History.

Overview.

Despite periods of peaceful co-existence, wars with Native Americans resulted in substantial territorial gains for colonists from the United Kingdom. Wars continued intermittently after independence, and an ethnic cleansing campaign known as Indian removal gained for ethnically European settlers more valuable territory on the eastern side of the continent.  George Washington began a policy of United States non-interventionism which lasted into the 1800s. The United States promulgated the Monroe Doctrine in 1821, in order to stop further European colonialism and to allow the American colonies to grow further, but desire for territorial expansion to the Pacific Ocean was explicit in the doctrine of Manifest Destiny. The giant Louisiana Purchase was peaceful, but the Mexican–American War of 1846 resulted in the annexation of 525,000 square miles of Mexican territory. Elements attempted to expand pro-U.S. republics or U.S. states

1700s–1800s: Indian Wars and Manifest Destiny.

Yale historian Paul Kennedy has asserted, "From the time the first settlers arrived in Virginia from England and started moving westward, this was an imperial nation, a conquering nation." Expanding on George Washington's description of the early United States as an "infant empire", Benjamin Franklin wrote: "Hence the Prince that acquires new Territory, if he finds it vacant, or removes the Natives to give his own People Room; the Legislator that makes effectual Laws for promoting of Trade, increasing Employment, improving Land by more or better Tillage; providing more Food by Fisheries; securing Property, etc. and the Man that invents new Trades, Arts or Manufactures, or new Improvements in Husbandry, may be properly called Fathers of their Nation, as they are the Cause of the Generation of Multitudes, by the Encouragement they afford to Marriage." Thomas Jefferson asserted in 1786 that the United States "must be viewed as the nest from which all America, North & South is to be peopled. [...] The navigation of the Mississippi we must have. This is all we are as yet ready to receive.".

1800s: Filibustering in Central America.

In the older historiography William Walker's filibustering represented the high tide of antebellum American imperialism. His brief seizure of Nicaragua in 1855 is typically called a representative expression of Manifest destiny with the added factor of trying to expand slavery into Central America. Walker failed in all his escapades and never had official U.S.

1800s–1900s: New Imperialism and "The White Man's Burden".

A variety of factors converged during the "New Imperialism" of the late 19th century, when the United States and the other great powers rapidly expanded their overseas territorial possessions. Some of these are used as examples of the various forms of New Imperialism.  Roosevelt claimed that he rejected imperialism, but he embraced the near-identical doctrine of expansionism. When Rudyard Kipling wrote the imperialist poem "The White Man's Burden" for Roosevelt, the politician told colleagues that it was "rather poor poetry, but good sense from the expansion point of view." Roosevelt was so committed to dominating Spain's former colonies that he proclaimed his own corollary to

1918: Wilsonian intervention.

When World War I broke out in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson promised American neutrality throughout the war. This promise was broken when the United States entered the war after the Zimmermann Telegram. This was "a war for empire" to control vast raw materials in Africa and other colonized areas, according to the contemporary historian and civil rights leader W. E. B. Du Bois. More recently historian Howard Zinn argues that Wilson entered the war in order to open international markets to surplus US production. He quotes Wilson's own declaration that In a memo to Secretary of State Bryan, the president described his aim as "an open door to the world". Lloyd Gardner notes that Wilson's original

1941–1945: World War II.

The Grand Area.

In an October 1940 report to Franklin Roosevelt, Bowman wrote that “the US government is interested in any solution anywhere in the world that affects American trade. In a wide sense, commerce is the mother of all wars.” In 1942 this economic globalism was articulated as the “Grand Area” concept in secret documents. The US would have to have control over the “Western Hemisphere, Continental Europe and Mediterranean Basin (excluding Russia), the Pacific Area and the Far East, and the British Empire (excluding Canada).” The Grand Area encompassed all known major oil-bearing areas outside the Soviet Union, largely at the behest of corporate partners like the Foreign Oil Committee and the Petroleum Industry War Council. The US thus avoided overt territorial acquisition, like that of the British and French empires, as being too costly, choosing the cheaper option of forcing countries to open their door to American capitalism.  Although the United States was the last major belligerent to join World War II, it began planning for the post-war world from the conflict's outset. This postwar vision originated in the Council on Foreign Relations

1947–1952 Cold War in Western Europe: "Empire by invitation".

Prior to his death in 1945, President Roosevelt was planning to withdraw all U.S. forces from Europe as soon as possible. Soviet actions in Poland and Czechoslovakia led his successor Harry Truman to reconsider. Heavily influenced by George Kennan, Washington policymakers believed that the Soviet Union was an expansionary dictatorship that threatened American interests. In their theory, Moscow's weakness was that it had to keep expanding to survive; and that, by containing or stopping its growth, stability could be achieved in Europe. The

Post-1954: Korea, Vietnam and "imperial internationalism".

Outside of Europe, American imperialism was more distinctly hierarchical “with much fainter liberal characteristics.” Cold War policy often found itself opposed to full decolonization, especially in Asia. The United States decision to colonize some of the Pacific islands (which had formerly been held by the Japanese) in the 1940s ran directly counter to America's rhetoric against imperialism. The functioning of the Grand Area and the Open Door in Asia meant a new “imperial internationalism” wherein wars were fought to ensure a steady supply of raw materials from the global periphery to the core society in the United States and Western Europe. In this spirit, General Douglas MacArthur described the Pacific as an “Anglo-Saxon lake.” At the same time, the U.S. did not claim state control over much mainland territory but cultivated friendly members of the elites of decolonized countries—elites which were usually

American exceptionalism.

American exceptionalism is the notion that the United States occupies a special niche among the nations of the world in terms of its national credo, historical evolution, and political and religious institutions and origins.  Philosopher Douglas Kellner traces the identification of American exceptionalism as a distinct phenomenon back to 19th-century French observer Alexis de Tocqueville, who concluded by agreeing that the U.S., uniquely, was "proceeding along

Views of American imperialism.

Journalist Ashley Smith divides theories of the U.S. imperialism into 5 broad categories: (1) "liberal" theories, (2) "social-democratic" theories, (3) "Leninist" theories, (4) theories of "super-imperialism", and (5) "Hardt-and-Negri" theories.  There is also a conservative, anti-interventionist view as expressed by American journalist John T. Flynn:  A "social-democratic" theory says that imperialistic U.S. policies are the products of the excessive influence of certain sectors of U.S. business and government—the arms industry in alliance with military and political bureaucracies and sometimes other industries such as oil and finance, a combination often referred to as the "military–industrial complex." The complex is said to benefit from war profiteering and looting natural resources, often at the expense of the public interest. The proposed solution is typically unceasing popular vigilance in order to apply counter-pressure. Chalmers Johnson holds a version of this view.  Alfred Thayer Mahan, who served as an officer in the U.S. Navy during the late 19th century, supported the notion of American imperialism in his 1890 book titled "The Influence of Sea Power upon History." Mahan argued that modern industrial nations must secure foreign markets for the purpose of exchanging goods and, consequently, they must maintain a maritime force that is capable of protecting these trade routes.  A theory of "super-imperialism" argues that imperialistic U.S. policies are not driven solely by the interests of American businesses, but also by the interests of a larger apparatus of a global alliance among the economic elite in developed countries. The argument asserts that capitalism in the Global North (Europe, the U.S., Japan, and others) has become too entangled to permit military or geopolitical conflict between these countries, and the central conflict in modern imperialism is between the Global North (also referred to as the global core) and the Global South (also referred to as the global periphery), rather than between the imperialist powers.

Political debate after September 11, 2001.

