Pre-Hispanic antecedents of Ixtlahuacán del Río.

"Ixtlahuacán" is a word of Nahuatl origin; the name means "flat place". It was founded by the Toltecs in approximately AD 610; it is hard to be certain of the exact date of founding, because none of the groups who inhabited the region — Tecuexes, Tepehuanes, Coanes, Cazcanos, and Zacatecos — had a written language in this period.

Toponymy.

Ixtlahuacán is a word of Nahuatl origin, it is the union of the words " "Ixtláhuatl" " (plains) and " "Can" " (place); therefore, it means: " "Place of Plains" ".

History.

It was founded by Toltecs at the beginning of 7th century when they passed through the region. Possibly he was first in Tlacotán where tribes settled totonacas, tepehuanes and coanes, the founders being the tepehuanes, who stood out for their belligerence.  The conquerors that approached Tlacotán were continually harassed by the aborigines of Ixtlahuacán. The conquest was carried out by Nuño de Guzmán who arrived in Tlacotán in 1529. It seemed a strategic place to defend and dominate the entire Atemajac Valley. Fines of 1531 gave the name of Nueva Galicia to everything conquered by Nuño de Guzmán, who was appointed governor, founding Guadalajara in Nochistlán; after not having followed, ordering his transfer to Tlacotán in May 1533, giving him the name of Guadalajara; the foundation was not carried out until 1535 and in 1539 royal ID was received granting the coat of arms to the town (Tlacotán), being seat of Guadalajara from 1535 to 1540.  In 1825 it had a town hall and from that date until 1910 it belonged to the 1st canton of Guadalajara; in 1838, it had a category of town and in 1878 it is already mentioned as a municipality. They had the police stations of Tepac, Tlacotán and the Congregation of San Antonio. On February 28, 1894, the Tepac police station was abolished and the Congregation of San Antonio was erected as a police station; and in March 1912, the Tlacotán police station moved to Trejos, and in 1922 the police station was restored.

Physical geography.

Location.

Ixtlahuacán del Río is almost in the center of the state, its extreme coordinates are 20o 42'40 "to 21o 05 '23" north latitude and 103o 63' 09 "to 103o 22 '35" west longitude; at an approximate height of 1655 meters above sea level. The municipality borders the state of Zacatecas to the north; to the east with the municipality of Cuquío; to the south with the municipalities of Zapotlanejo and Guadalajara; to the west with the municipalities of Zapopan and San Cristóbal de la Barranca.

Orography.

In general, its surface is semi-flat (40%) and flat (35%), there are rugged areas (25%), with heights up to 1,900 masl, highlighting the Monte Grande and the Higuera hill.

Soil.

The territory is made up of land belonging to tertiary period. The soil consists mostly of igneous rocks acidic extrusive with some moles of basalt, rhyolite and volcanic gap with tuff; in the highest parts the predominant types are: haplic feozem, pelvic vertisol, chernozem and lithosol. The municipality has a territorial area of 56,494 hectares, of which 14,200 are used for agricultural purposes, 23,270 in livestock, 12,900 are for forest use, 390 are urban land and 5,734 hectares have another use. As far as property is concerned, an area of 45,045 hectares is private and another of 11,449 is ejidal; no property

Hydrography.

Its hydrological resources are provided by the rivers and streams that make up the Juchipila-Santiago-Río Verde Grande Belén sub-basin of the Lerma-Chapala-Santiago Hydrological region. The main rivers are: Santiago, Achichilco, Cuquío, Verde and Juchipila; the streams: El Tigre, Carrizalillo, Los Cuartos, Saucitos, Tecomastes, Agua Colorada and San Pablo; the dams: San Antonio and Los Sauces.

Climate.

The climate is semi-dry, with dry spring and winter, and semi-warm, with mild winter. The average annual temperature is 19 °C, with a maximum of 25.6 °C and a minimum of 10.1 °C. The rainfall regime is recorded between the months of June, July, and August, with an average rainfall of 855.2 millimeters. The prevailing winds are heading north.

Flora and fauna.

The flora is composed of cedar, pine, oak, oak and ocote. The fauna is made up of deer, hawk, wildcat, coyote, skunk, armadillo, the tlacuache (zarigueya) and a great variety of birds.

Economy.

39.82% of the inhabitants are dedicated to primary sector, 23.41% to secondary sector, 34.80% to tertiary sector and the rest is not specified. 38.18% are economically active. The main economic activities are: agriculture, livestock, forestry and industry.

Infrastructure.

87.61% of the population is alphabeta, of which 30.99% has finished primary education. The municipality has 32 preschool, 61 primary education, 13 secondary s, three baccalaureate and an extension of the Higher Technological Institute of Tala.  Health care is attended by the State Department of Health, the Mexican Social Security Institute and private doctors. The System for the Integral Development of the Family (DIF) is responsible for social welfare.  It has sports centers, where it is practiced: football, basketball, athletics and volleyball. It also has cultural centers, plaza, parks, gardens and library.  The municipality has potable water, telephone and internet services, sewerage, street lighting, markets, trail, cemeteries, roads, public toilets, public safety, parks, gardens and sports centers. 69.2% of the inhabitants have drinking water; 74.2% of sewerage and 95.9% of electrical energy.  It has mail, fax, telegraph, telephone and radiotelephony service. Transportation takes place through the Guadalajara-Saltillo highway, junction Ixtlahuacán del Río. It has a network of rural roads that connect the towns; Transportation is carried out by public buses or rental vehicles and individuals. Currently the municipal government has a small fleet of trucks that can provide services for free, these trucks have been donated by the State Government of Jalisco.

Religion.

98.53% profess the Catholic religion, there are also believers of Jehovah's Witnesses, Seventh-day Adventists, Protestant s and believers of other religions. 0.24% of the inhabitants showed not to practice any religion.

Government.

Its form of government is democratic and depends on state government and federal; Elections are held every 3 years, where the municipal president and his cabinet are elected. The municipal president is Pedro Haro Ocampo, a member of MC, who was elected during the democratic elections held on July 1 of 2018. The municipality has 179 locations, the most important being: Ixtlahuacán del Río (municipal capital), San Antonio de los Vázquez, Trejos, Tlacotán, Palos Altos, San Nicolás and Mascuala.

Ixtlahuacán del Rio is a town and municipality in the center of the Mexican state of Jalisco, a little less than 50 kilometers from state capital Guadalajara. It stands at 1,655 meters above sea level; the climate is semi-arid, with a mild winter and an average annual temperature of 19 degrees Celsius (66 degrees Fahrenheit).


History.

The town was important in the Welsh settlement of Chubut. It was named Trevelin (from "Trefelin", the Welsh for "mill town") after the first flour mill, known as "Los Andes", was established there by in 1891. Evans had previously become well known for leading expeditions into the Pampas in search of new lands and mineral reserves, which had earned him the nickname 'El Baqueano' (meaning guide or scout).  One of the tourist attractions of Trevelín is the grave of Malacara, Evans' horse, who a few years earlier in 1884 had saved his master's life by escaping down a steep ravine when his travelling party was attacked by a group of indigenous people led by Cacique (chief) Foyel. The three other Welshmen with whom he was travelling (Richard Davies, John Hughes and John Parry) were killed and buried nearby at a place now known as 'Dyffryn y Merthyron' or The Valley of the Martyrs.  Following a territorial dispute between Argentina and Chile in early 1902, the Limits Commission met in School No.18, Trevelin on 30 April of that year. The British arbiter was Sir Thomas Holdich (King's Surveyor General of India) whilst the interested parties were represented by Francisco Pascasio Moreno (Argentina) and Dr. Balmaceda (Chile). The inhabitants of the area (both the indigenous Mapuche Tehuelche "and" the Welsh colonists) voted to remain in Argentina.  The town, in the (Welsh: Cwm Hyfryd/Bro Hydref), is near the, which flows south into the Río Grande, crosses the frontier with Chile, and thereafter is known as the Río Futaleufú. The Percy River was named after Percy Wharton, an American who was settled in Cwm Hyfryd between 1885 and 1904 before returning to Los Angeles, USA.  A replica of John Evans' Los Andes Flour Mill can be found today at the Nant Fach Museum, Trevelin, in an area known as Comarca de los Alerces. The decline of the flour milling industry in the area can be dated to 1949 when the government of Juan Perón declared that the Chubut region was not appropriate for the cultivation of wheat, and therefore the land was turned over to the rearing of cattle.

Climate.

Trevelin has a cool summer humid climate (Köppen "Cfb"), but with a rainfall pattern similar to the Mediterranean climate. The climate is milder than that of other locations on the Argentine side of Northern Patagonia because of the low altitude and the direct exposure to Pacific winds. This microclimate allows for intensive agriculture, a rarity in the region where mid-summer frosts occur every year. Nighttime temperatures rarely drop below −10 °C and although snowfall is frequent, it does not cover the ground for long periods of time. Winters are stormy with frequent rain, sleet and snow while summers are cool, windy and relatively dry.  Mean annual precipitation is. The precipitation pattern resembles a Mediterranean one, where most (75%) of the precipitation is concentrated from April to August, the cooler months with a dry period from September to March. Snowfall can occur during the colder months while rainfall predominates in warmer months; hail rarely occurs.  The mean temperature in Trevelin ranges from in July, the coldest month to in January, the warmest month. Frosts can occur at any time, even in summer, which limits the range of agricultural activities.

Trevelin (; Welsh: "Trefelin") is a town in the western part of the Patagonian Argentine province of Chubut. The town lies on the eastern banks of the Rio Percy/. It is located in the department of Futaleufú, 22 kilometres south of Esquel, and had 6,395 inhabitants at the time of the and 7,908 inhabitants in the.


Plot.

During spring the flowers, mushrooms, and trees do their calisthenics. Some trees play a tune, using vines for harp strings and a chorus of robins. A fight breaks out between a waspish-looking hollow tree and a younger, healthier tree for the attention of a female tree. The young tree emerges victorious, but the hollow tree retaliates by starting a fire. The plants and animals try to extinguish or evade the blaze. By poking holes in clouds and making it rain, the birds manage to put out the fire, although the hollow tree perishes in the flames after getting caught up in them himself. The young tree then proposes to the female tree, with a caterpillar serving as a ring, and they embrace as a 12-color rainbow forms behind them.

