Translating statements into standard form.

Sentences in natural language may be translated into standard form. In each row of the following chart, "S" corresponds to the subject of the example sentence, and "P" corresponds to the predicate.  Note that "All "S" is not "P"" (e.g., "All cats do not have eight legs") is not classified as an example of standard form. This is because the translation to natural language is ambiguous. In common speech, the sentence "All cats do not have eight legs" could be used informally to indicate either (1) "At least some, and perhaps all, cats do not have eight legs" or (2) "No cats have eight legs".

Properties of categorical propositions.

Categorical propositions can be categorized into four types on the basis of their "quality" and "quantity", or their "distribution of terms". These four types have long been named "A", "E", "I", and "O". This is based on the Latin'(I affirm), referring to the affirmative propositions "A" and "I", and'(I deny), referring to the negative propositions "E" and "O".

Quantity and quality.

Quantity refers to the number of members of the subject class that are used in the proposition. If the proposition refers to all members of the subject class, it is "universal". If the proposition does not employ all members of the subject class, it is "particular". For instance, an "I"-proposition ("Some "S" is "P"") is particular since it only refers to some of the members of the subject class.  Quality It is described as whether the proposition affirms or denies the inclusion of a subject within the class of the predicate. The two possible qualities are called "affirmative" and "negative". For instance, an "A"-proposition ("All "S" is "P"") is affirmative since it states that the subject is contained within the predicate. On the other hand, an "O"-proposition ("Some "S" is not "P"") is negative since it excludes the subject from the predicate.  An important consideration is the definition of the word "some". In logic, "some" refers to "one or more", which is consistent with "all". Therefore, the statement "Some S is P" does not guarantee that the statement "Some S is not P" is also true.

Distributivity.

The two terms (subject and predicate) in a categorical proposition may each be classified as distributed or undistributed. If all members of the term's class are affected by the proposition, that class is "distributed"; otherwise it is "undistributed". Every proposition therefore has one of four possible "distribution of terms".  Each of the four canonical forms will be examined in turn regarding its distribution of terms. Although not developed here, Venn diagrams are sometimes helpful when trying to understand the distribution of terms for the four forms.

"A" form.

An "A"-proposition distributes the subject to the predicate, but not the reverse. Consider the following categorical proposition: "All dogs are mammals". All dogs are indeed mammals, but it would be false to say all mammals are dogs. Since all dogs are included in the class of mammals, "dogs" is said to be distributed to "mammals". Since all mammals are not necessarily dogs, "mammals" is undistributed to "dogs".

"E" form.

An "E"-proposition distributes bidirectionally between the subject and predicate. From the categorical proposition "No beetles are mammals", we can infer that no mammals are beetles. Since all beetles are defined not to be mammals, and all mammals are defined not to be beetles, both classes are distributed.

"I" form.

Both terms in an "I"-proposition are undistributed. For example, "Some Americans are conservatives". Neither term can be entirely distributed to the other. From this proposition, it is not possible to say that all Americans are conservatives or that all conservatives are Americans.

"O" form.

In an "O"-proposition, only the predicate is distributed. Consider the following: "Some politicians are not corrupt". Since not all politicians are defined by this rule, the subject is undistributed. The predicate, though, is distributed because all the members of "corrupt people" will not match the group of people defined as "some politicians". Since the rule applies to every member of the corrupt people group, namely, "All corrupt people are not some politicians", the predicate is distributed.  The distribution of the predicate in an "O"-proposition is often confusing due to its ambiguity. When a statement such as "Some politicians are not corrupt" is said to distribute the "corrupt people" group to "some politicians", the information seems of little value, since the group "some politicians" is not defined. But if, as an example, this group of "some politicians" were defined to contain a single person, Albert, the relationship becomes clearer. The statement would then mean that, of every entry listed in the corrupt people group, not one of them will be Albert: "All corrupt people are not Albert". This is a definition that applies to every member of the "corrupt people" group, and is, therefore, distributed.

Summary.

In short, for the subject to be distributed, the statement must be universal (e.g., "all", "no"). For the predicate to be distributed, the statement must be negative (e.g., "no", "not").

Criticism.

Peter Geach and others have criticized the use of distribution to determine the validity of an argument.  It has been suggested that statements of the form "Some A are not B" would be less problematic if stated as "Not every A is B," which is perhaps a closer translation to Aristotle's original form for this type of statement.

Operations on categorical statements.

There are several operations (e.g., conversion, obversion, and contraposition) that can be performed on a categorical statement to change it into another. The new statement may or may not be equivalent to the original. [In the following tables that illustrate such operations, rows with equivalent statement shall be marked in green, while those with inequivalent statements shall be marked in red.]  Some operations require the notion of the "class complement". This refers to every element under consideration which is "not" an element of the class. Class complements are very similar to set complements. The class complement of a set P will be called "non-P".

Conversion.

The simplest operation is conversion where the subject and predicate terms are interchanged.  From a statement in "E" or "I" form, it is valid to conclude its converse. This is not the case for the "A" and "O" forms.

Obversion.

Obversion changes the "quality" (that is the affirmativity or negativity) of the statement and the predicate term. For example, a universal affirmative statement would become a universal negative statement.  Categorical statements are logically equivalent to their obverse. As such, a Venn diagram illustrating any one of the forms would be identical to the Venn diagram illustrating its obverse.

In logic, a categorical proposition, or categorical statement, is a proposition that asserts or denies that all or some of the members of one category (the "subject term") are included in another (the "predicate term"). The study of arguments using categorical statements (i.e., syllogisms) forms an important branch of deductive reasoning that began with the Ancient Greeks.


History.

In 1892 the Free Church of Scotland, following the example of the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland and the Church of Scotland (1889), passed a Declaratory Act relaxing the stringency of subscription to the Westminster Confession of Faith, which was widely perceived as paving the way for unification with the United Presbyterian Church. This was met by a protest from Rev Donald Macfarlane (1834-1926) of Kilmallie (later of Raasay and Dingwall), who was later joined by one other minister, the Rev Donald Macdonald (1825–1901) of Shieldaig. The result was that a large number of elders and some congregations, mostly in the Highlands, severed their connection with the Free Church of Scotland and formed the Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland, along lines they considered to be more orthodox. By 1907 this body had twenty congregations and twelve ministers.  A few years after the Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland (FPC Church) was formed (in 1900), the Free Church of Scotland united with the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland to form the United Free Church of Scotland, with a somewhat larger minority remaining outside the union and retaining the name Free Church of Scotland. Initially, some wondered if the two churches would merge, but this did not happen, partly because the grounds on which the later separation was based had been the Establishment Principle, rather than the Declaratory Act, which had only been rescinded post separation by the Free Church of Scotland (post 1900). The two denominations took a different view of the 1892 Declaratory Act: the Free Church of Scotland did not regard it as having been a binding measure while the Free Presbyterians did.  In 1905 the Free Presbyterian Synod debated proposals for union with the post-1900 Free Church minority. The Synod declared that it would consider union with a church which held ‘the infallibility and inerrancy of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, and the whole doctrine of the Confession of Faith, both in her profession and practice’. The Synod's assessment of the post-1900 Free Church was that ‘although she made ample profession in words’ nevertheless she ‘came far behind in her practice’. One major issue was the Free Church's employment of Professor W. M. Alexander, who had written a book which the FPs and some post-1900 Free Church conservatives believed to be ambiguous about the status of the Bible, as a lecturer in its college. A 1917 Free Church Reply to a FPC Statement of Differences stated underlined the fact that Dr Alexander had in 1905 withdrawn the book from circulation, expressed regret 'for any reflections which the book was fitted to cast on the infallibility of the Word of God' and in 1906 publicly reaffirmed his belief in the inerrancy of Scripture in these words: 'I cherish as more precious than life itself the absolute infallibility of the Word of God'. However a motion was carried at the 1918 FPC Synod which characterized the Reply as containing 'evasive statements and suggestions of compromise'.  Some of the Free Presbyterian ministers preferred union with the post-1900 Free Church minority to maintaining a separate Free Presbyterian witness. In 1905 Revs John Macleod (Kames), Alexander Stewart (Edinburgh) and George Mackay (Stornoway) were accepted by the Free Church. In 1918, Revs John R Mackay (Inverness), Alexander Macrae (Portree) and Andrew Sutherland followed suit. The two denominations are often confused, though not as often as in the past: they were initially of a predominantly Highland background, continue to share support for the Westminster Confession of Faith, and express a socially conservative outlook. However, the Free Presbyterian Church considers it a sin to use public transport to go to church on the Sabbath, while the Free Church does not. The Free Church permits the use of modern Bible translations, while the Free Presbyterian Church prescribes the exclusive use of the Authorized Version in public worship (by resolution of the Synod in 1961), and as the only version recommended for use in family and private devotions.

Split in 1989.

In 1989, a splinter group formed the Associated Presbyterian Churches "following the perceived failure of the Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland to put into practice chapters 20 and 26 of the Westminster Confession of Faith", following the suspension of Lord Advocate Lord Mackay of Clashfern as an elder for attending the Roman Catholic Requiem Masses offered for two of his deceased fellow judges. The Moderator of Synod at the time was a minister from Zimbabwe, the late Aaron Ndebele, an Ndebele.  The FPC continues to oppose many aspects of the Roman Catholic Church including the Mass. It also protests from time to time against figures in positions of authority and the British Royal Family attending Mass. It wrote to Prince Charles to complain of his presence at a requiem mass for one of his cousins in 2013.

Disunity in the Scottish Reformed church scene.

