservative, supporting organized religion and traditional forms of governance, and excluding women from leadership. Another issue was whether abolitionists should enter politics as a distinct party.  Along with differing opinions about the role of women, the Liberty Party emerged as a separate anti-slavery organization that broke away from the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1839 in order to pursue an abolitionist agenda through the political process. As a radical, Garrison did not believe it prudent to fight the system from the inside. Because women in the West had a more fluid approach to their political involvement, particularly when it came to Garrison's staunch disagreement with the Constitution, they were drawn to supporting the Liberty Party. The disruption of the American Anti-Slavery Society, however, caused little damage to abolitionism.  At the annual Society meeting in New York, on May 12, 1840, the first item of business was the appointment of a Committee of Business. Eleven people were chosen, with William Garrison the chairman. One of them was a woman, Abby Kelley. "The vote appointing Miss Kelley being doubted, the house was divided, and on a count there appeared 557 in favor and 451 against her election. Lewis Tappan, Amos A. Phelps, and Charles W. Denison successively asked to be excused from serving on the committee, for reasons assigned; having reference to the appointment of Miss Kelly as a member. They were excused."  Because of this schism in national leadership, the bulk of the activity in the 1840s and 1850s was carried on by state and local societies. The antislavery issue entered the mainstream of American politics through the Free Soil Party (1848–54) and subsequently the Republican Party (founded in 1854). The American Anti-Slavery Society was formally dissolved in 1870, after the Civil War and Emancipation.

The American Anti-Slavery Society (AASS; 1833–1870) was an abolitionist society founded by William Lloyd Garrison and Arthur Tappan. Frederick Douglass, an escaped slave, was a key leader of this society who often spoke at its meetings. William Wells Brown was also a freed slave who often spoke at meetings. By 1838, the society had 1,350 local chapters with around 250,000 members.

L'American Anti-Slavery Society (1833-1870) est une société abolitionniste que William Lloyd Garrison et Arthur Tappan fondèrent et dont le siège se situa à New York. Les anciens esclaves Frederick Douglass ou William Wells Brown furent quelques-uns de ses orateurs principaux. En 1838, la société comptait locales et près de. Les membres les plus connus étaient Theodore Dwight Weld,,, Lydia Maria Child, Marie Weston Chapman, Abby Kelley Foster,, Henry Highland Garnet,,,, Lucretia Mott, Lucy Stone, et Wendell Phillips. De 1840 à 1870, elle édita un journal hebdomadaire, le "National Anti-Slavery Standard".


Design.

The W71 design emerged in the mid-1960s as the result of studies of earlier high-altitude nuclear tests carried out before the Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty of 1963. A number of tests, especially those of Operation Fishbowl in 1962, demonstrated a number of previously poorly understood or underestimated effects. Among these was the behaviour of x-rays created during the explosion. These tended to react with the atmosphere within a few tens of meters at low altitudes (see rope trick effect). At high altitudes, lacking an atmosphere to interact with, the mean free path of the x-rays could be on the order of tens of kilometers.  This presented a new method of attacking enemy nuclear reentry vehicles (RVs) while still at long range from their targets. X-rays hitting the warhead's outermost layer will react by heating a thin layer of the material so rapidly that shock waves develop that can cause the heat shield material on the outside of the RV to separate or flake off. The RV would then break up during reentry. The major advantage of this attack is that it takes place over long distances, as great as, which covers the majority of the "threat tube" containing the warhead and the various radar decoys and clutter material that accompanies it. Previously the ABM had to approach within less than of the warhead to damage it through neutron heating, which presented a serious problem attempting to locate the warhead within a threat tube that was typically at least a kilometer across and about ten long.  Bell received a contract to begin conversion of the earlier LIM-49 Nike Zeus missile for the extended range role in March 1965. The result was the Zeus EX, or DM-15X2, which used the original Zeus' first stage as the second stage along with a new first stage to offer much greater range. The design was renamed Spartan in January 1967, keeping the original LIM-49 designation. Tests of the new missile started in April 1970 from Meck Island, part of the Kwajalein Test Range that had been set up to test the earlier Nike Zeus system. Because of a perceived need to rapidly deploy the system, the team took a "do it once, do it right" approach in which the original test items were designed to be the production models.  The warhead for Spartan was designed by Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL), drawing on previous experience from Operation Plowshare. A nuclear explosion at high altitude has the disadvantage of creating a significant amount of electronic noise and an effect known as "nuclear blackout" that blinds radars over a large area. Some of these effects are due to the fission fragments being released by the explosion, so care was taken to design the bomb to be "clean" to reduce these effects. Project Plowshares had previously explored the design of such clean bombs as part of an effort to use nuclear explosives for civilian uses where the production of long-lived radionuclides had to be minimized.  To maximize the production of x-rays, the W-71 is reported to have used a gold tamper, rather than the usual depleted uranium or lead. The lining normally serves the primary purpose of capturing x-ray energy within the bomb casing while the primary is exploding and triggering the secondary. For this purpose, almost any high-Z metal will work, and depleted uranium is often used because the neutrons released by the secondary will cause fission in this material and add a significant amount of energy to the total explosive release. In this case the increase in blast energy would have no effect as there is little or no atmosphere to carry that energy, so this reaction is of little value. The use of gold maximizes the production of x-rays as gold efficiently radiates thermal x-rays (see Moseley's law). This efficient release of x-rays when heated is the same reason that inertial confinement fusion experiments like the National Ignition Facility use gold-covered targets. In Congressional testimony on potential dismantling of the W71, a DOE official described the warhead as "a gold mine".  Another advantage of using a gold tamper and lining is that neutron capture events generally form Au-198 which has a half life of 2.697 days and beta decay energy of 0.41 MeV, which is in the hard x-ray to gamma ray spectrum. This helps reduce the nuclear blackout effects.  In 2008, the United States Department of Energy declassified the fact that the radiation case of the W71 contained thorium metal.

Lethality.

Under good conditions, the W-71 warhead had a lethal exo-atmospheric radius as much as, although it was later stated to be against "soft" targets, and as little as against hardened warheads.

Production & service history.

There were 30 to 39 units produced between 1974 and 1975. The weapons went into service, but were then taken right back out of service in 1975 and the warheads stored until 1992 when they were dismantled. The short service life of the W-71-Spartan and Safeguard Program in general, is believed to have been partly tied to it largely becoming obsolete with the development of Soviet offensive MIRV (Multiple independent re-entry vehicles) warheads, that unlike MRVs (multiple re-entry vehicles), can create a substantial spacing distance between each warhead once they arrive in space - and therefore would require at least about one Spartan missile launch to intercept each MIRV warhead. Fatally though, as the cost of the Spartan missile interceptor and an enemy ICBM were roughly the same, an adversary could afford to simply overwhelm the ABM system by adding ICBMs with MIRV warheads to its nuclear arsenal.

Proof-test "Cannikin".

Prior to the W71 test, a calibration test known as Milrow of Operation Mandrel was conducted in 1969. Despite political and pressure group opposition to both tests, and in particular the full yield W71, coming from then US Senator Mike Gravel and the nascent Greenpeace, a Supreme Court decision led to the test shot getting the go-ahead, and a W71 prototype was successfully tested on 6 November 1971 in Project Cannikin of Operation Grommet in the world's largest underground nuclear test, on Amchitka Island in the Aleutian Islands off Alaska. The second highest-yield underground test known occurred in 1973, when the USSR tested a 4 Mt device "392"  The W71 was lowered down a borehole into a man-made cavern in diameter. A instrumentation system monitored the detonation. The full yield test was conducted at 11:00am local time November 6, 1971 and resulted in a vertical ground motion of more than at a distance of from the borehole, equivalent to an earthquake of magnitude 7.0 on the Richter scale. A and crater formed two days later.  Film of the test has been declassified and can be seen in the third of the Atomic Journeys documentaries Welcome To Ground Zero.

The W-71 nuclear warhead was a US thermonuclear warhead developed at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California and deployed on the LIM-49A Spartan missile, a component of the Safeguard Program, an anti-ballistic missile (ABM) defense system briefly deployed by the US in the 1970s.

La W71 était une ogive thermonucléaire américaine déployée dans les missiles Spartan. Ces missiles faisaient partie d'un système anti-balistique américain brièvement déployé dans les années 1970.


Life.

