Farming career.

Hilton was from a Norfolk family and was born in South Walsham. He attended an elementary school in Upton only before going to work as an agricultural labourer. He was an athletic youth who enjoyed playing football, including for the Norfolk county team in 1932. He was also a Methodist lay preacher from 1932. A member of the National Union of Agricultural Workers, he served as Swaffham Area Organiser for the union.

Labour Party official.

In 1936 Hilton, who was an active supporter of the Labour Party, became a full-time Party Agent for East Norfolk Constituency Labour Party. He was responsible for organising the campaign in the East Norfolk by-election of 1939. During the Second World War, Hilton served in the Royal Army Service Corps with the rank of Corporal. He married Nelly Simmons in 1944; they had two sons, both of whom predeceased him.

Trade Union official and councillor.

After the end of the war, Hilton moved on from the Labour Party to become an official of the National Union of Agricultural Workers. He was appointed as a Justice of the Peace in 1949, becoming Vice Chairman of the Swaffham Magistrates, and in 1951 was elected to Norfolk County Council.

By-election candidate.

The sitting Labour MP for the marginal South West Norfolk constituency, Sidney Dye, was killed in a car accident in December 1958. Hilton was chosen to defend the 193 vote majority in the seat, the first time he had fought a Parliamentary election. With a largely agricultural constituency, he concentrated on issues such as land nationalisation and abolition of tied cottages, and succeeded in winning by 1,354 votes. However, in the general election only a few months later, Hilton squeaked in by only 78 votes.

Political position.

Hilton proved a generally loyal MP. In his first months, he signed a motion opposing the stockpiling of United States nuclear weapons in the United Kingdom; on hearing that this stance was not endorsed by the leadership, he withdrew his signature. In the 1960 leadership election, he publicly backed Hugh Gaitskell. He remained involved in his union and in May 1960 was elected as first Vice President; at the end of 1960 Hilton was part of a six-member delegation to Rhodesia and Nyasaland.  In October 1961, Hilton was elected to the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party from the trade union section, replacing the previous nominee of the National Union of Agricultural Workers. In the 1963 Labour Party conference, he replied on behalf of the NEC to a debate on tied cottages, and accepted that a Labour government would make it impossible to evict the tenant of a tied cottage without providing alternative accommodation.

Defeat.

Hilton's agricultural constituency was trending away from Labour, against the national swing. At the 1964 general election, he was defeated by the Conservatives. He replaced Edwin Gooch, who had been Labour MP for North Norfolk until his death, as President of the National Union of Agricultural Workers. He was appointed as government member of the board of the British Sugar Corporation Ltd in 1965, and later that year on 11 May was created a life peer, taking the title Baron Hilton of Upton, of Swaffham in the County of Norfolk.

House of Lords.

He served as a Lord in Waiting (junior whip) in the House of Lords from 1966. He was also appointed to the East Anglia Economic Planning Council in 1966, and served as Chairman of the National Brotherhood Movement within the Methodist Church in 1967. In 1971, Lord Hilton broke the whip to vote in support of the British application to join the European Communities. His wife died on 3 September 1976, which devastated Hilton who was also suffering ill health and died in 1977 aged 69.

Albert Victor Hilton, Baron Hilton of Upton, JP (14 February 1908 – 3 May 1977) was a British farm labourer and trade union official who became a Labour Party Member of Parliament and later life peer.


Early life.

Born Katharine Tennant in 1903, she was the daughter of the Scottish industrialist and politician, Sir Charles Tennant, Bt. (then seventy-nine years old) and his second wife, Marguerite Miles, daughter of Colonel Charles William Miles, MP and was cousin of Sir Philip Miles. As a child, she played in the nursery of 10, Downing Street, the home of her much older half-sister, Margot Asquith, the wife of then Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith. Tennant when visiting her sister, threw her teddybear out the window of 10 Downing Street at the protesting Suffragettes.  Tennant was educated at home by governesses, then at Abbot's Hill School and finally in Paris. She was presented at court to George V as a debutante but later stated 'I was more interested in politics than parties' and grew up with strong Liberal ideals. Later studying at the London School of Economics, she was also an accomplished violinist, organist, equestrienne, golfer and fluent in French.

Marriage.

On 2 April 1934, Tennant married Walter Elliott, a Conservative MP and Minister for Agriculture. Her husband was the son of a livestock auctioneer and she became an expert in trading farm animals and agricultural equipment. A donation of one shilling was also given by almost every farmer in Britain towards a wedding present, from which she purchased a tractor.

Politics.

Elliot then became involved in Conservative affairs, wrote speeches for, and campaigned in elections for, her husband, as well as promoting his enactment of the Milk Marketing Board. Still in touch with her Liberal roots, she favoured prison reform and was an opponent of capital punishment. From 1939–49, Elliot was chair of the National Association of Mixed Clubs and Girls' Clubs (later known as Youth Clubs UK) and she sat on the Home Office advisory committee on the treatment of offenders from 1946–62, during which time she visited every prison in the kingdom. She also served on the advisory committee on child care in Scotland from 1956–65, was chair of the Conservative Women's National Committee from 1954–57 and was chair of the National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations from 1956–67. She became the first chair of the Consumer Council in 1963. On three occasions, in 1954, 1956 and 1957, she was a member of the UK delegation to the United Nations and in the absence of ministers during the Suez crisis in 1956, she made a speech denouncing the Soviet invasion of Hungary during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. She was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire in 1946, awarded the Grand Silver Cross of the Order of Merit of Austria in 1963.  In 1958 on an episode of The Brains Trust she described herself as an "unrepentant defender of votes for women".  Following the death of her husband in 1958, Elliot took over from him as chair of the family auctioneering firm and stood in his place as parliamentary candidate of Glasgow Kelvingrove, but lost by a narrow margin of votes to Mary McAlister.

Knighthood and ennoblement.

In 1958, Elliot was promoted as a Dame Commander of the Order of the British Empire and created Baroness Elliot of Harwood, of Rulewater in the County of Roxburgh. As one of the initial four women who were created peers under the Life Peerages Act 1958, she was the first peeress to speak in the House of Lords, the first peeress to propose the loyal address and the first peeress to pass a private bill through the House (which was at the request of Margaret Thatcher from the House of Commons, making the bill the first to be taken through both houses by women).

Death.

At the State Opening of Parliament in November 1993, Elliot tripped over her parliamentary robes and fell as she left the House of Lords. She was taken to hospital and died at Hawick Cottage Hospital near her Scottish home of Harwood, on 3 January 1994, aged ninety. She was buried at Hobkirk parish church on 8 January and a service of thanksgiving was held in her memory at the Church of St. Margaret, Westminster, on 14 April.

Katharine Elliot, Baroness Elliot of Harwood DBE (née Tennant; 15 January 1903 – 3 January 1994) was a British public servant and politician.


Life and career.

Banes was born in Chagrin Falls, Ohio. She studied acting at the Juilliard School in New York City.

Stage.

On Broadway she played Cassie in the Neil Simon play "Rumors" in 1988 with Christine Baranski. She has appeared on Broadway several times, most recently in the 2010 revival of "Present Laughter" with Victor Garber, and in 2009's Accent on Youth with David Hyde Pierce. In 1998, she played Margaret Lord in the musical "High Society" with Anna Kendrick.

Television and film.

On television, Banes had a regular roles as Doreen Morrison in "The Trials of Rosie O'Neill" starring Sharon Gless, and as Mayor Anita Massengil on the Fox comedy series "Son of the Beach" (2000-01). She also had recurring roles on "The King of Queens" as Carrie's boss Georgia Boone, "Six Feet Under" as Victoria, on "One Life to Live" as Eve McBain, and on "Nashville" (2012 TV series) Season 6 as the Ranch Director. She also guest starred as a Trill doctor in the "" episode "Equilibrium". Banes played Anne Kane in the 1985 TV miniseries "Kane & Abel". Her other television credits include "China Beach", "Murder, She Wrote", "The Practice", "NYPD Blue", "Desperate Housewives", "", "The Good Wife", "NCIS", and "Once Upon a Time". From 2010 to 2016, she had a recurring role as Ellen Collins on "Royal Pains".  Banes starred as Mrs. Berry in the 1984 film "The Hotel New Hampshire", Bonnie in the 1988 film "Cocktail", Flora in the 2002 movie "Dragonfly", and Christina Ricci's mother in the film "Pumpkin". In 2014, she appeared in David Fincher's "Gone Girl" as Marybeth Elliott, mother of Amy Elliott (Rosamund Pike).

Lisa Banes (born July 9, 1955) is an American actress. She was nominated for a Drama Desk Award for Best Featured Actress in a Play in 1984 for "Isn't it Romantic?" and won a 1981 Theatre World Award for her performance as Alison Porter Off-Broadway in "Look Back in Anger". In film, she has appeared in "Cocktail" (1988), "Freedom Writers" (2007), and "Gone Girl" (2014). Appeared in the 2016 film "A Cure for Wellness" as the character Hollis.


Education.

Wah was born in Hong Kong and graduated from Queen Elizabeth School, Hong Kong. He received his BS and MS in Electrical Engineering and Computer Science from Columbia University, USA, then furthered his studies at the University of California, Berkeley, obtaining an MS in Computer Science and a PhD in Databases. Wah began his teaching career in Purdue University in 1979. He later joined the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, in 1985, which he served until his retirement at the end of 2011.

Career.

In 1985-2011, he was the Franklin W. Woeltge Endowed Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA. In 2008-2009, he also served as Director of the Advanced Digital Sciences Center in Singapore, a US$50 million research center established by the University of Illinois in Singapore in collaboration with the Singapore government's Agency for Science, Technology and Research. In 1998–1999, Wah was Chair Professor of Computer Science and Engineering at The Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK), and in that year received an Exemplary Teaching Award. From 1999 to 2003, he served as Adjunct Professor in the Department of Computer Science and Engineering at CUHK.

Research.