The Free Presbyterians believe that the denominations in Scotland adhering to the Westminster Confession of Faith should unite with it after repentance over historical retreat from the Confession. The FPC Catechism (the 2013 edition is an updated version of the original 1942-1943 edition) says: 'All Presbyterian Churches in Scotland claiming to represent the Reformed Church and who have caused or who maintain schisms contrary to the avowed Westminster Standards are bound to repent and to return to purity in doctrine, worship, government and discipline. The Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland is not guilty of schism and claims to be the true heir of the Reformed Church of Scotland in doctrine, worship, government and discipline. While she certainly does not claim perfection, she maintains that all churches in Scotland should unite around her constitution and testimony'.

Recent developments.

Church extension work tends to be low-key and results to be measured in the long-term in the Free Presbyterian Church. It stresses the need for the Holy Spirit to work in the soul before any spiritual life will be present, the need for the church to provide Bible-based and Christ-focused preaching, emphasizes the need for a holy life by those who claim conversion, and encourages example as well as precept in evangelism. It has not emulated other evangelical churches in their approach to reaching the secular UK. Its Catechism explains: 'Many modern churches have drama, dancing, and music bands in their worship and use sport and social entertainment to attract and retain young people; but these things are of the world and should not be countenanced by the Church of Christ for promoting the interests of the kingdom'.  Public pronouncements about the current state of the nation tend to combine concern about Free Presbyterian spiritual decline with fears of increased secularization of other Reformed churches. A recent report to the FP Religion and Morals Committee quoted from a FP Outer Isles presbytery report, but said the issues were relevant for many other parts of the country. 'We must acknowledge the low state of religion among ourselves' it said, adding of other denominations: '...we find that many professing Christians in the Churches are actively encouraged to continue their former worldly interest in professional and amateur sport, worldly music, entertainments such as the cinema, dances, use of public houses, concerts and ceilidhs, and that many speak and dress like the world with little distinction to be found between them and their former companions'.

Moderators of Synod.

Unlike the Church of Scotland and Free Church of Scotland, the annual meeting to consider the progress and direction of the church is called a Synod rather than a General Assembly. Synods are not in any particular fixed months (and may occur more than once per year) and ministers may serve as Moderator more than once. Known Moderators are:

Presbyteries.

The individual churches of the Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland are each part of one of six Presbyteries. Presbyteries meet regularly, and all Presbyteries meet at the yearly Synod in May.

Asia Pacific Presbytery.

The Asia Pacific Presbytery covers Australia, New Zealand and Singapore. The congregations in Australia are found on the East Coast: one in Grafton (received 1911), and one in Sydney.  The congregations in New Zealand are all on the North Island: Auckland, Gisborne (founded 1954), Tauranga, and Carterton.  There is one congregation in Singapore (received 2000).

Northern Presbytery.

The Northern Presbytery comprises the congregations Inverness, Dingwall, and Aberdeen among others.

Outer Isles Presbytery.

The Outer Isles Presbytery consists of the congregations on the Outer Hebrides.

Southern Presbytery.

The Southern Presbytery consists of the Scottish congregations South of the Scottish Highlands, and the congregations in England and North America. There is one congregation in London (founded 1898). There is one congregation in Canada, in Chesley, Ontario (founded 1902). In the United States there is one congregation, in Santa Fe, Texas (received 2000).

Western and Skye Presbytery.

The Western and Skye Presbytery consists of the Western parts of Scotland including Skye, but also the congregation in Odessa, in the Ukraine (received 2002).

Zimbabwe Presbytery.

In Zimbabwe services are held in forty locations with their centres in Bulawayo, Ingwenya, Mbuma, New Canaan and Zenka. The Zimbabwe mission began in 1904.

The Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland (Scottish Gaelic: "An Eaglais Shaor Chlèireach") was formed in 1893. The Church identifies itself as the spiritual descendant of the Scottish Reformation. The Church web-site states that it is 'the constitutional heir of the historic Church of Scotland'. It is occasionally referred to by the pejorative term the Wee Wee Frees. Although small, the church has congregations on five continents.


General information.

The municipality of Torsken was established on 1 January 1902 when it was separated from the municipality of Berg. The initial population of Torsken was 1,229. During the 1960s, there were many municipal mergers across Norway due to the work of the Schei Committee. On 1 January 1964, the Rødsand area of Torsken (population: 160) was transferred to the neighboring Tranøy Municipality.  In March 2017, the Parliament of Norway voted to merge the municipalities of Berg, Torsken, Lenvik, and Tranøy. The new municipality will encompass the whole island of Senja plus part of the mainland. The new municipality will be established on 1 January 2020 as Senja Municipality.

Name.

The municipality (originally the parish) is named after the old "Torsken" farm (Old Norse: "Þoskar"), since the first Torsken Church was built there. The farm is named after Torsken mountain, and that name is probably derived from Norse "þo(r)skr" which means "cod". (Several mountains in Norway are named after their likeness with a fish.)

Coat of arms.

The coat of arms is from modern times; they were granted on 23 March 1990. The arms show a gold-colored anchor cross () on a black background. It is a symbol for both Christianity and the importance of the local harbor. The economy of Torsken is largely dependent on its harbors and an anchor is an appropriate symbol.

Churches.

The Church of Norway has one parish "(sokn)" within the municipality of Torsken. It is part of the Senja prosti (deanery) in the Diocese of Nord-Hålogaland.

Economy.

Most of the inhabitants live in the fishing village of Gryllefjord in the northern part of the municipality. The second most important village is Torsken, only a few kilometers to the south. Kaldfarnes/Medby, Grunnfarnes, and Flakstadvåg are other fishing villages further south. The municipality is close to the resources of the major fishing grounds off the Vesterålen archipelago, and 2004 landed 9.8 million tons of fish with a value of for fish-processing in Torsken, Gryllefjord, Kaldfarnes, and Grunnfarnes. Most people work in the fields of fishing or fish processing.  The municipality has few productive forests, but there are some spruce trees planted in sheltered areas. In the southern parts of Torsken there is some usable farmland. There are five farms with more than of agricultural land in the entire municipality (as of 1999).

Transportation.

The Andenes–Gryllefjord Ferry that goes across the Andfjorden to Andenes on the island of Andøya is operated during about two months each summer. The road from the northern part of the municipality to Kaldfarnes, Grunnfarnes, and Flakstadvåg is far from direct. One must drive north and then east to Berg and then south to Tranøy before turning northwest and returning to Torsken. These are the only road connections from the rest of Norway to Torsken.

Government.

All municipalities in Norway, including Torsken, are responsible for primary education (through 10th grade), outpatient health services, senior citizen services, unemployment and other social services, zoning, economic development, and municipal roads. The municipality is governed by a municipal council of elected representatives, which in turn elect a mayor. The municipality falls under the Senja District Court and the Hålogaland Court of Appeal.

Municipal council.

The municipal council of Torsken was made up of 15 representatives that were elected to four year terms. The party breakdown of the final municipal council was as follows:

Geography.

Torsken is a rugged area on the west coast of the island of Senja. Many different fjords cut into its mountainous coastline including Sifjorden, Selfjorden, Torskefjorden, Gryllefjorden, and Skipsfjorden. Between mountain peaks that range from, there are deep valleys and narrow depressions. Many of the valleys contain marshes or lakes. The bedrock under Torsken consists mostly of gneiss and granite.

Torsken is a former municipality that was located on the western coast of the large island of Senja in the old Troms county, Norway. The municipality existed from 1902 until its dissolution in 2020 when it was merged into the new Senja Municipality. The administrative centre of the municipality was the village of Gryllefjord. Other larger villages in Torsken municipality included the villages of Torsken, Medby, and Flakstadvåg.


History.

Broglio is first mentioned in 1361 as "Brono". Brontallo is first mentioned in 1574 as "Bruntalo". Fusio is first mentioned in 1258 as "Fuxio". Menzonio is first mentioned in 1364 as "Menzone". Peccia is first mentioned in 1374 as "Petia". Prato and Sornico were first mentioned in 1374.

Broglio.

The existing village area has developed in several stages. It was created in 1374, when the valley (comunità) Lavizzara broke up and divided its lands. At the end of the 16th century, it grew again through a series of agreements between the neighboring communities.  The Church of S. Maria Lauretana was dedicated in 1487. In the following centuries, it was repeatedly rebuilt and restored. It belonged to the Sornico parish until 1616, when it became an independent parish. The historically significant building, Casa Pometta, is from the 17th century.  The highest population in the village was during the 17th century. The slow population decline intensified in the late 19th century with emigration to the cities and to other countries. In 1990, agriculture and livestock, which for centuries were the main sources of income, employed about a third of the workforce. In recent decades, the number of vacation homes has increased markedly.

Brontallo.

Until the beginning of the 15th century, it formed a community with Menzonio and together with Bignasco and Cavergno it formed a "Vicinanza".  The Church of S. Maria e S. Giorgio was first mentioned in the 15th century. In the 16th century it was rebuilt, and then renovated several times thereafter. Until 1513 it, along with Menzonio, was part of the parish of Cevio. In 1513 Menzonio broke away from Cevio, but Brontallo remained part of the parish until 1655.  The greatest population was during the 17th century. The population decline began in the 18th century, but accelerated into the 20th century. The road running from the village into the Val Lavizzara was completed in 1955. In 1990 less than a third of the workforce was employed in agriculture. Many of the homes in the village are now vacation homes.

Fusio.