Production.

In May 1932, the first three-strip Technicolor camera was completed. Herbert Kalmus wanted to test it in the animation field, giving the company time to build enough cameras to offer the whole movie industry, but could not find any interested animators. Finally Walt Disney agreed to try it as an experiment on "Flowers and Trees", which was already in production in black-and-white, and ordered the cartoon redone in color. The color animation caused the production to run over budget, potentially ruining Disney financially, but the cartoon proved so popular that the profits made up for the budget overage.

Impact.

As a result of the success of "Flowers and Trees", all future "Silly Symphonies" cartoons were produced in three-strip Technicolor. The added novelty of color helped to boost the series' previously disappointing returns. Disney's other cartoon series, the "Mickey Mouse" shorts, were deemed successful enough not to need the extra boost of color, remaining in black-and-white until "The Band Concert" (1935).  Disney's exclusive contract with Technicolor, in effect until the end of 1935, forced other animation producers such as Ub Iwerks and Max Fleischer to use Technicolor's inferior two-color process or a competing two-color system such as Cinecolor.

Accolades.

"Flowers and Trees" was the first animated film to win an Oscar at the fifth Academy Awards in 1932. It won an Oscar for best "Short Subjects, Cartoons", a category first introduced that year.

Home media.

The short was released on the 2001 Walt Disney Treasures DVD box set "".

Flowers and Trees is a 1932 "Silly Symphonies" cartoon produced by Walt Disney, directed by Burt Gillett, and released to theatres by United Artists on July 30, 1932. It was the first commercially released film to be produced in the full-color three-strip Technicolor process after several years of two-color Technicolor films. The film was a commercial and critical success, winning the first Academy Award for Best Cartoon Short Subject.


Around the world.

Starting in Spain at the Prime Meridian and heading eastwards, the parallel 40° north passes through:

United States.

The parallel 40° north forms the boundary between the states of Kansas and Nebraska. On 30 May 1854, the Kansas–Nebraska Act created the Territory of Kansas and the Territory of Nebraska divided by the parallel 40° north. Both territories were required to determine for themselves whether to permit slavery. Open conflict between free-state and pro-slavery forces in the Kansas Territory was one of the root causes of the American Civil War.  The parallel 40° north formed the original northern boundary of the British Colony of Maryland. A subsequent royal grant gave the Colony of Pennsylvania land north of the 40th parallel but mistakenly assumed it would intersect the Twelve Mile Circle, which it does not. Pennsylvania's border was thus unclear and the colony pushed for a border far south of the 40th parallel. The Mason–Dixon Line was drawn between 1763 and 1767 as the compromise boundary between the overlapping claims of these two colonies. The parallel 40° north passes through the cities of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and Columbus, Ohio; as well as northern suburbs of Indianapolis, Indiana and Denver, Colorado and the southern suburbs of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The parallel goes directly through the John Glenn Columbus International Airport, with runway 10L-28R lying immediately north of the line, runway 10R-28L lying slightly south of it, and the line going through the northernmost edges of the terminal. It also passes through the main campus of The Ohio State University; specifically, it cuts directly across the Oval greenspace, between University Hall and the William Oxley Thompson Memorial Library. Ohio Stadium, one of the largest stadiums in the world, barely misses the parallel 40° north (6 seconds above 40° north).  Baseline Road in Boulder, Colorado, traces the parallel 40° north.  Thistle, Utah, a ghost town since 1983, is slightly (30 seconds) below 40° north.

The 40th parallel north is a circle of latitude that is 40 degrees north of the Earth's equatorial plane. It crosses Europe, the Mediterranean Sea, Asia, the Pacific Ocean, North America, and the Atlantic Ocean.


As a game.

The classic poker dice game is played with 5 dice and two or more players. Each player has a total of 3 rolls and the ability to hold dice in between rolls. After the three rolls, the best hand wins.  In most variations, a straight only counts as a Bust (high-card). A Straight is less probable than a Full House, so, if counted, it should rank above a Full House, though tradition usually ranks it below Full House, as in card poker. Neither a "flush" nor a "straight flush" is a possible hand, due to the lack of suits on the dice.  In some rules, only a straight to a King is called a Straight, while a straight to an Ace is called (somewhat incorrectly) a Flush. Each one has an exact probability of 120 / 7776. Under these rules, a Straight beats a Full House (unlike in card poker, but correctly reflecting its probability) but does not beat Four of a Kind (incorrectly reflecting its lower probability). A Flush beats Four of a Kind (as in card poker, and correctly reflecting its lower probability).

Probabilities.

The poker dice hand rankings and the corresponding probabilities of rolling that hand are as follows (not sorted by probability but from highest to lowest ranking):  Busts have much lower probability than in card poker, because there are only 6 values instead of 13, making pairs and straights much more likely than with cards. In poker dice there are in fact only four possible bust hands: [A K Q J 9], [A K Q 10 9], [A K J 10 9], and [A Q J 10 9]; both other no-pair hands (i.e., in which either the A or the 9 are missing) are straights. Consequently, in some variants of the rules, straights are counted as busts.

Variants.

Marlboro once marketed a set of octahedral poker dice that included suits; each die had slightly different numberings, ranging from 7 up to ace. A similar set is currently manufactured by Koplow Games.  In 1974, Aurora produced a set of 12-sided poker dice called "Jimmy the Greek Odds Maker Poker Dice" and in 2000 Aurora/Rex Games produced a similar set under the name "Royal Poker Dice". The sets featured five 12-sided dice allowing for all 52 playing cards to be represented. The remaining 8 faces featured stars and acted as wild cards allowing for every possible poker hand to be rolled.

Poker dice are dice which, instead of having number pips, have representations of playing cards upon them. Poker dice have six sides, one each of an Ace, King, Queen, Jack, 10, and 9, and are used to form a poker hand.


Architecture.

The Fourplex is an example of Mediterranean Revival Style architecture. It is laid out on a rectangular plan with each floor divided into an east and a west apartment. The building is clad in smooth stucco typical of the Mediterranean style, and has a flat roof. The south elevation is symmetrical and features an enclosed entry porch having a pointed horseshoe arch in a Moorish style, decorated with wooden false beams.  Above the entry porch is a rectangular salient holding a pair of arched windows divided by a spiraled-column mullion. The windows are inset in a deep blind arch. Both the porch and the salient have tiled pent roofs. Flanking the entry porch are large tri-partate windows surrounded by highly decorated frames; above each of these is a pair of blind arches with decorative ceramic tiles inset in tympanums. Each arch has a double hung window, one over, and a corbelled wrought-iron balconet. The east and west sides of the building have stuccoed balconies at the first and second floor, chimneys servicing both levels, and flanking windows. The north elevation (rear) is fairly plain, except for an interesting arrangement of windows and a rear door.

Building facts.

The Francis Marion Stokes Fourplex is located at 2253 N.W. Pettygrove St, in the same block as historic Pettygrove House, a Victorian house built in 1892 and former home to Francis Pettygrove, the man who named Portland as a prize in a coin-toss.  The Fourplex is located on a lot. Each of the two floors has of living space divided into two apartments per floor.

The Architect.

Francis Marion Stokes designed the building in 1926 for Esther Kuhn of Portland, Oregon. Stokes became owner of the building the same year and lived in it, in Unit #2, from 1929 until his death in 1975. Most of Stokes' work, which had a considerable influence on Portland's architecture, was completed during the 46 years that he lived in the Fourplex.

National Register.

The building was added to the National Register of Historic Places in February 1996. Prior to its listing on the Register, the Fourplex was also known as the Kuhn Apartments.

The Francis Marion Stokes Fourplex is a historic residential building located in the Northwest district of Portland, Oregon, United States.


Geography.

Overview.

Novosibirsk Oblast is located in the south of the West Siberian Plain, at the foothills of low Salair ridge, between the Ob and Irtysh Rivers. The oblast borders Omsk Oblast in the west, Tomsk Oblast in the north, Kemerovo Oblast in the east, and Altai Krai together with Kazakhstan (Pavlodar Province) in the south. The territory of the oblast extends for more than from west to east, and for over from north to south. The oblast is mainly plain; in the south the steppes prevail; in the north enormous tracts of woodland with great number of marshes prevail. There are many lakes, the largest ones located at the south. The majority of the rivers belong to the Ob basin, many of them falling in dead lakes. Among the largest lakes are Chany, Sartlan and Ubinskoye.

Natural resources.

As of 2007, the oil reserves of the region amounted to 204 million tons. In addition, Novosibirsk Oblast had free gas reserves of 600 million cubic meters, solute gas reserves of 5.2 billion cubic meters, and gas condensate reserves of 121,000 tons. Most of the oil and gas reserves are located in the Severny and Kyshtovsky districts.  The following metals can be found in the region: zirconium dioxide (0.7 million tons), titanium dioxide (2.9 million tons), bauxite (2,068,000 tons), and tin (588,000 tons). In addition, there are twenty-three fields of alluvial placer gold in the region (nineteen of which were being developed and prospected in 2006) and seven residual soil gold fields suitable for open-cut mining in the southeast.  Novosibirsk Oblast has 5.527 million tons of high-quality anthracite, as well as 2.720 million tons of long-flame and coking coal. Most of these are located in the Iskitim and Toguchin districts. The north part of the region also has peat fields with estimated reserves of 7.6 billion tons. Prospected mineral water reserves in the region amount to 6,948 cubic meters per day. The popular Karachinskaya mineral water originates from the region.  The oblast has 4,531,800 hectares of forests, with 509.88 million cubic meters of timber reserves. Most of the region's forests consist of softwood. Softwood forests cover an area of 3,481,300 hectares, while softwood timber is spread out over 387.96 million cubic meters. Coniferous forests - located mostly near the Ob River and the Salair Ridge - cover an area of 1,011,900 hectares with timber reserves of 121.39 million cubic meters. The economic potential of the forests is reduced by the fact that most of them are located in the north of the region, in areas that are difficult to access.