Following the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the idea of American imperialism was re-examined. In November 2001, jubilant marines hoisted an American flag over Kandahar and in a stage display referred to the moment as the third after those on San Juan Hill and Iwo Jima. All moments, writes Neil Smith, express U.S. global ambition. "Labelled a war on terrorism, the new war represents an unprecedented quickening of the American Empire, a third

Academic debates after September 11, 2001.

In 2001-2010 numerous scholars debated the "America as Empire" issue. Harvard historian Charles S. Maier states:  Harvard professor Niall Ferguson states: French Political scientist Philip Golub argues: A leading spokesman for America-as-Empire is British historian A. G. Hopkins. He argues that by the 21st century traditional economic imperialism was no longer in play, noting that the oil companies opposed the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. Instead, anxieties about The negative impact of globalization on rural and rust-belt America were at work, says Hopkins: Conservative Harvard professor Niall Ferguson concludes that worldwide military and economic power have combined to make the U.S. the most powerful empire in history. It is a good idea he thinks, because like the successful British Empire in the 19th century it works to globalize free markets, enhanced the rule of law and promote representative government. He fears, however, that Americans lack the long-term commitment in manpower and money to keep the Empire operating.  The U.S. dollar is the "de facto" world currency. The term petrodollar warfare refers to the alleged motivation of U.S. foreign policy as preserving by force the status of the United States dollar as the world's dominant reserve currency and as the currency in which oil is priced. The term was coined by

U.S. foreign policy debate.

Annexation is a crucial instrument in the expansion of a nation, due to the fact that once a territory is annexed it must act within the confines of its superior counterpart. The United States Congress' ability to annex a foreign territory is explained in a report from the Congressional Committee on Foreign Relations, "If, in the judgment of Congress, such a measure is supported by a safe and wise policy, or is based upon a natural duty that we owe to the people of Hawaii, or is necessary for our national development and security, that is enough to justify annexation, with the consent of the recognized government of the country to be annexed."  Prior to annexing a territory, the American government still held immense power through the various legislations passed in the late 1800s. The Platt Amendment was utilized to prevent Cuba from entering into any agreement with foreign nations and also granted the Americans the right to build naval stations on their soil. Executive officials in the American government began to determine themselves the supreme authority in matters regarding the recognition or restriction of independence.  When asked on April 28, 2003, on Al Jazeera whether the United States was "empire building," Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld replied, "We don't seek empires. We're not imperialistic. We never have been."  However, historian Donald W. Meinig says imperial behavior by the United States dates at least to the Louisiana Purchase, which he describes as an "imperial acquisition—imperial in the sense of the aggressive encroachment of one people upon the territory of another, resulting in the subjugation of that people to alien rule." The U.S. policies towards the Native Americans, he said, were "designed to remold them into a people more appropriately conformed to imperial desires."  Writers and academics of the early 20th century, like Charles A. Beard, in support of non-interventionism (sometimes referred to as "isolationism"), discussed American policy as being driven by self-interested expansionism going back as far as the writing of the Constitution. Some politicians today do not agree. Pat Buchanan claims that the modern United States' drive to empire is "far removed from what the Founding Fathers had intended the young Republic to become."  Andrew Bacevich argues that the U.S. did not fundamentally change its foreign policy after the Cold War, and remains focused on an effort to expand its control across the world. As the surviving superpower at the end of the Cold War, the U.S. could focus its assets in new directions, the future being "up for grabs," according to former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Paul Wolfowitz in 1991. Head of the Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University, Stephen Peter Rosen, maintains:  In, the political activist Noam Chomsky argues that exceptionalism and the denials of imperialism are the result of a systematic strategy of propaganda, to "manufacture opinion" as the process has long been described in other countries.  Thorton wrote that "[...]imperialism is more often the name of the emotion that reacts to a series of events than a definition of the events themselves. Where colonization finds analysts and analogies, imperialism must contend with crusaders for and against." Political theorist Michael Walzer argues that the term hegemony is better than empire to describe the U.S.'s role in the world. Political scientist Robert Keohane agrees saying, a "balanced and nuanced analysis is not aided... by the use of the word 'empire' to describe United States hegemony, since 'empire' obscures rather than illuminates the differences in form of rule between the United States and other Great Powers, such as Great Britain in the 19th century or the Soviet Union in the twentieth".  Since 2001, Emmanuel Todd assumes the U.S.A. cannot hold for long the status of mondial hegemonic power, due to limited resources. Instead, the U.S.A. is going to become just one of the major regional powers along with European Union, China, Russia, etc. Reviewing Todd's "After the Empire", G. John Ikenberry found that it had been written in "a fit of French wishful thinking." The thinking proved to be "wishful" indeed, as the book became a bestseller in France for most of 2003.  Other political scientists, such as Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright, argue that neither term exclusively describes foreign relations of the United States. The U.S. can be, and has been, simultaneously an empire and a hegemonic power. They claim that the general trend in U.S. foreign relations has been away from imperial modes of control.

U.S. military bases.

Chalmers Johnson argued in 2004 that America's version of the colony is the military base. Chip Pitts argued similarly in 2006 that enduring U.S. bases in Iraq suggested a vision of "Iraq as a colony."  While territories such as Guam, the United States Virgin Islands, the Northern Mariana Islands, American Samoa, and Puerto Rico remain under U.S. control, the U.S. allowed many of its overseas territories or occupations to gain independence after World War II. Examples include the Philippines (1946), the Panama Canal Zone (1979), Palau (1981), the Federated States of Micronesia (1986), and the Marshall Islands (1986). Most of them still have U.S. bases within their territories. In the case of Okinawa, which came under U.S. administration after the Battle of Okinawa during the Second World War, this happened despite local popular opinion. In 2003, a Department of Defense distribution found the United States had bases in over 36 countries worldwide, including the Camp Bondsteel base in the

Benevolent imperialism.

One of the earliest historians of American Empire, William Appleman Williams, wrote, "The routine lust for land, markets or security became justifications for noble rhetoric about prosperity, liberty and security."  Max Boot defends U.S. imperialism, writing, "U.S. imperialism has been the greatest force for good in the world during the past century. It has defeated communism and Nazism and has intervened against the Taliban and Serbian ethnic cleansing." Boot used "imperialism" to describe United States policy, not only in the early 20th century but "since at least 1803." This embrace of empire is made by other neoconservatives, including British historian Paul Johnson, and writers Dinesh D'Souza and Mark Steyn. It is also made by some liberal hawks, such as political scientists Zbigniew Brzezinski and Michael Ignatieff.  British historian Niall Ferguson argues that the United States is an empire and believes that this is a good thing: "What is not allowed is to say that the United States is an empire and that this might not be wholly bad." Ferguson has drawn parallels between the British Empire and the imperial role of the United States in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, though he describes the United States' political and social structures as more like those of the Roman Empire than of the British. Ferguson argues that all of these empires have had both positive and negative aspects, but that the positive aspects of the U.S. empire will, if it learns from history and its mistakes, greatly outweigh its negative aspects.  Another point of view implies that United States expansion overseas has indeed been imperialistic, but that this imperialism is only a temporary phenomenon, a corruption of American ideals, or the relic of a past era. Historian Samuel Flagg Bemis argues that Spanish–American War expansionism was a short-lived imperialistic impulse and "a great aberration in American history," a very different form of territorial growth than that of earlier American history. Historian Walter LaFeber sees the Spanish–American War expansionism not as an aberration, but as a culmination of United States expansion westward.  Historian Victor Davis Hanson argues that the U.S. does not pursue world domination, but maintains worldwide influence by a system of mutually beneficial exchanges. On the other hand, Filipino revolutionary General Emilio Aguinaldo felt as though American involvement in the Philippines was destructive: "The Filipinos fighting for Liberty, the American people fighting them to give them liberty. The two peoples are fighting on parallel lines for the same object." American influence worldwide and the effects it has on other nations have multiple interpretations.  Liberal internationalists argue that even though the present world order is dominated by the United States, the form taken by that dominance is not imperial. International relations scholar John Ikenberry argues that international institutions have taken the place of empire.  International relations scholar Joseph Nye argues that U.S. power is more and more based on "soft power," which comes from cultural hegemony rather than raw military or economic force. This includes such factors as the widespread desire to emigrate to the United States, the prestige and corresponding high proportion of foreign students at U.S. universities, and the spread of U.S. styles of popular music and cinema. Mass immigration into America may justify this theory, but it is hard to know whether the United States would still maintain its prestige without its military and economic superiority., In terms of soft power, Giles Scott-Smith, argues that American universities:

American imperialism consists of policies aimed at extending the political, economic, and cultural influence of the United States over areas beyond its boundaries. Depending on the commentator, it may include military conquest, gunboat diplomacy, unequal treaties, subsidization of preferred factions, economic penetration through private companies followed by intervention when those interests are threatened, or regime change.