The population reached its peak in the 16th–17th century (400–500 inhabitants), but towards the end of the 18th century began a slow decline. This slow decline accelerated dramatically after 1950 because of emigration to the cities. Most of the remaining population is elderly.  The church, consecrated in 1455 to the "Beata Vergine Assunta", was a Chapel of ease of Sornico until the 16th century. It was later rebuilt several times, mainly in the 17th century.  The local economy relied on livestock, pastures and forestry. The village possessed vast pastures and alpine pastures, which explains the relatively small number of emigrants overseas. Until the second half of the 19th century, there were two mines in the village that produced steatite (soapstone). Through the construction of the dam in the Sambuco valley (1950–56) the amount of agricultural land has been reduced. From the 1980s a number of houses and an inn were built.  The hamlet of Mogno was also part of the village. In the 17th century it possessed 50 taxable fireplaces. By 1801, the population had dropped to just 40 inhabitants. Today it is no longer inhabited all year round and serves only as a holiday village. Before Mogno was incorporated in 1936 into Fusio it was part of Peccia, and the land around the settlement was shared between Fusio, Peccia, Prato and Sornica.  The church of San Giovanni Battista Decollato was built in 1626 and was initially a chapel of ease of the parish of Peccia. Towards the end of the 17th century, it became an independent parish church. In 1940 it became part of the parish of Fusio. The church was destroyed in 1986 by an avalanche. The new building, by Mario Botta, was built in 1997 after 10 years of planning and construction work. The unique construction of the building has already become a point of interest and a source of critical debate.

Menzonio.

Until the beginning of the 15th century, Menzonio and Brontallo formed a single municipality, and together with Bignasco and Cavergno it formed a "Vicinanza" which was under the jurisdiction of the Lavizzara valley. At the time of the Swiss Confederation rule over Ticino, Menzonio was one of seven villages in the valley.  The village church was part of the parish of Cevio until 1513 when it split away to form a parish with Brontallo. In 1655, this parish was dissolved and Menzonio formed its own parish. The Church of SS Giacomo e Filippo was first mentioned in the 15th century. The current building was built in 1585 and was rebuilt in 1644 and finally in 1905.  In the 17th century, the population reached its peak and then decreased gradually, initially because of emigration to Italy. Later the residents emigrated to California and finally they moved away from the villages to the cities of Ticino and the rest of Switzerland.  For centuries the local economy was dominated by grazing and agriculture. In the 19th century there was a soapstone quarry and four mills. The road that connects Menzonio with the valley floor, was built in 1949. In 2000, three-quarters of the workforce were commuters.

Peccia.

Peccia, together with Broglio, Fusio, Prato and Sornico were part of the "comunità" or valley community of Lavizzara until 1374. When the valley community broke up into separate villages, Peccia was the largest in the Lavizzara region. It included the settlement of Mogno and the Valle di Peccia, which was independent until 1669. The common, shared land of the four communities of Fusio, Peccia, Prato and Sornico (known as the "comunella dei quattro comuni") remained shared until 1929.  The village was part of the parish of Sornico until 1613, after which the church of S. Antonio Abate in Peccia was elevated to become a parish church. The church was built in the 16th century. After the floods of 1834 and 1868, which destroyed some of the village, the church was totally rebuilt. The valley church of S. Carlo was built in 1617, and was raised to be the parish church in 1669.  At the beginning of the 20th century, most of the jobs in the village were in the extraction, processing (vessels and stone ovens) and trade in soapstone. Since 1946, white marble is also mined, which is the only marble quarry in Switzerland. In 1984, the presence of marble led to the creation of a sculpting school. This marble was used when the church of Mogno (a hamlet of Fusio) was rebuilt by Mario Botta, after the old church was destroyed by an avalanche in 1986.  At the beginning of the 21st century, manufacturing provides more than a third of the jobs in village. In 1950-56 largest hydroelectric power plants in Switzerland was built in the Valle di Peccia. It is fed by water from the catchment area of the Maggia river. In the last decades of the 20th century, the village invested in its tourist infrastructure.

Prato-Sornico.

Prato and Sornico, along with Broglio, Fusio and Peccia, formed the valley community of Lavizzara. In 1374, the community dissolved and the villages of Prato and Sornico became independent. The common, shared land of the four communities of Fusio, Peccia, Prato and Sornico (known as the "comunella dei quattro comuni") remained shared until 1929. In the 15th century, the hamlet was the seat of the General Council of the valley, then the seat of the Swiss Confederation governor between 1513 and 1798. After 1803 it was the capital of the sub-district of Lavizzara. Even today stately houses in the village testify of its political and religious importance of the village. One of the houses in the village, which was built in the 15th century, extended in the 16th century and renovated in 1975–77, served as the seat of the bailiff and a prison. Another house, in Prato, is Casa Berna, which is from the 18th century. It contains the rich library of Giulio Giovanni Gerolamo Berna, the archpriest of Locarno.  The church of San Martino in Sornico is first mentioned in the 14th century, but probably dates back to the 11th century. It was the mother church in the 16th century of the Val Lavizzara and in 1747 became a provost's church. The parish church of SS Fabiano e Sebastiano in Prato was built in 1487, rebuilt in 1730 and re-consecrated in 1761 by the Bishop of Como.  In the 19th and 20th century, the emigration overseas and into the cities led to a sharp population decline. In this alpine village at the beginning of the 21st century, one-third of the workforce still works in agriculture. In the last decades of the 20th century, many vacation homes and tourist infrastructure were built in the village.

Geography.

Lavizzara has an area,, of. Of this area, or 1.0% is used for agricultural purposes, while or 30.2% is forested. Of the rest of the land, or 0.7% is settled (buildings or roads), or 2.3% is either rivers or lakes and or 51.6% is unproductive land.  Of the built up area, housing and buildings made up 0.2% and transportation infrastructure made up 0.3%. Out of the forested land, 20.5% of the total land area is heavily forested and 4.7% is covered with orchards or small clusters of trees. Of the agricultural land, 0.7% is used for growing crops. Of the water in the municipality, 1.2% is in lakes and 1.1% is in rivers and streams. Of the unproductive areas, 22.6% is unproductive vegetation and 28.9% is too rocky for vegetation.

Demographics.

Lavizzara has a population () of, all Swiss citizens. Over the last 10 years (1997–2007) the population has changed at a rate of 0%. , the gender distribution of the population was 50.4% male and 49.6% female. The population was made up of 264 Swiss men (46.1% of the population), and 25 (4.4%) non-Swiss men. There were 279 Swiss women (48.7%), and 5 (0.9%) non-Swiss women.  In there were 3 live births to Swiss citizens and 5 deaths of Swiss citizens. Ignoring immigration and emigration, the population of Swiss citizens decreased by 2 while the foreign population remained the same. There were 3 non-Swiss men and 1 non-Swiss woman who immigrated from another country to Switzerland. The total Swiss population change in 2008 (from all sources, including moves across municipal borders) was a decrease of 11 and the non-Swiss population change was an increase of 5 people. This represents a population growth rate of -1.0%.  The age distribution,, in Lavizzara is; 52 children or 9.1% of the population are between 0 and 9 years old and 65 teenagers or 11.3% are between 10 and 19. Of the adult population, 56 people or 9.8% of the population are between 20 and 29 years old. 58 people or 10.1% are between 30 and 39, 83 people or 14.5% are between 40 and 49, and 73 people or 12.7% are between 50 and 59. The senior population distribution is 80 people or 14.0% of the population are between 60 and 69 years old, 55 people or 9.6% are between 70 and 79, there are 51 people or 8.9% who are over 80.

Historic Population.

The historical population is given in the following chart:

Heritage sites of national significance.

The "A Mott D’Orei" Settlement is listed as a Swiss heritage site of national significance. The villages of Broglio, Brontallo, Fusio, Prato, Sornico and Cortignelli are all part of the Inventory of Swiss Heritage Sites.

Politics.

In the 2007 federal election the most popular party was the CVP which received 40.28% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were the FDP (25.62%), the Ticino League (14.17%) and the SP (11.88%). In the federal election, a total of 212 votes were cast, and the voter turnout was 47.5%.  In the "Gran Consiglio" election, there were a total of 454 registered voters in Lavizzara, of which 331 or 72.9% voted. 4 blank ballots were cast, leaving 327 valid ballots in the election. The most popular party was the PPD+GenGiova which received 120 or 36.7% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were; the SSI (with 67 or 20.5%), the PLRT (with 45 or 13.8%) and the LEGA (with 38 or 11.6%).  In the "Consiglio di Stato" election, 2 blank ballots and 1 null ballot were cast, leaving 328 valid ballots in the election. The most popular party was the PPD which received 115 or 35.1% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were; the LEGA (with 77 or 23.5%), the SSI (with 43 or 13.1%) and the PLRT (with 40 or 12.2%).

Economy.

the total number of full-time equivalent jobs was 161. The number of jobs in the primary sector was 33, all of which were in agriculture. The number of jobs in the secondary sector was 62, of which 7 or (11.3%) were in manufacturing, 10 or (16.1%) were in mining and 35 (56.5%) were in construction. The number of jobs in the tertiary sector was 66. In the tertiary sector; 2 or 3.0% were in wholesale or retail sales or the repair of motor vehicles, 28 or 42.4% were in the movement and storage of goods, 20 or 30.3% were in a hotel or restaurant, 1 or 1.5% were the insurance or financial industry, 2 or 3.0% were technical professionals or scientists, 6 or 9.1% were in education. , there were 4 hotels in Lavizzara with a total of 19 rooms and 35 beds.

Education.