Climate.

Novosibirsk Oblast has a continental climate. Average temperature is in January and in July. Annual precipitation is.

History.

During the Middle Ages the region was populated by Siberian Tatar and Teleut tribes. Being constantly raided by Kalmyk nomads throughout the first centuries of the exploration of Siberia future Novosibirsk Oblast did not attract many Russian colonists, who preferred to settle around more northerly Tomsk. The first Russian village Maslyanino was founded in 1644. In 1716, officer Ivan Butkeyev built the Berd fortress that later became the city of Berdsk, the main center of future colonization and development of the region. Like many other parts of Siberia, the Berd lands became a safe haven for political dissents, fugitive serfs and religious sects from all across Russia.  For the most parts of its history, the Novosibirsk Oblast belonged to the Tomsk administration, initially as a part of the Tomsk uyezd of the Tobolsk Governorate and later, starting with 1804, the separate Tomsk Governorate. The turning point in history of the region was the construction of the Trans-Siberian and the Turkestan–Siberian railways. Founded in 1893, Novosibirsk, then Novonikolayevsk, became a transport hub of sub-regional importance and surpassed other major Siberian cities like Omsk and Tomsk in mere decades. In 1920, the capital of the Tomsk Governorate was moved to Novonikolayevsk, in 1921 the Novonikolayevsk Governorate was established. In 1925, most of the Siberian governorates were united as the Siberian Krai with Novosibirsk as the capital. In 1930, it was split into West Siberian (Novosibirsk) and East Siberian (Irkutsk) krais, the former existed until 1937. The Novosibirsk Oblast was finally established on September 28, 1937. Kemerovo and Tomsk became separate from it only in 1943–1944.

Politics.

During the Soviet period, the high authority in the oblast was shared between three persons: The first secretary of the Novosibirsk CPSU Committee (who in reality had the biggest authority), the chairman of the oblast Soviet (legislative power), and the Chairman of the oblast Executive Committee (executive power). Since 1991, CPSU lost all the power, and the head of the Oblast administration, and eventually the governor was appointed/elected alongside elected regional parliament.  The Charter of Novosibirsk Oblast is the fundamental law of the region. The Legislative Assembly of Novosibirsk Oblast is the province's standing legislative (representative) body. The Legislative Assembly exercises its authority by passing laws, resolutions, and other legal acts and by supervising the implementation and observance of the laws and other legal acts passed by it. The highest executive body is the Oblast Government, which includes territorial executive bodies such as district administrations, committees, and commissions that facilitate development and run the day to day matters of the province. The Oblast administration supports the activities of the Governor who is the highest official and acts as guarantor of the observance of the oblast Charter in accordance with the Constitution of Russia.

Demographics.

Population:

Settlements.

According to the 2010 Census, the ethnic composition of the oblast was 93.1% Russians; 1.2% Germans; 0.9% Ukrainians; 0.9% Tatars; 0.4% Kazakhs; 0.2% Belarusians; 0.4% Armenians; 0.3% Azeris; and 0.5% Uzbek. Additionally, 124,859 people were registered from administrative databases, and could not declare an ethnicity. It is estimated that the proportion of ethnicities in this group is the same as that of the declared group.  2009 - 1.59 | 2010 - 1.60 | 2011 - 1.59 | 2012 - 1.71 | 2013 - 1.75 | 2014 - 1.77 | 2015 - 1.82 | 2016 - 1.82(e)  Major urban centers in 2006 were Novosibirsk (with a population of 1,379,000), Berdsk (91,900), Iskitim (63,800), Kuybyshev (48,500).  In 2016, Novosibirsk became the first oblast in Russia to ban immigrants from select nations from working in jobs such as construction, agriculture, teaching, medicine, and professional jobs. Immigrants already working in Novosibirsk Oblast have to leave after the next three months by the time the ban takes effect in December 2016.

Religion.

According to a 2012 survey 24.9% of the population of Novosibirsk Oblast adheres to the Russian Orthodox Church, 5% are unaffiliated generic Christians, 1% of the population adheres to the Slavic native faith (Rodnovery), and 1% to Islam. In addition, 32% of the population declares to be "spiritual but not religious", 25% is atheist, and 11.1% follows other religions or did not give an answer to the question.

Economy.

Novosibirsk Oblast's gross regional product in 2007 was $14,950.2 million. GRP per capita was 144,869 roubles; somewhat under the national average of 198,817 roubles. For many years, the region experienced relatively high rates of industrial output growth: between 1999 and 2008 industrial output grew 170%, exceeding the Russian average growth by 23%.

Industry.

Major industrial activities—accounting for over 80% of the total shipped products and services—are basic metals and fabricated metal products, electricity, gas and water supply, fuel extraction, food products and beverages.  Manufacturing accounted for 67.4% of the region's industrial output in 2007. The most notable sector was food products, beverages and tobacco (20.7%). The region produced a total of 278,100 tons of whole milk products, 144,100 tons of bread and baked goods, 6,300 tons of pasta, 54,100 tons of meat, 518.7 million decaliters of mineral water (including the popular Karachinskaya mark), 137,300 tons of mixed fodder and 218,700 tons of flour.  The basic metals and fabricated metal products sector contributed 10.3% of total industrial output. The region produced 190,800 tons of steel pipes, 405,700 tons of rolled ferrous metals, 36,100 tons of steel, 1.300 tons of welding electrodes and 1,100 tons of construction frames and products. Notable companies in this sector include OAO Novosibirsk Electrode Plant, OAO Novosibirsk Tin Mill and OAO Kuzmin Novosibirsk Metals Plant.  In the mechanical engineering sector, electrical and optical machinery and equipment accounted for 7.2% of total industrial output; machinery and equipment (exclusive of weapons or ammunition) accounted for 3.7%, while electrical machinery and transport equipment accounted for 4.5%. One of the largest companies is the aircraft-maker Novosibirsk Aircraft Production Association, which assembles Su-34 fighters, among others.  In 2007, the region produced $12,190,000 worth of high-voltage electric equipment, $3,820,000 worth of low-voltage electric equipment, $1,350,000 worth of computers and spare parts, 71,000 kW equivalent of generators for steam, gas and hydraulic turbines, 296,200 units of electric razors, 154,600 units of chandeliers and suspensions, 1,616,000 units of capacitors, 3,608,000 units of semiconductor instruments, 1,077,000 units of integral microchips, 218 units of large electric machines, 854 units of direct current electric machines and 5,000 kilovolts-amperes equivalent of prefabricated transforming stations. Notable companies in this sector include OAO Novosibirsk Electric Locomotive Repair Plant, OAO Sibselmash Scientific Production Association, NPO ELSIB, OAO Novosibirsk Railroad Switch Plant, OAO Tyazhstankogidropress, OAO Novosibirsk Instrument Plant and OAO Novosibirsk Soyuz Electrovacuum Holding plant. All of the aforementioned companies are located in the regional capital, Novosibirsk.

Energy.

Novosibirsk Oblast enjoys an electricity surplus: electricity output in 2007 was 14.0 billion kWh, while consumption was 12.5 billion kWh. During the summer, 30% of the region's electricity needs is satisfied by the Novosibirsk Hydroelectric Power Station, which has a capacity of 455 MW. Another important source of electricity is thermal power. The largest thermal power plant is Combined Heat and Power Station No. 5 with generation capacity of 1,200 MW. Most of the power plants and the distribution infrastructure are operated by the company OJSC Novosibirskenergo.  The amount of oil produced in the region in 2007 was 2,495,000 tons, while coal production was 1,795,000 tons.

Trade and investment.

In the 2005/2006 ranking "Best Legal Conditions for Investment"–conducted by the Expert RA rating agency–Novosibirsk Oblast received the third place among all 89 federal subjects of Russia.  In 2007, the oblast received $88.8 million in foreign investment. The largest company receiving foreign investment was NPO ELSIB.

Novosibirsk Oblast (, "Novosibirskaya oblast") is a federal subject of Russia (an oblast) located in southwestern Siberia. Its administrative and economic center is the city of Novosibirsk. The population was 2,788,849 as of the 2018 Census.


Structure of the Legislature.

The Legislature of Quebec was created by the British North America Act, 1867. It consisted of the Lieutenant Governor of Quebec, the Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council. The Lieutenant Governor was appointed by the Governor General of Canada for a term of five years. The Legislative Assembly consisted of sixty-five members, elected in single-member constituencies by first-past-the-post elections. The Legislative Assembly was to last for four years, subject to being dissolved earlier by the Lieutenant Governor. The Legislative Council consisted of twenty-four members, appointed for life by the Government of Quebec.  The elections for the Second Legislature were conducted under the election law of the former Province of Canada, which were continued until such time as the Legislature of Quebec enacted a new election law, designed specifically for Quebec.

Elections and qualifications.

Right to vote.

The right to vote in elections to the Legislative Assembly was not universal. Only male British subjects (by birth or naturalisation), aged 21 and older, were eligible to vote, and only if they met a property qualification. For residents of cities and towns, the qualification was being the owner, tenant or occupant of real property assessed at three hundred dollars, or at an assessed yearly value of thirty dollars. For residents of townships and parishes, the requirements were either an assessment of two hundred dollars, or an assessed yearly value of twenty dollars.  Women were expressly prohibited from voting, "for any Electoral Division whatever".  Judges and many municipal and provincial officials were also barred from voting, particularly officials with duties relating to public revenue. Election officials were also barred from voting.  Voting at elections was done by open ballotting, where voters publicly declared their vote to the poll officials.

Qualification for the Legislative Assembly.

Candidates for the Legislative Assembly had to meet a significant property qualification. A candidate had to own real property in the Province of Canada, worth at least £500 in British sterling, over and above any encumbrances on the property.

Qualification for the Legislative Council.

The qualifications for the members of the Legislative Council were the same as for the members of the Senate of Canada.  Those requirements were:  The provisions of the "British North America Act, 1867" did not explicitly bar women from being called to the Senate of Canada. However, until the Persons Case in 1929, it was assumed that women could not be called to the Senate, and were thus also barred from the Legislative Council. In any event, no woman was ever appointed to the Legislative Council.