Wah is an expert on non-linear programming, multimedia signal processing and artificial intelligence. He has published numerous research articles in top professional journals, such as Artificial Intelligence, IEEE Trans. in Computers, IEEE Trans. on Knowledge and Data Engineering, IEEE Trans. on Multimedia, IEEE Trans. on Parallel and Distributed Technology, IEEE Trans. on Software Engineering, Journal of Global Optimization, Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research. He is also the author of two books, and Editor-in-Chief of Wiley's Encyclopedia of Computer Science and Engineering (published in 2008), and has contributed to many edited books and book chapters. He has served on many journal editorial boards.  He also holds many Endowed Professorships and Honorary Professorships in leading universities in the United States of America and in Asia. Professor Wah was elected President of IEEE Computer Society in 2001. He was a member of the Research Grants Council of Hong Kong between 2005 and 2009 and Chairman of its Engineering Panel between 2006 and 2009. He has been a member of the HK Research Grants Council since 2011.

Awards.

Professor Wah has received numerous honors and awards for his distinguished academic and professional achievements, including the Tsutomu Kanai Award, the W. Wallace McDowell Award, and the Richard E. Merwin Distinguished Service Award, all from the IEEE Computer Society, the Pan Wen Yuan Foundation Outstanding Research Award, and the IEEE Third Millennium Medal. In 2011, he received the Distinguished Alumni Award in computer science from the University of California, Berkeley. He has been elected:

Professor Benjamin Wan-Sang Wah () is the Wei Lun Professor of Computer Science and Engineering at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, as well as the former provost of this university. He was elected President of IEEE Computer Society in 2001.


Life.

The son of Admiral Sir George Fowler King-Hall and Olga Felicia Ker; theirs was an artistic naval family, King-Hall's sisters Magdalen and Lou also being writers. He married Kathleen Amelia Spencer (died 14 August 1950), daughter of Francis Spencer, on 15 April 1919 and they had three children, Ann, Frances Susan and Jane.  He was educated at Lausanne in Switzerland and at the Royal Naval College in Dartmouth. He fought in the First World War between 1914 and 1918, with the Grand Fleet, serving on and 11th Submarine Flotilla. He gained the rank of commander in the service of the Royal Navy in 1928, before resigning in 1929. He wrote several plays between 1924 and 1940, including "Posterity" accepted by Leonard Woolf for the Hogarth Essays. He joined the Royal Institute of International Affairs in 1929, having previously been awarded their Gold Medal for his 1920 thesis on submarine warfare. He entered the House of Commons in 1939 as Member of Parliament (MP) for Ormskirk unopposed, standing as the National Labour candidate. He later changed his affiliation and continued to stand as an Independent, subsequently losing the seat to future Prime Minister Harold Wilson in the 1945 general election. During the Second World War, he served in the Ministry of Aircraft Production under Beaverbrook as Director of the Factory Defence Section. In 1944 he founded and chaired the Hansard Society to promote parliamentary democracy. He presented a programme for children on current affairs on both BBC radio and television. He was invested as a Knight Bachelor on 6 July 1954 and was created a Life Peer as Baron King-Hall, "of Headley in the County of Southampton" on 15 January 1966. He lived at Hartfield House, Headley until his death on 2 June 1966.  In "Defence in the Nuclear Age" he advocated a British policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament and national defence involving some reliance on conventional military force. This was to be supplemented by "a defence system of non-violence against violence" - what is often called "defence by civil resistance" or "social defence".

Bibliography.

Political and Historical.

In "Men of Destiny" he criticised all sides for the creation of the Cold War and further promoted his aim of nuclear disarmament.  There have been several accounts and appraisals of his work advocating unilateral nuclear disarmament and defence by civil resistance.

Children.

The latter described by the author as building ""upon the foundations laid down in its predecessor Letters to Hilary. This book is for children from twelve to ninety... a series of essays, or talks... on sociology.""

William Stephen Richard King-Hall, Baron King-Hall (21 January 1893 – 2 June 1966), was a British naval officer, writer, politician and playwright.


Early life and education.

David Brock was born in Hackensack, New Jersey and was adopted by Dorothea and Raymond Brock. He has a younger sister, Regina, who was also adopted. Brock was raised Catholic. His father, whom Brock has described as "a Pat Buchanan conservative", was a marketing executive.  Brock grew up in Wood-Ridge, New Jersey, where he went to Our Lady of the Assumption School, and later attended Paramus Catholic High School in Paramus, New Jersey. During his sophomore year of high school, Brock's family moved to the Dallas, Texas, area where Brock attended Newman Smith High School. Brock became editor of his high school newspaper, which he says he "fashioned into a crusading liberal weekly in the middle of the Reaganite Sunbelt".  Brock attended the University of California, Berkeley, where he worked as a reporter and editor for "The Daily Californian", the campus newspaper. Brock arrived at college as a liberal Democrat, but at Berkeley he was "repelled by the culture of doctrinaire leftism" and turned to the political right. The turning point came with a column supporting the US invasion of Grenada that he wrote for "The Daily Californian" and that led to demands he resign from the newspaper staff. "I thought it was McCarthyism of the left," Brock later said. "I thought it was extremely intolerant." He then founded a neoconservative weekly, the "Berkeley Journal".  He graduated from Berkeley with a B.A. in history in 1985.

Journalism career.

Conservative journalism.

While he was at Berkeley, Brock contributed an op-ed to "The Wall Street Journal" entitled "Combating Those Campus Marxists". It drew the attention of John Podhoretz, who at the time was the editor of "Insight", a weekly newsmagazine published by "The Washington Times". Podhoretz flew Brock to Washington, D.C., for an interview and hired him as a writer of the weekly conservative news magazine "Insight on the News," a sister publication of "The Washington Times", a job Brock took up in 1986.  After working at "Insight", Brock spent some time as a fellow at The Heritage Foundation.

"The Real Anita Hill".

In March 1992, in a 17,000-word article for "The American Spectator", Brock challenged the claims of Anita Hill, who had accused Clarence Thomas of sexual harassment. Shortly thereafter Brock became a full-time staff member at that publication. In 1993, Brock expanded his article into a book, "The Real Anita Hill". Brock's description of Hill in the book as "a bit nutty and a bit slutty" was widely quoted.  The book became a best-seller. It was later attacked in a book review in "The New Yorker" by Jane Mayer, a reporter for "The New Yorker," and Jill Abramson, who was at that time a reporter for "The Wall Street Journal". The two later expanded their article into the book "Strange Justice," which cast Anita Hill in a much more sympathetic light. It, too, was a best-seller. Brock replied to their book with a book review of his own in "The American Spectator.". In that review, he asserted that Mayer and Abramson had no evidence to claim that Clarence Thomas was a habitual user of pornography. Later, in his book "Blinded By the Right", he wrote, "When I wrote those words, I knew they were false. I put a lie in print."

Troopergate.

In a January 1994 "The American Spectator" story about Bill Clinton's time as governor of Arkansas, Brock, by then on staff at the magazine, made accusations that bred Troopergate. Among other things, the story contained the first printed reference to Paula Jones, referring to a woman named "Paula" who state troopers said offered to be Clinton's partner. Jones called Brock's account of her encounter with Clinton "totally wrong", and she later sued Clinton for sexual harassment, a case that became entangled in the independent counsel's investigation of the Whitewater controversy, and set in motion a series of developments that led to the exposure of Clinton's affair with Monica Lewinsky and, ultimately, to Clinton's impeachment trial. The story received an award later that year from Joseph Farah's Western Journalism Center, and was partially responsible for a rise in the magazine's circulation.

"The Seduction of Hillary Rodham".

After the success of "The Real Anita Hill", Simon & Schuster's then-conservative-focused Free Press subsidiary paid Brock a large advance to write a book about Hillary Clinton. The expectation was that it would be a takedown in the style of his writings on Anita Hill and Bill Clinton. The project, however, took a different turn, and the resulting book, "The Seduction of Hillary Rodham", proved to be largely sympathetic to Mrs. Clinton. Given the large advance and tight one-year deadline by Free Press, Brock was under tremendous pressure to produce another bestseller. However, the book contained no major scoops. In "Blinded by the Right" (2002), Brock said that he had reached a turning point: he had thoroughly examined charges against the Clintons, could not find any evidence of wrongdoing and did not want to make any more misleading claims. Brock further said that his former friends in right-wing politics shunned him because "Seduction" did not adequately attack the Clintons. "National Review" proposed another theory: since "no liberal source in the world would talk to Brock", he could not collect the kind of information he was after. "National Review" also suggested that while writing the book, Brock had been "seduced" by Sidney Blumenthal, a champion and friend of the Clinton circle.  When the book came out, it was widely criticized for not breaking any new ground. John Balzar, reviewing the book in the "Los Angeles Times", called it "[e]xhaustive to the point of exhaustion" and "predictably critical but unexpectedly measured, at least in comparison to what Beltway gossips anticipated". James B. Stewart, reviewing the book in "The New York Times", said that Brock had "tried to do his subject justice in the broadest sense" but added that "[a]t times he goes too far," often "echo[ing] her apologists" and "dismiss[ing] or rationaliz[ing] the sometimes powerful evidence that Hillary Rodham Clinton has lied...by invoking a relativism rooted in Republican precedents."  Sales of the book were dismal. A deal to excerpt it in "Newsweek" fell through because the newsmagazine's editors decided that it contained nothing new or exciting. The publisher lost millions of dollars and Brock's editor, Adam Bellow, was fired.

Changing sides.

"The Nation" has described Brock as a "conservative journalistic assassin turned progressive empire-builder" while "National Review" has called him a "right-wing assassin turned left-wing assassin" and "Politico" has profiled him as a "former right-wing journalist-turned-pro-Clinton crusader".  In July 1997, "Esquire" magazine published a confessional piece by Brock entitled "Confessions of a Right-Wing Hit Man" in which he recanted much of what he said in his two best-known "American Spectator" articles and criticized his own reporting methods. Discouraged at the reaction his Hillary Clinton biography received, he said, "I... want out. David Brock the Road Warrior of the Right is dead." Four months later, "The American Spectator" declined to renew his employment contract, under which he was being paid over $300,000 per year.  Writing again for "Esquire" in April 1998, Brock apologized to Clinton for his muckraking journalism about Troopergate.  In 2001, Brock accused one of his former sources, Terry Wooten, of leaking FBI files for use in his book about Anita Hill. Brock defended his betrayal of a confidential source by saying, "I've concluded that what I was involved in wasn't journalism, it was a political operation, and I was part of it... So I don't think the normal rules of journalism would apply to what I was doing".