In Lavizzara there were a total of 90 students (). The Ticino education system provides up to three years of non-mandatory kindergarten and in Lavizzara there were 12 children in kindergarten. The primary school program lasts for five years. In the village, 23 students attended the standard primary schools. In the lower secondary school system, students either attend a two-year middle school followed by a two-year pre-apprenticeship or they attend a four-year program to prepare for higher education. There were 25 students in the two-year middle school, while 7 students were in the four-year advanced program.  The upper secondary school includes several options, but at the end of the upper secondary program, a student will be prepared to enter a trade or to continue on to a university or college. In Ticino, vocational students may either attend school while working on their internship or apprenticeship (which takes three or four years) or may attend school followed by an internship or apprenticeship (which takes one year as a full-time student or one and a half to two years as a part-time student). There were 6 vocational students who were attending school full-time and 16 who attend part-time.  The professional program lasts three years and prepares a student for a job in engineering, nursing, computer science, business, tourism and similar fields. There was 1 student in the professional program.

Lavizzara is a municipality in the district of Vallemaggia in the canton of Ticino in Switzerland. The municipality was created in 2004 by a merger of Broglio, Brontallo, Fusio, Menzonio, Peccia and Prato-Sornico.


Pullback of smooth functions and smooth maps.

Let be a smooth map between (smooth) manifolds "M" and "N", and suppose is a smooth function on "N". Then the pullback of "f" by "φ" is the smooth function "φ""f" on "M" defined by. Similarly, if "f" is a smooth function on an open set "U" in "N", then the same formula defines a smooth function on the open set "φ"("U") in "M". (In the language of sheaves, pullback defines a morphism from the sheaf of smooth functions on "N" to the direct image by "φ" of the sheaf of smooth functions on "M".)  More generally, if is a smooth map from "N" to any other manifold "A", then is a smooth map from "M" to "A".

Pullback of bundles and sections.

If "E" is a vector bundle (or indeed any fiber bundle) over "N" and "φ":"M"→"N" is a smooth map, then the pullback bundle "φ""E" is a vector bundle (or fiber bundle) over "M" whose fiber over "x" in "M" is given by ("φ""E") = "E".  In this situation, precomposition defines a pullback operation on sections of "E": if "s" is a section of "E" over "N", then the pullback section is a section of "φ""E" over "M".

Pullback of multilinear forms.

Let be a linear map between vector spaces "V" and "W" (i.e., Φ is an element of, also denoted ), and let  be a multilinear form on "W" (also known as a tensor – not to be confused with a tensor field – of rank, where "s" is the number of factors of "W" in the product). Then the pullback Φ"F" of "F" by Φ is a multilinear form on "V" defined by precomposing "F" with Φ. More precisely, given vectors "v", "v",..., "v" in "V", Φ"F" is defined by the formula  which is a multilinear form on "V". Hence Φ is a (linear) operator from multilinear forms on "W" to multilinear forms on "V". As a special case, note that if "F" is a linear form (or (0,1)-tensor) on "W", so that "F" is an element of "W", the dual space of "W", then Φ"F" is an element of "V", and so pullback by Φ defines a linear map between dual spaces which acts in the opposite direction to the linear map Φ itself:  From a tensorial point of view, it is natural to try to extend the notion of pullback to tensors of arbitrary rank, i.e., to multilinear maps on "W" taking values in a tensor product of "r" copies of "W", i.e.,. However, elements of such a tensor product do not pull back naturally: instead there is a pushforward operation from to given by  Nevertheless, it follows from this that if Φ is invertible, pullback can be defined using pushforward by the inverse function Φ. Combining these two constructions yields a pushforward operation, along an invertible linear map, for tensors of any rank.

Pullback of cotangent vectors and 1-forms.

Let "φ" : "M" → "N" be a smooth map between smooth manifolds. Then the differential of "φ", written "φ", "dφ", or "Dφ", is a vector bundle morphism (over "M") from the tangent bundle "TM" of "M" to the pullback bundle "φ""TN". The transpose of "φ" is therefore a bundle map from "φ""T""N" to "T""M", the cotangent bundle of "M".  Now suppose that "α" is a section of "T""N" (a 1-form on "N"), and precompose "α" with "φ" to obtain a pullback section of "φ""T""N". Applying the above bundle map (pointwise) to this section yields the pullback of "α" by "φ", which is the 1-form "φ""α" on "M" defined by for "x" in "M" and "X" in "T""M".

Pullback of (covariant) tensor fields.

The construction of the previous section generalizes immediately to tensor bundles of rank (0,"s") for any natural number "s": a (0,"s") tensor field on a manifold "N" is a section of the tensor bundle on "N" whose fiber at "y" in "N" is the space of multilinear "s"-forms By taking Φ equal to the (pointwise) differential of a smooth map "φ" from "M" to "N", the pullback of multilinear forms can be combined with the pullback of sections to yield a pullback (0,"s") tensor field on "M". More precisely if "S" is a (0,"s")-tensor field on "N", then the pullback of "S" by "φ" is the (0,"s")-tensor field "φ""S" on "M" defined by for "x" in "M" and "X" in "T""M".

Pullback of differential forms.

A particular important case of the pullback of covariant tensor fields is the pullback of differential forms. If "α" is a differential "k"-form, i.e., a section of the exterior bundle Λ"T"*"N" of (fiberwise) alternating "k"-forms on "TN", then the pullback of "α" is the differential "k"-form on "M" defined by the same formula as in the previous section: for "x" in "M" and "X" in "T""M".  The pullback of differential forms has two properties which make it extremely useful.  1. It is compatible with the wedge product in the sense that for differential forms "α" and "β" on "N", 2. It is compatible with the exterior derivative "d": if "α" is a differential form on "N" then

Pullback by diffeomorphisms.

When the map "φ" between manifolds is a diffeomorphism, that is, it has a smooth inverse, then pullback can be defined for the vector fields as well as for 1-forms, and thus, by extension, for an arbitrary mixed tensor field on the manifold. The linear map can be inverted to give  A general mixed tensor field will then transform using Φ and Φ according to the tensor product decomposition of the tensor bundle into copies of "TN" and "TN". When "M" = "N", then the pullback and the pushforward describe the transformation properties of a tensor on the manifold "M". In traditional terms, the pullback describes the transformation properties of the covariant indices of a tensor; by contrast, the transformation of the contravariant indices is given by a pushforward.

Pullback by automorphisms.

The construction of the previous section has a representation-theoretic interpretation when "φ" is a diffeomorphism from a manifold "M" to itself. In this case the derivative "dφ" is a section of GL("TM","φ""TM"). This induces a pullback action on sections of any bundle associated to the frame bundle GL("M") of "M" by a representation of the general linear group GL("m") (where "m" = dim "M").

Pullback and Lie derivative.

See Lie derivative. By applying the preceding ideas to the local 1-parameter group of diffeomorphisms defined by a vector field on "M", and differentiating with respect to the parameter, a notion of Lie derivative on any associated bundle is obtained.

Pullback of connections (covariant derivatives).

If ∇ is a connection (or covariant derivative) on a vector bundle "E" over "N" and "φ" is a smooth map from "M" to "N", then there is a pullback connection "φ"∇ on "φ""E" over "M", determined uniquely by the condition that

Suppose that is a smooth map between smooth manifolds "M" and "N". Then there is an associated linear map from the space of 1-forms on "N" (the linear space of sections of the cotangent bundle) to the space of 1-forms on "M". This linear map is known as the pullback (by "φ"), and is frequently denoted by "φ". More generally, any covariant tensor field – in particular any differential form – on "N" may be pulled back to "M" using "φ".


Structure.

Cradleboards are used for the first few months of an infant's life, when a portable carrier for the baby is a necessity. Some cradleboards are woven, as with the Apache. Woven cradleboards are made of willow, dogwood, tule, or cattail fibres. Wooden cradleboards are made by the Iroquois and Penobscot. Navajo cradleboards are made with a Ponderosa pine frame with buckskin laces looped through the frame.  Whatever materials are used to make cradleboards, they share certain structural elements. Cradleboards are built with a broad, firm protective frame for the infant's spine. A footrest is incorporated into the bottom of the cradleboard, as well as a rounded cover over the infant's head that arcs out from the cradleboard, similar to a canopy or a modern-day baby carriage hood. The purpose of this headpiece is to provide shade for the infant, since it could be covered with an animal skin, or a blanket in winter to protect against the elements in colder climates. The headpiece also provides extra head protection in case anything bumps against the cradleboard. Ornaments and sacred amulets are often attached to the headpiece as well, for example "beaded umbilical cord cases, and dream catchers or medicine wheels", to amuse and help the infant develop his or her eyesight.  The inside of the cradleboard is padded with a lining of fresh plant fibres, such as sphagnum moss, cattail down, or shredded bark from juniper or cliffrose. The lining serves as a disposable diaper, although the Navajo could clean and reuse the lining made of shredded juniper or cliffrose bark. These plant fibres have antiseptic properties, and thus nurture healthy skin in the infant. The Chippewa tradition was to make a lining for the cradleboard usually from moss growing in cranberry marshes, which is smoked over a fire to kill insects, then rubbed and pulled to soften it. In cold weather, the infant's feet may be wrapped in rabbit skin with the fur facing inward. The moss lining is surrounded by a birch bark tray insert placed into the cradleboard, which could be removed for cleaning.

Use.