Events of the Second Legislature.

The Conservatives under Premier Pierre-Joseph-Olivier Chauveau won a substantial majority in the 1871 election, although with a somewhat reduced seat count. In spite of their electoral success, the Conservatives began to fracture between an ultramontane Catholic wing and the traditional Parti Bleu supporters, who were more business oriented. Chauveau continued in office until 1873, when he resigned upon being appointed to the Senate of Canada.  Chauveau was succeeded as Conservative leader and Premier by Gédéon Ouimet, who was had been elected to the Legislative Assembly in 1867 and served in Chauveau's Cabinet as Attorney General. Shortly into Ouimet's term a major political scandal broke, the Tanneries scandal, which turned on a land transaction carried out by the government. Ouimet and three other members of the Cabinet resigned.  Ouimet was replaced as party leader and premier by Charles Boucher de Boucherville in 1874. De Boucherville replaced almost the entire Cabinet.  In addition to the political instability associated with the Tanneries scandal, the Second Legislature was also marked by a high number of by-elections. Over the course of four years, there were twenty-four by-elections in the sixty-five seat Legislative Assembly. Most of the by-elections were triggered by the 1874 federal election, the first federal election after the abolition of the dual mandate, which had allowed individuals to hold seats in both the federal Parliament and the provincial Assembly. Several members of the Legislative Assembly resigned their provincial seats to run federally. Amongst those who moved to federal politics was the young Wilfrid Laurier, who had been elected to the Legislative Assembly in 1871 for the riding of Drummond et Arthabaska. A number of other by-elections were triggered by the changes to the provincial Cabinet under the three premiers. At that time, a member of the Assembly who was brought into Cabinet part-way through the term of the Assembly had to resign and stand for re-election.  One significant legislative measure passed by the de Boucherville government was electoral reform. The general elections of 1867 and 1871 had been conducted under the electoral laws of the former Province of Canada. In the 1875 session, the government passed a new election law to replace the old statute and create an electoral framework designed solely for Quebec. One of the key changes was that the new elections law introduced the secret ballot in Quebec elections, replacing the old open ballot system which had previously been used, and which had required voters to publicly declare their vote to the polling officials.  In 1875, Premier De Boucherville called a general election. The Conservatives were returned to office, albeit with a somewhat reduced majority.

Legislative Assembly.

Party standings.

The 1871 election returned a majority in the Legislative Assembly for the Conservative Party, led by Premier Chauveau.

Members of the Legislative Assembly.

The following candidates were elected to the Legislative Assembly in the 1871 election. The Premiers of Quebec are indicated by Bold italics. The Speakers of the Legislative Assembly are indicated by small caps. Cabinet Ministers are indicated by "Italics".

By-elections.

There were twenty-four by-elections during the term of the Second Legislature. Cabinet ministers are indicated by "italics".

Legislative Council.

Party standings.

The Legislative Council continued to have a strong Conservative majority during the term of the Second Legislature.

Members during the Second Legislature.

The Premier of Quebec is indicated by Bold italics. The Speakers of the Legislative Council are indicated by small caps. Cabinet members are indicated by "italics".  Vacancies of less than one month are not shown.
 † Died in office.
 ‡ Resigned on abolition of the dual mandate.

Executive Council during Second Legislature.

There were three different ministries during the term of the Second Legislature, under Premiers Chauveau (1871-1873), Ouimet (1873-1874), and Boucher de Boucherville (1874-1875).

First Quebec Ministry: Chauveau Cabinet (1871-1873).

Premier Chauveau continued the same membership in his Cabinet following the 1871 election. Chauveau and four of the ministers were Members of the Legislative Assembly, while three were Members of the Legislative Council. In addition to being premier, Chauveau held other portfolios.

Second Quebec Ministry: Ouimet Cabinet (1873-1874).

Following Chauveau's resignation as premier, the Quebec Conservative party chose Gédéon Ouimet as party leader and thus Premier of Quebec. No general election was called. Ouimet installed a new Cabinet. Ouimet and four of the Cabinet ministers were Members of the Legislative Assembly, while two sat in the Legislative Council.

Third Quebec Ministry: Boucher de Boucherville Cabinet (1874-1875).

As a result of the Tanneries scandal, Premier Ouimet and three Cabinet ministers resigned. The Conservative party chose Boucher de Boucherville to be premier. He replaced almost all of the Cabinet, retaining only Robertson as Treasurer. All of the Cabinet ministers were members of the Legislative Assembly, except the Speaker of the Legislative Council abs Boucher de Boucherville himself.

Leader of the Opposition.

Henri-Gustave Joly de Lotbinière continued as Leader of the Opposition throughout the Second Legislature.

Legislative sessions.

The Legislature had four annual sessions:  The Legislature did not meet again prior to its dissolution on June 7, 1875.

The Second Legislature of Quebec was the provincial legislature of Quebec, Canada from 1871 to 1875, following the general election of 1871.


History.

The OLPC program has its roots in the pedagogy of Seymour Papert, an approach known as constructionism, which espoused providing computers for children at early ages to enable full digital literacy. Papert, along with Nicholas Negroponte, were at the MIT Media Lab from its inception. Papert compared the old practice of putting computers in a computer lab to books chained to the walls in old libraries. Negroponte likened shared computers to shared pencils. However, this pattern seemed to be inevitable, given the then-high prices of computers (over $1,500 apiece for a typical laptop or small desktop by 2004).  In 2005, Negroponte spoke at the World Economic Forum, in Davos. In this talk he urged industry to solve the problem, to enable a $100 laptop, which would enable constructionist learning, would revolutionize education, and would bring the world's knowledge to all children. He brought a mock-up and was described as prowling the halls and corridors of Davos to whip up support. Despite the reported skepticism of Bill Gates and others, Negroponte left Davos with committed interest from AMD, News Corp, and with strong indications of support from many other firms. From the outset, it was clear that Negroponte thought that the key to reducing the cost of the laptop was to reduce the cost of the display. Thus, when, upon return from Davos, he met Mary Lou Jepsen, the display pioneer who was in early 2005 joining the MIT Media Lab faculty, the discussions turned quickly to display innovation to enable a low-cost laptop. Convinced that the project was now possible, Negroponte led the creation of the first corporation for this: the Hundred Dollar Laptop Corp.  At the 2006 Wikimania, Jimmy Wales announced that the One Laptop Per Child Project would be including Wikipedia as the first element in their content repository. Wales explained, "I think it is in my rational self interest to care about what happens to kids in Africa," elaborating in his fundraising appeal: At the 2006 World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) announced it would back the laptop. UNDP released a statement saying they would work with OLPC to deliver "technology and resources to targeted schools in the least developed countries".  Starting in 2007, the Association managed development and logistics, and the Foundation managed fundraising such as the Give One Get One campaign ("G1G1").  Intel was a member of the association for a brief period in 2007. Shortly after OLPC's founder, Nicholas Negroponte, accused Intel of trying to destroy the non-profit, Intel joined the board with a mutual non-disparagement agreement between them and OLPC. Intel resigned its membership on January 3, 2008, citing disagreements with requests from Negroponte for Intel to stop dumping their Classmate PCs.  In 2008, Negroponte showed some doubt about the exclusive use of open-source software for the project, and made suggestions supporting a move towards adding Windows XP, which Microsoft was in the process of porting over to the XO hardware. Microsoft's Windows XP, however, is not seen by some as a sustainable operating system. Microsoft announced that they would sell them Windows XP for $3 per XO. It would be offered as an option on XO-1 laptops and possibly be able to dual boot alongside Linux. In response, Walter Bender, who was the former President of Software and Content for the OLPC project, left OLPC and founded Sugar Labs to continue development of the open source Sugar software which had been developed within OLPC. No significant deployments elected to purchase Windows licenses. Charles Kane became the new President and Chief Operating Officer of the OLPC Association on May 2, 2008. In late 2008, the NYC Department of Education purchased some XO computers for use by New York schoolchildren.  Advertisements for OLPC began streaming on the video streaming website Hulu and others in 2008. One such ad has John Lennon advertising for OLPC, with an unknown voice actor redubbing over Lennon's voice.  In 2008 OLPC lost significant funding. Their annual budget was slashed from $12 million to $5 million which resulted in a restructuring on January 7, 2009. Development of the Sugar operating environment was moved entirely into the community, the Latin America support organization was spun out and staff reductions, including Jim Gettys, affected approximately 50% of the paid employees. The remaining 32 staff members also saw salary reductions. Despite the downsizing, OLPC continued development of the XO-1.5 laptops.  In 2010, OLPC moved its headquarters to Miami. The Miami office currently oversees sales and support for the XO-1.5 laptop and its successors, including the XO Laptop version 4.0 and the OLPC Laptop.  Funding from Marvell, finalized in May 2010, revitalized the foundation and enabled the 1Q 2012 completion of the ARM-based XO-1.75 laptops and initial prototypes of the XO-3 tablets. OLPC is currently taking orders for mass production of the XO 4.0, and has shipped over 3 million XO Laptops to children around the world.

Criticism.

At the World Summit on the Information Society held by the United Nations in Tunisia from November 16–18, 2005, several African representatives, most notably Marthe Dansokho (a missionary of United Methodist Church), voiced suspicions towards the motives of the OLPC project and claimed that the project was using an overly "U.S. mindset", pointing out that the presented solutions were not applicable to specifically "African problems". Dansokho said the project demonstrated misplaced priorities, stating that African women would not have enough time to research new crops to grow. She added that clean water and schools were more important. Mohammed Diop specifically criticized the project as an attempt to exploit the governments of poor nations by making them pay for hundreds of millions of machines and the need of further investments into internet infrastructure. Others have similarly criticized laptop deployments in very low income countries, regarding them as cost-ineffective when compared to far simpler measures such as deworming and other expenses on basic child health.  Lee Felsenstein, a computer engineer who played a central role in the development of the personal computer, criticized the centralized, top-down design and distribution of the OLPC.

Cost.