History.

The museum, a registered charity, was founded in 1932 in the Jewish communal headquarters in Bloomsbury. In 1995, it moved to its current location in Camden Town. Until 2007 it had a sister museum in Finchley, operated by the same charitable trust and sited within the Sternberg Centre. The Camden branch reopened in 2010 after two years of major building and extension work. The £10 million renovation was funded by the Heritage Lottery Fund and private donations.  The museum buildings in Albert Street are part of a row of Grade II listed buildings.

Collections.

The museum houses a major international-level collection of Jewish ceremonial art including the Lindo lamp, an early example of a British Hanukkah menorah. The building includes a gallery entitled "Judaism: A Living Faith", displaying the museum's noted collection of Jewish ceremonial art. This collection has been awarded "designated" status by the Museums, Libraries and Archives Council in recognition of its outstanding national importance. The museum's "Holocaust Gallery" includes items and filmed survivor testimony from Leon Greenman, who was one of the few British subjects to be interned in the death camps section at Auschwitz.  The museum also has exhibitions recounting the history of Jewish life in England, supported by a diverse collection of objects. There are also collections of paintings, prints and drawings, and an archive of photographs, which consists mainly of black and white photographs from the 1900s to the 1940s.

Exhibitions.

There are two temporary exhibition spaces. The third floor houses major exhibitions, with smaller exhibitions in the temporary exhibition space on the ground floor.  Its current major temporary exhibition, "Charlotte Salomon: Life? or Theatre?", runs from 8 November 2019 to 1 March 2020.

The Jewish Museum London is a museum of British Jewish life, history and identity. The museum is situated in the London Borough of Camden, North London. It is a place for people of all faiths to explore Jewish history, culture, and heritage. The museum has a dedicated education team, with an extensive programme for schools, community groups and families. Charles, Prince of Wales is a patron of the museum.


Situation and outlook the agricultural sector.

Most of Senegal lies within the drought-prone Sahel region, with irregular rainfall and generally poor soils. With only about 5% of the land irrigated, Senegal continues to rely on rain-fed agriculture, which occupies about 75% of its workforce. The sector is inhibited due to low output and limited investments. Although this sector was impacted by a locust invasion in 2004, it has recovered and gross agricultural production was expected to increase by 6.1% in 2006 and 5.1% in 2007. Reforms of the agricultural sector have suppressed direct government support and engaged the privatization of state holdings. The main agricultural crops are peanuts and cotton—both being important sources of foreign exchange income—as well as millet, rice, corn, sugarcane, and livestock.  Peanuts are the engine of the rural economy and their production accounts for around 40 percent of cultivated land, taking up two million hectares. The peanut sector provides employment for as many as one million people. The industry has been suffering from the effects of the privatization of the agricultural sector and the elimination of the import ban on peanut and other edible oils. The peanut sector is still dominated by SONACOS, which has been renamed SUNEOR starting January 1, 2007, thus marking the end of the privatization process which started in 2004 when the government decided to sell its shares to Advens, a private consortium including a Lebanese-French businessman, the Belgian peanut machinery manufacturer Desmet, SODEFITEX (the cotton ginning company), and SONACOS employees.  In recent years, the reported average annual peanut production lies around 828,000 tons (95% for oil). Cotton accounts for about 3% of total exports and the third source of export earnings for Senegal (some 28 million US dollars over the period 1995-2000). Cotton is grown in nearly every region and covers almost one third of cultivated acreage. The cotton industry is managed through the former parastatal SODEFITEX, which was privatized in November 2003 with producers holding 30% of the company's shares.  Production of food crops does not meet Senegal's needs. The production of major staple food crops covers barely 30% of consumption needs. Only in years of favorable rainfall does the country approach self-sufficiency in millet and sorghum, the basic staples with rice. The livestock population includes approximately 3.1 million cattle and 8.7 million sheep and goats. Cattle are reared extensively and on a small-scale basis. Poultry production has increased and has great potential for growth. Despite a significant livestock population, Senegal remains a net importer of meat, especially sheep (live) during major holidays and religious events.

Agricultural commodities.

Peanuts.

Peanut production accounts for around 40 percent of cultivated land, taking up two million hectares, and provides employment for as many as one million people. Although the peanut sector's contribution to foreign exchange earnings has dropped below those of fishing and mining, peanuts continue to play an important role in the overall economy as the main cash crop for many rural Senegalese farmers. Peanuts are processed locally, and prices of processed peanut oil and other peanut products are set a government controlled commission.  Production of unshelled peanuts varies widely because of periodic drought, and production is frequently underreported because of unauthorized sales to processors in neighboring countries. Total production was estimated at 850,000 tons in 2005. Exports of peanut products reached about CFA 15 billion ($30 million) in 2005. They account for some 60 percent of total agricultural exports, 75 percent of which is made up of peanut oil. SUNEOR's (former SONACOS) exports of peanut oil account for 45 to 50 percent of the world market trade in peanut oil.  SUNEOR produces approximately 150,000 tons of crude peanut oil per year. The European market, which is its main market, can currently absorb only 90,000 tons. The newly privatized company plans to explore and develop new markets to fully utilize its capacity. In this perspective, exports of peanuts oil to the U.S. have resumed in 2006 and were estimated at about $7 million. Other major peanut oil producers include NOVASEN and the Complex of Touba.  All these three companies produce mainly non-refined peanut oil and non-grilled peanuts for export. Peanut meal/cake is predominantly sold in the local market as animal feed. The local industry also refines imported edible oils for domestic consumption. In 2005 Senegal imported approximately 90,000 tons of crude soybean oil, primarily from Brazil.

Cotton.

Cotton is the second largest agricultural export, accounting for around 16 percent of total agricultural exports. It is grown in nearly every region and covers almost one third of cultivated acreage. However, production is concentrated in the South-Eastern part of the country (South of the Kahone–Tambacounda belt, as well as in the Casamance and Kédougou regions).  SODEFITEX, the main cotton company, forecasts production at 40,000 tons in 2006. Cotton accounts for approximately 3% of total exports and the third source of export earnings for Senegal (some $23 million in 2005). Most cotton lint produced in Senegal is exported, but since the liberalization of the sector in 1984, producers have preferred selling in parallel markets, where they benefited from better prices. SODEFITEX, which manages most of Senegal's cotton production, was privatized in November 2003. Producers acquired 30% of the company's shares (they had no equity interest prior to privatization). Despite stronger incentives (credit to producers and guaranteed producer prices), the company is still striving to fully use its ginning capacity.  The government of Senegal is committed to participating in the U.S. government funded West Africa Cotton Improvement Program (WACIP) in support of activities that focus on crop diversification and value-added processing.