Willigus was born in the Duchy of Saxony, possibly at Schöningen, the son of a free peasant. The able and intelligent young man received a good education, and was recommended by Bishop Volkold of Meissen to the service of Emperor Otto the Great. About 971, Willigis was appointed chancellor, an office formerly held by the emperor's brother Archbishop Bruno of Cologne. Until 973 he served Otto throughout the last years of his reign and at the height of his power.  In 975 Emperor Otto II made him Archbishop of Mainz and Archchancellor for Germany. Of humble origin, Willigis had to cope with many objections; he immediately had Pope Benedict VII confirm his supremacy as metropolitan bishop. Soon he started to build the great Cathedral of Mainz. Willigis demanded solid learning in his clergy too. He was known as a good and fluent speaker. In March 975 he received the pallium from Pope Benedict VII. In January 976 Willigis probably consecrated the first Bishop of Prague, Thietmar (Dětmar) at Brumath in Alsace, whose diocese was put under his jurisdiction.  At the 983 "Reichstag" of Verona, Otto II vested him with large territories in the Rheingau region, thereby laying the foundations for the Prince-Bishopric of Mainz. Upon the emperor's death, Willigis as "Primas Germaniae", on Christmas 983 crowned his three-year-old son Otto III "Rex Romanorum" at Aachen. After the Dowager Empress Theophanu died in 991, Willigis became guardian of the minor, thus making him, together with Otto's grandmother, Adelaide of Italy, "de facto" regent of the Empire until Otto III reached his majority in 994.  In 996 he was in the retinue of the King on his journey to Italy. Together with Otto III he pushed the election of Pope Gregory V against the resistance of the Roman nobility led by Crescentius the Younger and was present at the consecration and at the synod convened a few days later. In this council Willigis strongly urged the return of Bishop Adalbert of Prague, who, unable to bear the conflicts with the Vršovci noble family and the ruling Přemyslid dynasty, had left his diocese for a second time, to which, after much correspondence between the Holy See and Willigis, he had once already been forced to return in 993. In 997 Pope Gregory V sent the decrees of a synod at Pavia to Willigis, "his vicar", for publication.  He was on friendly terms with Rome, though the Papacy stood at its nadir. These relations were somewhat disturbed by the dispute of Willigis with Bishop Bernward of Hildesheim about jurisdiction in the house of secular canonesses at Gandersheim Abbey. The immediate monastery established in 852 was originally situated at Brunshausen in the Diocese of Hildesheim, but was transferred to nearby Gandersheim within the territorial limits of the Archdiocese of Mainz. Both bishops claimed jurisdiction, until Pope Sylvester II finally declared in favour of Hildesheim, against Willigis' initial resistance.  His protégé was the scholarly and just Burchard, who was appointed Bishop of Worms by Emperor Otto III in 1000. Upon the Emperor's early death, Archbishop Willigis on 7 June 1002 crowned the Duke of Bavaria Henry IV as King of the Romans at Mainz, after the assassination of his rival Margrave Eckard I of Meissen. Willigis presided at the 1007 synod at Frankfurt am Main, where thirty-five bishops signed the bull of Pope John XVIII for the erection of the Diocese of Bamberg.  Though Willigis has never been canonized, Roman Catholics celebrate his feast on 23 February, the day of his death in 1011. It has also been alternatively given as 18 April.

Builder.

In his diocese he laboured by building bridges, constructing roads, and fostering commerce. In Mainz he initiated the construction of Cathedral and consecrated it on 29 August 1009, dedicating it in honor of St. Martin of Tours, but on the same day, disastrously, it was destroyed by fire. Willigis immediately gave orders for reconstruction.  Willigis greatly helped the restoration of the old collegiate church of St. Victor and built that of St. Stephan. He also built churches at Brunnen in Nassau and Seesbach. He showed great solicitude for the religious, and substantially aided the monasteries of St. Ferrutius at Bleidenstadt, of Disibodenberg, and of Jechaburg in Thuringia. Because the Cathedral had not yet been rebuilt, he was buried in the Church of St Stephan.

Saint Willigis (; ; 940 – 23 February 1011 AD) was Archbishop of Mainz from 975 until his death as well as archchancellor of the Holy Roman Empire.

Willigis de Mayence (° vers 940 à Schöningen, en Basse-Saxe † à Mayence) ou saint Willigise, était archevêque de Mayence.


History.

The SJHL was formed in July 1968 as a result of the Western Canada Hockey League (WCHL) splitting away from the Canadian Amateur Hockey Association (CAHA) and affiliating with the rival Canadian Hockey Association led by Ron Butlin. CAHA president Lloyd Pollock helped to set up meetings across Western Canada to outline the CAHA's development plan for teams which had remained within the CAHA. Later that month, he approved a series of exhibition games for teams in the Ontario Hockey Association to play the Regina Pats and Weyburn Red Wings, after Regina and Weyburn had asked for assistance in forming a new Saskatchewan Junior Hockey League. Pollock also laid out plans to make player transfers easier between provinces to support the Saskatchewan teams.  The league was originally known as the Saskatchewan Amateur Junior Hockey League until 1973. They re-adopted the "Amateur" in their name in 1980 and carried it until the 1987–88 season, when they dropped the "Amateur" again. They were one of the original Tier II Junior A leagues in the realignment of 1970. Their first two seasons they were eligible for the Memorial Cup.

Humboldt Broncos bus crash.

On April 6, 2018 the Humboldt Broncos team bus suffered a fatal crash on their way to the team's semi-final playoff game against the Nipawin Hawks. Ten players, two coaches, an athletic therapist, two employees of a local radio station, and the bus driver were killed in the collision. The remaining passengers were injured, some critically. The SJHL playoffs were postponed as a result (the Hawks were leading the series 3–1 and the Estevan Bruins waiting to play the winner in the finals). SJHL President Bill Chow called the incident the league's "worst nightmare".

League champions.

"Please note: In chart, league champions are bolded."

Media.

In the wake of the Humboldt Broncos bus crash, TSN aired a national broadcast of the team's 2018-19 home opener.  In January 2019, the league announced a broadcasting deal with SaskTel, under which a game will be carried on its television service per-month for the remainder of the season, as well as coverage of the league final.

The Saskatchewan Junior Hockey League is a Junior A ice hockey league under Hockey Canada, a part of the Canadian Junior Hockey League. Open to North American-born players 20 years of age or younger, the SJHL's 12 teams play in three divisions: the Olympic Buildings, Sherwood and Viterra Divisions. A major attraction in Saskatchewan, the SJHL draws 400,000 fans each season. The winner of the SJHL playoffs continues on to play in the ANAVET Cup against the champion from the MJHL, for the right to represent the Western region at the Centennial Cup, the national Junior A championship.

La Ligue de hockey junior de la Saskatchewan ou LHJS (également appelée par le nom anglais "" ou plus simplement par le sigle SJHL) est une ligue de hockey sur glace junior située dans la Saskatchewan au Canada. La ligue est une sous section de la Ligue canadienne de hockey junior et comprend 12 équipes jouant dans trois division : Viterra, Sherwood et Global Ag Risk Solutions.


History.

The road is long and runs through rough mountain country. The sections from Kunming to the Burmese border were built by 200,000 Burmese and Chinese laborers during the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 and completed by 1938. The construction project was coordinated by Chih-Ping Chen. It had a role in World War II, when the British used the Burma Road to transport materiel to China before Japan was at war with the British. Supplies would be landed at Rangoon (now Yangon) and moved by rail to Lashio, where the road started in Burma.  In July 1940, the British government yielded, for a period of three months, to Japanese diplomatic pressure to close down the Burma Road to supplies to China. After the Japanese overran Burma in 1942, the Allies were forced to supply Chiang Kai-shek and the nationalist Chinese by air. United States Army Air Force cargo planes, mainly Curtiss C-46s, flew these supplies from airfields in Assam, India, over "the hump", the eastern end of the Himalayas. Under British command Indian, British, Chinese, and American forces, the latter led by General Joseph Stilwell, defeated a Japanese attempt to capture Assam and recaptured northern Burma. In this area they built a new road, the Ledo Road which ran from Ledo, Assam, through Myitkyina and connected to the old Burma Road at Wandingzhen, Yunnan, China. The first trucks reached the Chinese frontier by this route on January 28, 1945.  From 1942–1944, 98 percent of all US lend lease to China went directly to US Army units in China, not the Chinese military.

The Burma Road () was a road linking Burma with the southwest of China. Its terminals were Kunming, Yunnan, and Lashio, Burma. It was built while Burma was a British colony to convey supplies to China during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Preventing the flow of supplies on the road helped motivate the occupation of Burma by the Empire of Japan in 1942. Use of the road was restored to the Allies in 1945 after the completion of the Ledo Road. Some parts of the old road are still visible today.

La route de Birmanie est une route stratégique construite par les Britanniques durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale entre Lashio (Birmanie) et Kunming (Chine) pour approvisionner l'armée nationale révolutionnaire du Kuomintang qui luttait contre les japonais. Coupée par les forces japonaises en 1942, elle fut remplacée par un pont aérien et complétée par la route de Ledo passant plus au nord entre Ledo (Inde) et le nord de la Birmanie.


Details.