"Blinded by the Right".

Brock's book "Blinded by the Right: The Conscience of an Ex-Conservative" was published in 2002. In this book, an "outgrowth" of "Confessions of a Right-Wing Hit Man", Brock charted what the "Daily Beast" called his "remarkable metamorphosis to ardent acolyte from sworn enemy of Bill and Hillary Clinton." Brock apologized for his attacks on the Clintons and Anita Hill and claimed that he had now risen above character assassination. He wrote that he had been "a mad dog, an emotional monster," "a whore for the cash," "a Jew in Hitler's army," and "a witting cog in the Republican sleaze machine," and asserted that he hadn't known "what good reporting was."  Many critics responded with skepticism to Brock's claim to have reformed himself. The reviewer for "The Washington Post" wrote that Brock "quotes the worst things critics said about him, and agrees with every word". Christopher Hitchens, in "The Nation", called Brock's book "an exercise in self-love, disguised as an exercise in self-abnegation," and declared that Brock was failing to state the truth. These and other critics noted that Brock, while claiming to feel remorse for his attacks on the Clintons and professing to have put personal assaults behind him, now seemed as eager to go after targets on the right as he had once gone after targets on the left. Hitchens responded with disgust, for example, to Brock's "coarse attack" in the book on Juanita Broaddrick, who had accused Bill Clinton of rape. Hitchens was particularly harsh, stating that Brock "inserts a completely gratuitous slander against a decent woman, all of whose independent assertions have survived meticulous fact-checking".  Many readers on the left, however, greeted the book with enthusiasm, and eagerly welcomed Brock. This was especially true of the Clintons. Shortly after the book's publication, Bill Clinton phoned Brock at home and praised it lavishly. Later, according to "Politico", "Brock was invited to the former president's Harlem office where he was shocked to discover Clinton had purchased dozens of copies — and stuffed them into a big cabinet". Clinton, it turned out, was mailing them to friends across the country. Clinton "insisted" that Brock contact his speaking agent and give talks around the country attacking conservatives. According to "The Nation", Democratic donors "loved Brock's conversion story, particularly since he'd been inside the machine they hoped to replicate." Brock's book is seen as having propelled him into a favorable position among the Democratic Party establishment.

"The Republican Noise Machine".

Brock directly addressed the right-wing "machine" in his 2004 book, "The Republican Noise Machine", in which he detailed an alleged interconnected, concerted effort to raise the profile of conservative opinions in the press through false accusations of liberal media bias, dishonest and highly partisan columnists, partisan news organizations and academic studies, and other methods.  "Publishers Weekly" described it as a "blistering j'accuse" that, compared to "Blinded by the Right", was "a less gossipy and more systematic assault on the right-wing media juggernaut." Brock, according to "PW", depicted the mainstream media as being "cowed by spurious charges of 'liberal bias'" and as therefore having "abandoned their role as objective arbiters of truth in favor of an uncritical airing of partisan ideology in the name of 'balance.'" "PW" stated that Brock could not "be accused of nonpartisanship."  Also in 2004, he featured briefly in the BBC series "The Power of Nightmares", where he stated that the Arkansas Project engaged in political terrorism.

Political operative career.

Media Matters for America.

In 2004, Brock founded the progressive media watchdog group Media Matters for America (MMA) which describes itself as being “dedicated to comprehensively monitoring, analyzing, and correcting conservative misinformation in the U.S. media.” Brock said that he founded the organization to combat the conservative journalism sector that he had once been a part of. He founded the group with help from the Center for American Progress. Initial donors included Leo Hindery, Susie Tompkins Buell, and James Hormel. Media Matters is known for its aggressive criticism of conservative journalists and media outlets, including its "War on Fox News." "The New York Times", in a 2008 profile, called MMA "a highly partisan research organization" and quoted Democratic operative James Carville as saying that MMA was "more effective than any single entity" on the left. Pollster Frank Luntz called MMA "one of the most destructive organizations associated with American politics today." In a 2011 interview with "Politico", Brock vowed to wage "guerrilla warfare and sabotage" against Fox News.  When Brock proposed the idea of Media Matters, Hillary Clinton invited him to the Clintons' Chappaqua home to pitch the idea to potential donors. MMA, according to a 2015 article in "The Daily Beast", "operates from a posh Washington office space with a multi-million-dollar budget and nearly 100 employees." In 2014, "The Nation" stated that "Brock, in partnership with fundraiser Mary Pat Bonner—often described as his secret weapon—has turned out to be unparalleled at maintaining rich liberals' loyalty and support." An insider told "The Nation" that Brock and Bonner "are probably the most effective major-individual-donor fundraising team ever assembled in the independent-expenditure progressive world."  It was reported in June 2015 that when the House Select Committee on Benghazi questioned Sidney Blumenthal, committee members asked no fewer than 45 questions about Brock and Media Matters. The committee was reportedly interested in Sidney Blumenthal's paid work for Brock's nonprofits, and in the question of "whether Blumenthal and Brock did anything improper as they helped Clinton manage the political fallout from the attacks in Benghazi, Libya, while she was secretary of State."

Hillary Clinton's 2008 campaign.

Brock was active in Hillary Clinton's campaign for the presidency in 2008.

American Bridge 21st Century.

Brock announced in 2010 that he was forming a Super PAC, American Bridge 21st Century, to help elect liberal Democrats, starting with the 2012 election cycle. In 2011, Brock founded the PAC, which seeks "to track every utterance of every major GOP candidate." The "Los Angeles Times" described him as having "reinvented the art of opposition research." The group's work reportedly "did so much damage to Republicans in the 2012 elections" that they sought to replicate Brock's efforts.  In describing Brock's intentions for the super-PAC, "The New York Times" referred to Brock as a "prominent Democratic political operative" and "New York Magazine" referred to Brock's "hyperpartisanship."  The group has more than 80 staffers. It has researchers based in Washington, D.C., plus "a national network of professional trackers" who follow the moves and statements of every conceivable contender for the Republican nomination. "The Nation" has described American Bridge as "the natural next step" after MMA, explaining that "Brock took the Media Matters method—which involves monitoring virtually every word uttered by the right-wing media—and transferred it to the realm of Republican politicians." Democratic operative Paul Begala told "The Nation" that in 2012 American Bridge "produced for us a 950-page book of every business deal of Mitt Romney's career. We spent something like $65 million [2012 election], and I believe every single ad was in some ways informed by Brock's research."  In 2019, the American Bridge PAC disclosed $250,000 in independent expenditures for anti-Trump advertisements, according to the filings posted to the FEC's website. Earlier in the year, the organisation announced it will launch a $50 million effort to "weaken" Trump in Midwest states for the 2020 presidential election. Brock's efforts against the Republican Party have been criticised and referred to as "useless" by Democratic operatives.

Correct the Record.

In late 2013 Brock founded Correct the Record, described by "The New York Times" as Hillary Clinton's "own personal media watchdog," keeping track of all negative news surrounding her. Brock had first come up with the idea for the group that summer. "Having left the State Department," he said, "Clinton didn't have the kind of robust operation that one would have if one was holding public office. That's where I saw the need." The organization, whose staff "is crammed into a newsroom-style bullpen in the back corner of the offices of American Bridge 21st Century," "keeps constant watch for any conceivable attacks against her, and then aggressively beats them back before they take hold."  In September 2015, Brock and Correct the Record produced a piece on Bernie Sanders, linking him to Hugo Chavez and British Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn.

Priorities USA Action.

In early 2014, Brock was named to the board of Priorities USA Action as the super PAC also announced its support for a possible Hillary Clinton presidential run in 2016. In February 2015, Brock abruptly resigned his position with the super PAC. In his resignation letter, he accused Priorities officials of conducting "an orchestrated political hit job" against MMA and American Bridge. "The New York Times" had run an article questioning his groups' fundraising practices, and he charged that "current and former Priorities officials were behind this specious and malicious attack on the integrity of these critical organizations." His resignation “set off panic among influential Democrats,” because his other groups' research “provides the foundation for the multimillion-dollar advertising campaigns created with Priorities cash” and because “key Priorities donors have long-standing personal ties with him.” Brock was persuaded to return to Priorities later in 2015.

The American Democracy Legal Fund.

Brock also founded and runs the American Democracy Legal Fund, a nonprofit that has been accused of existing solely to create “a steady stream of lawsuits accusing Republicans of ethics and campaign finance violations.”

American Independent Institute.

In 2014, Brock relaunched the American Independent News Network, formerly a network of progressive state-based reporting outlets, into the American Independent Institute, a group which provides grants for liberal investigative journalism projects. Brock serves as the group's president. The Institute finances journalists "investigating rightwing activities." In 2014, it gave $320,000 in grants "to reporters investigating right-wing misdeeds."

CREW.

In 2014, Brock became the chairman of the Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington board of directors, in what was characterized as a more explicitly partisan stance for the organization. Brock was elected as CREW's board president after laying out a broad plan to turn the organization into a more muscular and partisan organization. "Politico" described this as “a major power play that aligns liberal muscle more fully behind the Democratic Party — and Hillary Clinton” and said that Brock had set forth a plan "to turn the group into a more muscular — and likely partisan — attack dog."  While CREW operates as a 501(c)3 nonprofit prohibited from engaging in partisan activity, Brock made clear he intends to create a more politically oriented arm registered under section 501(c)4, and also form a new overtly partisan watchdog group called The American Democracy Legal Fund registered under section 527, allowing it to engage in direct political activity. Along with Brock's election, consultant David Mercer and investor Wayne Jordan joined CREW's board of directors. When asked if CREW would still continue pursuing complaints against Democrats, Brock responded, "No party has a monopoly on corruption and at this early juncture, we are not making categorical statements about anything that we will and won't do. Having said that, our experience has been that the vast amount of violations of the public trust can be found on the conservative side of the aisle."

"Killing the Messenger".