Food grains.

Rice, millet and sorghum are the main subsistence food crops for Senegal's rural population. Corn and fonio are also important cereal crops. Production of cereal food crops, such as rice, millet, corn and sorghum - which is often grown in rotation with peanuts - does not meet Senegal's needs. Only in years of good rainfall does the country approach self-sufficiency in millet, corn, sorghum and fonio, the main staples in rural areas. Local production increased significantly in the early 2000s following the government's decision to subsidise fertilizer and encourage corn production, and thus reduce reliance upon peanuts.  In 2005/06, total production of cereals (including milled rice) is estimated at 1,177,782 MT, which will cover some 60% of the consumption needs. However, given the segmentation of the rice market (see GAIN SG6002), this production will less likely affect imports. However, in years of poor rainfall and other natural disasters, the shortfall in coarse grains, especially millet, could be more difficult to cover because of low availability and trade of this grain in the region. Such constraints have been overcome with an increase in rice imports, with a shift from millet to rice consumption in households who can afford it.  Senegal is the second largest rice importer in Africa, ahead of Côte d'Ivoire and behind Nigeria. Senegal's imports reached 1,113,000 MT in 2005, with net imports estimated at 854,000 MT. Consumers’ preference is for 100 percent broken rice originating from Asia, mainly Thailand and India, and recently from Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina. Per capita rice consumption continues to grow and is estimated at 70 to 75 kilograms and total annual consumption is estimated at 700,000 MT. Local rice production meets about 20 percent of the country's needs and 30 percent of this production is used for subsistence. In 2005/06, local production of rice paddy was estimated at 265,000 MT.  The wheat sector has been controlled for years by two flourmills, Grands Moulins de Dakar and Sentenac, which buy about 90 percent of their wheat from France. (See SG7002) In 2001, NMA became the country's third flour and feed mill. The demand for wheat flour is increasing, as the demand for bread increases along with population growth and changes in consumption habits. Senegal has imported 326,287 MT of wheat in 2005 and more than half of this quantity in the first half of 2006 (180,514 MT).  Senegal imported United States wheat most recently in 2004 and again in 2006, making the U.S. the third largest supplier after France and Argentina. U.S. wheat is used for blending because of its high protein content compared to French soft wheat. Despite significant increases in the price of wheat in the international markets, the government froze flour and bread prices in November 2006, following strong pressure from consumers’ unions. The millers’ price of flour is currently CFA 264,000 per MT and the price of a baguette remains at CFA 150 instead of CFA 175 proposed by bakers’ associations. ($1 = CFA 507 on January 10, 2007.)

Horticultural products.

Senegal's total horticultural production was estimated at 584,000 MT in 2004. Exports of fruits and vegetables are growing steady although they remain low, and it is estimated that they will reach approximately 50,000 tons in 2007. Europe is still the main export market for Senegal's fresh fruits and vegetables. About 70% of the European market is dominated by four products including green beans, cherry tomato, mango and melon. With the increase in size and value of the European market, pre-packed produce such as green beans have promising prospects in the European market and with the possibility to introduce first-stage processing, these produce will likely reach other markets. Under AGOA and its related projects, Senegal's horticultural sector is making efforts to enter the U.S and North American markets.  However, in order for Senegal to benefit from these opportunities, Senegal needs to address phytosanitary concerns, improve existing value chains (improved ocean transportation of green beans, extension of the market of cherry tomato, increase the competitiveness of melon and expand the seasonality of mango). The fruit and vegetable industry involves about twenty active companies grouped in two federations (ONAPES and SEPAS). Three companies are involved through the whole chain (production, packaging, trade) export more than 50% of the produce alone. About ten medium-size companies export 200 to 500 tons and the other are small enterprises usually serve as suppliers to major exporters. A warehouse for fresh produce is built at Dakar's airport, and other infrastructure is being built to improve storage and transportation to Europe and thereby maintain quality and increase value.  The potential for the production of industrial tomato is high, especially along Senegal River valley. However, the current level of production of double concentrate tomato paste does not meet Senegal's needs estimated at 18,000 tons. In 2003, total production of fresh tomato was estimated at 53,000 tons, which yielded about 8,000 tons of paste representing only about 45% of the domestic needs. SOCAS, the main processing company with the capacity of 15,000 tons, has been importing triple concentrate to cover the deficit (5,000 tons in 2004 and 2,000 in 2005).  At the same time the imports of double concentrate are regularly increasing from 2,900 tons in 2003 to 5,500 tons in 2004. Agroline, the other major company has been operating since 2003 with a capacity of 3,300 tons of double concentrate, representing 7% of the tomato paste market. Agroline has been using imported or local triple concentrate which it processes and packages into double concentrate. This company is considering extending its market share through the establishment of a new agro-industrial plant in Taredji, northern Senegal which will produce triple concentrate from fresh tomatoes. This project will start in 2007. Farm gate industrial tomato prices and incentives will have to improve for Senegal to produce more of its paste from local tomatoes. The processors face stiff competition from imports of final products such as tomato sauces, juice and ketchup.  The overall potential of the horticultural sector is limited by the presence of various pests (including fruit and white flies), and therefore needs technical assistance to develop in-country SPS capacity for meeting international standards, and infrastructure to increase the efficiency of surveillance and compliance. Senegal needs also to work with its regional partners to harmonize phytosanitary standards and procedures, strengthen pest surveillance and detection capabilities, including border inspection operations, develop risk assessment capability, and overcome other bottlenecks related to regulatory issues and the trade.

Sugar.

The production of sugar in Senegal started back in September 1972, when the Compagnie Sucrière Sénégalaise, CSS, produced its first sugar cubes. CSS benefits from a de facto monopoly and subsidies from the government, which maintain its capacity to plant and process sugar cane, then refines and commercialize the sugar produced in the forms of cubes, powder and crystallized sugar. This year, CSS’ production is estimated at 800,000 tons of sugar cane, from which nearly 90,500 tons of sugar is produced. With an average yield of 120 tons/hectare, CSS cultivates 7,500 hectares of commercial cane on the Senegal River valley in northern Senegal. The company employs 3,000 permanent workers and 2,000 seasonal workers.  During the period 2002–2005 CSS faced serious competition from illegal imports of cheaper sugar, mainly from Mauritania which grows cane and processes sugar in the same river valley on the other side of the border. These imports were estimated at 30,000 to 40,000 tons. These imports have decreased significantly in 2006 according to CSS authorities with the support of Customs services. CSS’ ambition is to increase its production meet the national consumption level of 150,000 tons of sugar. This will require a production of 923,000 to 1 million tons of cane. CSS is reported to have the processing capacity to reach this level of production but it will have to increase its cultivated area by 500 hectares. Currently CSS imports 33,000 tons of sugar to compensate the deficit. In 2006, these imports costed about $875 thousand to the company.

Livestock.

The livestock population includes 3.1 million cattle and 8.7 million sheep and goats. Most cattle systems using feed lots. Despite a significant livestock population, Senegal remains a net importer of meat, especially live sheep during periods of peak consumption (major religious holidays and events). The total production of meat was about 100,000 tons in 2003, which is equivalent to a per capita consumption of 11.5 kg below the government's objective of 14 kg.

Dairy products.