Gabriel's ex-bandmate Phil Collins, who succeeded him as Genesis's lead vocalist, played drums on several of the album's tracks. "Intruder" has been cited as the first use of Collins' "gated drum" sound. This effect, as created by Steve Lillywhite, Collins and Hugh Padgham, was featured on Collins' and Genesis's recordings throughout the 1980s. The distinctive sound was identified via experiments by Lillywhite, Collins and Padgham, in response to Gabriel's request that Collins and Jerry Marotta not use cymbals on the album's sessions.  "Artists given complete freedom die a horrible death," Gabriel explained to Mark Blake. "So, when you tell them what they can't do, they get creative and say, 'Oh yes I can,' which is why I banned cymbals. Phil was cool about it. [Marotta] did object and it took him a while to settle in. It's like being right-handed and having to learn to write with your left."  So significant and influential was the sound that it has been claimed by Gabriel, Padgham, Collins, and Lillywhite. It was cited by Public Image Ltd as an influence on the sound of their album "The Flowers of Romance," whose engineer, Nick Launay, was in turn employed by Collins to assist with his solo debut, "Face Value". Paul Weller, who was recording with his band the Jam in a nearby studio, contributed guitar to "And Through the Wire". Gabriel believed Weller's intense guitar style was ideal for the track.  The album, produced by Gabriel and Lillywhite, was Gabriel's first and only release for Mercury Records in the United States, after being rejected by Atlantic Records, who handled U.S. distribution for Gabriel's first two solo albums and his last two albums with Genesis. Upon hearing mixes of session tapes in early 1980, Atlantic A&R executive John Kalodner deemed the album not commercial enough for release, and recommended Atlantic drop Gabriel from their roster.  "Atlantic Records didn't want to put it out at all," Gabriel told Mark Blake. "Ahmet Ertegun said, 'What do people in America care about this guy in South Africa?' and 'Has Peter been in a mental hospital?' because there was this very weird track called 'Lead a Normal Life'. They thought I'd had a breakdown and recorded a piece of crap... I thought I'd really found myself on that record, and then someone just squashes it. I went through some primordial rejection issues."  By the time the album was released by Mercury several months later, Kalodner – now working for the newly formed Geffen Records label and having realised his mistake – arranged for Geffen to pursue Gabriel as one of their first artist signings. Geffen (at the time distributed by Atlantic sister label Warner Bros. Records) reissued the album in 1983, after Mercury's rights to it lapsed, and marketed it in the United States until 2010, when Gabriel's back catalogue was reissued independently by Real World Records. (Coincidentally, Mercury is now a sister label to Geffen after Mercury's parent PolyGram merged with Geffen's parent Universal Music Group in 1999.)  "I Don't Remember" was performed on Gabriel's 1978 tour for his second album. An earlier studio version was to be the A-side of the first 7" single released in advance of the album by Charisma in Europe and Japan, but a Charisma executive thought Robert Fripp's guitar solos were not radio-friendly. This earlier version wound up as the B-side of the advance "Games Without Frontiers" single instead in those territories. It was included on the B-sides and rarities comp, Flotsam And Jetsam, released in 2019. The album version of this song appeared as the A-side of a 12" single in the United States and Canada.  Gabriel jokingly summarised the album's themes as "The history of a decaying mind". He added: "State of mind was definitely an area of interest at the time of writing it, but I never really set out with a concept. It was merely different songs, which perhaps have fitted into one particular slant." Of "No Self Control", he said: "That's something which I've observed in myself and in other people... In a state of depression, you have to turn on the radio, or switch on the television, go to the fridge and eat, and sleeping is difficult."

Artwork.

The photo was taken with a Polaroid SX-70 instant camera. The sleeve's designer Storm Thorgerson said: "Peter himself joined with us at Hipgnosis in disfiguring himself by manipulating Polaroids as they 'developed'... Peter impressed us greatly with his ability to appear in an unflattering way, preferring the theatrical or artistic to the cosmetic."

Critical reception.

In 1989, the album was ranked No. 45 on "Rolling Stone" magazine's list of the "100 Greatest Albums of the 80's".  In 2000, "Q" magazine placed the album at No. 53 in its list of the 100 Greatest British Albums Ever.  In 2006, Q placed the album at No. 29 in its list of "40 Best Albums of the '80s", the only Gabriel album to make the top 40.

"Ein deutsches Album".

"Ein deutsches Album" (English: "A German Album"), released in July 1980, is a German-language version of "Peter Gabriel". Gabriel sang German vocals on top of completely new recorded instrumental and backing vocal tracks. The German lyrics are translations from the English. Two years later, Gabriel released "Deutsches Album" (1982), a significantly altered version of his fourth album "Peter Gabriel" (1982) (known as "Security" in the United States and Canada). In February 1980, German-language versions of "Games Without Frontiers" and "Here Comes the Flood" were released as a single in Germany. German adaptation was done by H. Konigstein.  All songs written by Peter Gabriel. "Texte" (that is, lyrics) by Peter Gabriel and.

Peter Gabriel is the third eponymous solo album by English rock musician Peter Gabriel, released on 30 May 1980 by Charisma Records. The album has been acclaimed as Gabriel's artistic breakthrough as a solo artist and for establishing him as one of rock's most ambitious and innovative musicians. Gabriel also explored more overtly political material with two of his most famous singles, the anti-war song "Games Without Frontiers" (which became a No. 4 hit and remains his joint highest charting single in the UK) and the anti-apartheid protest song "Biko", which remembered the murdered activist Steve Biko. The album was remastered, along with most of Gabriel's catalogue, in 2002.

Peter Gabriel est le troisième album solo de Peter Gabriel sorti en 1980. Les quatre premiers enregistrements studio de Gabriel étant sans titre, cet album est communément désigné soit par le numéro "3", soit par le terme "Melt" (« fonte / fondu ») en référence à la couverture, une photo de l'artiste retouchée de manière à donner l'impression que son visage est en train de fondre.


Early life.

Sonya Butt was born in Kent on 14 May 1924. When war broke out in 1939, she was 15 years old, though by then the family had moved to Woking.

Service in the Women's Auxiliary Air Force.

Butt was only a schoolgirl at the start of the war, and would not be due to join up for at least a couple of years. Her preference was for the Women's Auxiliary Air Force (WAAF), as her father had served in the RAF himself, but the minimum age join the WAAF was 171⁄2. Butt joined up the very day she became eligible: 14 November 1941, becoming 454240 Aircraftwoman (ACW) Butt. She served in the Administrative Branch. In 1941, women were banned from front-line service. In April 1942, however, this provision was changed and one of the first organisations to take advantage of this was the Special Operations Executive (SOE). SOE trained teams to operate 'behind the lines' in countries under Nazi occupation. The role of courier was particularly important, as movements around a district were likely to encounter German check-points, and a male of military or working age attracted adverse attention; a woman on a bicycle, however, was less likely to be suspected, and if she attracted attention at all, it was usually the sort that makes a besotted sentry forget to check papers and luggage properly. SOE began to look for potential female couriers, but the work was highly dangerous and required toughness mind and body to perform under such pressure, so SOE had to be very demanding, very selective and very secretive. It did not advertise its vacancies and recruited by 'the usual methods': word of mouth, and other quiet and roundabout means; a skill in the appropriate language was a good starting point.  Whilst working at RAF Gosforth (alongside another future SOE agent, Patricia O'Sullivan), Butt had been advertising her fluency in French in an attempt to get attached to the Free French squadrons and escape her dreary routine. She failed in this bid, but this did bring her to the attention of SOE, and she was soon accepted for training. She was given an honorary commission as an Assistant Section Officer.

Special Operations Executive.

Butt joined SOE, aged 19, on 11 December 1943. Her training followed the usual programme of tough outdoor training to develop stamina and basic soldiering skills, followed by specialist training according to the operation requirements, plus familiarisation with the routine of life in occupied Europe. Recruits could not discuss their training with outsiders, and in any case, this sort of training was unheard of for women, so at the time few would understand or even believe the full details of the armed and unarmed combat training they received. Only fellow students could give meaningful support. Sonya's colleagues in the SOE included Nancy Wake and Violette Szabo, as well as the French-Canadian army officer Captain Guy D'Artois, whom she would later marry.  On 28 May 1944, Butt was parachuted into the department of the Sarthe in the area of Le Mans to work as a courier, under the codename "Blanche", for Christopher Hudson (codename Albin), the organizer of the Reseau (Circuit) Headmaster. She was one of the last WAAFs landed in France before the Allied invasion, only nine days before D-Day. After one of the other agents dropped with her was shot during a battle between the Maquis and the Germans, Sonya took on the additional role of weapons instructor. She later said, "I filled in wherever the need arose." As a courier, her primary responsibilities were to carry money, pass messages and maintain contact with the SOE agents, Maquis and local operatives working with the circuit.  In June 1944, whilst delivering messages around the countryside, she was stopped by two Germans and detained for questioning. This was a very dangerous moment, but her cover story and false papers withstood the examination, and she was eventually released.  In due course, the Allied ground forces broke out from Normandy and Sonya's district was liberated. In October 1944, she returned to England on the successful completion of her mission.

Honours and awards.

Her work and bravery were recognised with the award of the MBE and a Mention in Dispatches. She was still only 20 years old.

Postwar life.

Much to the annoyance of her superiors, Butt left to marry Guy d'Artois without signing off. After the war, Sonya and Guy went to live in Canada. Guy d'Artois had parachuted into another district of France about the same time as Butt. For the success of his mission, he was awarded the Distinguished Service Order and the Croix de Guerre. In 1947, he received another very senior decoration, the George Medal (GM) for his work in rescuing an injured missionary in northern Canada. After a tour in Japan, Guy served in the Korean War, before the couple settled down again in Canada. Guy and Sonia (an alternative spelling of her name) had six children, three boys and three girls. In Canada, she also used the name Toni D'Artois.  Butt's husband died at the Sainte-Anne-de-Bellevue Veterans hospital in March 1999. Sonya Butt died on 21 December 2014 at the age of 90. She was survived by the couple's six children. She was described, incorrectly, in her obituary of being the last surviving female British spy of the Second World War.

Sonya Esmée Florence Butt (born 14 May 1924 – died 21 December 2014), also known as Sonia d'Artois, code named "Blanche," was an agent of the clandestine Special Operations Executive during the Second World War. SOE agents allied themselves with groups resisting the occupation of their countries by Axis powers. The purpose of SOE was to conduct espionage, sabotage, and reconnaissance in occupied countries. The SOE supplied resistance groups with weapons and equipment parachuted in from England.

Sonya Butt (née le à Eastchurch en Angleterre - morte le à Montréal au Canada) est un agent du service secret britannique Special Operations Executive pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale.


Overview.