Cradleboards have been used in cultures ranging from the sub-Arctic regions of present-day Canada, down to Mexico and Central America. In Arctic regions, cold weather does not make a cradleboard feasible for the infant's survival, and infants are carried by being placed in a sling worn under the mother's parka. Cradleboards were widely used by indigenous people across present-day North America. Cradleboards are used by the Kickapoo people in Mexico and were used by Aztecs and the Seri people and Mayan communities as far south as Belize. In present-day South America, most indigenous cultures used slings or pouches, sometimes called a "rebozo", for carrying infants rather than cradleboards. Cradleboards were used in the southernmost part of the continent, however, in the Patagonia region.  Cradleboards were used during periods when the infant's mother had to travel or otherwise be mobile for work, and needed to protect the infant. The cradleboard could be carried on the mother's back, using support from "tumplines", or "burden straps" that would wrap around her forehead, chest or shoulders; if she carried a pack as well as the cradleboard, the pack strap would go around her chest and the cradleboard strap would go around her forehead. The cradleboard can also be stood up against a large tree or rock if the infant is small, or hung from a pole (as inside an Iroquois longhouse), or even hung from a sturdy tree branch. They were also used when longer travel was required, as the cradleboard could be attached to a horse for transportation.  In the southwest United States and northern Mexico, among cultures such as the Hopi and Apache, infants would spend most of their day and night in the cradleboard, being taken out of it for progressively longer periods, for up to five times per day. When the infant reaches the age when it can sit up unsupported, it is then gradually weaned from the use of the cradleboard, and spends progressively less time in it. At this time, the infant may use a second, larger cradleboard that replaces the first. By the time the infant is a year old and begins to walk, they are generally finished with cradleboard use.  Cradleboard use and its effect on mother-infant interaction has been studied in Navajo communities. It has been shown that cradleboard use has no significant negative effect on this development. In the first few months of infancy, cradleboards have a soothing effect on babies. After 6 months of age or more, infants begin to resist being placed in cradleboards more vigorously as they become more mobile, and they are often placed in the cradleboard with their arms and hands free, so that they can play with objects hung from the cradleboard for their amusement.

Developmental dysplasia of the hips.

Cradleboard use has been associated with increased incidence of developmental dysplasia of the hip. The technique requires straightening the legs, which encourages dislocation of the femur and malformation of the acetabulum. This can be avoided by placing padding between the baby's legs to keep the knees slightly bent with the hips angled outwards. Some modern cradleboard users contend that the small 1968 study of Navajo babies was intentionally designed to denigrate a traditional cultural practice.

Cradleboards (,, ) are traditional protective baby-carriers used by many indigenous cultures in North America and throughout northern Scandinavia amongst the Sámi. There are a variety of styles of cradleboard, reflecting the diverse artisan practises of indigenous cultures. Some indigenous communities in North America still use cradleboards.


Career.

Fischer-Z.

Having played the punk and new wave circuit through the early 1970s, Watts formed the band Fischer-Z with Steve Skolnik at Brunel University in 1976. Arriving at a point where punk, art wave, and reggae crossed over, they secured a record deal with UA in 1978 alongside the Buzzcocks, The Stranglers, and Dr. Feelgood.  Their first album, "Word Salad", was released in 1979 and was a cult success in the UK (John Peel supported the single "Remember Russia"), but an even bigger critical success and commercial start across continental Europe. There were substantial appearances on The Old Grey Whistle Test and a first Top of the Pops with "The Worker" single. The second album, entitled "Going Deaf for a Living" (1980), reinforced Watts' trademark insightful and humorous view of the world set against strong melodies. It included the track, "So Long", his first chart hit single across Europe and in Australia. The band toured extensively throughout Europe and also made their first trip to America. European success was growing fast and the demand for a new album brought Watts back with the powerfully atmospheric "Red Skies Over Paradise" (1981). A performance at Pinkpop Festival that summer followed and also a performance on the bill with Bob Marley on his final European festival tour.  Watts split up Fischer-Z in summer 1981.

Solo career and Fischer-Z reformation.

His first solo album, "One More Twist", was released in 1982 along with the debut solo single, "One Voice", and was followed in 1983 by "The Iceberg Model" (1983). This project incorporated Dexys Midnight Runners' brass section, strings, improvisations and experimental techniques usually associated with modern classical music. The "Quick Quick Slow" album (1984) followed, which he released as "The Cry".  "Reveal", Watts' seventh studio album, appeared early in 1988. This included his biggest single success to date, "The Perfect Day". Fans found it difficult to differentiate between Watts' identity and that of his band Fischer-Z. This was a new sound and totally different personnel. His reluctance to perform older classic material in its original arrangement and his total emphasis on new work has become his trademark. "My only obligation is to be good, not to play what the audience want." The album represented a commercial high point, but coincided with a lengthy period of personal and family upheaval for Watts.  A second album in this series, "Fish's Head", arrived a year later (1989). Including the single "Say No". In this period Watts performed to 167,000 people at a Peace Festival in East Berlin along with James Brown. He was interviewed about Thatcherism on German national news. After a change of record companies, Watts combined two different sets of recordings to produce the "Destination Paradise" album (1992). The title track was a chart single and it once again demonstrated Watts' acute observation of political events. "Will You Be There?" was another chart single and was adopted by the fans as a firm live favourite. Watts' next project was the "Kamikaze Shirt" album (1994). The single "Human Beings", was a harrowing indictment of the low value of human life in many parts of the world. "Protection", the first single from his next album "Stream" (1995), also dealt with the dark area of child exploitation.  1997 saw the release of one of "Thirteen Stories High" (1997). Until then, Watts had worked with a variety of musicians and band line-ups. Instruments had been arranged around his song structures. From this point in his career he was to turn this method on its head. "Bigbeatpoetry" (1999) and the "Spiritual Headcase Remixes" (2000) signalled a much more radical approach to making music. This, Watts' thirteenth album, combined his poetry, prose and song lyrics with Ingo Worner's DJ beats, audio collages and dance floor rhythms. The title track, "Bigbeatpoetry", was a substantial 'Beat' style poem half-spoken over a simple hip-hop beat.  His next album, "Real Life Is Good Enough" (2004), was recorded spontaneously in a raw 'back to basics' fashion. This was organic multimedia in a different form, the CD accompanied by a 60-page book of related poetry and short stories. "It Has To Be" (2006) was the album that followed as a sequel to "Real Life Is Good Enough". Again, Watts travelled and explored, with the intention of collecting strangers''real-life stories', filmed by Sarah Vermeersch.  His next "Morethanmusic" (2011) reinforces his reputation as "an artist in music and words." Instead of releasing singles, Watts made exhibitions of artifacts and wrote customised songs.  "World Go Round" (2013 – present), Watts new project, entitled "World Go Round", is a multimedia combination of a play entitled "The Last Picasso", an album called "World Go Round" and poetry book called "The Grand National Lobotomy". Watts is performing the play at the Edinburgh Festival alongside a world tour incorporating different local musicians at each venue and with a variety of musical styles.

John Watts is a British musician and multimedia artist. He was born into a family of singers on 27 December 1954 in Frimley, Surrey. Watts began his career as a mental health worker having studied clinical psychology before finding success as a musician with his band Fischer-Z. He currently lives and works in Brighton, UK.


Life and work.

Kiepenheuer was born in 1910 in Weimar, Germany, as a son of the publisher Gustav Kiepenheuer. After the divorce of his parents in 1923 he stayed with his mother. In 1929, he began his studies of physics, astronomy and mathematics at the Berlin Institute of Technology and the University of Berlin. He spent one semester in Paris where he visited the Meudon observatory. He later worked at the Göttingen Observatory where he tried to develop a method to measure the UV radiation of the Sun. After an unsuccessful attempt at Jungfraujoch, he realized that the elevation of 3,454 meters was insufficient for this measurement. The balloon-borne instruments of Erich Regener proved to be more useful and Regener was able to measure the UV radiation of the Sun at a height of more than 30 km. Kiepenheuer also improved aerial cameras and tested them during World War II in high-altitude flights over the United Kingdom. Until the end of the war, Kiepenheuer worked under the supervision of Johannes Plendl. The effect of solar activity on shortwave communication stimulated the observations of the Sun. For this purpose, Kiepenheuer built a network of solar observatories and also used the already existing observatories in the occupied areas of Europe. By 1942, this network spanned from Simeiz in the Crimea in the east to Paris in the west, and from Tromsö, Norway in the north to Syracuse, Sicily in the south. After the war, Kiepenheuer benefited from his close connections with researchers all over Europe and managed to slowly establish a scientific network for solar observations.  Together with the solar telescopes at the Schauinsland, Kiepenheuer established the Fraunhofer Institute near Freiburg in 1943. He was able to keep the solar telescopes in Schauinsland after the Second World War. In 1954, he opened a new solar telescope on the Italian island of Capri. The Fraunhofer Institute was named after the physicist Joseph von Fraunhofer and had no connection to the later institutes of the Fraunhofer Society, which were independently named after the same person. Kiepenheuer served as the head of his Institute until his death in 1975. He helped to establish collaboration between several European countries in building a European solar observatory. He was also active in the development of new telescopes. After his death, a new telescope was built on the Spanish island of Tenerife, and therefore, the outdated observatory at Capri was closed in 1988.

Honors.

In 1978, his Institute was renamed the Kiepenheuer Institute for Solar Physics

Karl-Otto Kiepenheuer (10 November 1910 – 23 May 1975) was a German astronomer and astrophysicist. His research focused on the Sun, and for that purpose he initiated construction of several solar telescopes and founded the Kiepenheuer Institute for Solar Physics.


Types of bank fraud.

Accounting fraud.

In order to hide serious financial problems, some businesses have been known to use fraudulent bookkeeping to overstate sales and income, inflate the worth of the company's assets, or state a profit when the company is operating at a loss. These tampered records are then used to seek investment in the company's bond or security issues or to make fraudulent loan applications in a final attempt to obtain more money to delay the inevitable collapse of an unprofitable or mismanaged firm.. Examples of accounting frauds: Enron and World Com and Ocala Funding. These companies "cooked the books" in order to appear as though they had profits each quarter, when in fact they were deeply in debt.

Demand draft fraud.