In Senegal, the milk industry is primarily based on the use of imported milk powder. Senegal's milk production is far below the domestic needs. Despite relatively high tariffs on milk powder (26.78%), about 20,000 tons of milk powder is imported each year, primarily from Europe. In fluid milk equivalent, imports represent twice the level of local milk production. Imports of other dairy products are estimated at about $100 million in 2006. Importers of powder milk form a strong political lobby and dominate the dairy industry. Local producers are not well organized except the few modern producers in the major cities.  Part of the import milk powder is processed and marketed through informal channels on which little information is reported. The main products available in the market are sweet concentrate milk, unsweetened concentrated milk, milk powder (in bulk or packaged in bottle or small bags). A few companies produce yogurt.  The local milk production system relies on climatic conditions with higher production during the rainy season and a slow down and even stoppage during the 7-month-long dry season. Non governmental organizations and donors assist small rural milk producers to improve the distribution systems and increase their capacity to access urban markets. In this perspective, PAPEL, the government's main livestock and dairy development project has rehabilitated the rural milk collection network set up by Nestlé-Senegal in 1991 in the sylvo-pastoral zone.  This project is helping develop small-scale milk processing units with simple equipment and techniques. Most of these units are found in the Northern and Southern parts of the country, particularly in and around Saint-Louis, Dahra, Tambacounda, Velingara and Kolda. In the Niayes zone around Dakar, other well structured milk processing units benefit from this support and were able to commercialize up to 300,000 liters of milk in Dakar in 2005. The most important of these milk farms are the Wayembam farm and the farms of the Regional Association of Women Cattle Breeders, Dirtel. Other major players in the milk market include Nestlé-Senegal, SATREC, CCMB, Saprolait, and Les Mamelles Jaboot.

Poultry.

The poultry industry has been increasing its overall production since the announcement in 2005 of the ban of imports of chicken meat and despite the shock created in early 2006 by avian influenza. The sector represents 17% of the animal industry's contribution to GDP and employs about 10,000 people.  In 2003, there were 3.2 million chicken producing 5,982 tons of meat. Because of massive imports of low quality and cheap chicken parts from Europe and Brazil the sector decreased its production by 24% from 2001 to 2003. This has prompted the creation of poultry farmers' unions who claimed the loss of 3,000 to 5,000 jobs, and the government decision to ban imports of frozen chicken in October 2005. This ban is still underway and applies to all countries. As the result of this ban, local production increased by 21%. However, because the ban was only effective in January 2006, import orders prior to the ban were authorized and in 2004, 13,700 tons of chicken meat were imported.  Local production is estimated at 7 million chickens in 2005, which represents a 33% increase compared to 2004. Chicken meat production represents about 75% of this production, and total industrial production of chicken meat has increased to 9,200 tons in 2005, representing a 26% increase compared to 2004. Traditional production (home production) is difficult to evaluate but could be estimated at 8,000 tons of meat. Preliminary government reports suggest that these trends will continue in 2006 with significant increase in local production of chicken meat. However, these trends also suggest that the production of eggs will decrease significantly as the result of the competing chicken meat, and professionals fear that the sector might not be able to meet Senegal's needs in chicken eggs, which may prompt a partial lift of the ban.  Most of the inputs of chicken feed are imported. In 2005, about 85,000 MT of chicken feed were produced. Corn accounts for 60% of ingredients. Producers prefer soy and corn products to peanut cakes because of their better quality and lower costs. Fish meal is another available and important source of protein for the industry. In 2005 the cost of feeding accounted for 59% of poultry farms’ total expenditures, which make the sector less competitive vis-à-vis imported poultry products.  Senegal exports chicken meat to Guinea Bissau (194 Mt in 2005) and day-old chickens to The Gambia, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea Bissau (238,250 in 2005).

Fisheries.

The fishing sector benefits from a long coastline (approximately 448 miles) and a productive continental shelf area of approximately 9,653 square miles. Industrial fishing consists of sardine, tuna and trawler harvesting (shrimp, mullet, sole, cuttlefish, etc.). "Artisanal" catches are mainly for the local market with a large proportion purchased by local factories for processing. Senegal's fishing sector has historically been one of the country's largest sources of foreign currency.  In 2005, seafood products represented 22 percent of Senegal's total exports and generated more than $366 million in national income from an annual catch of approximately 40,000 tons, against approximately $374 million for a catch of approximately 430,000 tons in 2004. The fishing industry is also a key sector for employment. At the local level, thousands of families depend on fish as a nutritional staple. The Government estimates that the sector employs more than 200,000 people and generates significant temporary employment in the informal sector, in particular through the artisanal fishing, using lines, traps, and nets with small-scale traditional fishing canoes.  The European Union is the largest market for Senegal's seafood exports. Senegal signed seventeen agreements with EU allowing EU fishing craft access to Senegalese water while setting export quotas and limits, and requiring that part of the catch, especially tuna, is supplied to local processing industries. The 2002–2006 Senegal/EU agreement, which provided for an annual compensation of $15 million to the Government of Senegal, expired in June 2006. Negotiations to renew it are currently suspended following strong denunciation of previous agreements by Senegalese fishermen's associations for alleged overexploitation of high-value fish, declining incomes, and limiting the availability of high value fish in the local markets. The Government of Senegal and local environmental organizations have also expressed concerns about the possible permanent ecological damage caused by the more sophisticated and efficient EU fleets.  Several large Senegalese fish processing companies have ceased operations because of Senegal's small and unproductive fishing fleet, high costs of production, over-exploitation and scarcity of high value fish, and lack of investment resources. This crisis is reported to be one of the main causes of clandestine emigration from Senegal's major fishing communities to Europe over the last two years with the death of hundreds of young people, mostly fishermen.

Forest products.

In Senegal, the contribution of forest and other natural resources to the economy is not visible although it is real and important. The potential production of fauna and forest products is high and diversified but this sector is not fully accounted for in the macroeconomic indicators. Officially, the sector represents less than 1% of GDP. However the production of forest resources, mainly charcoal and wildlife, is estimated at $50 million yearly.  Data collected in 2006 by UICN from producers, brokers and consumers of wild plant and animal products indicate that most of non-wood plants, wild animals, and continental fish are commercialized and only a small proportion is used for consumption. The economic importance of forest products varies by region but they account for up to 50% of the revenues of poor rural households. The value of these products, which usually are not included in the national statistics, is estimated at least $19 to $35 million. Gum arabic exports, which are not included in the about figures, soared to over $280 million in 2006.

Production resources and inputs.

The construction of the Diama and Manantali Dams in 1986 created an additional 240,000 hectares of land which can be irrigated on the Senegalese side of the Senegal River in northern Senegal. This gave the country the potential to diversify its crop base and increase food production. However, operation of the upstream dam has also reduced annual floods along the floodplain, where an ancient and productive form of recessional irrigation has been practiced for hundreds of years. Recessional irrigation is still practiced along these flood plains for an estimated 50,000 hectares.  The best agricultural land along the Senegal River is in the alluvial valley between Bakel and Dagana, and this area is the most densely populated part of the valley. As the floods retreat each year, a variety of crops (including millet, sorghum, rice, and vegetables) are sown, and they grow and mature quickly. These areas also provide pasture for livestock. But because rainfall has been lower in Guinea in 2006, the water table of the Senegal River and its effluents was at a critical level and comparable to a dry year as of early 2007. This situation was expected to limit recession and dry season productions.  In addition, pests such as insects and locusts have been reported on peanuts, cowpeas, and sorghum. In northern Senegal, rice production will likely be seriously affected this year by the extensive invasion of grain eating birds - the red-billed quelea ("Quelea quelea").  During this growing season the Government has subsidized the agricultural sector at a level of about $40 million. This investment included the purchase of 40,000 tons of peanut seeds, payments to peanut producers of up to $10 million, the purchase of seeds of special crops such as sesame, cassava, corn, and hisbiscus sabdarifa (bissap), and for the subsidy of fertilizers. The government has also contributed $10 million for the purchase of farming equipment.

Agricultural policies and institutional framework.

Agricultural policies.