In his 2015 book "Killing the Messenger: The Right-Wing Plot to Derail Hillary Clinton and Hijack Your Government", Brock described "how the Clintons quickly switched from prey to patrons, setting him on his current path as a fundraiser and progressive provocateur." In the book, Brock accused "The New York Times" of being a “megaphone for conservative propaganda” directed inordinately at Clinton. He was particularly critical of the "Times's" senior politics editor and former Washington bureau chief Carolyn Ryan. At the same time, in the words of "Politico", he depicted Bill and Hillary Clinton "as personal and political angels."  Calling the book a "trenchant j'accuse," "Publishers Weekly" said that parts of it "read like a fund-raising prospectus" for MMA but concluded that while "Brock's rhetorical venom and naked partisanship will alienate some readers... his sharp-eyed reporting makes for a spirited challenge to business-as-usual political discourse." "The Daily Beast" described the book as “partly a sanitized summary of Brock's already exhaustively-chronicled personal history, partly an attack on the journalism establishment, and partly a call to arms on behalf of his favorite presidential candidate.”  Hanna Rosin wrote that it reads like "pages that bullet-point Hillary's accomplishments as secretary of state or the achievements of the Clinton Foundation." Rosin alleged that the book attempted to whitewash any criticisms surrounding the Clintons. Rosin stated: "So dogged is Brock's devotion to Hillary that it often gets in the way of his being credible, not to mention interesting."  Responding to Brock's criticism of "The New York Times", Eileen Murphy, a spokeswoman for the newspaper, told CNN: "David Brock is an opportunist and a partisan who specializes in personal attacks." Murphy complained that Brock's "partisanship has led him to lash out at some of our aggressive coverage of important political figures and it's unsurprising that he has now turned personal."  In October 2015, Brock gave a presentation at Georgetown University entitled "Is the Mainstream Media in Cahoots with Conservatives?".

Purchase of "Blue Nation Review".

In 2015, Brock formed an investment venture, True Blue Media, to purchase an 80 percent stake in "Blue Nation Review", an online news website. "Blue Nation Review" was later re-branded as "Shareblue".

Hillary Clinton's 2016 campaign.

The "Los Angeles Times" has described Brock as “integral to Hillary's run” for the presidency in 2016. Clinton adviser Paul Bagela commented: What kind of a movement would we be if we rejected converts? He saw the permanent intellectual and ideological infrastructure they have on the right and brought it to the left.”  A March 6, 2015, article in "National Review" noted that while other “Democratic kingmakers” were “in retreat” in the wake of the news that Hillary Clinton had “used a private e-mail account on a private server to avoid public scrutiny while secretary of state,” Brock remained fiercely loyal. Appearing on MSNBC's "Morning Joe" in 2015, Brock insisted that Clinton had violated no rules by using a private email server.  It was reported on September 1, 2015, that a batch of Hillary Clinton's emails that had been made public included one from Brock entitled "Memo on Impeaching Clarence Thomas." In the memo, Brock discussed possible ways of trying to bring down the Supreme Court justice whose cause he had championed in "The Real Anita Hill".  "Politico" reported in January 2016 that Brock was preparing a new advertisement that would call on presidential candidate Bernie Sanders "to release his medical records before the Iowa caucuses on Feb. 1." Brock was subjected to a storm of criticism for this plan, and only hours after Politico's report, Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta scolded Brock on Twitter.  Later in January, Brock responded to a Sanders campaign ad by telling the Associated Press: "From this ad, it seems black lives don't matter much to Bernie Sanders," Sanders aides responded by accusing Brock of "mudslinging." Sanders spokesman Michael Briggs said in a statement: "Bernie Sanders, as everyone knows, has one of the strongest civil rights records in Congress. He doesn't need lectures on civil rights and racial issues from David Brock, the head of a Hillary Clinton Super Pac." Briggs added: "Twenty-five years ago it was Brock – a mud-slinging, right-wing extremist – who tried to destroy Anita Hill, a distinguished African American law professor. He later was forced to apologize for his lies about her. Today, he is lying about Sen Sanders. It's bad enough that Hillary Clinton is raising millions in special-interest money in her Super Pacs. It is worse that she would hire a mudslinger like David Brock."  At a campaign event in Iowa in late January 2016, Bernie Sanders denied any plans to "bus in out-of-state college students to caucus for him," charging that this was a lie and attributing it to Brock.  It was reported on February 1, 2016, that Brock was still drawing a salary from American Bridge 21st Century, which was legally prohibited from coordinating with the Clinton campaign, while also drawing a salary from Correct the Record, which was "directly working with the Clinton campaign on Internet-based pushback against the controversies that have dogged her presidential bid." This situation was described as "pushing campaign finance boundaries," with experts saying that Brock had found loopholes to circumvent campaign finance restrictions. Robert Maguire of the Center for Responsive Politics suggested that Brock was "running a shadow campaign" via a network of groups that Maguire called "the Brocktopus."  On February 8, 2016, after the near-tie in the Iowa caucuses between Clinton and Sanders, Brock told "Politico" that "Senator Sanders is trying to live in the purity bubble, and it needs to be burst." He described Sanders's efforts to link Clinton to Wall Street as an "artful smear," and, in a reference to the Democratic National Committee's passing of data to the Sanders campaign the previous December, said that Clinton "would've been hounded out of the race if her staff had done what his did, in stealing data and misleading the press about it, then raising money off it." Clinton's campaign, Brock insisted, "has stayed remarkably positive in the face of a relentlessly negative campaign from Sanders." As for Sanders's platform, Brock maintained that "a unanimous chorus of serious progressive commentators... find almost nothing of any substantive value in his so-called policies."

Activism to bring forth sexual assault allegations.

"The New York Times" reported in December 2017 that a group founded by Brock had spent $200,000 in an unsuccessful effort to bring forward accusations of sexual misconduct against Donald Trump during the 2016 presidential race. He was reportedly considering doing the same to congressional Republicans.

Personal life.

Brock was formerly the domestic partner of William Grey; Fox News reported that their relationship ended in a bitter, three-year-long legal battle in which "Brock and Grey traded angry accusations,... replete with charges of blackmail, theft and financial malfeasance" related to a house in Rehoboth Beach, Delaware that the two once shared. The news channel further reported that Grey filed a lawsuit against Brock in January 2011, and Brock countersued Grey in March 2011. The dispute was settled at the end of 2011 on confidential terms. On March 22, 2017, Brock suffered a heart attack while at work at Media Matters headquarters; he was expected to fully recover.

Controversies.

Potential legal conflicts.

Brock's simultaneous involvement with Correct the Record, American Bridge, and Priorities USA Action raised legal questions, given that the first two groups work closely with Hillary Clinton's campaign while Priorities USA Action, the largest Democratic Party super PAC, is legally prohibited from doing so. Brock claimed to have stopped working directly with American Bridge, although its staffers continued to operate out of his office. Paul Ryan, a lawyer at the Campaign Legal Center, considered complaining about Brock to the Federal Election Commission and Justice Department, charging that he was "creating new ways to undermine campaign regulation."

Comments about Brock.

In 2001, Jonah Goldberg wrote in "National Review" that while Brock has been "hailed by liberals for 'coming clean,' they would never really trust him." He quoted reporter Jill Abramson as having said that "the problem with Brock's credibility" is that "once you admit you've knowingly written false things, how do you know when to believe what he writes?" Similarly, "The Guardian" referred in 2014 to "residual unease among some liberal operatives that Brock's conversion story fits into a pattern of opportunism and self-promotion rather than ideological transformation." Observing in 2015 that Brock had admitted to mudslinging before, "The Daily Beast" noted a difficulty in dispatching fears he would do it again.  Brock's claim that the Clintons have never committed any wrongdoing has received criticisms from many, including fellow Democrats, who have cited instances of abuse.  Cenk Uygur of The Young Turks criticized Brock's negative coverage of the Bernie Sanders 2016 Presidential Campaign, specifically the alleged invention of the "Bernie Bro" controversy. Uygur said that Brock's January 10, 2017 open letter of apology to Sanders and his voters was disingenuous because it was motivated by a desire to raise money from wealthy Democratic donors and to foster a perception of himself as being a member of the U.S. progressive movement.

David Brock (born July 23, 1962) is a prominent American liberal political consultant, author, and commentator who founded the media watchdog group Media Matters for America. He has been described by "Time" as "one of the most influential operatives in the Democratic Party".


Background.

With the growing power of Surrealism, abstract artists living in Paris felt the need to assert their preferred style and began to discuss creating a united front. Theo van Doesburg had taken part in such conversations, initially with Joaquín Torres-García, but complained of insufficiently rigorous criteria for the type of work that should be included. Eventually he lost the argument and Torres-García joined with Michel Seuphor in creating the more inclusive Cercle et Carré group in 1929.  During the war of words that followed, Van Doesburg accused Seuphor of "intellectual sloppiness worthy of venal art dealers and critics" and tried to recruit a rival group more in accord with his view of what abstract art should be. He was joined by the Armenian Léon Arthur Tutundjian, the Swede Otto Gustaf Carlsund, and the Frenchman Jean Hélion. In their names Van Doesburg sent a copy of a manifesto stating their position on abstract art (eventually to appear under the title "Base de la peinture concrete") to Friedrich Vordemberge-Gildewart, who declined to sign it. Until then, the new group was to be called Groupement 6,6 but never did reach that number. When the manifesto was published under its new title, it was signed only by Tutundjian, Carlsund, Van Doesburg and Hélion, with the addition of Hélion's fellow lodger, the teenaged typographer Marcel Wantz (1911–79). An unsuccessful approach had meanwhile been made to Walmar Schwab who, while he was willing for his work to appear in the magazine, was temperamentally indisposed to put his name to anything so formal.  The retitled manifesto appeared in the group's magazine, by now called "Art Concret", in April 1930, a month after the first issue of the rival "Cercle et Carré". But the group only exhibited together on three occasions, and even then as part of larger group exhibitions which also included Cercle et Carré members. The first was at the "Salon des Surindépendents" in June, followed in August by the exhibition "AC: Internationell utställning av postkubistisk konst" (International exhibition of post-cubist art) in Stockholm and in October by "Production Paris 1930" in Zürich. At the same time Van Doesburg hosted further discussions at his home with the artists of both groups and early in 1931 launched the new movement, Abstraction-Création, with himself briefly as vice-president.