Founded for the 2002 parliamentary elections, the alliance attracted most of its voters from western Ukrainian (Ukrainian speaking) provinces (oblasts) and from central Ukraine. The alliance had low support in the east and the south of Ukraine (where the Russian language is dominant). though they did recruit several politicians from these Russian-speaking provinces like Crimea (Lyudmyla Denisova) and Luhansk Oblast (Natalia Korolevska). The alliance was often associated with the 2004 Orange Revolution (the alliance's leader, Yulia Tymoshenko, was one of the leaders of the Orange Revolution) and thus named "Orange Party" in media publications. The alliance also had prominent members who had been associated with the opponents of the Orange Revolutions (the "Blue camp") including Ivan Kyrylenko, the former faction leader of the Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko (BYuT) in the Ukrainian Parliament. Other notable BYuT deputies were Soviet dissident Levko Lukyanenko and former UNA-UNSO leader Andriy Shkil.  BYuT had intended to include more representatives from the education sector into its voting lists. According to Tymoshenko: "Certain branches and sectors have powerful lobbies. And there are only three to four lobbyists who represent the spheres of education and health care in the Verkhovna Rada [Ukrainian parliament]. Therefore some sectors lack financing, while others have excessive funding".  According to Tymoshenko, representatives of business had no dominant influence on decision making in her political force. "Business is represented in the parliament, but it doesn't shape politics this is what distinguishes my political force from the Party of Regions for instance." Several billionaires have been members of the BYuT faction in the Verkhovna Rada.

History.

Creation.

In January 2001 President Leonid Kuchma dismissed Tymoshenko from the post of Deputy Prime Minister for fuel and energy sector in the cabinet of Viktor Yushchenko. Following this, and during the "Ukraine without Kuchma"-protests, Tymoshenko began the loose organisation the National Salvation Committee on 9 February 2001. This organisation later merged into the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT) in November 2001.  The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe noted at the time that there were physical assaults and harassment of candidates and campaign workers associated with the BYuT and other opposition parties leading up to the March 2002 election. The BYuT itself complained of campaign-related violations including "an informal'media blackout,' [and] negatively slanted coverage".  At the parliamentary elections on 30 March 2002, the alliance comprised the following liberal and nationalist member parties:  The bloc won 7.2% of the popular vote and 22 out of 450 seats. This result was better than expected, because BYuT had limited access to the media and limited support from local authorities.  The alliance supported Viktor Yushchenko during the Ukrainian presidential election of 2004, and played an active role in the widespread acts of civil non-violent protest that became known as the Ukrainian Orange Revolution.  In January 2005 Tymoshenko became Prime Minister of Ukraine under Yushchenko's presidency.  The party had lost a few seats in 2002 and 2003, but doubled to 40 members of parliament in September 2005.

Electoral breakthrough.

The BYuT entered the parliamentary elections on 26 March 2006 with only Fatherland and Ukrainian Social Democratic Party after both republican parties left the alliance. Nonetheless BYuT moved into second place with 22.27% of the vote behind Party of Regions with 33% and ahead of Our Ukraine with less than 14% support. BYuT won 129 seats out of 450.  Note that after the 2002 merger of the Ukrainian Republican Party "Sobor" and the Ukrainian Republican Party – which then became known as the Ukrainian Republican Party "Sobor" (URP Sobor) – the party went through a schism before the 2006 elections. The majority of the party led by Anatoliy Mativienko aligned with Our Ukraine Bloc, while others left the party and stayed with BYuT. After the 2006 elections, Levko Lukyanenko managed to reinstate the original Ukrainian Republican Party.  It was widely expected that a coalition between supporters of the Orange Movement would form Ukraine's next government, but after three months of negotiations and a failure to reach an agreement the proposed coalition collapsed following the decision of the Socialist Party of Ukraine to support the formation of the "anti-crisis coalition" with Party of Regions and the Communist Party of Ukraine.  During the 2007 parliamentary elections, the BYuT consisted of:  The Ukrainian Republican Party "Sobor" was part of the Our Ukraine–People's Self-Defense Bloc in this election.  In the parliamentary elections on 30 September 2007, the bloc won 156 of 450 seats (and thus 30.71% of the total votes), securing an additional 1.5 million votes (8.24%) in comparison with the 2006 election. Most of this vote swing came as a result of consolidation in regions where BYuT had already been the leading party. Statistics published by Ukraine's Central Electoral Commission indicate that most of the swing came from minor parties with some voters turning away from the Socialist Party and to a lesser extent Our Ukraine.  On 15 October 2007, Our Ukraine–People's Self-Defense Bloc and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc agreed to form a majority coalition in the new parliament of the 6th convocation. On 29 November, a coalition was signed between the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and Our Ukraine–People's Self-Defense Bloc (OU-PSD) which together had received 45% of the national vote. On 18 December 2007 Yulia Tymoshenko, with a margin of two votes, was elected Prime Minister.  During the 2008 Ukrainian political crisis the BYuT–OU-PSD coalition faltered. There were negotiations between BYuT and Party of Regions to form a coalition but after Volodymyr Lytvyn was elected Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada (parliament) on 9 December 2008, he announced the creation of a coalition between his Lytvyn Bloc, BYuT and OU-PSD. Following negotiations, the three parties officially signed the coalition agreement on 16 December. It was unsure if this coalition would stop the snap election although Speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn predicted that the Verkhovna Rada would work until the next scheduled elections in 2012. President Viktor Yushchenko's decree to dissolve the Verkhovna Rada (parliament) – made during the 2008 Ukrainian political crisis – was never put into action.  On 3 July 2009 the Verkhovna Rada terminated the mandate of BYuT deputy Viktor Lozinskyi. At the time there was a criminal proceeding against Lozinskyi who was suspected of deliberately inflicting grave bodily harm causing death; the Prosecutor-General's Office had applied to the Verkhovna Rada for permission to arrest Lozinskyi. 416 out of 444 deputies registered in Parliament, including 133 deputies of the BYoT, voted for removal of the Lozinskyi's parliamentary immunity.

Return to opposition.

In October 2009 BYoT endorsed Yulia Tymoshenko, then incumbent Prime Minister, as their candidate for the 2010 Presidential election. She was not elected.  After the fall of the second Tymoshenko Government on 3 March 2010 (seven BYuT lawmakers had supported the motion of no confidence) BYuT moved into opposition. On 11 March 2010 BYuT appealed to the Central Election Commission of Ukraine to terminate the parliamentary mandates of six parliamentarians who had joined a the new parliamentary coalition. Ten representative of BYuT joined the coalition supporting the Azarov Government as an independent MP in April 2010.  On 16 March a shadow government including BYuT was established.  It late May 2010 BYuT deputies had to submit new applications for faction membership. On 26 June 2010 the Political Council Presidium of All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland" expelled Oleksandr Feldman, a Verkhovna Rada deputy of the BYuT faction, from the party because he had joined the coalition supporting the Azarov Government the previous month. On 21 September 2010, another 28 members of the faction where officially expelled because they had joined the majority coalition.  On 16 November 2010 the ByuT faction was officially renamed "Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko-Batkivschyna".  By late 2010 the BYuT faction consisted of 113 lawmakers of the original 156 elected in September 2007. Most who left BYuT had become members of the "Stability and Reforms" coalition supporting the Azarov Government (17 of these became founding members of Reforms for the Future in February 2011). Four joined the Party of Regions faction in October 2010 (followed by five others in March 2011). In early February 2011 seven more deputies where expelled from the faction. On 2 February 2011 party-leader Tymoshenko claimed members of the "Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko-Batkivschyna"-faction had been offered money and places in the election list of the Party of Regions and have been blackmailed into voting for laws introduced by the Azarov Government. In 2011 the faction of BYuT lost 11 more deputies. On 29 December 2011 it consisted of 102 deputies.  Alliance leader Tymoshenko was sentenced to seven years in jail in October 2011 on abuse of power charges. Ukrainian President Yanukovych and the Party of Regions have been accused of trying to create a "controlled democracy" in Ukraine, and as a means to this tried to "destroy" main opposition party BYuT, but both have denied this charges.

Dissolution.

In November 2011 the participation of blocs of political parties in parliamentary elections was banned. The People's Self-Defense Political Party merged with All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland".  "Fatherland" and Reforms and Order Party (with People's Movement of Ukraine) announced to compete one single party list during the parliamentary elections in March 2012. On 7 April 2012 Arseniy Yatsenyuk announced his party Front of Changes would join them on this (single) party list.  On 15 March 2012 the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party was expelled from the bloc for alleged "cooperation with the presidential administration and the ruling regime"; the day before the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party party-leader Natalia Korolevska had been expelled from the "Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko-Batkivschyna"-faction. The Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party had stated in December 2011 "that we are doing nothing that can harm the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko... Our task is to collect the most votes in parliament at the 2012 parliamentary elections". On 22 March 2012 the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party was renamed Party of Natalia Korolevska "Ukraine – Forward!". "Fatherland" became the "umbrella" party with an election list that included members of Reforms and Order Party, People's Movement of Ukraine, Front of Changes, For Ukraine, People's Self-Defense, Civil Position and Social Christian Party. In July 2012 members of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People joined this list. This list named themselves: United Opposition "Fatherland". During the election the list won 62 seats and 25.55% of the votes under the proportional party-list system (falling from 30.71% in 2007 for BYuT) and another 39 by winning 39 simple-majority constituencies. This gave them a total of 101 seats and 22.67% of the 450 seats in the Ukrainian Parliament. The party lost about 2 million voters compared with BYuT's results in the previous election.  By late November 2012 the BYuT faction consisted of 97 lawmakers of the original 156 elected in September 2007.  On 15 June 2013 Reforms and Order Party and Front for Change merged into "Fatherland".