The project originally aimed for a price of 100 US dollars. In May 2006, Negroponte told the Red Hat's annual user summit: "It is a floating price. We are a nonprofit organization. We have a target of $100 by 2008, but probably it will be $135, maybe $140." A BBC news article in April 2010 indicated the price still remained above $200.  In April 2011, the price remained above $209. In 2013, more than 10% of the world population lived on less than US$2 per day. The latter income segment would have to spend more than a quarter of its annual income to purchase a single laptop, while the global average of ICT spending is 3% of income. Empirical studies show that the borderline between ICT as a necessity good and ICT as a luxury good is roughly around the "magical number" of US$10 per person per month, or US$120 per year.  John Wood, founder of Room to Read (an NPO which builds schools and libraries), emphasizes affordability and scalability over high-tech solutions. While in favor of the One Laptop per Child initiative for providing education to children in the developing world at a cheaper rate, he has pointed out that a $2,000 library can serve 400 children, costing just $5 a child to bring access to a wide range of books in the local languages (such as Khmer or Nepali) and English; also, a $10,000 school can serve 400–500 children ($20–$25 a child). According to Wood, these are more appropriate solutions for education in the dense forests of Vietnam or rural Cambodia.  The Scandinavian aid organization FAIR proposed setting up computer labs with recycled second-hand computers as a cheaper initial investment. Negroponte argued against this proposition, stating the expensive running cost of conventional laptops. Computer Aid International doubted the OLPC sales strategy would succeed, citing the "untested" nature of its technology. CAI refurbishes computers and printers and sells them to developing countries for £42 a piece (compare it to £50 a piece for the OLPC laptops).

Teacher training and ongoing support.

The OLPC project has also been criticized for allegedly adopting a "one-shot" deployment approach with little or no technical support or teacher training, and for neglecting pilot programs and formal assessment of outcomes in favor of quick deployment. Some authors attribute this unconventional approach to the OLPC promoters' alleged focus on constructivist education and 'digital utopianism'. Mark Warschauer, a Professor of University of California at Irvine and Morgan Ames, at the time of writing, a PhD candidate at Stanford University, have pointed out that the laptop by itself does not completely fill the need of students in underprivileged countries. The "children’s machines", as they have been called, have been deployed to several countries, for example Uruguay, Peru, and in the US, Alabama, but after a relatively short time, their usage has declined considerably, sometimes because of hardware problems or breakage, in some cases, as high as 27% to 59% within the first two years, and sometimes due to a lack of knowledge on the part of the users on how to take full advantage of the machine.  However, another factor has recently been acknowledged: a lack of a direct relation to the pedagogy needed in the local context to be truly effective. Uruguay reports that only 21.5% of teachers use the laptop in the classroom on a daily basis, and 25% report using it less than once a week. In Alabama, 80.3% of students say they never or seldom use the computer for class work, and Peru, teachers report that in the first few months, 68.9% use the laptop three times per week, but after two months, only 40% report such usage. Those of a low socio-economic level tend to not be able to effectively use the laptop for educational purposes on their own, but with scaffolding and mentoring from teachers, the machine can become more useful. According to one of the returning OLPC executives, Walter Bender, the approach needs to be more holistic, combining technology with a prolonged community effort, teacher training and local educational efforts and insights.  The organization has been accused of simply giving underprivileged children laptops and "walking away". Some critics claim this "drive-by" implementation model was the official strategy of the project. While the organisation has learning teams dedicated to support and working with teachers, Negroponte has said in response to this criticism that "You actually can" give children a connected laptop and walk away, noting experiences with self-guided learning.

Technology.

The XO, previously known as the "$100 Laptop" or "Children's Machine", is an inexpensive laptop computer designed to be distributed to children in developing countries around the world, to provide them with access to knowledge, and opportunities to "explore, experiment and express themselves" (constructionist learning). The laptop is manufactured by the Taiwanese computer company Quanta Computer.  The rugged, low-power computers use flash memory instead of a hard drive, run a Fedora-based operating system and use the SugarLabs Sugar user interface. Mobile ad hoc networking based on the 802.11s wireless mesh network protocol allows students to collaborate on activities and to share Internet access from one connection. The wireless networking has much greater range than typical consumer laptops. The XO-1 has also been designed to be lower cost and much longer-lived than typical laptops.  In 2009, OLPC announced an updated XO (dubbed "XO-1.5") that takes advantage of the latest component technologies. The XO-1.5 includes a new VIA C7-M processor and a new chipset providing a 3D graphics engine and an HD video decoder. It has 1GB of RAM and built-in storage of 4 GB, with an option for 8 GB. The XO-1.5 uses the same display, and a network wireless interface with half the power dissipation.  Early prototype versions of the hardware were available in June 2009, and they are available for software development and testing available for free through a.  An XO-1.75 model was developed that used a Marvell ARM processor, targeting a price below $150 and date in 2011.  The XO-2 two sheet design concept was canceled in favor of the one sheet XO-3.  An XO-3 concept resembled a tablet computer and was planned to have the inner workings of the XO 1.75. Price goal was below $100 and date was 2012.  As of May 2010, OLPC was working with Marvell on other unspecified future tablet designs. In October 2010, both OLPC and Marvell signed an agreement granting OLPC $5.6 million to fund development of its XO-3 next generation tablet computer. The tablet was to use an ARM chip from Marvell.  At CES 2012, OLPC showcased the XO-3 model, which featured a touchscreen and a modified form of SugarLabs "Sugar". In early December 2012, however, it was announced that the XO-3 would not be seeing actual production, and focus had shifted to the XO-4.  The XO-4 was launched at International CES 2013 in Las Vegas The XO Laptop version 4 is available in two models: XO 4 and XO 4 Touch, with the latter providing multi-touch input on the display. The XO Laptop version 4 uses an ARM processor to provide high performance with low power consumption, while keeping the industrial design of the traditional XO Laptop.

Software.

The laptops include an anti-theft system which can, optionally, require each laptop to periodically make contact with a server to renew its cryptographic lease token. If the cryptographic lease expires before the server is contacted, the laptop will be locked until a new token is provided. The contact may be to a country-specific server over a network or to a local, school-level server that has been manually loaded with cryptographic "lease" tokens that enable a laptop to run for days or even months between contacts. Cryptographic lease tokens can be supplied on a USB flash drive for non-networked schools. The mass production laptops are also tivoized, disallowing installation of additional software or replacement of the operating system. Users interested in development need to obtain the unlocking key separately (most developer laptops for Western users already come unlocked). It is claimed that locking prevents unintentional bricking and is part of the anti-theft system.  In 2006, the OLPC project was heavily criticised over Red Hat's non-disclosure agreement (NDA) with Marvell concerning the wireless device in OLPC, especially in light of the OLPC project being positioned as an open-source friendly initiative. An open letter for documentation was inked by Theo de Raadt (a recipient of the 2004 Award for the Advancement of Free Software), and the initiative for open documentation has been supported by Richard Stallman, the President of the Free Software Foundation. De Raadt later clarified that he finds an issue with OLPC having proprietary firmware files that are not allowed to be independently re-distributed (even in the binary form) by third-party operating systems like OpenBSD, as well as receiving no documentation to write the necessary drivers for the operating system. De Raadt has pointed out that the OpenBSD project requires no firmware source code, and no low-level documentation to work on firmware, only requiring the binary distribution rights and documentation to interface with the said binary firmware that runs outside of the main CPU, a quite simple request that is generally honoured by many other wireless device vendors like Ralink. Stallman fully agreed with de Raadt's request to open up the documentation, since Stallman is known to hold an even stronger and more idealistic position in regards to the proprietary components, and requires that even the firmware that runs outside of the main CPU must be provided in its source code form, something de Raadt does not require. De Raadt later has had to point out that such more idealistic and less realistic position has instead been misattributed to OpenBSD's more practical approach to make it look unreasonable, and stood on record that OpenBSD's position is much easier to satisfy, yet it nonetheless remained unresolved.  OLPC's dedication to "Free and open source" was questioned with their May 15, 2008, announcement that large-scale purchasers would be offered the choice to add an extra cost, special version of the proprietary Windows XP OS developed by Microsoft alongside the regular, free and open Linux-based operating system with the SugarLabs "Sugar OS" GUI. Microsoft developed a modified version of Windows XP and announced in May 2008 that Windows XP would be available for an additional cost of 10 dollars per laptop. James Utzschneider, from Microsoft, said that initially only one operating system could be chosen. OLPC, however, said that future OLPC work would enable XO-1 laptops to dual boot either the free and open Linux/Sugar OS or the proprietary Microsoft Windows XP. Negroponte further said that "OLPC will sell Linux-only and dual-boot, and will not sell Windows-only <nowiki>[XO-1 laptops]</nowiki>". OLPC released the first test firmware enabling XO-1 dual-boot on July 3, 2008. This option did not prove popular. As of 2011, a few pilots had received a few thousand total dual-boot machines, and the new ARM-based machines do not support Windows XP. No significant deployment purchased Windows licenses. Negroponte stated that the dispute had "become a distraction" for the project, and that its end goal was enabling children to learn, while constructionism and the open source ethos was more of a means to that end. Charles Kane concurred, stating that anything which detracted from the ultimate goal of widespread distribution and use was counterproductive.

Bugs.

The organization has been criticized for its lack of troubleshooting support. Teachers in Peru are told to handle problems in one of two ways. If the problem is a software issue, they are to flash the computer, and if it is a hardware problem, they are to report it. In the classroom environment this black-boxing approach is being criticized for causing the teachers and students to feel disconnected with, and confused by the laptop, which results, in many cases, in the laptops eventually going unused. Several defects in OLPC XO-1 hardware have emerged in the field, and laptop repair is often neglected by students or their families (who are responsible for maintenance) due to the relatively high cost of some components (such as displays).  On the software side, the Bitfrost security system has been known to deactivate improperly, rendering the laptop unusable until it is unlocked by support technicians with the proper keys. (This is a time-consuming process, and the problem often affects large numbers of laptops at the same time). The Sugar interface has been difficult for teachers to learn, and the mesh networking feature in the OLPC XO-1 was buggy and went mostly unused in the field.  The OLPC XO-1 hardware lacks connectivity to external monitors or projectors, and teachers are not provided with software for remote assessment. As a result, students are unable to present their work to the whole class, and teachers must also assess students' work from the individual laptops. Teachers often find it difficult to use the keyboard and screen, which were designed with student use in mind.