Demand draft (DD) fraud typically involves one or more corrupt bank employees. Firstly, such employees remove a few DD leaves or DD books from stock and write them like a regular DD. Since they are insiders, they know the coding and punching of a demand draft. Such fraudulent demand drafts are usually drawn payable at a distant city without debiting an account. The draft is cashed at the payable branch. The fraud is discovered only when the bank's head office does the branch-wise reconciliation, which normally take six months, by the time the money is gone

Remotely created check fraud.

Remotely created checks are orders of payment created by the payee and authorized by the customer remotely, using a telephone or the internet by providing the required information including the MICR code from a valid check. They do not bear the signatures of the customers like ordinary cheques. Instead, they bear a legend statement "Authorized by Drawer". This type of instrument is usually used by credit card companies, utility companies, or telemarketers. The lack of signature makes them susceptible to fraud. The fraud is considered Demand Draft fraud in the US.

Uninsured deposits.

A bank soliciting public deposits may be uninsured or not licensed to operate at all. The objective is usually to solicit for deposits to this uninsured "bank", although some may also sell stock representing ownership of the "bank". Sometimes the names appear very official or very similar to those of legitimate banks. For instance, the unlicensed "Chase Trust Bank" of Washington D.C. appeared in 2002, bearing no affiliation to its seemingly apparent namesake; the real Chase Manhattan Bank is based in New York. Accounting fraud has also been used to conceal other theft taking place within a company.

Bill discounting fraud.

Essentially a confidence trick, a fraudster uses a company at their disposal to gain the bank's confidence, by posing as a genuine, profitable customer. To give the illusion of being a desired customer, the company regularly and repeatedly uses the bank to get payment from one or more of its customers. These payments are always made, as the customers in question are part of the fraud, actively paying any and all bills the bank attempts to collect. After the fraudster has gained the bank's trust, the company requests that the bank begin paying the company up front for bills it will collect from the customers later. Many banks will agree, but are not likely to go whole hog right away. So again, business continues as normal for the fraudulent company, its fraudulent customers, and the unwitting bank. As the bank grows more comfortable with the arrangement, it will trust the company more and more and be willing to give it larger and larger sums of money up front. Eventually, when the outstanding balance between the bank and the company is sufficiently large, the company and its customers disappear, taking the money the bank paid up front and leaving no-one to pay the bills issued by the bank.

Duplication or skimming of card information.

This takes a number of forms, ranging from merchants copying clients' credit card numbers for use in later illegal activities or criminals using carbon copies from old mechanical card imprint machines to steal the info, to the use of tampered credit or debit card readers to copy the magnetic stripe from a payment card while a hidden camera captures the numbers on the face of the card.  Some fraudsters have attached fraudulent card stripe readers to publicly accessible ATMs, to gain unauthorised access to the contents of the magnetic stripe, as well as hidden cameras to illegally record users' authorisation codes. The data recorded by the cameras and fraudulent card stripe readers are subsequently used to produce duplicate cards that could then be used to make ATM withdrawals from the victims' accounts.

Cheque kiting.

Cheque kiting exploits a banking system known as "the float" wherein money is temporarily counted twice. When a cheque is deposited to an account at Bank X, the money is made available immediately in that account even though the corresponding amount of money is not immediately removed from the account at Bank Y at which the cheque is drawn. Thus both banks temporarily count the cheque amount as an asset until the cheque formally clears at Bank Y. The float serves a legitimate purpose in banking, but intentionally exploiting the float when funds at Bank Y are insufficient to cover the amount withdrawn from Bank X is a form of fraud.

Forged or fraudulent documents.

Forged documents are often used to conceal other thefts; banks tend to count their money meticulously so every penny must be accounted for. A document claiming that a sum of money has been borrowed as a loan, withdrawn by an individual depositor or transferred or invested can therefore be valuable to someone who wishes to conceal the fact that the bank's money has in fact been stolen and is now gone.

Forgery and altered cheques.

Fraudsters have altered cheques to change the name (in order to deposit cheques intended for payment to someone else) or the amount on the face of cheques, simple altering can change $100.00 into $100,000.00. (However, transactions for such large values are routinely investigated as a matter of policy to prevent fraud.)  Instead of tampering with a real cheque, fraudsters may alternatively attempt to forge a depositor's signature on a blank cheque or even print their own cheques drawn on accounts owned by others, non-existent accounts, etc. They would subsequently cash the fraudulent cheque through another bank and withdraw the money before the banks realise that the cheque was a fraud.

Fraudulent loan applications.

These take a number of forms varying from individuals using false information to hide a credit history filled with financial problems and unpaid loans to corporations using accounting fraud to overstate profits in order to make a risky loan appear to be a sound investment for the bank.

Fraudulent loans.

One way to remove money from a bank is to take out a loan, which bankers are more than willing to encourage if they have good reason to believe that the money will be repaid in full with interest. A fraudulent loan, however, is one in which the borrower is a business entity controlled by a dishonest bank officer or an accomplice; the "borrower" then declares bankruptcy or vanishes and the money is gone. The borrower may even be a non-existent entity and the loan merely an artifice to conceal a theft of a large sum of money from the bank. This can also be seen as a component within mortgage fraud (Bell, 2010).

Empty ATM envelope deposits.

A criminal overdraft can result due to the account holder making a worthless or misrepresented deposit at an automated teller machine in order to obtain more cash than present in the account or to prevent a check from being returned due to non-sufficient funds. United States banking law makes the first $100 immediately available and it may be possible for much more uncollected funds to be lost by the bank the following business day before this type of fraud is discovered. The crime could also be perpetrated against another person's account in an "account takeover" or with a counterfeit ATM card, or an account opened in another person's name as part of an identity theft scam. The emergence of ATM deposit technology that scans currency and checks without using an envelope may prevent this type of fraud in the future.

The fictitious 'bank inspector'.

This is an old scam with a number of variants; the original scheme involved claiming to be a bank inspector, claiming that the bank suspects that one of its employees is stealing money and that to help catch the culprit the "bank inspector" needs the depositor to withdraw all of his or her money. At this point, the victim would be carrying a large amount of cash and can be targeted for the theft of these funds.  Other variants included claiming to be a prospective business partner with "the opportunity of a lifetime" then asking for access to cash "to prove that you trust me" or even claiming to be a new immigrant who carries all their money in cash for fear that the banks will steal it from them – if told by others that they keep their money in banks, they then ask the depositor to withdraw it to prove the bank hasn't stolen it.  Impersonation of officials has more recently become a way of stealing personal information for use in theft of identity frauds.

Identity theft or Impersonation.

Identity theft has become an increasing problem; the scam operates by obtaining information about an individual, then using the information to apply for identity cards, accounts and credit in that person's name. Often little more than name, parents' name, date and place of birth are sufficient to obtain a birth certificate; each document obtained then is used as identification in order to obtain more identity documents. Government-issued standard identification numbers such as "social security numbers" are also valuable to the fraudster.  Information may be obtained from insiders (such as dishonest bank or government employees), by fraudulent offers for employment or investments (in which the victim is asked for a long list of personal information) or by sending forged bank or taxation correspondence. Some fictitious tax forms which purported to have been sent by banks to clients in 2002 were:  The actual origin of these forms is neither the bank nor the taxman – they are sent by potential identity thieves and W-8888 doesn't exist, W-9095 is also fictitious (the real W-9 asks much less info) and W-8BEN is real but may have been tampered to add intrusive additional questions. The original forms on which these fakes were based are intended to collect information for income tax on income from deposits and investment.  In some cases, a name/SIN pair is needed to impersonate a citizen while working as an illegal immigrant but often the identity thieves are using the bogus identity documents in the commission of other crimes or even to hide from prosecution for past crimes. The use of a stolen identity for other frauds such as gaining access to bank accounts, credit cards, loans and fraudulent social benefit or tax refund claims is not uncommon.  Unsurprisingly, the perpetrators of such fraud have been known to take out loans and disappear with the cash.

Money laundering.

The term "money laundering" dates back to the days of Al Capone; Money laundering has since been used to describe any scheme by which the true origin of funds is hidden or concealed.  Money laundering is the process by which large amounts of illegally obtained money (from drug trafficking, terrorist activity or other serious crimes) is given the appearance of having originated from a legitimate source.

Payment card fraud.

Credit card fraud is widespread as a means of stealing from banks, merchants and clients.

Booster cheques.

A booster cheque is a fraudulent or bad cheque used to make a payment to a credit card account in order to "bust out" or raise the amount of available credit on otherwise-legitimate credit cards. The amount of the cheque is credited to the card account by the bank as soon as the payment is made, even though the cheque has not yet cleared. Before the bad cheque is discovered, the perpetrator goes on a spending spree or obtains cash advances until the newly-"raised" available limit on the card is reached. The original cheque then bounces, but by then it is already too late.

Stolen payment cards.

Often, the first indication that a victim's wallet has been stolen is a phone call from a credit card issuer asking if the person has gone on a spending spree; the simplest form of this theft involves stealing the card itself and charging a number of high-ticket items to it in the first few minutes or hours before it is reported as stolen.  A variant of this is to copy just the credit card numbers (instead of drawing attention by stealing the card itself) in order to use the numbers in online frauds.

Phishing or Internet fraud.

Phishing, also known as Internet fraud, operates by sending forged e-mail, impersonating an online bank, auction or payment site; the e-mail directs the user to a forged web site which is designed to look like the login to the legitimate site but which claims that the user must update personal info. The information thus stolen is then used in other frauds, such as theft of identity or online auction fraud.  A number of malicious "Trojan horse" programmes have also been used to snoop on Internet users while online, capturing keystrokes or confidential data in order to send it to outside sites.  Fake websites can trick you into downloading computer viruses that steal your personal information. Security messages are shown that tell you that you have viruses and need to download new software, by doing this you are tricked into downloading an actual virus.