The magazine.

On the cream-coloured front cover of the magazine, which measured 18.5 x 14 cm, appeared the large initials AC in a narrow sans-serif font, overprinted at the centre with the information "Introduction of the group and of the magazine Art Concret" in bold capital letters. Across the back cover this was supplemented with the information "Introductory number issued in April nineteen thirty". The group manifesto, followed by the surnames only of the five involved, appeared on page 1. The key points made there were that "A work of art must be entirely conceived and shaped by the mind before its execution. It should receive nothing from nature's formal properties nor from sensuality nor sentimentality. We want to exclude lyricism, dramaticism, symbolism, etc...The painting should be constructed entirely from purely plastic elements, that is to say planes and colours."  Van Doesburg's (unsigned) "commentaries" followed on pages 2–4 and were dated Paris, January 1930. In them he argued that, after the eras of natural and artistic form, comes the new era of mental form ("forme esprit"), "the concretisation of the creative mind. Concrete, not abstract painting, because nothing is more concrete than a line, a colour, a surface. As painters, we think and measure," avoiding interpretation and subjectivity. Jean Hélion's "The Problems of Concrete Art: Art and Mathematics", dated simply 1930, followed on pages 5–10. The article was punctuated by a reproduction of a Tutundjian relief (dated 1929) between pages 6–7 and a fold-out smaller sheet with designs by Carlsund, "Doesbourg", Hélion and Tutundjian (all dated 1930), between pages 8–9. Hélion opened with the proposition: "If art is universal, it escapes both personality and era. It belongs to the domain of constant certainties and is under the control of logic. The search for constants through logic is the shared aim of mathematics. Mathematics concretise constant certainties via formulae; painting does it via colours. So mathematics and painting are in essential relationship." He later elaborates that the geometrical elements of a painting appear in numerical relationship but are modified by colour; works of art always differ from one another because of the laws of relativity. Van Doesburg's "Towards White Painting" followed on pages 11–12, dated December 1929. "Left behind us is the brown of rottenness and classicism," he proclaims. "THERE'S NOTHING TO READ IN PAINT, ONLY SEEING", for art has grown up and "in place of dream the future will substitute art based on science and the technical". A statement in French, English and German appeared separately at the foot of the page: "Art is the spiritual transformation of (the) material". Page 13 had a sideways print by Schwab, titled "Composition" and dated 1929. The following page was taken up with a satirical attack on art journalism: first "A few words that have nothing to do with art": "sensibility, sensuality, emotion," but also including watchwords of the Cercle et Carré group ("abstraction") and of the Cubists ("instantaneity"); then on the second half of the page a section titled "Critical standards for hire", a verbal collage created from a vacuous "selection of recent items in the press". "We are not alone", the "Art Concret" signatories assured readers on page 15, quoting from various public figures and artists, among whom appear the English dandies, Beau Brummel and Oscar Wilde. The board appealed on the final page for other painters to join them (so long as they approve the editorial stance and apply it), giving 50, rue Pierre Larousse as the editorial address and crediting Hélion as the director. Hélion later dismissed the magazine as "a flash in the pan" and "a harangue in a public garden, a vast and almost empty one". Nevertheless, the group's manifesto had helped popularise the term Concrete Art and, through the championship of others (Torres-García among them), resulted eventually in the establishment of geometric abstraction under this name as an international phenomenon. By then the magazine had become a historical document and a reprint was issued in 1976.

Art Concret was a single-issue French-language art magazine published in Paris in 1930. It was the vehicle for a group of abstract artists who wished to differentiate themselves from others gathered around the magazine Cercle et Carré. Eventually most in both groups fused in the wider association of non-figurative artists, Abstraction-Création. Articles in "Art Concret" championed strictly geometrical art, free of personal interpretation and based on mathematics. It also ridiculed the sloppy and imprecise vocabulary of contemporary art criticism. The concept of Concrete Art championed by the magazine was thereafter taken up by other artists and became influential internationally.


Early life.

Sargant was born on 28 October 1863, and was the third daughter of barrister Henry Sargant and his wife Catherine Emma Beale. She studied at North London Collegiate School under Frances Mary Buss at a time when all girls schools were considered an "adventurous experiment" and from 1881 to 1885 at Girton College, Cambridge. Her sister Mary Sargant Florence was a painter and feminist, while her brother Sir Charles Sargant was a senior judge.

Career.

A list of Sargant's publications is provided in an article in the Journal of the Society for the Bibliography of Natural History. Sargant spent some years doing botanical work at home while she cared for her mother and sister, but she also worked for Dr. D.H. Scott at Jodrell Laboratory in Kew Gardens from 1892 to 1893.  She worked with Margaret Jane Benson, head of the Department of Botany at Royal Holloway College, and travelled with her throughout Europe in 1897 to acquire equipment and knowledge to set up that school's laboratory.  To combine her caring responsibilities and academic pursuits, Sargant ran the "Joderal Junior" laboratory in the grounds of her mother's house in Reigate. She employed Ethel Thomas (1897-1901) and Agnes Arber (1902-3) as research assistants. For the following years she specialised in seedling anatomy, giving a course of lectures on botany at the University of London in 1907.  In 1904, Sargant was one of the first women to become a fellow of the Linnean Society of London, and the also became the first female on their council.  After the deaths of her mother and sister, she moved to live at the Old Rectory in Girton village in 1912. She was elected an Honorary Fellow of Girton College in 1913 and was President of the Federation of University Women in 1918. She was the President of the Botanical Section at the British Association meeting at Birmingham in 1913.  During World War I, she organised the register of university women qualified to do work of national importance, which was afterwards taken over by the Ministry of Labour.  Ethel Sargant died in Sidmouth on 16 January 1918.

After death.

She bequeathed her botanical library and bookcases to Girton College. The Ethel Sargant Studentship for research into Natural Sciences was endowed by friends in her memory in 1919. Some of the reprints and monographs she collected and bound by subject are now housed in the Plant Sciences Library, University of Cambridge. Her obituary was written by Agnes Arber.

Ethel Sargant (28 October 1863 – 16 January 1918) was a British botanist who studied both the cytology and morphology of plants. She was one of the first female members of the Linnean Society and the first female in their council, as well as President of the Federation of University Women.


Early life and education.

Lawrence was born on June 26, 1819 in Mount Pleasant, Ohio. He attended Tidball's Academy in Knoxville, Tennessee. After teaching at Pennsville and McConnelsville, Ohio, he was graduated in 1838 from Franklin College in New Athens, Ohio. He was then graduated in 1840 from law school at the University of Cincinnati, and was admitted to the bar. In 1873, Lawrence was awarded the LL. D. from Franklin College.

Career.

In 1841, Lawrence moved to Bellefontaine, Ohio, and there set up his law practice. From July 15, 1841 to July 15, 1843 he was law partner of Benjamin Stanton, and from July, 1851 to February, 1854 with his law student William H. West. From 1841 to 1843, he continued his studies, then in the field of medicine. In 1842, he became the Commissioner of Bankruptcy for Logan County.  From 1845 to 1847, Lawrence served as the editor of the "Logan Gazette", which later became the "Bellefontaine Examiner". During this time, Lawrence was elected as the Logan County Prosecutor (in 1845). He also served as a member of the Ohio House of Representatives, in 1846 and 1847. In 1849, Lawrence was first elected to the Ohio Senate, serving until 1851 when he became the reporter of the Ohio Supreme Court. He returned to the Ohio Senate in 1854. He also served as an editor of "Western Law Monthly" from 1859 to 1862. In 1860 or 1861, Lawrence built a house along North Main Street in Bellefontaine; today, the William Lawrence House remains largely intact and is listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

Civil War.

In 1857, Lawrence was appointed Judge of the Court of Common Pleas and of the District Court, serving until he resigned in 1864. In 1862, he entered the Union Army as colonel of the 84th Ohio Infantry, a three-month regiment. In 1863, Lawrence was appointed to serve as the wartime judge for the United States district court in Florida; however, he declined the appointment.

Congressman and national political figure.

On March 4, 1865, William Lawrence was inaugurated as the U.S. Representative for the 4th district of Ohio, having been elected to this office the previous November. He supported the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, stating in an 1866 speech that it would "protect every citizen, including the millions of people of foreign birth who will flock to our shores to become citizens and to find here a land of liberty and law."  Lawrence served in the Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, and Forty-first Congresses, ending his third term on March 3, 1871. As Representative, Lawrence was among the authors of the bill of impeachment against U.S. President Andrew Johnson in 1868.

Created the Department of Justice.

In 1867, as a member of the House Judiciary Committee, Lawrence directed an inquiry into the creation of a "law department" headed by the Attorney General and composed of the various department solicitors and district attorneys. On February 19, 1868, Lawrence authored the bill that ultimately created the United States Department of Justice. However, this first bill died in Congress due to the Congress's (and Lawrence's) concern with the impeachment of President Johnson.  In the following Congress, the issue was brought back to the table. Representative Thomas Jenckes of Rhode Island introduced a bill to create the Department of Justice on February 25, 1870. Though Lawrence did not write this bill, it incorporated many of the ideas from Lawrence's previous bill, and he gave the bill his full support. On June 22, 1870, President Ulysses Grant signed this second bill into law, creating the Department of Justice.

To Bellefontaine, and back to Washington.

Returning to Bellefontaine in 1871, Lawrence founded the Bellefontaine National Bank (acquired by Huntington National Bank in 1977), and served as its first president. He returned to Congress in 1873, this time from the 8th Ohio Congressional district. Lawrence served in the Forty-third and Forty-fourth Congresses, and completed his fifth and final term on March 3, 1877. During this service, Lawrence was the chairman of the Committee on War Claims arising from the American Civil War.

The American Red Cross and the Geneva Convention.

Lawrence was appointed by President Rutherford B Hayes in 1880 to serve as the First Comptroller of the Treasury, a post he held until 1885. Lawrence then appealed on behalf of Clara Barton to Hayes' successor, James Garfield, to support the creation of the American Red Cross on May 21, 1881. He then served as the organization's first Vice President. Lawrence and Barton were also instrumental in persuading the United States to ratify the Geneva Convention in 1882.  In 1891, Lawrence was appointed President of the National Wool Growers Association. He died on May 8, 1899 in Kenton, Ohio. Lawrence is interred at Bellefontaine Cemetery in Bellefontaine, Ohio. The small Ohio community of Lawrenceville is named for him.