Environmental impact.

In 2005 and prior to the final design of the XO-1 hardware, OLPC received criticism because of concerns over the environmental and health impacts of hazardous materials found in most computers. The OLPC asserted that it aimed to use as many environmentally friendly materials as it could; that the laptop and all OLPC-supplied accessories would be fully compliant with the EU's Restriction of Hazardous Substances Directive (RoHS); and that the laptop would use an order of magnitude less power than the typical consumer netbooks available as of 2007 thus minimizing the environmental burden of power generation.  The XO-1 delivered (starting in 2007) uses environmental friendly materials, complies with the EU's RoHS and uses between 0.25 and 6.5 watts in operation. According to the Green Electronics Council's Electronic Product Environmental Assessment Tool, whose sole purpose is assessing and measuring the impact laptops have on the environment, the XO is not only non-toxic and fully recyclable, but it lasts longer, costs less, and is more energy efficient. The XO-1 is the first laptop to have been awarded an EPEAT Gold level rating.

Anonymity.

Other discussions question whether OLPC laptops should be designed to promote anonymity or to facilitate government tracking of stolen laptops. A June 2008 "New Scientist" article critiqued Bitfrost's P_THEFT security option, which allows each laptop to be configured to transmit an individualized, non-repudiable digital signature to a central server at most once each day to remain functioning.

Distribution.

The laptops are sold to governments, to be distributed through the ministries of education with the goal of distributing "one laptop per child". The laptops are given to students, similar to school uniforms and ultimately remain the property of the child. The operating system and software is localized to the languages of the participating countries.  OLPC now also works directly with program sponsors from the public and private sectors to implement its educational program in entire schools and communities. As a non-profit organization, OLPC does require a source of funding for its program so that the laptops are given to students at no cost to child or to his/her family.

Early distributions.

Approximately 500 developer boards (Alpha-1) were distributed in mid-2006; 875 working prototypes (Beta 1) were delivered in late 2006; 2400 Beta-2 machines were distributed at the end of February 2007; full-scale production started November 6, 2007. Around one million units were manufactured in 2008.

Give 1 Get 1 program.

OLPC initially stated that no consumer version of the XO laptop was planned. The project, however, later established the laptopgiving.org website to accept direct donations and ran a "Give 1 Get 1" (G1G1) offer starting on November 12, 2007. The offer was initially scheduled to run for only two weeks, but was extended until December 31, 2007 to meet demand. With a donation of $399 (plus US$25 shipping cost) to the OLPC "Give 1 Get 1" program, donors received an XO-1 laptop of their own and OLPC sent another on their behalf to a child in a developing country. Shipments of "Get 1" laptops sent to donors were restricted to addresses within the United States, its territories, and Canada.  Some 83,500 people participated in the program. Delivery of all of the G1G1 laptops was completed by April 19, 2008. Delays were blamed on order fulfillment and shipment issues both within OLPC and with the outside contractors hired to manage those aspects of the G1G1 program.  Between November 17 and December 31, 2008, a second G1G1 program was run through Amazon.com and Amazon.co.uk. This partnership was chosen specifically to solve the distribution issues of the G1G1 2007 program. The price to consumers was the same as in 2007, at US$399.  The program aimed to be available worldwide. Laptops could be delivered in the US, in Canada and in more than 30 European countries, as well as in some Central and South American countries (Colombia, Haiti, Peru, Uruguay, Paraguay), African countries (Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Madagascar, Rwanda) and Asian countries (Afghanistan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Nepal). Despite this, the program sold only about 12,500 laptops and generated a mere $2.5 million, a 93 percent decline from the year before.  OLPC no longer advertises direct to consumers, focusing instead on fundraising efforts. In 2011, they launched a new website designed by Pentagram and Upstatement.

Laptop shipments.

, OLPC reports'more than 3 million laptops' have been shipped.

Regional responses.

Uruguay.

In October 2007, Uruguay placed an order for 100,000 laptops, making Uruguay the first country to purchase a full order of laptops. The first real, non-pilot deployment of the OLPC technology happened in Uruguay in December 2007. Since then, 200,000 more laptops have been ordered to cover all public school children between 6 and 12 years old.  President Tabaré Vázquez of Uruguay presented the final laptop at a school in Montevideo on October 13, 2009. Over the last two years 362,000 pupils and 18,000 teachers have been involved, and has cost the state $260 (£159) per child, including maintenance costs, equipment repairs, training for the teachers and internet connection. The annual cost of maintaining the programme, including an information portal for pupils and teachers, will be US$21 (£13) per child.  The country reportedly became the first in the world where every primary school child received a free laptop on October 13, 2009 as part of the "Plan Ceibal" (Education Connect).  Unfortunately, even though roughly 35% of all OLPC computers went to Uruguay, a 2013 study by the Economics Institute (University of the Republic, Uruguay) of the Ceibal plan concluded that use of the laptops did not improve literacy and that the use of the laptops was mostly recreational, with only 4.1% of the laptops being used "all" or "most" days in 2012. The main conclusion was that the results showed no impact of the OLPC program on the test scores in reading and math.

United States.

Originally, OLPC announced the United States would not be part of the first-year effort. In 2008, Nicholas Negroponte said "OLPC America already has a director and a chairman and will likely be based in Washington, D.C.," however such an organization was not set up. As of 2010, Birmingham, Alabama is the largest deployment in the US. Some said the changing economic landscape forced OLPC to adjust their distribution strategy. Negroponte cited patriotism, "building critical mass", and providing a means for children all over the world to communicate.

Artsakh.

On January 26, 2012, prime minister Ara Harutyunyan and entrepreneur Eduardo Eurnekian signed a memorandum of understanding launching an OLPC program in Artsakh. The program is geared towards elementary schools throughout Artsakh. Eurnekian hopes to decrease the gap by giving the war-zoned region an opportunity to engage in a more solid education. The New York-based nonprofit, Armenian General Benevolent Union, is helping to undertake the responsibility by providing on-the-ground support. The government of Artsakh is enthusiastic and is working with OLPC to bring the program to fruition.

Nigeria.

Lagos Analysis Corp., also called Lancor, a Lagos, US-based Nigerian-owned company, sued OLPC in the end of 2007 for $20 million, claiming that the computer's keyboard design was stolen from a Lancor patented device. OLPC responded by claiming that they had not sold any multi-lingual keyboards in the design claimed by Lancor, and that Lancor had misrepresented and concealed material facts before the court. In January 2008, the Nigerian Federal Court rejected OLPC motion to dismiss LANCOR's lawsuit and extended its injunction against OLPC distributing its XO Laptops in Nigeria. OLPC appealed the Court's decision, the Appeal is still pending in the Nigerian Federal Court of Appeals. In March 2008, OLPC filed a lawsuit in Massachusetts to stop LANCOR from suing it in the United States. In October 2008, MIT News magazine erroneously reported that the Middlesex Superior Court granted OLPC's motions to dismiss all of LANCOR's claims against OLPC, Nicholas Negroponte, and Quanta. On October 22, 2010 OLPC voluntarily moved the Massachusetts Court to dismiss its own lawsuit against LANCOR.  In 2007, XO laptops in Nigeria were reported to contain pornographic material belonging to children participating in the OLPC Program. In response, OLPC Nigeria announced they would start equipping the machines with filters.

India.

India's Ministry of Human Resource Development, in June 2006, rejected the initiative, saying "it would be impossible to justify an expenditure of this scale on a debatable scheme when public funds continue to be in inadequate supply for well-established needs listed in different policy documents". Later they stated plans to make laptops at $10 each for schoolchildren. Two designs submitted to the Ministry from a final year engineering student of Vellore Institute of Technology and a researcher from the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore in May 2007 reportedly describe a laptop that could be produced for "$47 per laptop" for even small volumes. The Ministry announced in July 2008 that the cost of their proposed "$10 laptop" would in fact be $100 by the time the laptop became available. In 2010, a related $35 Sakshat Tablet was unveiled in India, released the next year as the "Aakash". In 2011, each Aakash sold for approximately $44 by an Indian company, DataWind. DataWind plans to launch similar projects in Brazil, Egypt, Panama, Thailand and Turkey. OLPC later expressed support for the initiative.  In 2009, a number of states announced plans to order OLPCs. However, as of 2010, only the state of Manipur had deployed 1000 laptops.

One Laptop per Child (OLPC) is a non-profit initiative established with the goal of transforming education for children around the world; this goal was to be achieved by creating and distributing educational devices for the developing world, and by creating software and content for those devices.


Structure of the Legislature.

The Legislature of Quebec was created by the "British North America Act, 1867". It consisted of the Lieutenant Governor of Quebec, the Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council. The Lieutenant Governor was appointed by the Governor General of Canada for a term of five years. The Legislative Assembly consisted of sixty-five members, elected in single-member constituencies by first-past-the-post elections. The Legislative Assembly was to last for four years, subject to being dissolved earlier by the Lieutenant Governor. The Legislative Council consisted of twenty-four members, appointed for life by the Government of Quebec.

Elections and qualifications.

Right to vote.

The right to vote in elections to the Legislative Assembly was not universal. Only male British subjects (by birth or naturalisation), aged 21 or older, were eligible to vote, and only if they met a property qualification. For residents of larger cities, the qualification was being the owner or occupant of real property assessed at three hundred dollars or more, or for tenants, an annual rent of thirty dollars or more. For any other municipality, the qualification was being an owner or occupant of real property assessed at two hundred dollars or more, or twenty dollars in annual value. For tenants in smaller centers, the qualification was paying an annual rent of twenty dollars or more.  Women were completely barred from voting.  Judges and many municipal and provincial officials were also barred from voting, particularly officials with law enforcement duties, or duties relating to public revenue. The Returning Officer in each riding was also barred from voting, except when needed to give a casting vote in the event of a tie vote.