Senegal's agricultural policies are historically characterized by the following key features: The government agricultural support system is mainly based on cash crops that have reliable markets. Agricultural research has significantly contributed in maintaining productivity despite irregular rainfall and poor soils. Liberalization of the market of agricultural produce in early 1990 has improved the efficiency of the cereal market.  The impact of the liberalization has been limited because peanuts still dominate the market; integrated extension, input distribution, credit, and marketing support systems contribute in boosting productivity, especially cash crops and government promoted new crops; yet, support to farmers is costly and inefficient, particularly because the government responds more to political pressure than to economically motivated schemes; literacy programs are not devoted due attention in rural areas, and this limits the efficiency of extension and farm-level adoption of technologies, and therefore farmers capacity to respond to market dynamics.  In response to increasing rural migration and clandestine emigration, the government has recently launched a new plan, called REVA ("Return to Agriculture"). The objective of this program is to develop agricultural infrastructure (construction of rural roads, rehabilitation of wells, and connection to electricity) and provide training and production tools and equipment to young and women farmers, especially former clandestine emigrants. The pilot phase of the program started in August 2006 and will end in December 2008, and during this period the government plans to implement 550 production sites. This plan is gaining increasing support from donors.

Government ministries.

The institutional framework of the agricultural sector is organized through two main ministries. The Ministry of Agriculture, biofuels and Food Security which includes the Directorate of Agriculture responsible for the implementation of food grains and agro- industrial development policies and for overseeing the field based extension services; the Directorate of Horticulture which coordinates government support to the horticultural sector; the Directorate of Agricultural Census; and the Directorate of Plant Protection responsible for government pest control programs, including regulations, management of standards, and various field interventions. The second ministry involved in the agricultural sector is the Ministry of Animal Husbandry with several services coordinating government support to the livestock, dairy and poultry sub-sectors.  These services are completed by research and training institutions. ISRA (Senegalese Agricultural Research Institute) is the leading agricultural research institution and works on various issues related to crop and animal production, SPS and veterinary issues, fishing and forest products and rural socio-economy. Other major research institutions are ITA (Food Technology Institute), CDH (horticultural research) and WARDA (The Africa Rice Center). Senegal has also agricultural and veterinary colleges which provide most of human resources used in the sector. The main schools are ENSA (the Agricultural College), EISMV (The Inter-states Veterinary College), and CDH (The Horticultural Development Training Center).

Major international donors.

Major donors involved in the agricultural sector in Senegal include FAO, USAID, USDA, the World Bank, the African Development Bank, the West African Development Bank, the French government, Peace Corps and several other local and international NGOs.

Agriculture is one of the dominant parts of Senegal's economy. Even though Senegal lies within the drought-prone Sahel region only about 5 percent of the land irrigated, thus Senegal continues to rely on rain-fed agriculture. Agriculture occupies about 75 percent of the workforce. Despite a relatively wide variety of agricultural production, the majority of farmers produce for subsistence needs. Millet, rice, corn, and sorghum are the primary food crops grown in Senegal. Production is subject to drought and threats of pests such as locusts, birds, fruit flies, and white flies. Moreover, the effects of climate change in Senegal are expected to severally harm the agricultural economy due to extreme weather such as drought, as well increased temperatures.


Early life.

LeFlore was born in Detroit, Michigan, and was involved in the criminal justice system at an early age. In the book "Breakout: From Prison to the Big Leagues", LeFlore relates growing up in a crime-ridden section of Detroit's east side. Although his parents John and Georgia LeFlore were married, his father was an unemployed alcoholic who rarely took part in family life. His mother was a hard-working nurses' aide who held the family together financially and physically, even feeding Ron while he was a heroin addict and small-time drug dealer. He credits his mother's compassion for his survival during this period. He attended Detroit's Eastern High School.  He was introduced to shooting heroin in a neighborhood'shooting gallery'. He dropped out of school and spent many nights breaking into the Stroh's Brewery on Gratiot Avenue, stealing beer and getting drunk with friends. After dropping out of school, he did not play any organized sports and rarely followed the Tigers, although he had been to Tiger Stadium at least once in childhood, sitting in the upper bleachers with his father. First arrested at 15, he was ultimately sentenced to 5–15 years in state prison at the State Prison of Southern Michigan (usually called Jackson State Penitentiary) for armed robbery of a local bar in January 1970 in which he carried a rifle.

Prison discovery.

Incarcerated on April 28, 1970, the first organized baseball league LeFlore played in was for inmates. Jimmy Karalla, a fellow inmate who was imprisoned for extortion, convinced his longtime friend Jimmy Butsicaris who co-owned a Detroit bar frequented by Detroit sports celebrities, to speak to his good friend Billy Martin, then-manager of the Detroit Tigers, to ask him to observe LeFlore. Martin visited Jackson State Prison on May 23, 1973. Martin then helped LeFlore get permission for day-parole and a tryout at Tiger Stadium in June.  In July 1973 the Tigers signed LeFlore to a contract which enabled him to meet the conditions for parole. He was paid a $5,000 bonus and $500 per month for the rest of the 1973 season. Assigned to the Clinton Pilots in the Class A Midwest League, and managed by Jim Leyland, LeFlore hit.277.  The next year he played for the Lakeland Tigers in the Class A Florida State League, and after hitting.331 with 45 steals in 102 games was promoted to the Evansville Triplets of the Class AAA American Association, where he played nine games.  The following season, he made the major league club out of spring training.

Playing career.

LeFlore split time in center field in 1974 with veteran Tiger Mickey Stanley before taking over as the starter in 1975. Largely known as a base stealer, in his prime he also hit for average and moderate power. He, along with Mark Fidrych, were the primary reasons that the Tigers' attendance rose in 1976 by close to 5,000 per game over the previous year. Both players made the 1976 American League All-Star team, yet the team never finished higher than fourth in the American League East standings during LeFlore's tenure. In 1977, he hit 16 home runs and batted.325 – both career highs. But 1978 may have been his career year, when he led the league in singles (153), runs scored (126) and stolen bases (68), and finished second in hits (198), plate appearances (741) and at bats (666). He also set career highs in games played, plate appearances, at bats, RBIs, and walks. After the 1979 season, in which he hit.300 and stole 78 bases, LeFlore was traded to the Montreal Expos for Dan Schatzeder on December 7. In 1980, he came closest to playoff action as he stole a career-high 97 bases (becoming the first player to lead both leagues in steals in his career) to help the Expos finish the season in second place, only a game behind the eventual World Series champion Philadelphia Phillies.  In 1981 he signed with the Chicago White Sox as a free agent, but he played in only a combined 173 games in his two years there. After failing to make the Chisox roster in the spring of 1983, he was released by the team on April 2 and he announced his retirement. Soon afterward, he revealed that he was actually four years older than he had previously admitted, possibly giving some explanation for his rapid decline with the White Sox.  As of the end of the 2011 season, LeFlore's 1976, 1978 and 1979 seasons were 10th, 6th and 3rd respectively on the Tigers' all-time single-season stolen base list and his 294 steals are 4th on the Tigers' career list. His 97 stolen bases for the Expos in 1980 are still a record for the Expos/Washington Nationals franchise. He also finished in the top ten in his league in triples, finishing as high as 3rd in 1980 with 11. Despite his speed and in contrast to his above-average hitting, he was never adept in the field. In his career, he finished in the top five outfielders in errors every year except 1979, leading the league in outfield errors in 1974, 1976, 1980 and 1982 (despite playing in only 91 games in '82). His worst moment in the field was when he misplayed a ball into a four-base error. Notoriously, on August 1, 1982 in a game against the Boston Red Sox, LeFlore was in center field when in the 6th inning Boston leadoff hitter, catcher Gary Allenson, hit a soft liner off Sox starter Jerry Koosman. As he drifted back for the catch, the ball struck him on the forehead near the bill of his cap, took a wild bounce and rolled away. By the time anyone got to it, Allenson had crossed the plate with an unearned run. LeFlore also struck out frequently, finishing in the top ten in his league in strikeouts five times (and second in the American League in 1975 with 139).