William Lawrence (June 26, 1819 – May 8, 1899) was a Republican politician from Ohio. He was most noted for being a US Representative, and was influential in attempting to impeach Andrew Johnson, creating the United States Department of Justice, helping to create the American Red Cross, and ratifying the Geneva Convention.


Background.

Pink told "Q" magazine that the song got her into trouble with her mother. The singer commented: "She went to the "National Enquirer". We laugh about it now, but it wasn't the best way to address family problems."

Critical reception.

The single received praise from critics. Paul Matthew from UKMIX gave the song 4 out of 5 stars, saying that it is strong, catchy and different from anything she had released to date. Dr. Bruce L. Thiessen praised the song's stripped down nature, stating that 'Pink has never been afraid to show her true colors. The haunting, yet urgently importuning nature of the music matches and magnifies the meaning. The intensity of every earnest guitar strum and run echoes the sense of longing for familial harmony expressed in the chorus. Pink's voice on “Family Portrait” further reflects the urgency underlying the song.' Malaimport from StudyMode.com gave Pink the credit for the song in his article, 'Pink positioned the audience to understand and accept her representations of pain and frustration was clear through the uses language choices and imagery devices such as repetition and use of strong and forceful words.'

Music video.

The music video stars P!nk and Kelsey Lewis and was directed by Sophie Muller. The video opens with P!nk lying in different positions on the bed; as she answers a phone call, she smashes a glass and Kelsey pops up. They are then shown in what looks like a kitchen. Kelsey tries to get the attention of P!nk, who is trying to cook. Then, the two are shown eating cereal on a couch while watching a commercial for a cereal named Pretty Happy. P!nk is seen opening a door, which a man comes in, and they sit at a table.  At the end of the video, the family in the TV commercial pulls Kelsey into it. The TV then shows P!nk singing alone. Finally, the family in the TV (now with the child Kelsey) gathers around and P!nk lies down on a pillow.

Cultural impact.

According to Pink's father, James Moore Jr., during an E! Entertainment's "E! True Hollywood Story," this song has been unofficially named the national anthem for young kids who have been through the harsh effects of divorce of their parents: "I have got letters from parents thanking us from this song." The song, which she wrote and composed in collaboration with Scott Storch, was still going strong as of late April 2017, with millions of hits on YouTube and millions of albums sold from "Missundaztood." "It took me a while to listen to 'Family Portrait' without getting emotional," Pink's mother told "E! True Hollywood Story." Although the song addresses how Pink struggled through her parents's divorce, it is also addressed to kids, to encourage them to talk with their parents about how they feel about their divorce.

"Family Portrait" is a song by Pink for her second album "Missundaztood" (2001). Co-written by Pink and Scott Storch and produced by Storch, the song is about relationships and her family that was about to fall to pieces, portraying the conflict through the eyes of her as a child. It was released as the album's fourth and final single in December 2002. It peaked in the top 20 in both the U.K. and U.S.


Results.

Preliminary round.

This round will be entered by the bottom four from the ten 2011–12 Segona Divisió teams at the time of the mid-season break: Penya Encarnada d'Andorra, FS La Massana, Principat B and Atlètic Club d'Escaldes. The matches will be played on 15 January 2012.

First elimination round.

This round will be entered by the top six from the ten 2011–12 Segona Divisió teams at the time of the mid-season break: Lusitanos B, UE Extremenya, FC Encamp, UE Santa Coloma B, Casa Estrella del Benfica and FC Santa Coloma B and will join the winners of the preliminary elimination round. The matches will be played on 22 January 2012.

Second elimination round.

The teams from 2011–12 Primera Divisió placed fifth to eighth after 10 rounds played – Inter Club d'Escaldes, CE Principat, UE Engordany and FC Rànger's – enter in this round and will join the winners of the first elimination round. For each match, one Segona Divisió and one Primera Divisió team have been drawn together. The matches will be played on 29 January 2012.

Third elimination round.

The winners from the previous round will compete in this round together with the teams from Primera Divisió placed first to fourth after 10 rounds played – FC Santa Coloma, FC Lusitanos, UE Sant Julià, and UE Santa Coloma. The first legs will be played on 5 and 12 February 2012, while the second legs took place on 19 February 2012.

Semifinals.

The first legs were played on 6 May 2012 while the second legs were played on 13 May 2012.

The 2012 Copa Constitució was the twentieth season of Andorra's football knockout tournament. The competition began on 15 January 2012 with the matches of the first elimination round and ended in May 2012 with the Final. UE Sant Julià are the defending champions. The winners earned a place in the first qualifying round of the 2012–13 UEFA Europa League.


Life.

Born in 1967, Eisenstein graduated from Yale University in 1989 with a degree in Mathematics and Philosophy. He lived in Taiwan for nine years, where he became fluent in Mandarin Chinese and worked as a translator. He married there, had children, and later returned to the United States. He describes his late 20s through his mid 30s as "long period of intensifying crisis". During this time, he held short term positions as a construction worker, college instructor, and yoga teacher, but spent most of his time as a stay-at-home dad. He then spent four years writing "The Ascent of Humanity", which was published in 2007 and became his first commercially successful book, launching his writing career. Eisenstein has four sons; one with his current wife, Stella, and three with his previous wife, Patsy. He currently lives in Asheville, North Carolina.  Eisenstein has spoken at various conferences and events over the years. His events are held voluntarily, organized by others who invite him to speak. He generally charges people expenses but no fee, leaving it up to them to give him something if they feel the urge. This appeals to his ideal of generosity and "living in the gift."

Writings.

The Ascent of Humanity.

"The Ascent of Humanity", published in 2007, draws together Eisenstein's thoughts about the history of human civilization. It explores the development of what he calls the "separate human realm", drawing distinctions between hunter-gatherer and agricultural societies. In Eisenstein's view, a greater sense of separation from natural began with the emergence of agriculture and has been accelerating to the present day.  Other themes include the role of various languages, mathematical, art, religions and other symbolic systems to structure subjective reality at the levels of the individual and of culture. He argues that these have a strong, largely unconscious effect on attitudes toward time and the natural world.  It was read on the Unwelcome Guests radio show and the reading was later released as an audiobook.

Sacred Economics.

Eisenstein wrote his 2011 book "Sacred Economics" as part of the New Economy movement. The book revolves around the theme of how the current monetary system based on interest and usury, along with the abandonment of the gift economy, led to social alienation, competition and need for an economic system predicated on continuous growth. It has been either fully or partially translated into at least nine languages. Accordingly, his primary goal is the reestablishment of some form of gift economy as a means of strengthening relationships in contrast to money economies which commodify our relationships and renders people interchangeable. He asserts that money is created by the conversion of free human interactions into paid services. Eisenstein himself attempts to practice the gift economy in his own life.  The book explores additional economic proposals including a negative-interest currency following Silvio Gesell, social dividends, economic degrowth, and a personal emphasis on right livelihood over financial motivation. In other writings, he has also advocated for universal basic income. He describes and rejects what he describes as the myth of scarcity which he claims fosters greed and anxiety.

The More Beautiful World Our Hearts Know is Possible.

"The More Beautiful World Our Hearts Know is Possible" was published in November 2013. It argues that many of the social, economic, political, and environmental problems covered in his earlier works can be traced to an underlying worldview that he calls the "Story of Separation"—that humans are separate from each other and from the rest of the natural world. A new story that is emerging, the "Story of Interbeing", is a "story of the world that we really care about". The book describes this as a time of transition between these stories: "Internally, it [the transition] is... a transformation in the experience of being alive. Externally is it... a transformation of humanity's role on planet Earth". He deconstructs the old story while describing the new. For example, the best way to interrupt the story of separation is to give someone an experience of non-separation. "Publishers' Weekly" described it as "a revolutionary and interactive book—in the sense that it inspires the reader to think out of the ordinary", adding that Eisenstein "will be noted in antiquity as one of the seminal and pioneering storytellers of this new world".

Climate—A New Story.

"Climate—A New Story" was published in 2018. It is described as 'flipping the script on climate change', and addresses the framing, tactics and goals of our approach to environmental issues. Eisenstein proposes that if we were to feel that the rivers, forests, and creatures of the natural and material world were sacred or at least valuable in their own right, then our response might be more wholesome and ultimately effective. He decries valuing the living world simply for its carbon credits or for preventing the extinction of one species or another.

Other work.

Eisenstein has published op-ed pieces in "The Guardian" and "The Huffington Post" on topics including genetic modification, the patenting of seeds and debt. He is a contributing editor at the website "Reality Sandwich". He appeared on Oprah Winfrey's Super Soul Sunday on July 16, 2017.  Eisenstein periodically publishes essays on his website.

Reception.

In 2013, journalist and author Rory Spowers described Eisenstein as a "refreshing new voice", saying that he's young, fresh, well-informed, humble but articulate, with a very spiritual perspective. He added that Eisenstein is too intelligent to be confrontational but that, through his works, especially "The Ascent of Humanity" and "Sacred Economics", "he's really moved the whole thing along in a number of ways." Eisenstein was influential in the Occupy Movement

Charles Eisenstein (born 1967) is an American public speaker and author. His work covers a wide range of topics, including the history of human civilization, economics, spirituality, and the ecology movement. Key themes explored include anti-consumerism, interdependence, and how myth and narrative influence culture. According to Eisenstein, global culture is immersed in a destructive "story of separation", and one of the main goals of his work is to present an alternative "story of interbeing". Much of his work draws on ideas from Eastern philosophy and the spiritual teachings of various indigenous peoples. Eisenstein has been involved in the Occupy, New Economy, and permaculture movements. His work has also been popular with countercultural and New Age audiences. An advocate of the gift economy, he makes much of his work available for free on his website.


History.

Aboriginal anthropology.