Ideology.

The official ideology of the block is solidarism. But in the block includes parties with different ideology: pro-Europe, liberal nationalistic and social democratic. The hostile parties claim that the ideology of BYuT is populism.

Issues.

The BYuT had advocated the following positions:

Relationships with other parties.

Our Ukraine has been the main ally of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT) during the Orange Revolution and in its aftermath.  Relations with arch-rival Party of Regions (PoR) has always been sour but at times seemed to improve. In 2009 a coalition government between these two seemed to become a reality. But early June talks to build a broad coalition to address the economic crisis collapsed; Yulia Tymoshenko accused PoR leader Viktor Yanukovych of betrayal. At that time, Ukrainian President Viktor Yuschenko showed little enthusiasm for a BYuT–PoR coalition.  Although unrelated to these developments, American analyst Ryan Renicker asserted that allegations of Tymoshenko's alleged wrongdoings are unsubstantiated and misguided. Official documents from both the European Union and the United States suggest Tymoshenko's prosecution and imprisonment were politically motivated.

The Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc () was the name of the bloc of political parties in Ukraine led by Yulia Tymoshenko since 2001. In November 2011 the participation of blocs of political parties in parliamentary elections was banned. The core party of the alliance, Fatherland, remained a major force in Ukrainian politics.

Le Bloc Ioulia Tymochenko (en ukrainien, abrégé en BIouT) est une coalition de partis politiques ukrainien de centre droit, fondée en 2001 et disparue en 2012. La dirigeante de la coalition était Ioulia Tymochenko, chef de l'Union panukrainienne « Patrie », principal parti de la coalition.


History.

The location is one of Malaysia's few pristine forests, with a high level of biodiversity, first recognised by the botanist H. N. Ridley in 1897.  Fraser's Hill derives its name from Louis James Fraser, a solitary Scottish pioneer, who set up a tin-ore trading post in the 1890s. The British army had not explored the Titiwangsa Range, so Fraser recruited guides and labourers for an expedition to the upper ridges, prospecting for gold or other valuable metals. At the top he found an ancient forest of moss-draped trees and ferns with a prehistoric appearance, kept constantly moist in the cloud layer.  He also found rich tin deposits, and recruited Chinese workers to open a mine. A steep track was constructed for mules to transport the tin ore down to The Gap and on to Raub, the nearest town. Fraser operated a gambling and opium den at the workers' camp, through which he profited a second time from the wages paid to his coolies.  Fraser vanished without trace some 25 years later. In 1917 C. J. Ferguson-Davie, Bishop of Singapore, led a trek up from the Gap to look for his site, and did not find him, but reported that the place was perfect for a hill station–a retreat from the heat of the lowlands. In 1919, work started on the access road to the hill station from The Gap and by 1922, the hill station named Fraser's Hill was opened to visitors. The hill station covered 140 hectares of land and had over 50 km of jungle paths. The 1927 "Handbook to British Malaya" recorded that there were 9 bungalows for the use of government officials, 4 houses built with the help of the Red Cross for ex-servicemen and women, 3 private homes, a country club, a golf course, water supply and a post office.  In 1951, during the Malayan Emergency, the British High Commissioner in Malaya Sir Henry Gurney was killed near Fraser's Hill in a random assassination by Communist guerillas. The 1970s saw another burst of development with buildings and golf courses. Faced with growing evidence of the effects of environmental damage at the Malaysia's largest hill resort, Cameron Highlands, the Pahang state government in 2010 ruled out further development of virgin forest at Fraser's Hill. Frasers Hill was also had a rest centre for the British Forces based in Malaya and Singapore during the 1960s. The centre was run by NAAFI (Navy Army and Air Force)beside accommodation it had a swimming pool, built by volunteers from the forces and a tennis court.

Location.

Fraser's Hill includes seven peaks, with altitudes between 1,220 and 1,524 meters above sea level. The Meteorological Department station is measured at 1,280 m. Year round temperatures are between 17°C~25°C / 63°F~77°F.  The resort is situated from the national capital city Kuala Lumpur and 236 km from the state capital Kuantan. At the foot of the steep ascent, at an altitude of only 800m, is The Gap, where a colonial resthouse used to be. The winding 8 km single-track road up from The Gap is open in alternate directions each hour; odds hours for going up and even hours for going down. The drive from The Gap to Fraser's Hill takes less than 20 minutes. Some visitors prefer to walk up, spotting birds and enjoying the noticeable fall in temperature. A new alternative road was opened in 2001, but from time to time this is closed due to landslides; landslides however are a rare occurrence today. The old Gap-Fraser Hill road today serves as one way ingress to Fraser Hill while a new road opened in 2000 was made a one way egress.

Recreational activities.

Cool and invigorating throughout the year, Fraser's Hill remains popular with Malaysians and Singaporeans for company retreats and weekend breaks.

Golfing.

Malaysia's earliest highland golf course was constructed on Fraser's Hill in 1925. The 9-hole course was built on former tin mines. In the 1970s, an 18-hole course was added at Jeriau, about 3 km from the main town.

Walking.

There are several hiking trails around the hill; their entrance is usually marked by signboards. There is also an accessible waterfall. Trails range from the Hemmant Trail, a short walk, to the Pine Tree Trail, a full day's trek.

Bird watching.

Fraser's Hill is a notable centre for birdwatching aficionados. The hill station has over 270 species of local and migratory birds flocking here together. The annual International Bird Race is held in the second weekend of June each year, organized by the Fraser's Hill Development Corporation in collaboration with WWF It sees participants throughout the world converging on the hill station in a team competition to sight, identify and record the highest number of species of birds stated in the official checklist. There is a special spot for the birdwatchers which is a metal-framed hanging bridge that has completed its construction but still awaiting for some approvals before being granted for opening to the public.

Accommodation.

Accommodation at Fraser's Hill includes colonial-era bungalows for rent, modern apartments, inns and a small hotel.

The Fraser's Hill (,, ) is a hill resort located on the Titiwangsa Ridge in Raub District, Pahang, Malaysia.

Fraser's Hill (en malais Bukit Fraser) est une station d'altitude ("Hill station") située dans les monts Titiwangsa à une altitude comprise entre 1200 et 1700 m., dans l'État de Pahang en Malaisie, à une centaine de kilomètres au nord de Kuala Lumpur.


Etymology.

In the context of the American Civil War, the Union is sometimes referred to as "the North", both then and now, as opposed to the Confederacy, which was "the South". The Union never recognized the legitimacy of the Confederacy's secession and maintained at all times that it remained entirely a part of the United States of America. In foreign affairs the Union was the only side recognized by all other nations, none of which officially recognized the Confederate government. The term "Union" occurs in the first governing document of the United States, the " Articles of Confederation and Perpetual

Size and strength.

Unlike the Confederacy, the Union had a large industrialized and urbanized area (the Northeast), and more advanced commercial, transportation and financial systems than the rural South. Additionally, the Union states had a manpower advantage of five to two at the start of the war.  Year by year, the Confederacy shrank and

Public opinion.

The attack on Fort Sumter rallied the North to the defense of American nationalism. Historian, Allan Nevins, says: McClintock states: Historian Michael Smith, argues that, as the war ground on year after year, the spirit of American republicanism grew stronger and generated fears of corruption in high places. Voters became afraid of power being centralized in Washington, extravagant spending, and

President Lincoln.

Historians have overwhelmingly praised the "political genius" of Abraham Lincoln's performance as President. His first priority was military victory. This required that he master entirely new skills as a strategist and diplomat. He oversaw supplies, finances, manpower, the selection of generals, and the course of overall strategy. Working closely with state and local politicians, he rallied public opinion and (at Gettysburg) articulated a national mission that has defined

Congress.

The Republican Congress passed many major laws that reshaped the nation's economy, financial system, tax system, land system, and higher education system. These included: the Morrill tariff, the Homestead Act, the Pacific Railroad Act, and the National Banking Act. Lincoln paid relatively little attention to this legislation as he focused on war issues but he worked smoothly with powerful Congressional leaders such as Thaddeus Stevens (on taxation and spending), Charles Sumner (on foreign affairs), Lyman Trumbull (on legal issues), Justin Smith Morrill (on land grants and tariffs) and William Pitt Fessenden (on finances).  Military and reconstruction issues were another matter. Lincoln, as the leader of the moderate and conservative factions of the Republican Party, often crossed swords with the Radical Republicans, led by Stevens and Sumner. Author, Bruce Tap, shows that Congress challenged Lincoln's role as commander-in-chief through the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War. It was a joint committee of both houses that was dominated by the Radical Republicans, who took a hard line against the Confederacy. During the 37th and 38th Congresses, the committee investigated every aspect of Union military operations, with special attention to finding commanders culpable for military defeats. It assumed an inevitable Union victory. Failure was perceived to indicate evil motivations or personal failures. The committee distrusted graduates of the US Military Academy at West Point, since many of the academy's alumni were leaders of the enemy army. Members of the committee much preferred political generals with a satisfactory political record. Some of the committee suggested that West-Pointers who engaged in strategic maneuver were cowardly or even disloyal. It ended up endorsing incompetent but politically correct generals.

Opposition.