Career statistics.

In 1099 games over nine seasons, Leflore posted a.288 batting average (1283-for-4458) with 731 runs, 172 doubles, 57 triples, 59 home runs, 353 RBI, 455 stolen bases, 363 bases on balls,.342 on-base percentage and.392 slugging percentage. He finished his career with a.968 fielding percentage playing at center and left field.

After playing career.

In 1988 while working as a baggage handler for Eastern Airlines, LeFlore saw an ad for an umpire school run by MLB umpire Joe Brinkman. He attended the five-week course after which top graduates are assigned to whatever openings exist on the minor league level, hoping to make it back to the majors eventually as an umpire, but failed to finish high enough in his class to qualify for even a minor league job.  In 1989, LeFlore played for the St. Petersburg Pelicans and Bradenton Explorers of the Senior Professional Baseball Association, hitting.328 in 44 games overall (11 with St. Petersburg and 33 with Bradenton). In 1990, he played for the Florida Tropics of the SPBA. He played in 18 games, hit two home runs and drove in nine runs. He also had the second-highest batting average with.403 when the league folded.  In 1995, Leflore managed the Newburgh Night Hawks of the Northeast League to a 28-45 record.  On September 27, 1999, LeFlore was arrested at the closing ceremonies of Tiger Stadium for unpaid child support for his adult daughter and her mother. LeFlore had been living in St. Petersburg, Florida at the time, and ultimately was not jailed in exchange for making payments.  In 2000, LeFlore was hired as the manager of the now-defunct Cook County Cheetahs of the Frontier League. He also worked as a manager and coach in the Midwest and Northeastern leagues. In the spring of 2003, he was hired as manager for the Saskatoon Legends franchise in the fledgling Canadian Baseball League, a league that folded midway through its inaugural season.  On May 5, 2007, during an autograph signing, LeFlore was again arrested for failure to pay child support.  In the summer of 2011 LeFlore had his right leg amputated from the knee down due to complications caused by arterial vascular disease, a result of his having smoked cigarettes since he was a teenager, and lost 100 pounds as a result of three surgeries. He now uses a prosthetic leg. He lives in St. Petersburg, Florida.

Ronald LeFlore (born June 16, 1948) is an American former Major League Baseball center fielder. He played six seasons with the Detroit Tigers before being traded to the Montreal Expos. He retired with the Chicago White Sox in 1982. He stole 455 bases in his career and was an American League All-Star selection in 1976.


History.

Widnes Football Club had a number of grounds before settling at Lowerhouse Lane in 1884/85 on a site a few hundred yards north of the current location. That land was leased on behalf of the rugby organisation by Widnes Cricket Club but, to coincide with the breakaway from the Rugby Football Union in 1895, Widnes F.C. obtained a lease for land on which they laid out a new ground (the Naughton Park/Halton Stadium site). The first game on the new field was against Liversedge on 12 October 1895.  In the late 1920s it was proposed that the land would be compulsorily purchased to make way for a new council housing scheme. After much lobbying the club were finally given an option to purchase the site for the not inconsiderable sum of £3,250.  Club secretary Tom Naughton was instrumental in raising the necessary funds but before the formal completion of the purchase in 1932 he died in a car crash, leading to the ground being renamed in his honour.  During the 1978 Kangaroo tour Widnes defeated Australia at Naughton Park before a crowd of 12,202.  Naughton Park stadium was owned by Widnes F.C. (later Widnes RLFC Ltd) but when financial difficulties set in they sold the ground to Halton Borough Council in 1995.  Halton Borough Council in partnership with Widnes Vikings agreed to build a new stadium on the site of Naughton Park. This stadium would provide a multi-purpose complex including a social club, conference facilities, recreational facilities and catering/function facilities.  The stadium was officially reopened on 2 November 1997. A new stand was built in 1998 with funding from Halton Borough Council and on 29 January 1999 the club's remaining 40% share in the ground was sold to the council.  The stadium became known as the AutoQuest Stadium in 1999 due to sponsorship.  In 2000, Runcorn F.C. sold their Canal Street ground and moved to the Halton Stadium. The club renamed itself Runcorn F.C. Halton to reflect its new location.  AutoQuest's sponsorship ended in 2001 and the stadium became known as the Halton Stadium.  In 2005 the East Stand was completed making the Halton Stadium a complete four-stand all seater stadium. Runcorn F.C.'s precarious financial state caused them to move out of the Halton Stadium and into Valerie Park.  In December 2007 a sponsorship agreement was made with Stobart Group Limited and the stadium was renamed Stobart Stadium Halton. In February 2008 the North stand seats were changed to spell out Vikings, West stand seats are sponsored by Stobart and East stand seats are sponsored by Halton Borough Council as part of the stadium sponsorship deal.  The Widnes Rugby League Museum was opened in 2007.  The stadium was a temporary home to St. Helens during the 2011 season, as Langtree Park only opened for use in time for the 2012 season.  Since 2013 the Stadium has been the host venue for the British Drum Corps Championships which are held each September. The Championships feature the top UK Marching Bands and is organised by Drum Corps United Kingdom - www.dcuk.org.uk

Facilities.

The Widnes Rugby League Museum is situated in the East Stand of the Halton Stadium. It is home to a collection of memorabilia much of it donated by members of the public, and displays a history of Widnes RLFC.

Rugby League Test Matches.

List of rugby league test matches played at Naughton Park.

Rugby League Tour Matches.

Other than Widnes club games, the stadium also saw Widnes play host to various international touring teams from 1907–1990. Widnes' 11–10 win over Australia in 1978 was their only win over the touring Kangaroos. It also remains (as of 2017) the last time a British club or county side has defeated Australia in any match.

The DCBL Stadium (historically known as Lowerhouse Lane and Naughton Park) is a rugby league stadium in Widnes, Cheshire, England. Widnes Vikings play their home games there. The stadium is all seater and has a total capacity of 13,350.


Geography.

The Mount Tom Range rises steeply between above the Connecticut River Valley below; it is roughly 4.5 miles (7 km) long by 1.5 miles (2.4 km) wide at its widest point, although the ruggedness of the terrain makes the actual area much larger.  The entire range is sometimes referred to as "Mount Tom". Oriented from south to north, the range is located within the towns of Easthampton and Holyoke.  The Metacomet Ridge continues south from the Mount Tom Range as East Mountain and east across the Connecticut River as the Holyoke Range. The Metacomet Ridge is broken to the north; the Mount Tom Range is separated from the Pocumtuck Ridge, away by a relatively low-lying area punctuated with occasional rises. The east side of the range drains into the Connecticut River thence to Long Island Sound; the west side drains into the Manhan River, thence to the Connecticut River.

History.