Prime bank fraud.

The "prime bank" operation which claims to offer an urgent, exclusive opportunity to cash in on the best-kept secret in the banking industry, guaranteed deposits in "prime banks", "constitutional banks", "bank notes and bank-issued debentures from top 500 world banks", "bank guarantees and standby letters of credit" which generate spectacular returns at no risk and are "endorsed by the World Bank" or various national governments and central bankers. However, these official-sounding phrases and more are the hallmark of the so-called "prime bank" fraud; they may sound great on paper, but the guaranteed offshore investment with the vague claims of an easy 100% monthly return are all fictitious financial instruments intended to defraud individuals.

Rogue traders.

A rogue trader is a trader at a financial institution who engages in unauthorized trading to recoup the loss they incurred in earlier trades. Out of fear and desperation, they manipulate the internal controls to circumvent detection to buy more time.  Unfortunately, unauthorized trading activities invariably produce more losses due to time constraints; most rogue traders are discovered at an early stage with losses ranging from $1 million to $100 million, but a very few working out of institutions with extremely lax controls were not discovered until the loss had reached well over a billion dollars. The size of the loss is a reflection of the laxity in controls instituted at the firm and not the trader's greed. Contrary to the public perception, rogue traders do not have criminal intent to defraud their employer to enrich themselves; they are merely trying to recoup the loss to make their firm whole and salvage their employment.  Some of the largest unauthorized trading losses were discovered at Barings Bank (Nick Leeson), Daiwa Bank (Toshihide Iguchi), Sumitomo Corporation (Yasuo Hamanaka), Allfirst Bank (John Rusnak), Société Générale (Jérôme Kerviel), UBS (Kweku Adoboli), and JPMorgan Chase (Bruno Iksil).

Stolen checks.

Fraudsters may seek access to facilities such as mailrooms, post offices, offices of a tax authority, a corporate payroll or a social or veterans' benefit office, which process cheques in large numbers. The fraudsters then may open bank accounts under assumed names and deposit the cheques, which they may first alter in order to appear legitimate, so that they can subsequently withdraw unauthorised funds.  Alternatively, forgers gain unauthorised access to blank chequebooks, and forge seemingly legitimate signatures on the cheques, also in order to illegally gain access to unauthorized funds.

Wire transfer fraud.

Wire transfer networks such as the international SWIFT interbank fund transfer system are tempting as targets as a transfer, once made, is difficult or impossible to reverse. As these networks are used by banks to settle accounts with each other, rapid or overnight wire transfer of large amounts of money are commonplace; while banks have put checks and balances in place, there is the risk that insiders may attempt to use fraudulent or forged documents which claim to request a bank depositor's money be wired to another bank, often an offshore account in some distant foreign country.  There is a very high risk of fraud when dealing with unknown or uninsured institutions.  The risk is greatest when dealing with offshore or Internet banks (as this allows selection of countries with lax banking regulations), but not by any means limited to these institutions. There is an annual list of unlicensed banks on the US Treasury Department web site which is fifteen pages in length.  Also, a person may send a wire transfer from country to country. Since this takes a few days for the transfer to "clear" and be available to withdraw, the other person may still be able to withdraw the money from the other bank. A new teller or corrupt officer may approve the withdrawal since it is in pending status which then the other person cancels the wire transfer and the bank institution takes a monetary loss.

Banking fraud by country.

Australia.

The Commonwealth Fraud Control Framework outlines the preventions, detection, investigation and reporting obligations set by the Australian Government for fraud control. The framework includes three documents called The Fraud Rule, Fraud Policy and Fraud Guidance  The Fraud Rule is a legislative instrument binding all Commonwealth entities setting out the key requirements of fraud control.  The Fraud Policy is a government policy binding non-corporate Commonwealth entities setting out the procedural requirements for specific areas of fraud control such as investigations and reporting.  The Fraud Guidance preventing, detecting and dealing with fraud, supports best practice guidance for the Fraud Rule and Fraud Policy setting out the government's expectations for fraud control arrangements within all Commonwealth entities.  Other important acts and regulations in the Australian Government's fraud control framework include the:

China.

A lawsuit concluded in 2012 in the city of Wenling, Jejiang province made news because the local court ordered the bank to fully reimburse a man who was the victim of card duplication.

United States.

Under federal law, bank fraud in the United States is defined, and made illegal, primarily by the bank fraud statute in Title 18 of the U.S. Code. 18 U.S.C. § 1344 states: State law may also criminalize the same, or similar acts.  The bank fraud statute was enacted by Congress in response to the Supreme Court's decision in "Williams v. United States",, in which the Court held that check-kiting schemes did not constitute making false statements to financial institutions (18 U.S.C. § 1014). Section 1344 has subsequently been bolstered by the Financial Institutions Reform, Recovery and Enforcement Act of 1989 (FIRREA), Pub. L. No. 101-73, 103 Stat. 500.  The bank fraud statute federally criminalizes check-kiting, check forging, non-disclosure on loan applications, diversion of funds, unauthorized use of automated teller machines (ATMs), credit card fraud, and other similar offenses. Section 1344 does not cover certain forms of money laundering, bribery, and passing bad checks. Other provisions cover these offenses.  The Supreme Court has embraced a broad interpretation of both of the numbered clauses within section 1344. The Supreme Court has held that the first clause only requires the prosecution to show that the crime involved accounts controlled by a bank; the prosecution need not show actual financial loss to the bank or intent to cause such loss. The Supreme Court has also held that the second clause does not require a showing of intent to defraud a financial institution.  In the United States, consumer liability for unauthorized electronic money transfers on debit cards is covered by Regulation-E of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. The extent of consumer liability, as detailed in section 205.6, is determined by the speed with which the consumer notifies the bank. If the bank is notified within 2 business days, the consumer is liable for $50. Over two business days the consumer is liable for $500, and over 60 business days, the consumer liability is unlimited. In contrast, all major credit card companies have a zero liability policy, effectively eliminating consumer liability in the case of fraud.

Differences among consumer accounts, small business accounts, and business accounts.

Consumer bank accounts.

Consumer bank accounts in the United States are protected under federal law. Banks have the option of performing fraud detection either in real time or once every 24 hours. Since personal accounts are the responsibility of the banks, fraud detection for personal accounts is usually done in real time.

Small business bank accounts.

Although MasterCard and Visa both claim zero liability on their respective websites for small business accounts, in reality, each bank can choose whether or not they want to abide by the zero liability guarantee. If an account does not specifically say "Small Business Account", then it must be assumed that standard business account liability applies.  Even if the account says "Small Business Account", one must check with their bank to determine how much liability the bank assumes for that account.  Banks have the option of performing fraud detection either in real time or once every 24 hours. If a bank puts the liability of the small business account onto the customer, then it should be assumed that fraud detection is done once every 24 hours. If a bank assumes the liability for fraud on a small business account, then fraud detection could either be in real time or once every 24 hours. It is best to check with one's bank to determine how often fraud detection is done.

Business bank accounts.

MasterCard and Visa do not provide liability protection for business accounts. Since fraud is the responsibility of the customer, and not the bank, one should assume that fraud detection is done once every 24 hours. One must check with their bank to determine whether or not a business account has real time fraud detection.

Bank fraud is the use of potentially illegal means to obtain money, assets, or other property owned or held by a financial institution, or to obtain money from depositors by fraudulently posing as a bank or other financial institution. In many instances, bank fraud is a criminal offence. While the specific elements of particular banking fraud laws vary depending on jurisdictions, the term bank fraud applies to actions that employ a scheme or artifice, as opposed to bank robbery or theft. For this reason, bank fraud is sometimes considered a white-collar crime.


Early life.

Edwin Link was born in Huntington, Indiana, in 1904, the son of Edwin A. Link, Sr., and Katherine (Martin) Link. In 1910, he moved with his family to Binghamton, New York.

Aviation.

He took his first flying lesson in 1920. In 1927, he obtained the first Cessna airplane ever delivered and eked out a living by barnstorming, charter flying and giving lessons.  As a young man, Edwin Link used apparatus from his father's automatic piano and organ factory (of the Link Piano and Organ Company) to produce an advertising airplane. A punched roll and pneumatic system from a player piano controlled sequential lights on the lower surfaces of the wings to spell out messages like "ENDICOTT-JOHNSON SHOES". To attract more attention, he added a set of small but loud organ pipes, also controlled by the roll.  In the 1920s, he developed the Link Trainer, "a fuselage-like device with a cockpit and controls that produced the motions and sensations of flying." Much of the pneumatic system was adapted directly from technology used in the organ factory. (In the 1970s, Link used parts scavenged from an inoperative trainer to help rebuild a Link pipe organ.) He formed the Link Aeronautical Corporation in 1929 to manufacture the trainers. His few early customers were amusement parks, not flight training schools; the early models served as amusement rides. Finally, in 1934, the United States Army Air Corps bought six. During World War II, more than half a million airmen were taught using the Link Trainer. In 2000 the Link Trainer was placed on the List of Historic Mechanical Engineering Landmarks.  Together with his wife Marion Clayton Link, whom he had married in 1931, Edwin Link managed the very successful Link Aviation, Inc. He contributed a great deal to the Binghamton, New York area, where he set up a production facility that at one time employed thousands of workers. Although the company later passed through different ownership, its legacy can be traced to the current L3Harris division known as Link Training and Simulation, now headquartered in Arlington, Texas (though it still maintains some operations in Binghamton).  In 1953, Edwin and Marion Link established The Link Foundation. The foundation continues to provide grants and fellowships in aeronautics, simulation and training, ocean engineering, energy, and organizations of interest to the Links.