The opposition came from Copperhead Democrats, who were strongest in the Midwest and wanted to allow Confederate secession. In the East, opposition to the war was strongest among Irish Catholics, but also included business interests connected to the South typified by August Belmont. The Democratic Party was deeply split. In 1861 most Democrats supported the war. However, the party increasingly split down the middle between the moderates who supported the war effort, and the peace element, including Copperheads, who did not. It scored major gains in the 1862 elections, and elected the moderate Horatio Seymour as governor of New York. They gained 28 seats in the House of Representatives but Republicans retained control of both the House and the Senate. The 1862 election for the Indiana legislature was especially hard-fought. Though the Democrats gained control of the legislature, they were unable to impede the war

Copperheads.

The Copperheads were a large faction of northern Democrats who opposed the war, demanding an immediate peace settlement. They said they wanted to restore "the Union as it was" (that is, with the South and with slavery) but they realized that the Confederacy would never voluntarily rejoin the U.S. The most prominent Copperhead was Ohio's Clement L. Vallandigham, a Congressman and leader of the Democratic Party in Ohio. He was defeated in an intense election for governor in 1863. Republican prosecutors in the Midwest accused some Copperhead activists of treason in a series of trials in 1864.  Copperheadism was a grassroots

Soldiers.

Recruiting volunteers.

Enthusiastic young men clamored to join the Union army in 1861. They came with family support for reasons of patriotism and excitement. Washington decided to keep the small regular army intact; it had only 16,000 men and was needed to guard the frontier. Its officers could, however, join the temporary new volunteer army that was formed, with expectations that their experience would lead to rapid promotions. The problem with volunteering, however, was its serious lack of planning, leadership, and organization at the highest levels. Washington called on the states for troops, and every northern governor set about raising and equipping regiments, and sent the bills to the War Department. The men could elect the junior officers, while the governor appointed the senior officers, and Lincoln appointed the generals. Typically, politicians used their local organizations to raise troops and were in line (if healthy enough) to become colonel. The problem was that the War Department, under the disorganized leadership of Simon Cameron, also authorized local and private groups to raise regiments. The result was widespread confusion and delay.  Pennsylvania, for example, had acute problems. When Washington called for 10 more regiments, enough men volunteered to form 30. However, they were scattered among 70 different new units, none of them a complete regiment. Not until Washington approved gubernatorial control of all new units was the problem resolved. Allan Nevins is particularly scathing of this in his analysis: "A President more exact, systematic and vigilant than Lincoln, a Secretary more alert and

Medical conditions.

More soldiers died of disease than from battle injuries, and even larger numbers were temporarily incapacitated by wounds, disease, and accidents. The Union responded by building army hospitals in every state.  The hygiene of the camps was poor, especially at the beginning of the war when men who had seldom been far from home were brought together for training with thousands of strangers. First came epidemics of the childhood diseases of chicken pox, mumps, whooping cough, and especially, measles. Operations in the South meant a dangerous and new disease environment, bringing diarrhea, dysentery, typhoid fever, and malaria. There were no

Prisoners of war.

Both sides operated prison camps; they handled about 400,000 captives, but many other prisoners were quickly released and never sent to camps. The Record and Pension Office in 1901 counted 211,000 Northerners who were captured. In 1861–63 most were immediately paroled; after

Draft riots.

Discontent with the 1863 draft law led to riots in several cities and in rural areas as well. By far the most important were the New York City draft riots of July 13 to July 16, 1863. Irish Catholic and other workers fought police, militia and regular army units until the Army used artillery to sweep the streets. Initially focused on the draft, the protests quickly expanded into

Economy.

The Union economy grew and prospered during the war while fielding a very large army and navy. The Republicans in Washington had a Whiggish vision of an industrial nation, with great cities, efficient factories, productive farms, all national banks, all knit together by a modern railroad system, to be mobilized by the United States Military Railroad. The South had resisted policies such as tariffs to promote industry and homestead laws to promote farming because slavery would not benefit. With the South gone and Northern Democrats weak, the Republicans enacted their legislation. At the same time they passed new taxes to pay for part of the war and issued large amounts of bonds to pay for most of the rest. Economic historians attribute the remainder of the cost of the war to inflation. Congress wrote an elaborate program of economic modernization that had the dual purpose of winning the war and permanently transforming the economy. For a list of the major industrialists see.

Financing the war.

In 1860 the Treasury was a small operation that funded the small-scale operations of the government through land sales and customs based on a low tariff. Peacetime revenues were trivial in comparison with the cost of a full-scale war but the Treasury Department under Secretary Salmon P. Chase showed unusual ingenuity in financing the war without crippling the economy. Many new taxes were imposed and always with a patriotic theme comparing the financial sacrifice to the sacrifices of life and limb. The government paid for supplies in real money, which encouraged people to sell to the government regardless of their politics. By contrast the Confederacy gave paper promissory notes when it seized property, so that even loyal Confederates would hide their horses and mules rather than sell them for dubious paper. Overall the Northern financial system was highly successful in raising money and turning patriotism into profit, while the Confederate system impoverished its patriots.  The United States needed $3.1 billion to pay for the immense armies

Land grants.

The U.S. government owned vast amounts of good land (mostly from the Louisiana Purchase of 1803 and the Oregon Treaty with Britain in 1846). The challenge was to make the land useful to people and to provide the economic basis for the wealth that would pay off the war debt. Land grants went to railroad construction companies to open up the western plains and

Agriculture.

Agriculture was the largest single industry and it prospered during the war. Prices were high, pulled up by a strong demand from the army and from Britain (which depended on American wheat for a fourth of its food imports). The war acted as a catalyst that encouraged the rapid adoption of horse-drawn machinery and other implements. The rapid spread of recent inventions such as the reaper and mower made the work force efficient, even as hundreds

Cotton trade.

The Treasury started buying cotton during the war, for shipment to Europe and northern mills. The sellers were Southern planters who needed the cash, regardless of their patriotism. The Northern buyers could make heavy profits, which annoyed soldiers like Ulysses Grant. He blamed Jewish traders and expelled them from his lines in 1862 but

Society.

Religion.

The Protestant religion was quite strong in the North in the 1860s. The United States Christian Commission sent agents into the Army camps to provide psychological support as well as books, newspapers, food and clothing. Through prayer, sermons and welfare operations, the agents ministered to soldiers' spiritual as well as temporal needs as they sought to bring the men to a Christian way of life. Most churches made an effort to support their soldiers in the field and especially their families back home. Much of the political rhetoric of the era had a distinct religious tone.  The Protestant clergy in America took a variety of positions. In general, the pietistic denominations such as the Methodists, Northern Baptists and Congregationalists strongly supported the war effort. Catholics, Episcopalians, Lutherans and conservative Presbyterians generally avoided any discussion of the war, so it would not bitterly divide their membership. The Quakers, while giving strong support to the abolitionist movement on a personal level, refused to take a denominational position. Some clergymen who supported the Confederacy were denounced as Copperheads, especially in the border regions.

Methodists.

Many Northerners had only recently become religious (following the Second Great Awakening) and religion was a powerful force in their lives. No denomination was more active in supporting the Union than the Methodist Episcopal Church. Carwardine argues that for many Methodists, the victory of Lincoln in 1860 heralded the arrival of the kingdom of God in America. They were moved into action by a vision of freedom for slaves, freedom from the persecutions of godly abolitionists, release from the Slave Power's evil grip on the American

Family.

Historian Stephen M. Frank reports that what it meant to be a father varied with status and age. He says most men demonstrated dual commitments as providers and nurturers and believed that husband and wife had mutual obligations toward their children. The war privileged masculinity, dramatizing and exaggerating, father-son bonds. Especially at five critical stages in the soldier's career (enlistment, blooding, mustering out, wounding and death) letters from absent fathers articulated a distinctive set of 19th-century ideals of manliness.

Children.

There were numerous children's magazines, such as "Merry's Museum", "The Student and Schoolmate", "Our Young Folks", "The Little Pilgrim", "Forrester's Playmate" and "The Little Corporal". They showed a Protestant religious tone and "promoted the principles of hard work, obedience, generosity, humility, and piety; trumpeted the benefits of family cohesion; and furnished mild adventure stories, innocent entertainment, and instruction". Their pages featured factual information and anecdotes about the war along with related quizzes, games, poems, songs, short oratorical pieces for "declamation", short stories and very short plays that children could stage. They promoted patriotism and the Union war aims, fostered kindly attitudes toward freed slaves, blackened the Confederates cause, encouraged readers to raise money for war-related humanitarian funds, and dealt with the death of family members. By 1866, the Milton Bradley Company was selling "The Myriopticon: A Historical Panorama of the Rebellion" that allowed children to stage a neighborhood show that would explain the war.

Unionists in South and Border states.

People loyal to the U.S. federal government and opposed to secession living in the border states (where slavery was legal in 1861) were termed Unionists. Confederates sometimes styled them "Homemade Yankees". However, Southern Unionists were not necessarily northern sympathizers and many of them, although opposing secession, supported the Confederacy once it was a fact. East Tennessee never supported the Confederacy, and Unionists there became powerful state leaders, including governors Andrew Johnson and William G. Brownlow. Likewise, large pockets of eastern Kentucky were Unionist and helped keep the state from seceding. Western Virginia, with few slaves and some industry, was so strongly Unionist that it broke away and formed the new state of West Virginia.  Still, nearly 120,000 Unionists from the South served in the Union Army during the Civil War and Unionist regiments were raised from every Confederate state except South Carolina. Among such units was the 1st Alabama Cavalry Regiment, which served as William Sherman's personal escort on his march to the sea. Southern Unionists were extensively used as anti-guerrilla paramilitary forces. During Reconstruction many of these Unionists became "Scalawags", a derogatory term for Southern supporters of the Republican Party.