Candidates for election to the Legislative Assembly had to meet stricter qualifications than voters. In addition to being male, twenty-one or older, and a subject of Her Majesty (by birth or naturalisation), a candidate had to be free from all legal incapacity, and be the proprietor in possession of lands or tenements worth at least $2,000, over and above all encumbrances and charges on the property.  Women were completely barred from membership in the Assembly.

The qualifications for the members of the Legislative Council were the same as for the members of the Senate of Canada. Those requirements were:  The provisions of the "British North America Act, 1867" did not explicitly bar women from being called to the Senate of Canada. However, until the Persons Case, it was assumed that women could not be called to the Senate, and were thus also barred from the Legislative Council. In any event, no woman was ever appointed to the Legislative Council.

Events of the Fourth Legislature.

The initial lack of a clear majority in the Legislative Assembly for either party led to political instability for the first eighteen months of the term of the Fourth Legislature. The Liberal government of Premier Joly de Lotbinière depended on the support of the two Independent Conservatives. The Liberals agreed to elect one of the two independents, Arthur Turcotte, as Speaker of the Assembly, a highly coveted position. Given the narrow majority and factiousness within the Liberal caucus itself, Joly de Lotbinière's government was uncertain of support from vote to vote in the Assembly, which affected his ability to implement major legislation. Several times, his government only stayed in office by a vote from Turcotte as Speaker. Joly de Lotbinière's government was also supported from time to time by William Evan Price, who was nominally a Conservative but often voted in support of the government.  On the Conservative side, the former house leader of the party in the Legislative Assembly, Auguste-Réal Angers, lost his seat in the general election. This event badly weakened the authority of the leader of the party, former premier Boucher de Boucherville, who sat in the unelected Legislative Council. He was forced to cede the leadership of the party to Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau, who became the Leader of the Opposition.  The next event was the dismissal of Lieutenant Governor Luc Letellier de Saint-Just by the new federal Conservative government of Sir John A. Macdonald. Conservatives in Quebec, led by Chapleau, had been pressuring Macdonald to dismiss Letellier de Saint-Just as soon as the Macdonald government had defeated Alexander Mackenzie's Liberal government in the 1878 federal election. Macdonald replaced Letellier de Saint-Just with an equally partisan Conservative, Théodore Robitaille.  By the fall of 1879, Joly de Lotbinère's government was badly weakened. A proposal to abolish the Legislative Council as an austerity measure resulted in a revolt in the Legislative Council. Urged by Chapleau, the Council refused to pass the provincial budget. Chapleau attracted the support of five Liberal members of the Legislative Assembly, who crossed the floor and joined the Conservatives, giving Chapleau a majority in the Assembly. On October 29, 1879, the Assembly passed a motion calling for a coalition government, essentially a motion of non-confidence, by a vote of 35 to 29. Joly de Lotbinière was confident that he could win an election on the issues. He advised the new Lieutenant Governor, Robitaille, to dissolve the Assembly and call a general election. On October 30, 1879, Robitaille refused the dissolution. Joly de Lotbinière resigned and the Lieutenant Governor called on Chapleau to form a government. The Chapleau government was sworn in on October 31, 1878. Since he now had a working majority, Chapleau did not call an election, instead leading the Conservative government for the remaining term of the Legislature. Like the Conservatives the previous year, the Liberals accused the Lieutenant Governor of performing a "coup d'état".

Legislative Assembly.

Party standings.

The 1878 election returned a hung parliament. Neither party initially had a majority in the Legislative Assembly. The Conservatives had one seat more than the Liberals, but there were also two independent Conservatives. With their support, Premier Joly de Lotbinière was initially able to stay in office.

Members of the Legislative Assembly.

The following candidates were elected to the Legislative Assembly in the 1878 election. The Premiers of Quebec are indicated by Bold italics. The Speaker of the Legislative Assembly is indicated by small caps. Cabinet Ministers are indicated by "Italics".

By-elections.

There were fourteen by-elections during the term of the Fourth Legislature. Premier of Quebec is indicated by bold italics. Cabinet ministers are indicated by "italics".

Legislative Council.

Party standings.

The Conservatives had a strong majority in the Legislative Council throughout the Fourth Legislature.

Members during the Fourth Legislature.

The Speakers of the Legislative Council are indicated by small caps. Cabinet members are indicated by "italics".  Vacancies of less than one month are not shown.<br> † Died in office.

Executive Council during the Fourth Legislature.

There were two different ministries during the term of the Fourth Legislature, under Premiers Joly de Lotbinière (1878-1879) and Chapleau (1879-1881.

Fourth Quebec Ministry: Joly de Lotbinière Cabinet (1878 - 1879).

Following the election of 1878, Joly de Lotbinière retained much of his Cabinet in the new Legislature, but carried out a Cabinet shuffle the next year, in 1879. In 1879, Joly de Lotbinière appointed Honoré Mercier to cabinet, even though Mercier did not initially have a seat in the Legislative Assembly. The resignation of Alexandre Chauveau on September 12, 1879 marked the beginning of the dissolution of the Joly de Lotbinière government. Chauveau would join the Conservatives a month later, along with four other Liberals who crossed the floor and voted to defeat the government on October 29, 1879. When the Lieutenant Governor refused a dissolution, the government resigned on October 30, 1879. The Chapleau government was sworn in the next day.

Fifth Quebec Ministry: Chapleau Cabinet (1879-1882).

Following the defeat of the Joly de Lotbinière government on a confidence vote on October 29, 1879, the Chapleau government was sworn in on October 31, 1879.

Leaders of the Opposition.

There were two leaders of the Opposition during the Fourth Legislature. Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau was leader for the first eighteen months of the Legislature, from May of 1878 to October of 1879. When Premier Joly de Lotbinière resigned and was replaced by Chapelau, Joly de Lotbinière became leader of the Opposition for the remainder fo the term of the Legislature, to 1882.

Legislative sessions.

The Legislature had four annual sessions:  The Legislature was dissolved on November 7, 1881.

The Fourth Legislature of Quebec was the provincial legislature of Quebec, Canada that existed from 1878 to 1881, following the general election of 1878.


Background and first arrest.

Doan Viet Hoat was born on 24 December 1942 in Hà Tây, roughly ten miles from Hanoi. He left Hà Tây in 1954 to pursue his education.  Doan received a PhD in education and college administration from Florida State University in 1971. Returning to Vietnam that same year, he became a professor and later vice president of Van Hanh Buddhist University, the only private Buddhist university in Saigon. He also acted as editor of the university magazine, "Tu Tuong" ("Thought").  In April 1975, the southern Army of the Republic of Vietnam lost control of Saigon in the Vietnam War, and the city fell to the Vietnam People's Army. Van Hanh University was confiscated by the new communist government, and its buildings turned into dorms. Doan was detained the following year in a mass round-up of intellectuals with United States ties, on the grounds that though he might not be a CIA agent at the moment, he could "become one at any time." On 29 August 1976, he was sent to a re-education camp, where he would be imprisoned without trial for twelve years in a cell shared with 40 other people.

Release to second arrest.

In February 1989, Doan was released, following an agreement between the U.S. and Vietnam that Vietnam would close all re-education camps as a step toward normalizing ties. He was then advised by friends to join his brother and two eldest sons in the US, the latter of whom had left Vietnam as boat children. Following a trip through the country with his wife and youngest son, however, on which Doan Viet Hoat saw the poverty of his home village as well as a woman who spent her days tied to a pole for criticizing her village's communist officials, he opted to stay and continue to protest through his writing.  Within months of his release, he began editing the underground newsletter "Dien Dan Tu Do" ("Freedom Forum"). The newsletter focused on presenting pro-democratic viewpoints as well as articles from Vietnamese people living abroad. In the newsletter's opening issue, Doan wrote: "A new struggle has started... It is the war against poverty, backwardness and arbitrariness. It is the aspiration toward a rich, strong, progressive, free and democratic Vietnam. And in this new struggle, there can be only one winner, the nation and people of Vietnam; and only one loser, the forces of dogmatism, arbitrariness and backwardness." Over the next year, "Dien Dan Tu Do" published three more issues, which were circulated clandestinely throughout Saigon, now Ho Chi Minh City. Doan also sent articles of his own abroad for publication.  On 17 November 1990, security forces arrested Doan at his home for his involvement with the newsletter; seven other contributors were also arrested without charge. Doan was then held incommunicado for the next six months. In 1992, he was denounced by the government-controlled newspaper "Sài Gòn Giải Phóng" as the leader of a "reactionary group" and accused of plotting rebellion.  In March 1993, all eight journalists were brought to trial with government-selected legal counsel, and after a trial lasting less than two days, found guilty of "founding a reactionary organization" and "conspiring to overthrow the government". Doan was sentenced to twenty years' imprisonment; his colleagues were given sentences ranging from eight months to 16 years. On 19 July 1993, Doan's sentence was reduced by an appeals court to 15 years' imprisonment.

Second imprisonment and international response.

Doan's sentence was protested by a number of human rights organizations, including the United Nations, whose Working Group on Arbitrary Detention ruled that Doan's sentence was arbitrary detention and therefore a violation of both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Vietnam was a state party. Amnesty International protested the conditions of his trial, named him a prisoner of conscience, and called for his immediate release, as did The Committee to Protect Journalists and the World Association of Newspapers. Human Rights Watch also protested the sentence and called on the US government to pressure Vietnam for Doan's release.  Doan continued to write in the months following his sentence, smuggling out several essays from prison. In retaliation, prison authorities continued to transfer him to prisons with harsher and harsher conditions. Despite his assignment to a hard labor gang, he went on hunger strike to protest the conditions of his imprisonment in 1994. Finally Doan was placed in solitary confinement in the comparatively remote Thanh Cam prison in the country's north; in 1997, Amnesty International reported him to be under severe psychological stress as a result of his isolation. He also suffered from high blood pressure, kidney stones, and worsening eyesight throughout his jail term, worsened by a lack of medical attention and the conditions of his imprisonment.  Following concerted international publicity pressure, Doan was released from prison and expelled from the country on 28 August 1998. The United States agreed to grant him citizenship, and seven days later, he rejoined his family at the Los Angeles International Airport, where he was greeted by a crowd of more than one hundred well-wishers.