Undersea interests.

Man-in-Sea project.

After Link sold his company to General Precision in 1954, he turned his attention to underwater archaeology and research. Link worked at developing equipment for deeper, longer lasting and more secure diving. To this end he designed several submersible decompression chambers. On August 28, 1962, at Villefranche-sur-Mer on the Mediterranean Sea, Link inaugurated his "Man in Sea" project by spending eight hours at a depth of in his submersible decompression chamber (SDC), becoming the first diver to be completely saturated with a mixture of oxygen and helium (heliox) while breathing underwater. This dive served as a test run for a dive the following month by Robert Sténuit, who spent over 24 hours in the SDC at a depth of and thus became the world's first aquanaut. In June–July 1964, Link conducted his second Man in Sea experiment in the Berry Islands (a chain in the Bahamas) with Sténuit and Jon Lindbergh, one of the sons of Charles Lindbergh. Sténuit and Lindbergh stayed in Link's SPID habitat (Submersible, Portable, Inflatable Dwelling) for 49 hours underwater at a depth of, breathing a helium-oxygen mixture. Dr. Joseph B. MacInnis participated in this dive as a life support specialist.

Submersibles.

In March 1967, Link launched "Deep Diver", the first small submersible designed for lockout diving, allowing divers to leave and enter the craft while underwater. "Deep Diver" carried out many scientific missions in 1967 and 1968, including a lockout dive in 1967 (at the same location as the 1964 Sténuit-Lindbergh dive) and a lockout dive near Great Stirrup Cay in 1968. Dr. MacInnis participated in both of these dives as an observer in "Deep Diver"'s forward chamber.  Later in 1968, after "Deep Diver" had been requisitioned by the United States Navy to help search for the lost submarine USS "Scorpion", the Bureau of Ships determined that "Deep Diver" was unsafe for use at great depths or in extremely cold temperatures because of the substitution of the wrong kind of steel, which became brittle in cold water, in some parts of the sub. Link proceeded to design a new lockout sub with a distinctive acrylic bubble as the forward pilot/observer compartment. In January 1971 the new sub was launched and commissioned to the Smithsonian Institution. It was named the "Johnson Sea Link" after its donors, Link and his friend John Seward Johnson I.

Death of son.

In June 1973, Link's 31-year-old son, Edwin Clayton Link, and another diver, 51-year-old Albert D. Stover, died during a seemingly routine dive off Key West. They suffered carbon dioxide poisoning when the "Johnson Sea Link" became trapped in debris around a Navy destroyer, the "Fred T. Berry", which had been sunk to create an artificial reef. The submersible's other two occupants survived. Over the next two years, Edwin Link designed an unmanned Cabled Observation and Rescue Device (CORD) that could free a trapped submersible.

Death.

Edwin Link died in his sleep on September 7, 1981 in Binghamton, New York, where he had been undergoing treatment for cancer.

Honors.

Link was awarded the Howard N. Potts Medal in 1945 for developing training devices for aviators, and the Royal Aeronautical Society Wakefield Gold Medal in 1947. He received an honorary degree from Binghamton University. In 1976, he was inducted into the National Aviation Hall of Fame.  In 1992, Link was inducted into the International Air & Space Hall of Fame at the San Diego Air & Space Museum.  Edwin Link is the namesake of Link Hall on the campus of Syracuse University. The building houses offices, classrooms and laboratories of the Syracuse University College of Engineering and Computer Science.  From the early 198s to the 1990s, what is now Greater Binghamton Airport was named Edwin A. Link Field-Broome County Airport his honor, and there is an original "Blue Box" on display in the terminal.

Edwin Albert Link (July 26, 1904 – September 7, 1981) was an American inventor, entrepreneur and pioneer in aviation, underwater archaeology, and submersibles. He invented the flight simulator, which was called the "Blue Box" or "Link Trainer". It was commercialized in 1929, starting a now multibillion-dollar industry. In total, he obtained more than 27 patents for aeronautics, navigation and oceanographic equipment.


Function.

Root cellars are for keeping food supplies at controlled temperatures and steady humidity. Many crops keep longest just above freezing (1–3 °C) and at high humidity (90–95%), but the optimal temperature and humidity ranges vary by crop, and various crops keep well at temperatures further above near-freezing but below room temperature. A few crops keep better in low humidity. Root cellars keep food from freezing during the winter and keep food cool during the summer to prevent spoilage. Typically, a variety of vegetables are placed in the root cellar in the autumn after harvesting. A secondary use for the root cellar is as a place to store wine, beer, or other homemade alcoholic beverages.  Vegetables stored in the root cellar primarily consist of potatoes, turnips, and carrots. Other food supplies placed in the root cellar during winter months include beets, onions, jarred preserves and jams, salt meat, salt turbot, salt herring, winter squash, and cabbage. A potato cellar is sometimes called a potato barn or potato house.  Separate cellars are occasionally used for storing fruits, such as apples. Apples are one of the crops that give off enough ethylene gas to hasten the overripening or spoilage of other crops stored nearby, although this effect is variable and many farms successfully store vegetables without segregating their apples. Water, bread, butter, milk, and cream are sometimes stored in the root cellar. Items such as salad greens, fresh meat, and jam pies are kept in the root cellar early in the day to keep cool until they are needed for supper.  The ability of some vegetables and fruit to keep for months in favorable cellar conditions stems in part from the fact that they are not entirely inanimate even after picking. Although they may no longer qualify as living, the plant cells continue to respire in some impaired but nonzero way, resisting bacterial decomposition for a time. The effect can be compared to the way that cut flowers in a vase of water last much longer than cut flowers lying on a table: the flowers in the vase are not entirely dead yet and continue to respire. The analogy is not exact, but the high humidity that supports many cellared crops is involved in this residual respiration.  In some cases plants are transplanted from the field to the dirt floor of a cellar in autumn, and they then continue living in the cellar for months. The fact that they cannot thrive or grow larger in the low-light, low-temperature conditions is not a problem; the only objective is to keep them alive instead of dead, thus warding off decomposition. This is a form of season extension in which the "growing" season is not extended but the "harvest" season is substantially extended.  Closets, crawlspaces, garages, sheds, and attics have all been used successfully for storage of at least some kinds of crops. Even the space under a bed can store some crops (such as pumpkins) for several weeks. Especially before rural electrification, farms with springhouses have often used them for root cellar duty (as well as milkhouse duty).

Construction.

Common construction methods are:  Most root cellars were built using stone, wood, mortar (cement), and sod. Newer ones may be made of concrete with sod on top.

Regional variations.

Historian Sean Cadigan writes, “Newfoundland and Labrador’s climate and soil have not been conducive to agriculture, but outport isolation and poor incomes in the fishery have made supplementary farming crucial." Growing enough vegetables to last the winter was imperative to the survival of Newfoundlanders in the past. Without refrigerators, root cellars were one of the few methods to preserve their bounty. Most people grew root vegetables: potatoes, carrots, turnip, cabbage and beets, while others grew a wider variety of vegetables in their gardens. Architect Robert Mellin noted the following on root cellars during his research in Tilting, Fogo Island:  Many Newfoundland and Labrador cellars use a two-door airlock-type system as a method of temperature regulation, as they allowed people ample time to enter the first door, shutting it behind them before entering the main portion of the root cellar. Folklorist Crystal Braye notes in her study of Newfoundland root cellars:

A root cellar is a structure, usually underground or partially underground, used for storage of vegetables, fruits, nuts, or other foods. Its name reflects the traditional focus on root crops stored in an underground cellar, which is still often true. A wide variety of foods can be stored for weeks to months, depending on the crop and conditions. The structure may not always be underground.


History.

The construction of the church celebrated the 50th anniversary of the reign of Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria. A competition was held to select the design and was won by architect Victor Luntz. The four-bay, basilica-like brick building was intended as a garrison church; designed in the Rhenish-Romanesque style, its three red-tiled towers are visible several kilometres away.  The church, which is directly situated near the Danube, is now home to the Vienna English Speaking Catholic Community (VESCC) who have held weekly masses at the church since moving there in 2009.  The Mexikoplatz (Mexico Square), formerly known as Erzherzog-Karl-Platz (Archduke-Karl-Square), commemorates the fact that Mexico was the only country outside the Soviet Union to protest against the Anschluss of Austria to Nazi Germany.

Elisabethkapelle.

The Art Nouveau-style Elisabethkapelle (Elizabeth Chapel) is located on the left of the church next to the choir. It is 13.5 meters high and 10 metres wide. The octagonal chapel is modeled on the Palatine Chapel in the Aachen Cathedral, which was itself modelled on the Cappella Palatina in Palermo.  In 1898, the Italian anarchist Luigi Lucheni assassinated the wife of Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria, Empress Elisabeth of Austria (commonly referred to as Sisi). To commemorate her, the Elisabethkapelle was established. It was financed through donations from the Red Cross, as Empress Elisabeth was the first Protector of the Red Cross.  Because of the Red Cross's large donation of 348,348 crowns, the chapel was decorated with gold mosaics rather than frescoes, and the walls were covered in marble rather than stucco. The mosaics were designed by Secession artist Carl Ederer. On the vault of the chancel there is a large mosaic of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary.  The chapel was completed in 1907 and consecrated on 10 June 1908.

St. Francis of Assisi Church (), also known as the Emperor's Jubilee Church () and the Mexico Church (), is a Basilica-style Catholic church in Vienna, Austria. Built between 1898 and 1910, it was consecrated in 1913. It is located on the Mexikoplatz in Vienna's Second District, Leopoldstadt, and is administered by the Order of the Holy Trinity.