Guerrilla warfare.

Besides organized military conflict, the border states were beset by guerrilla warfare. In such a bitterly divided state, neighbors frequently used the excuse of war to settle personal grudges and took up arms against neighbors.

Missouri.

Missouri was the scene of over 1,000 engagements between Union and Confederate forces, and uncounted numbers of guerrilla attacks and raids by informal pro-Confederate bands. Western Missouri was the scene of brutal guerrilla warfare during the Civil War. Roving insurgent bands such as Quantrill's Raiders and the men of Bloody Bill Anderson terrorized the countryside, striking both military installations and civilian settlements. Because of the widespread attacks and the protection offered by Confederate sympathizers, Federal leaders issued General Order No. 11 in 1863, and evacuated areas of Jackson, Cass, and Bates counties. They forced the residents out to reduce support for the guerrillas. Union cavalry could sweep through

Kentucky.

In response to the growing problem of locally organized guerrilla campaigns throughout 1863 and 1864, in June 1864, Maj. Gen. Stephen G. Burbridge was given command over the state of Kentucky. This began an extended period of military control that would last through early 1865, beginning with martial law authorized by President Abraham Lincoln. To pacify Kentucky, Burbridge rigorously suppressed disloyalty and used economic pressure as coercion. His guerrilla policy, which included public execution of four guerrillas for the death of each unarmed Union citizen, caused the most controversy. After a falling out with Governor Thomas E. Bramlette, Burbridge was dismissed in February 1865. Confederates remembered him as the "Butcher of Kentucky".  List of Wikipedia articles on Union states and major cities:

Union states.

<nowiki>*</nowiki> Border states with slavery in 1861  †Had two state governments, one Unionist one Confederate, both claiming to be the legitimate government of their state. Kentucky's and Missouri's Confederate governments never had significant control.  West Virginia separated from Virginia and became part of the Union during the war, on June 20, 1863. Nevada also joined the Union during the war, becoming a state on October 31, 1864.

Union territories.

The Union controlled territories in April 1861 were:  The

During the American Civil War (1861–1865), the Union, also known as the North, referred to the United States of America, specifically to the national government of President Abraham Lincoln and the 20 free states and 5 border states that supported it. The Union was dedicated to the defeat and termination of the Confederate States of America, informally called "the Confederacy" or "the South".

Durant la guerre de Sécession, l’Union est le nom utilisé pour faire référence aux des États-Unis qui ne faisaient pas partie de la Confédération. Bien que l'Union ait inclus des États de l'Ouest tels que la Californie, l'Oregon, et après 1864 le Nevada, et des États généralement considérés comme le Midwest, l'Union est souvent désignée par l’expression « le Nord » et ses partisans par le terme « les nordistes ». L'ensemble représente alors au début du conflit environ d'habitants contre les du Sud. Le gouvernement national était dirigé par le président Abraham Lincoln.


History.

The establishment of a Jewish National Library in Jerusalem was the brainchild of Joseph Chazanovitz (1844-1919). His idea was creating a "home for all works in all languages and literatures which have Jewish authors, even though they create in foreign cultures." Chazanovitz collected some 15,000 volumes which later became the core of the library.  The B'nai Brith library, founded in Jerusalem in 1892, was the first public library in Palestine to serve the Jewish community. The library was located on B'nai Brith street, between the Meah Shearim neighborhood and the Russian Compound. Ten years later, the Bet Midrash Abrabanel library, as it was then known, moved to Ethiopia Street. In 1920, when plans were drawn up for the Hebrew University, the B'nai Brith collection became the basis for a university library. The books were moved to Mount Scopus when the university opened five years later.  In 1948, when access to the university campus on Mount Scopus was blocked, most of the books were moved to the university's temporary quarters in the Terra Sancta building in Rehavia. By that time, the university collection included over one million books. For lack of space, some of the books were placed in storerooms around the city. In 1960, they were moved to the new JNUL building in Givat Ram.  In the late 1970s, when the new university complex on Mount Scopus was inaugurated and the faculties of Law, Humanities and Social Science returned there, departmental libraries opened on that campus and the number of visitors to the Givat Ram library dropped. In the 1990s, the building suffered from maintenance problems such as rainwater leaks and insect infestation.  In 2007 the library was officially recognized as The National Library of the State of Israel after the passage of the National Library Law. The law, which came into effect on 23 July 2008, changed the library's name to "National Library of Israel" and turned it temporarily to a subsidiary company of the University, later to become a fully independent community interest company, jointly owned by the Government of Israel (50%), the Hebrew University (25%) and other organizations.  In 2011, the library launched a website granting public access to books, periodicals, maps, photos and music from its collections.  In 2014, the project for a new home of the Library in Jerusalem was unveiled. The 34,000 square meters building, designed by the Basel-based architecture firm Herzog & de Meuron, is scheduled for full completion in 2021.

Goals and objectives.

The library's mission is to secure copies of all material published in Israel, in any language; all publications on the subject of Israel, the Land of Israel, Judaism and the Jewish people, published in any language, in any country in the world; and all material published in Hebrew or any of the languages spoken in the Jewish Diaspora (such as Yiddish and Ladino).  By law, two copies of all printed matter published in Israel must be deposited in the National Library. In 2001, the law was amended to include audio and video recordings, and other non-print media. Many manuscripts, including some of the library's unique volumes such the 13th century Worms Mahzor, have been scanned and are now available on the Internet.

Special collections.

Among the library's special collections are the personal papers of hundreds of outstanding Jewish figures, the National Sound Archives, the Laor Map Collection and numerous other collections of Hebraica and Judaica. The library also possesses some of Isaac Newton's manuscripts dealing with theological subjects. The collection, donated by the family of the collector Abraham Yahuda, includes many works by Newton about mysticism, analyses of holy books, predictions about the end of days and the appearance of the ancient Temple in Jerusalem. It also contains maps that Newton sketched about mythical events to assist him in his end of days calculations. The library houses the personal archives of Martin Buber and Gershom Scholem.  Following the occupation of West Jerusalem by Haganah forces in May 1948, the libraries of a number Palestinians who fled the country as well as of other well-to-do Palestinians were transferred to the National Library. These collections included those of Henry Cattan, Khalil Beidas, Khalil al-Sakakini and Aref Hikmet Nashashibi. About 30,000 books were removed from homes in West Jerusalem, with another 40,000 taken from other cities in Mandatory Palestine. It is unclear whether the books were being kept and protected or if they were looted from the abandoned houses of their owners. About 6,000 of these books are in the library today indexed with the label AP – "Abandoned Property". The books are cataloged, can be viewed from the Library's general catalog and are regularly consulted by the public, including Arab scholars from all over the world.  The National Library of Israel completed its collection of the Max Brod archive in August 2019.

The National Library of Israel (NLI; ; ), formerly Jewish National and University Library (JNUL; ), is the library dedicated to collecting the cultural treasures of Israel and of Jewish heritage. The library holds more than 5 million books, and is located on the Givat Ram campus of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

La Bibliothèque nationale d'Israël (en hébreu : הספרייה הלאומית) (NLI), anciennement Bibliothèque nationale universitaire juive (en anglais : "Jewish National University Library") (JNUL), est la bibliothèque nationale d'Israël.


Description.

"Eucalyptus miniata" is a tree that typically grows to a height of, sometimes as tall as, usually with a single trunk, and forms a lignotuber. The bark is soft, rough, fibrous and fissured, grey to red-yellow-brown in colour on the trunk with white to pale grey smooth bark on the upper trunk and branches. Young plants and coppice regrowth have greenish-brown leaves that are elliptical in shape, long and wide. Adult leaves are dull to slightly glossy green, paler on the lower surface, lance-shaped to curved, long and wide. tapering to a petiole long.  The flower buds are arranged in groups of seven on an unbranched peduncle long, the individual buds sessile or on pedicles up to long. Mature buds are club-shaped, rarely spindle-shaped, glaucous, long and wide with ribs along the sides and a rounded to conical operculum. Flowering occurs from May to September and the flowers are orange or scarlet and up to in diameter. The fruit are woody, cylindrical to barrel-shaped or urn-shaped capsules long, wide and have longitudinal ribbing with the valves enclosed below the level of the rim. The fruit is glaucous at first but lose that covering over time. The fruit contain dark grey to black seeds that are long with an obliquely pyramidal to flattened cuboid shape.

Taxonomy and naming.

The species was first formally described by the botanist Johannes Conrad Schauer in 1843 in Wilhelm Gerhard Walpers work "Repertorium Botanices Systematicae" from an unpublished description by Allan Cunningham. The species name "miniata" is Latin meaning "flame-scarlet" referring to the colour of the filaments of the flowers. The Miriwoong people of the Kimberley call the tree "woolewoorrng".

Distribution and habitat.

"Eucalyptus miniata" is commonly found in open forest, savanna communities and on sandstone escarpments, growing in sandy soils. It is widely distributed from the Kimberley region in Western Australia and through northern parts of the Northern Territory to the Burketown region of far northwestern Queensland. It occurs in the Arnhem Coast, Arnhem Plateau, Central Kimberley, Daly Basin, Darwin Coastal, Einasleigh Uplands, Gulf Coastal, Gulf Fall and Uplands, Gulf Plains, Northern Kimberley, Ord Victoria Plain, Pine Creek, Tiwi Cobourg, and Victoria Bonaparte bioregions.