Awards.

Doan Viet Hoat has received numerous international awards for his activism, both during and following his imprisonment. In 1993, he won the International Press Freedom Award of the Committee to Protect Journalists, "an annual recognition of courageous journalism". The following year, the PEN American Center gave Doan the PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award, which honors "writers who have fought courageously in the face of adversity for the right to freedom of expression". In 1995, Doan was awarded the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award, which he shared with Indian children's rights activist Kailash Satyarthi. The World Association of Newspapers awarded him its Golden Pen of Freedom in 1998 for "outstanding contributions to the cause of press freedom", drawing criticism from the Vietnamese government, which called it "a mistake which would not be supported by public opinion in Vietnam.". In 2000, the International Press Institute named him one of its 50 World Press Freedom Heroes of the 20th century.  He currently holds the post of scholar-in-residence at The Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C., and continues to speak and write in favor of democratic reform in Vietnam.

Đoàn Viết Hoạt (born 24 December 1942) is a Vietnamese journalist, educator, and democratic activist who was repeatedly imprisoned for his criticisms of Vietnam's communist leadership. He has received numerous international awards in recognition of his work, including the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award, and is often referred to as the "Sakharov of Vietnam".


Biography.

Françoise Hostalier holds a master's degree in mathematics and was a certified professor of mathematics from 1976 until 1993. After having been an Inspector of the Paris Academy from 1996 to January 2000, she was Inspector General of National Education ( IGEN) in the School and School Life group until 2016. She has been Honorary Inspector General of National Education since October 2016.  She joined the Republican Party in 1981 and became a deputy for the Nord department from 1993 to 1995. In 1995, she became Secretary of State responsible for School Education to the Minister of National Education in the first government of Alain Juppé. She was a member of the national office of the PPDF (chaired by Hervé de Charette) and vice-president of Liberal Democracy (created and chaired by Alain Madelin). After the dissolution of Liberal Democracy, she joined the Valois Radical Party, chaired by André Rossinot, and was a member of the National Office. She is a member of the Political Bureau of the Union for a Popular Movement and the National Secretary for Human Rights. Locally, she is vice-president of the UMP federation in the Nord department.  In 2007, she again became a UMP deputy in the fifteenth constituency of the North with 51.87% of the vote against the socialist candidate Françoise Polnecq. A member of the National Defense and Armed Forces Commission, she is particularly interested in the issue of OPEX (external operations) and the situation in Afghanistan, Chad and Côte d'Ivoire.  She was beaten by the PS candidate Jean-Pierre Allossery during the legislative elections of 2012. Member of the association of former deputies, she supported the candidacy of François Fillon for the presidency of the UMP during the congress of autumn 2012.  During the 2017 presidential campaign, she was the coordinator of François Fillon's campaign in the North. After elimination at the end of the first round, she refused the "republican front" and declared to vote Marine Le Pen in the second round against Emmanuel Macron.  She supported the candidacy of Laurent Wauquiez and later Christian Jacob for the presidency of the Republicans. She was elected National Councilor of the Republicans and member of the Northern Federal Office.

Françoise Hostalier (born August 19, 1953 in Beauvais, Oise) is a member of the National Assembly of France. She represents the Nord department, and is a member of the Radical Party. She campaigned for François Fillon in the first round of the 2017 French presidential election, she supported Marine Le Pen in the second round.


Women.

Until the late 19th century bonnet seems to have been the preferred term for most types of hats worn by women, while "hat" was more reserved for male headgear, and female styles that resembled them, typically either in much smaller versions perched on top of the head, or versions with very wide brims all the way round. In the mid-17th and 18th century "house bonnets" worn by women and girls were generally brimless headcoverings which were secured by tying under the chin, and which covered no part of the forehead. They were worn indoors, to keep the hair tidy, and outdoors, to keep dust out of the hair. With hairstyles becoming increasingly elaborate after 1770, the "calash" was worn outdoors to protect the hair from wind and weather: a hood of silk stiffened with whalebone or arched cane battens, collapsible like a fan or the calash top of a carriage, they were fitted with ribbons to allow them to be held secure in a gale.  From Waterloo, more structured fashionable bonnets made by milliners rapidly grew larger. A plate in "La Belle Assemblée" 1817 showed a This was specified as a "carriage dress", with the understanding that when taking the air in an open carriage, the bonnet provided some privacy—such a bonnet was in fact an "invisible" in Paris—and prevent wind-chapping, with its connotations of countrified rude health. Straw was available again after 1815: the best straw bonnets came from Leghorn. As a bonnet developed a peak, it would extend from the entire front of the bonnet, from the chin over the forehead and down the other side of the face. Some styles of bonnets between ca 1817 and 1845 had a large peak which effectively prevented women from looking right or left without turning their heads: a "coal-scuttle" or "poke" bonnet. Others had a wide peak which was angled out to frame the face. In the 1840s it might be crimped at the top to frame the face in a heart shape. As the bonnet became more complicated, under it might be worn a lace "cornette" to hold the hair in place.  The lack of a clear distinction between hats and bonnets can be seen in these extracts from "Harper's Bazaar" in 1874: (On "Paris Fashions", by Emmeline Raymond, 11 April) "There is no change in bonnets. So long as the hair is piled on top of the head, the little device which takes the place of a dress cap must remain as it is. The brims are generally flattened at the sides, swelling above the front, and turned up behind in order to make room for the hair, which would not find room whereon to lodge if the precaution were not taken, here and there, to punch out what is called a brim of what is called a bonnet. It is said, however, that straw hats of the Pamela shape are in preparation, that is, turned up behind, but shading the forehead. It would be so sensible to wear a bonnet that would protect the face from the sun that I give this news with due caution. For my part, I can not believe it." A week before, ("New York Fashions", 4 April): "Strings are seldom seen, and this does away with the last distinguishing feature between bonnets and round hats; the same head-covering now serves for each, as it is a bonnet when worn far back on the head, and a hat when tilted forward."  Bonnets remained one of the most common types of headgear worn by women throughout most of the 19th century. For a widow, a bonnet was "de rigueur". Silk bonnets, elaborately pleated and ruched, were worn outdoors, or in public places like shops, galleries, churches, and during visits to acquaintances. The idea was that women would cover their heads with caps out of modesty. In addition, women in wedlock would wear caps and bonnets during the day. Under the French Second Empire, parasols took the place of headgear for protection from sun, and bonnets became smaller and smaller, until they could only be held on the head with hatpins. As hats came back into style, bonnets were increasingly worn by women who wanted to appear modest in public, with the result that bonnets accumulated connotations of dowager wear and dropped from fashion except on the prairies. Most middle-class women in the 19th century would have had at least two bonnets, one suitable for summer weather, often made from straw, and one made from heavier fabric for winter wear. This is where the tradition of an Easter bonnet originated, when women would switch from their winter bonnet to their summer bonnet. Wealthier women would have many bonnets, suitable for different occasions.  Women of some religious groups have continued to wear bonnets for worship or everyday clothing. This is especially the case among plain people, such as plain-dressing Friends (Quakers), Old Order Mennonites and the Amish. Bonnets were adopted by the Salvation Army as part of uniform regalia for women. Initially, Salvation Army bonnets were introduced as protection for women soldiers and were reinforced with black tar to turn them into helmets. Later versions were smaller when there was no longer any need for protection. The bonnet has now been replaced with a bowler hat.  In France, single women wear elaborate yellow and green bonnets to honor St. Catherine's Day on November 25. The French expression "coiffer Sainte-Catherine" ('don St. Catherine's bonnet'), an idiom that describes an unmarried woman of 25 years or older, derives from this custom.  Slave woman shipped over from Africa, who traditionally wore African head dress in their native countries, were forced to adapt European bonnets from their captors' traditional wardrobe. Slaves working household tasks they were often given bonnets of a traditional European maid style, while slaves in the field wore hand-tied bonnets made from nappy similar to the nappy cloths used for baby diapers. These head bonnets were preferred by the masters for hygiene and to hide unkept slave hair, while also offering protection from the sun.

Men.

The word "bonnet" for male headgear was generally replaced in English by cap before 1700, except in Scotland, where "bonnet" and the Scots language version "bunnet" remained in use, originally for the widely worn blue bonnet, and now especially for military headgear, like the feather bonnet (not to be confused with those worn by Native Americans, for which "bonnet" was also used), Glengarry, Kilmarnock and Balmoral. The Tudor bonnet remains a term for a component of the academic regalia of some universities, and is not unlike the common male bonnet of the 16th century.  "Bonnet" is also the term for the puffy velvet fabric inside the coronet of some male ranks of nobility, and "the affair of the bonnets" was a furious controversy in the France of Louis XIV over the mutual courtesies due between the magistrates of the Parliament de Paris and the Dukes of France.  The Scotch bonnet pepper was named for its resemblance to a bonnet worn by men in Scotland in the past, as it had a pom pom at the top which indicates the difference form the men's bonnet and women's bonnet.

Babies.

The most common kind of bonnet worn today is a soft headcovering for babies. Its shape is similar to that of some kinds of bonnets that women used to wear: it covers the hair and ears, but not the forehead.

Modern Bonnets.

Bonnets in the 2000s are highly stylish and valued in the African American community. A traditional head dressing for sleeping, it is a protective style preserver. This is a tradition passed down from the bonnet adaptation during slavery which faded away in other cultures. Modern bonnets are often made of silk or satin and maintain a similar shape to bonnets that were popular during the nineteen sixties.

Bonnet has been used as the name for a wide variety of headgear for both sexes—more often female—from the Middle Ages to the present. As with "hat" and "cap", it is impossible to generalize as to the styles for which the word has been used, but there is for both sexes a tendency to use the word for pop styles in soft material and lacking a brim, or at least one all the way round, rather than just at the front. Yet the term has also been used, for example, for steel helmets. This was from Scotland (in 1505), where the term has long been especially popular.