Leichhardt was once an area broadly inhabited by the Wangal band of the Dharug (Eora) language group. The 'Eora people' was the name given to coastal Aborigines around Sydney – Eora means "from this place" – local Aboriginal people used this word to describe to Europeans where they came from, and in time the term became used to define Aboriginal people themselves. Wangal country was known as 'wanne' and it originally extended from the suburbs of Balmain and Birchgrove in the east to Silverwater and Auburn in the west. It is unclear how many people were in the tribe, some research indicates in the broader Sydney region there was between 8000 – 10000 indigenous people, migration over the seasons and violence between tribes would alter this number at different periods. The northern boundary was the Parramatta River. Neighbouring Darug bands were the Cadigal to the east, the Wallumattagal on the northern shore of the Parramatta River and the Bediagal to the south.

European settlement.

Leichhardt is named after the Prussian explorer Ludwig Leichhardt, who in the 1840s was feted for his 4,800 km (c. 3000 mi) expedition in search of an overland route from southern Queensland to Port Essington, a British settlement on the far northern coast of Australia (some 300 km to the north of the modern city of Darwin). In 1848, he famously vanished without trace on his attempt to cross the continent from the Darling Downs in Queensland to the Swan River Colony on the Western Australia coast.  Leichhardt was proclaimed a municipality in 1871. In 1949, it was merged with the municipalities of Annandale and Balmain. In 1967, the municipal boundary was altered to include Glebe and parts of Camperdown. In 2003, the municipal boundary was again changed, to exclude Glebe and Forest Lodge, which are now part of the City of Sydney.

Commercial area.

The main commercial area in Leichhardt is located on Norton Street, north of Parramatta Road and parallel to Balmain Road. The Norton Street commercial area contains a mix of residential buildings, restaurants (Italian and others), cafés, eateries and individual retail outlets, including several bookstores and grocery shops. There are also hotels, a Palace Cinema and two of the suburb's two shopping centres – MarketPlace Leichhardt and Norton Plaza. Commercial developments are also found along the length of Parramatta Road.  The Italian Forum, located just off Norton Street, is notable for its design which seeks to emulate the feel of a Mediterranean town piazza. A pedestrian-only central courtyard featuring outdoors and indoors restaurant dining as well as Leichhardt Library is surrounded by small shops and boutiques on the level above, and all overlooked by residential apartments. Norton Street plays host to various events throughout the year, notably the Italian Fiesta in October, which showcases the Italian culture of the area.  The second shopping centre, MarketPlace Leichhardt (formerly Market Town), is located towards Haberfield on the corner of Marion and Flood Streets. MarketPlace Leichhardt has free car parking and is home to Woolworths, Aldi, Target and over 60 specialty stores. The centre recently celebrated its 40th birthday milestone of being in the heart of Leichhardt.

Transport.

Leichhardt can be accessed by several main roads including Parramatta Road, Norton Street, Balmain Road, Marion Street and Catherine Street. The City West Link runs along the northern border of Leichhardt and is a major arterial road, which is part of the A4 and crosses the Anzac Bridge to the CBD.  Leichhardt is well serviced by State Transit and Transit Systems through city and cross regional services. Leichhardt Bus Depot is located on the corner of William and Derbyshire Street. The following list provides the bus routes in Leichhardt:  The southern portion of Leichhardt is serviced by trains at the nearby Petersham railway station, on the Inner West & Leppington Line. The station is an eight-minute walk from Norton Street, along Railway Street.  The western and northern portions of Leichhardt are serviced by light rail on the Dulwich Hill Line of Sydney's light rail network. Leichhardt North lies on the northern border with Lilyfield, adjacent to the City West Link. Hawthorne, serving the north-west of the suburb, and Marion, near Marion Street, are on the western border with Haberfield. Taverners Hill is adjacent to Parramatta Road and lies in the south-west corner of the suburb.  Leichhardt was served by trams from Sydney's former network from 1887 to the 1950s. The Annandale Line ran down Norton Street. The current bus depot at the top of William Street was a 12 road depot, designed to serve a number of planned lines that were never built. Instead, it was used to stored surplus trams in the off peak period, and was rebuilt as the Government Bus Workshops in 1937. A small spur of track remained and was later used by tour trams going through the depot yard nearest Pioneer Park.

Houses.

Being situated close to the city, Leichhardt is an area for great capital growth as it very central and has a lot to offer, so housing is not very cheap and is a much sought after. The architecture in Leichhardt ranges from Victorian single fronted brick homes to modern new homes and apartment blocks.

Churches and schools.

Leichhardt has a number of primary schools and one secondary school.

Landmarks.

The following buildings are listed on the Register of the National Estate:

Culture.

Leichhardt is home to many creative industry workers and is known for its colourful and inventive mural art, such as the panorama at the Renwick Lane and at the Hawthorne Canal Railway Underpass. Leichhardt has access to many art and cultural organisations. Commercial galleries are found throughout the area and Boomali Gallery, the Aboriginal Arts Organisation is situated in Flood Street in Leichhardt.  The Italian community has a wealth of social and cultural organisations located in Leichhardt, and work is underway everyday to develop the Italian Forum Cultural Centre. Co.As.It. is one of them and they provide a range of culturally and linguistically appropriate services to enhance the quality of life of the community and to promote the Italian language and culture in New South Wales. The suburb was originally considered to be Sydney's 'little Italy', but that reputation has since decreased.  Leichhardt is the yearly host of the Italian Festa on Norton Street where local traffic is temporarily closed on Norton and neighbouring streets transforming surroundings into a huge European style outdoor café, celebrating Leichhardt's cultural diversity with an International Food Fair, gift stalls, community expos and live entertainment throughout the day. Leichhardt is also known for its café culture with cafés in abundance. The oldest café in the area is Café Sport, which is located on Norton Street.

Population.

According to the 2016 census of Population, there were 14,625 people in Leichhardt.  41% of occupied dwellings were terraces, semis or townhouses, 35% were separate density housing houses and 22% were apartments. The average age of people in the suburb was similar to the rest of Sydney (36) and a lower percentage of people owned their homes outright (23.4%) than those paying them off (34.2%) or renting (40.1%). Median loan repayments ($3,000 per month) were much higher than the national figure ($1,755).  Since the middle of the 20th century, Leichhardt has been a centre for the Italian community, reflected in the many Italian-owned businesses in the area. Although it has become less distinctively Italian with the increasing gentrification of the suburb and movement of families to suburbs with larger blocks of land, its Italian character is still palpable, particularly in the popular restaurants and cafés of its main street, Norton Street. Many residents moved to suburbs further away from Sydney as the city has expanded and larger housing blocks became available.

Leichhardt is a suburb in the Inner West of Sydney, in the state of New South Wales, Australia. Leichhardt is located 5 kilometres west of the Sydney central business district (CBD) and is the administrative centre for the local government area (LGA) of the Inner West Council. The suburb is bordered by Haberfield to the west, Annandale to the east, Lilyfield to the north and Petersham, Lewisham and Stanmore to the south.


History.

In the 16th century this area was called "north of the central Mexico plateau" that was never conquered by the Aztecs, "La Gran Chichimeca". It now comprises the States of Jalisco, Aguascalientes, Nayarit, Guanajuato, San Luis Potosí Durango, Coahuila and Zacatecas. The Aztec and Spaniards called the residents of this great area, Chichimecas, although they were of different cultures, languages, or civilizations. It reported that four primary nations lived in what is now Zacatecas: the Caxcan, Guachichil, Tepehuán and Zacatecos. The state was named after the Zacatecos, it was the nickname given by the Aztecs to the Bufa hill inhabitants. Is a composed nahuatl word that means "inhabitants of the land where grass abounds", it derives from the zacatl, “Reed” or grass, and locative co.  The majority of its inhabitants were hunting nomads, but also settled in several places. Some parts of the territory, particularly the south was under Mesoamerican influence, while the rest of the territory formed part of what is now called Aridoamérica. Zacatecas has other important archaeological sites like La Quemada, located in the Villanueva municipality and Altavista in the Chalchihuites municipality. These areas have ceremonial buildings and pyramids with architectural features of the Mesoamerican cultures.

Chichimecs.

Chichimeca was the name that the Nahua peoples of Mexico generically applied to a large number of bands and tribes of nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples who inhabited the north of modern-day Mexico and southwestern United States, and carried the same sense as the European term "barbarian". The name was adopted with a pejorative tone by the Spaniards when referring especially to the hunter-gatherer peoples of northern Mexico. In modern times only one ethnic group is customarily referred to as Chichimecs, namely the Chichimeca Jonaz, although lately this usage is being changed for simply "Jonáz" or their own name for themselves ""Úza"".  Many of the peoples called Chichimeca are virtually unknown today; few descriptions mention them and they seem to have been absorbed into mestizo culture or into other indigenous ethnic groups. For example, virtually nothing is known about the peoples referred to as "Guachichiles", "Caxcanes", "Zacatecos", "Tecuexes", or "Guamares". Others like the "Opata" or ""Eudeve"" are well described but extinct as a people.

Caxcanes.

The Caxcan caxcanes o cazcanes were a partly nomadic people that spoke Uto-Aztecan languages. The Caxcan were allied with the Zacatecos against the Spaniards during the Mixtón Rebellion During the rebellion, they were described as "the heart and the center of the Indian Rebellion". They were famously led by Tenamaxtli. After the rebellion, they were at constant target by the Zacatecos and Guachichiles due to their ceasefire agreement with the Spaniards. Their principal religious and population centers were at Teul, Tlaltenango, Juchipila, and Teocaltiche.  Represented the largest group and lived around El Teúl, Tlaltenango, Juchipila, Teocaltiche, Nochistlán, Aguascalientes, and Jalisco. Within the group, a subgroup called "tezoles" believed they descended from the 7 Aztlán tribes, searching for the land promised by Huitzilopochtli; this is known from the miscellaneous Chronicle of Father Antonio Tello, who noted that the caxcans have some similarity in language of the Aztecs; refers to "caxcans peoples are people who speaks almost the Aztec language and claimed to be Aztec descendants, but do not speak the language as cultured and refined as the Aztec".  It is also believed that as a consequence of the Chalchihuites collapse, there was a migration to the south, and would eventually become the caxcanes. The word caxcan means "there is no", and the name remained because "when the spaniards arrived and asked for food or other things, the people responded in their native language, "I do not have or there is no...".  The caxcans were conquerors, through their history, conquered and founded towns as Amecatl, Tuitlán, Juchipila, El Teúl, Nochistlán and Teocaltiche, "a center of Tecuexe warriors who were allied with caxcan neighbors, the Zacatecas and guachichiles".  The caxcans had a political and social system structured, had a larger village as capital, and several smaller dependent neighborhoods. Unlike other Chichimeca groups, the caxcans became sedentary due to their relations with Otomí and Purépecha peoples.