Ecology.

Red-tailed black cockatoos living in the north of Australia prefer feeding on the Darwin woollybutt.

Conservation status.

"Eucalyptus miniata" is classified as "not threatened" in Western Australia by the Western Australian Government Department of Parks and Wildlife.

Eucalyptus miniata, commonly known as the Darwin woollybutt or woolewoorrng, is a species of medium-sized to tall tree that is endemic to northern Australia. It has rough, fibrous, brownish bark on the trunk, smooth greyish bark above. Adult leaves are lance-shaped, the flower buds are ribbed and arranged in groups of seven, the flowers orange or scarlet and the fruit is cylindrical to barrel-shaped or urn-shaped, with ribs along the sides.

L'eucalyptus miniata ("Eucalyptus à chair laineuse" ou "woollybut") est une espèce d'eucalyptus, originaire du grand nord de l'Australie que l'on trouve à partir du cap York, dans le nord du Queensland, dans tout le Territoire du Nord ainsi que dans la région du Kimberley au nord de l'Australie-Occidentale. C'est un arbre de taille moyenne qui peut atteindre 15 à 25 m de hauteur. L'écorce est douce et fissurée, de couleur grise à rouge. Les jeunes feuilles sont d'un brun-verdâtre, longues de 3 à 6 cm sur 2 à 3 cm de large et de forme elliptique, tandis que les feuilles adultes font 7,5 à 15 cm de long sur 2,5 à 5 cm, lancéolées ou falciformes et de couleur vert clair. La floraison a lieu de mai à septembre et les fleurs, orange ou rouges, font 3,5 cm de diamètre.


Service history.

1934–1945.

"Potomac" was built in 1934 by the Manitowoc Ship Building Company, Manitowoc, Wisconsin as the United States Coast Guard Cutter "Electra". "Electra" was a submarine chaser commissioned on October 25, 1934, which served in anti-bootlegging operations. She was chosen to be the new presidential yacht after the Secret Service deemed a fire hazard. The thought of having a wooden boat that could easily catch fire was not appealing to Franklin Delano Roosevelt who as a child witnessed his aunt burn to death in an oil lamp accident. He also wanted a vessel in which he could move independently and take fishing trips. "Electra" was officially renamed USS "Potomac" on January 30, 1936, converted to serve as a presidential yacht and commissioned into the United States Navy on March 2, 1936.  There were approximately $60,000 in upgrades made while converting the ship into a presidential yacht to make the vessel wheel chair accessible and more accommodating. These upgrades included the addition of a false smokestack, a new salon, installation of brass fixtures, the presidential stateroom and bath, three guest cabins and teak decks. Additions to the fantail include a vast leather settee, patio furniture and bullet-proof glass. In the additional smokestack, there was an elevator with a pulley system designed so that President Franklin D. Roosevelt could transport himself to the boat deck. The fantail couch is designed so that each sitting party has their legs completely stretched out when sitting back and the president could sit equally as his guests with his legs supported. An antiaircraft machine gun was installed and mounted when the president was onboard. Ship ballast was added to the vessel to account for these upgrades.  In the following years, "Potomac" was heavily used by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, for fishing trips and informal political meetings. USS "Potomac" served as a place where relationships were built and deals were made. In 1939 the United Kingdom's King George VI and Queen Elizabeth travelled with the Roosevelts aboard "Potomac" to George Washington's home at Mount Vernon. This was the first visit by British royalty to an American president. The ship now commissioned USS "Potomac" was categorized as AG-25 which indicates the Navy ship designation of Auxiliary Miscellaneous and number 25th in this designation, known informally as the “Floating Whitehouse”.  It is rumored that the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 was signed onboard the ship. Ship logs have been recovered documenting voyages to the Gulf of Mexico and Dry Tortugas, Florida. On March 28, 1941, President Roosevelt delivered a Fireside Chat to the nation from the radio room of USS "Potomac" in which he stated "the time calls for courage and more courage." After the bombing of Pearl Harbor, the yacht was considered a potential target and used more cautiously by the president.  On 3 August 1941, President Roosevelt left Washington to board "Potomac" at the submarine base at New London. "Potomac" then sailed for Appogansett Bay where the President did some fishing and entertained guests including Crown Princess Märtha of Norway. Eventually "Potomac" anchored in Menemsha Bight in Vineyard Sound, where the heavy cruiser already lay at anchor. In the early hours of 5 August "Potomac" came alongside "Augusta" and the President and his party transferred to the warship. "Augusta" then proceeded at high speed to Newfoundland for a clandestine meeting with Winston Churchill. During this meeting, Roosevelt and Churchill agreed to the Atlantic Charter, laying out the principles of the Allied partnership during World War II and setting the scene for the United Nations to plan the post-war peace.  In the meantime and for security purposes, the President's flag continued to be flown from "Potomac" while she transited the Cape Cod Canal in New England waters. A Secret Serviceman, approximating the President in size and affecting his mannerisms when visible from a distance, played a starring role in the deception. Press releases issued daily from "Potomac" led all who read them to believe that the President was really embarked in his yacht on a pleasure cruise. After the meetings, "Augusta" returned the President to "Potomac" on 14 August.  After President Roosevelt's death, "Potomac" was decommissioned by the Navy, and returned to US Coast Guard in November 1945.

1945–1980.

USS "Potomac" was decommissioned by President Truman who chose the larger as his presidential yacht. The date of the decommission by the Coast Guard was May 23, 1946. After being decommissioned, "Potomac" remained docked in Cambridge, Maryland and served with the Maryland Tidewater Fisheries Commission as one of forty fishery enforcement boats for the clam, crab, fish and oyster fisherman of the area until 1960. To accommodate President Roosevelt's need for wheelchair accessibility, a concealed elevator had been installed inside what had been one of "Potomac"s smokestacks to carry the president from the main deck to the boat deck. This smokestack-elevator shaft was removed and now sits in Cambridge at Long Wharf park as a monument to the former president and his 1935 visit to Cambridge on another presidential yacht,.  "Potomac" was sold to Warren G. Toone in April 1960 and used as a private ferry boat between Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands. In 1963, she was registered by Hydro-Capital in Newport Beach, California as a museum ship with call sign WA9710.  In January 1964 she was purchased by Elvis Presley for US$55,000. Presley offered it to the March of Dimes who could not use it. He then gave it to St. Jude Children's Hospital, in Memphis, to sell as a fund raiser. The hospital was able to sell it that same year for US$65,000. The "Potomac" was then registered to Marie Augustina Pagliasso in 1967 in Sanger, California with the call sign WA9710. Records show "Potomac"s home port was Los Angeles from 1963 to 1967. In January 1970, the vessel was out of documentation. It is rumored that a certain owner planned on turning the yacht into a floating disco. In 1962, there was a failed attempt to attend World's Fair in Seattle due to engine trouble in Long Beach.  By 1980, she was involved in drug smuggling and was seized by the United States Customs Service in San Francisco, then towed to Treasure Island, where she sank.

1980–present.

In 1980, USS "Potomac" was involved in a large scale drug running operation in Mexico which led to a drug bust at San Francisco's Pier 26. Although, there were no drugs found aboard the yacht but there was aboard the yacht it had been traveling with, the vessel was confiscated by law enforcement and taken to Treasure Island.  The vessel is said to have sunk due to a hull that had not been properly maintained and experienced thinning. The vessel was taking in water for some time before it finally sank alongside Treasure Island.  After being refloated by the U.S. Navy just two weeks later, "Potomac" was sold to the first and only bidder, the Port of Oakland, for $15,000 and underwent a major restoration.  "Potomac" was used in June 2011 to film shipboard scenes of the Paul Thomas Anderson film "The Master". Actors Joaquin Phoenix, Philip Seymour Hoffman, Amy Adams and others shot scenes aboard the yacht while docked and under way.

The Preservation of the Presidential Yacht Potomac Association.

With a $2.5 million government grant, James Roosevelt, FDR's eldest son, began restoring the yacht. In April 1993, the restored "Potomac" sailed her first cruise as a restored vessel. The yacht became a culturally significant tourist attraction in Oakland when it was open to the public at Jack London Square in Summer 1995.  She is now preserved by the non-profit Potomac Association, and berthed at Jack London Square in Oakland. She is open to dockside tours and regular cruises on the San Francisco Bay. Michael Roosevelt, a grandson of FDR, is the chair of the Preservation of the Presidential Yacht Potomac where a team of volunteers, crew and donors work to uphold the legacy of the historic presidential yacht.

USS "Potomac" (AG-25), formerly USCGC "Electra", was Franklin D. Roosevelt's presidential yacht from 1936 until his death in 1945. In January 2016 was scrapped leaving USS "Potomac" and as the last two still existing presidential yachts. On 3 August 1941, she played a decoy role while Roosevelt held a secret conference to develop the Atlantic Charter. She is now preserved in Oakland, California, as a National Historic Landmark and the only presidential yacht open to the public.

L'USS "Potomac" (AG-25), anciennement USCGC "Electra", était le yacht présidentiel de Franklin Delano Roosevelt de 1936 jusqu'à sa mort en 1945. Il est maintenant conservé à Oakland en Californie en tant que National Historic Landmark.