Regional Trade.

Nayarit ceramics evidence has been found, in the coastal Nayarit region have found copper artifacts.  Absence thus far of copper oxide minerals as well as Nayarit ceramic on this site, infer of trade relations, and the possibility that foundries here manufactured ornaments for Nayarit. This opens an interesting debate on the old economies and regional trade.  It is known that the El Teúl inhabitants had links with the Atemajac Valley, the tequila Valley and the Sayula basin. Also with La Quemada and Chalchihuites (Zacatecas) in addition to relations with Bolaños and the aztatlán network, a culture located in Nayarit and Sinaloa.

Occupation Periods.

It is believed that the site is one of the few places on the continent with an uninterrupted occupation from 200 BCE to 1531 CE. The occupation chronology is comparable with cities such as Cholula.  It is possible that the site was a Caxcanes ceremonial center, one of the most warrior groups against the Spanish invaders and those who were about to defeat them in the famous Mixtón war.  El Teúl caxcan occupation is estimated at two centuries (1350 / 1400 to 1531 CE). The destruction of the ceremonial area, this particular stage, occurred when the caxcans reused it a place of worship.  In Zacatecas, El Teúl was occupied at least six centuries before other ceremonial centers, such as La Quemada and Altavista, and was contemporary during the mid-classical and epiclassical periods, from 400 to 1000 CE, to be then occupied again 500 years after the abandonment.  Fire evidence has been found during the epiclassical period (600-900 CE.) such as “box tombs”. These are dated between 200 and 500 CE, evidence of changes in funerary patterns from shaft tombs to box tombs.  This is important because represents the time when western cultures begin to integrate to the Bajío and the Valley of Mexico.  So far it is not known who the caxcanes were and what their pottery was like. In relation to the occupation of this site, it is not known who built it originally and who lived here before the caxcans.  El Teúl was inhabited during 1,800 years, three times more than sites such as La Quemada, and Alta Vista, also in Zacatecas, they only had six centuries of occupation.

The Site.

The site has a total area of 150 hectares; there is only exploration in an area of five to six hectares. The site is not yet open to the public.  Two pyramids and a portion of a ball game court have only been uncovered, several human burials were found, that reveal changes in funerary patterns of their former inhabitants.  Objects found reflect the life of the ancient inhabitants of the site, such as a fetus representation found in the pyramid at the altar.  Also found shell beads and green stone were found from shaft tombs, in addition to earflaps with Teotihuacan’s motifs and polychrome ceramic style Codex, among others.

Structures.

Investigation and exploration work is ongoing, thus far several structures have been found:

Circular Altar.

A circular altar was found, measuring over six meters in diameter.

Eastern Complex.

This complex has the following reported structures:

Sculpture.

A prehispanic sculpture was found, representing a life-size decapitated ballgame player.  It is a stone sculpture dated between 900-1100 CE, there is evidence that it was intentionally manufactured without head, probably for the ball game rituals.  It is a cylindrical sculpture measuring 1.97 meters high, 52 centimeters in diameter, with an approximate weight of one ton, found on the south side, east of the ballgame court.  Also found fragments of another such sculpture at the other side, it is possible that there are other similar sculptures.

Furnace.

An almost intact copper smelting furnace was found, one of the metallurgy problems is how to fire furnaces; evidence found indicate that corn cobs were apparently used, used as fuel and wick.  The prehispanic furnace built over 800 years ago, was used for copper smelter.  Finding this furnace is of great importance, is the oldest in prehispanic Mexico and was used during the early postclassical, i.e. between 900 and 1200 CE.  The furnace was built with Stone and masonry, has ashes and corn traces and burnt corn, that was used as fuel, these organic materials will allow a more precise dating.  In some Michoacán Purépecha sites, have found structures resembling furnaces but very damaged, this is the first one complete, allowing analyzing aspects of technologies used, which was not known in Mexico.

Tombs.

Seven graves of the so-called "shaft tomb” were found, characteristic of western cultures, and correspond to the late preclassical (200 BCE to 200 CE) period.  These are deep burials.  At the sunken patio, several human burials were found, depicting the box burial tradition. These burials are characterized by the flexed position of the human remains and placed in masonry “boxes”, with their respective offerings.  These burials are dated from 200 to 500 CE, and reflect funeral changes of the ancient inhabitants, from shaft tomb patterns to box burials.

El Teúl is an important archaeological mesoamerican site located on a hill with the same name in the Teúl Municipality in the south of the Zacatecas State, Mexico, near the Jalisco State.


Etymology.

A"llostasis" from the Greek prefix "ἄλλος", "állos", "other," "different" + the suffix "στάσις", "stasis," "standing still".

Nature of concept.

The concept of allostasis was proposed by Sterling and Eyer in 1988 as a process of reestablishing stability in response to a challenge. Allostasis was coined from the Greek allo, which means "variable;" thus, "remaining stable by being variable" (; ). Allostatic regulation reflects, at least partly, cephalic involvement in primary regulatory events, in that it is anticipatory to systemic physiological regulation (; ). This is different from homeostasis, which occurs in response to subtle ebb and flow. Both homeostasis and allostasis are endogenous systems responsible for maintaining the internal stability of an organism. Homeostasis, from the Greek homeo, means "similar," while stasis means "stand;" thus, "standing at about the same level." ;  The term heterostasis is also used in place of allostasis, particularly where state changes are finite in number and therefore discrete (e.g. computational processes). Wingfield states:The concept of allostasis, maintaining stability through change, is a fundamental process through which organisms actively adjust to both predictable and unpredictable events... Allostatic load refers to the cumulative cost to the body of allostasis, with allostatic overload... being a state in which serious pathophysiology can occur... Using the balance between energy input and expenditure as the basis for applying the concept of allostasis, two types of allostatic overload have been proposed.

Types.

McEwen and Wingfield propose two types of allostatic load which result in different responses:  Type 1 allostatic overload occurs when energy demand exceeds supply, resulting in activation of the emergency life history stage. This serves to direct the animal away from normal life history stages into a survival mode that decreases allostatic load and regains positive energy balance. The normal life cycle can be resumed when the perturbation passes.  Type 2 allostatic overload begins when there is sufficient or even excess energy consumption accompanied by social conflict and other types of social dysfunction. The latter is the case in human society and certain situations affecting animals in captivity. In all cases, secretion of glucocorticosteroids and activity of other mediators of allostasis such as the autonomic nervous system, CNS neurotransmitters, and inflammatory cytokines wax and wane with allostatic load. If allostatic load is chronically high, then pathologies develop. Type 2 allostatic overload does not trigger an escape response, and can only be counteracted through learning and changes in the social structure (; )  Whereas both types of allostasis are associated with increased release of cortisol and catecholamines, they differentially affect thyroid homeostasis: Concentrations of the thyroid hormone triiodothyronine are decreased in type 1 allostasis, but elevated in type 2 allostasis.

Allostatic load.

In the long run, the maintenance of allostatic changes over a long period may result in wear and tear, the so-called allostatic load. If a dehydrated individual is helped but continues to be stressed and hence does not reinstate normal body function, the individual's body systems will wear out.

Controversy.

In 2005, Trevor A. Day has argued that the concept of allostasis is no more than a renaming of the original concept of homeostasis.

Allostasis is the process of achieving stability, or homeostasis, through physiological or behavioral change. This can be carried out by means of alteration in HPA axis hormones, the autonomic nervous system, cytokines, or a number of other systems, and is generally adaptive in the short term. Allostasis is essential in order to maintain internal viability amid changing conditions (; ; ; ).


Biography.

Comunal and Regional experiences.

Very close to Romano Prodi, Civati was elected to the City Council of Monza in 1997 and the following year he became city secretary of the Democrats of the Left. From 2002 to 2004 Civati has been a member of the provincial secretariat of the DS in Milan, while from 2005 to 2006 he has been a member of the regional secretariat of the party in Lombardy. On April 2005, Civati was elected in the Regional Council of Lombardy.

In the Democratic Party.

After Walter Veltroni's resignation, on the occasion of the 2009 Democratic Party primaries, Civati supported Ignazio Marino.  Together with Matteo Renzi, Civati started in 2010 the Leopolda convention, being a member of the current of "Rottamatori" (Scrappers). With the passing years, Civati became critical of Renzi's positions and the two split.  With the 2013 election, Civati is elected to the Chamber of Deputies and promoted a dialogue between his party and the Five Star Movement. Civati criticized the decision to form a government with The People of Freedom, so he didn't support the Letta Cabinet and later voted against the Renzi Cabinet.  Civati ran for the role of Secretary of the PD in occasion of the 2013 primaries, but was defeated by Matteo Renzi. When Renzi became Prime Minister, Civati began to clash with the leadership of the party, until he decided to leave the Democratic Party in May 2015 and founded a new centre-left party named Possible.

Free and Equal.

Possible was one of the founder parties of the left-wing Free and Equal coalition. Civati ran for the Chamber of Deputies in occasion of the 2018 election, but failed the election and later resigned from the office of Secretary of Possible.

2019 European Parliament election.

On the occasion of the 2019 European Parliament election Civati he was a candidate on the Green Europe list. After that an article by Il Foglio reported that two candidates on the list (Giuliana Farinaro and Elvira Maria Vernengo) had received support from the Green Front (led by Vincenzo Galizia, former leader of the youth section of the Tricolour Flame), Civati withdrew (informally) his candidacy and suspended his election campaign.  Finally Civati was the most voted candidate on the list with 12,247 preferences, but he was not elected because EV got only 2.29% of the votes, below the 4% threshold established by the Italian electoral law.

Giuseppe "Pippo" Civati (born 4 August 1975) is an Italian politician, former leader of Possible and a member of the Italian Chamber of Deputies from 2013 to 2018.