According to popular folklore, Mount Tom (the high point on the range) takes its name from Rowland Thomas, a surveyor who worked for the settlement of Springfield, Massachusetts in the 1660s. Thomas supposedly named Mount Tom after himself while his fellow surveyor working on the opposite side of the Connecticut River, Elizur Holyoke, gave his name to Mount Holyoke.  Before the mid-19th century, very little history had been recorded about the Mount Tom Range to distinguished it from the surrounding landscape. Native Americans inhabited the area around the Mount Tom Range for at least 10,000 years; they grew maize, tobacco, beans, squash and other vegetables in the Connecticut River floodplain, clearing small sections of forest by burning to make room for their crops. They hunted and fished in the area, and made tools and arrowheads from the basalt rock of the Metacomet Ridge. Tensions between the local Pocumtuc Native American tribe and colonial settlers, who began arriving in the region in the mid-17th century, reached a head in 1675 with the outbreak of King Philip's War, a conflict involving colonists and a confederacy of Native American tribes across southern New England under the leadership of the sachem Metacomet. More settlers arrived after of the war ended with the defeat of the Native Americans, and by the early 19th century, most of the region's current towns had been established and most of the land had been cleared of trees to make room for farms. Farmers were particularly attracted to the rich soils of the region—one of the few places in New England where tobacco can grown with commercial success. Rugged highlands, such as the Holyoke Range and Mount Tom Range, although unsuitable for farming, were often harvested of timber to produce charcoal, a primary source of fuel for the steel industry prior to the extraction of coal in the mid-Appalachians. Highland areas were also burned of timber when lowland fires, set to clear land for farms, raged out of control. However, by the early 20th century, after agricultural interests shifted west and charcoaling became unprofitable, rural New England became largely forested again. A 2004 ecological resource study conducted for the National Park Service suggests that the Metacomet Ridge may have remained more or less forested (cleared only intermittently) throughout New England's agricultural period, thereby allowing the area to retain its biologic diversity through the 20th century.  Increasing urbanization and industrialization in 19th century New England resulted in an opposing aesthetic transcendentalist movement characterized by the paintings of the Hudson River School of American landscape painters such as Frederic Edwin Church and Thomas Cole (who, in 1836, famously painted the Connecticut River from sketches he made from the summit of Mount Holyoke), the work of landscape architects such as Frederick Law Olmsted, and the writings of philosophers like Henry David Thoreau and Ralph Waldo Emerson. This philosophical, artistic, and environmental movement transformed many areas of the Metacomet Ridge (as well as other places in New England) from a commercial resource to a recreational and aesthetic resource. Hotels, parks, and summer estates were built on the mountains from the mid-1880s to the early 20th century.

Early tourism and conservation.

In 1861, following the success of the hotel on the summit of Mount Holyoke across the river, William Street opened a summit hotel on Mount Nonotuck and named it "Eyrie House." The hotel was closer to the Connecticut River and therefore more accessible than the hotel on Mount Holyoke, which spurred the owners of the latter establishment to build a rail line and a ferry dock from the river to the base of Mount Holyoke. The hotel burned down in 1901 when Street attempted to cremate two horses on the mountain and lost control of the fire, leaving only the cellar holes and the walls of the stone understory standing.  Another hotel, the Mount Tom Hotel, was constructed on the summit of Mount Tom in 1897, but it burned down three years later. Subsequently, rebuilt, it burned again in 1929 and was never rebuilt; in 1902 the property became the first parcel to become the Mount Tom State Reservation. In 1933 the Civilian Conservation Corps assisted with the construction of reservation structures and park roads still existent through the turn of the 21st century.  In 1897 the Holyoke Street Railway Company began constructing what would become known as "Mountain Park", a trolley park and later an amusement park on the east side of the range. The project changed hands several times until its closure in 1988 when competition from larger amusement parks gradually sapped business away what had become affectionately known by locals as "The Queen of the Mountain."  Both the Holyoke Range and the Mount Tom Range were part of a 1966 proposal by the National Park Service for a "Connecticut River National Recreation Area." Although the project was never realized, it has been followed through in spirit by a number of similar local and national conservation efforts, including an increased effort to acquire land on both ranges for state park expansion, the creation by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts of the Connecticut River Greenway State Park, and the recent proposal by the National Park Service for the inclusion of the Metacomet-Monadnock Trail in a new National Scenic Trail.

Geology and environment.

The ridge of the Mount Tom Range was formed 200 million years ago during the late Triassic and early Jurassic periods and is composed of traprock, also known as basalt, an extrusive volcanic rock. Basalt is a dark colored rock, but the iron within it weathers to a rusty brown when exposed to the air, lending the ledges a distinct reddish appearance. Basalt frequently breaks into octagonal and pentagonal columns, creating a unique "postpile" appearance. Huge slopes made of fractured basalt talus are visible beneath many of the ledges; they are particularly noticeable beneath Mount Tom, Whiting Peak, and Deadtop along the Mount Tom State Reservation park road, or along Metacomet-Monadnock Trail on the summit crest gazing down. The basalt ridges are the product of several massive lava flows hundreds of feet deep that welled up in faults created by the rifting apart of North America from Eurasia and Africa. These basalt floods of lava happened over a period of 20 million years. Erosion occurring between the eruptions deposited deep layers of sediment between the lava flows, which eventually lithified into sedimentary rock. The resulting "layer cake" of basalt and sedimentary sheets eventually faulted and tilted upward. Subsequent erosion wore away the weaker sedimentary layers faster than the basalt layers, leaving the abruptly tilted edges of the basalt sheets exposed, creating the distinct linear ridge and dramatic cliff faces visible today. One way to imagine this is to picture a layer cake tilted slightly up with some of the frosting (the sedimentary layer) removed in between.  The Mount Tom Range hosts a combination of microclimates unusual in New England. Dry, hot upper ridges support oak savannas, often dominated by chestnut oak and a variety of understory grasses and ferns. Eastern red cedar, a dry-loving species, clings to the barren edges of cliffs. Backslope plant communities tend to be more similar to the adjacent Berkshire plateau containing species common to the northern hardwood and oak-hickory forest forest types. Eastern hemlock crowds narrow ravines, blocking sunlight and creating damp, cooler growing conditions with associated cooler climate plant species. Talus slopes are especially rich in nutrients and support a number of calcium-loving plants uncommon in Massachusetts. Because the traprock ridges generate such varied terrain, they are the home of several plant and animal species that are state-listed or globally rare.  The Mount Tom Range is also an important seasonal raptor migration path.

Recreation.

A low-profile network of seasonal auto roads and many miles of trails climb the ridgeline, including the Metacomet-Monadnock Trail maintained by the Berkshire Chapter of the Appalachian Mountain Club. The range is used for picnicking, hiking, and snowshoeing. Bicycling and cross-country skiing are enjoyed on the park roads. The ridge once hosted the Mount Tom Ski Area, now closed; the trails are still used for backcountry skiing, although there are no lifts in operation. Recently, as paragliding becomes an increasingly popular sport in the US, the Mt.Tom's western face serves as launch for flights as far as Worcester area. There are no camping facilities on the range.  A number of trail head parking lots are located within the Mount Tom State Reservation, accessible from Route 5 in Holyoke and East Street in Easthampton; only the eastmost lot is open off season. Parking lot access is available off Route 5 and at the south side of Whiting Street Reservoir, as well as off Route 141 in Holyoke by the Log Cabin Restaurant. During on-season months there is a charge to drive a vehicle into the Mount Tom State Reservation. Metacomet-Monadnock Trail parking is located off Route 141 on the gap between East Mountain and Mount Tom and also at the foot of Mount Nonotuck on Underwood Street in Easthampton where the Metacomet-Monadnock Trail descends from the ridge crest of the range.

Conservation.

Much of the range has been conserved as part of Massachusett's Mount Tom State Reservation; other parcels are managed by conservation non-profit organizations, including The Trustees of Reservations. In 2000, the Mount Tom Range was included in a study by the National Park Service for the designation of a new National Scenic Trail now tentatively called the New England National Scenic Trail, which would include the Metacomet-Monadnock Trail in Massachusetts and the Mattabesett Trail and Metacomet Trail trails in Connecticut.  In 2002, several conservation non-profit organizations and the Commonwealth of Massachusetts collaborated to successfully preserve a large tract on the east side of the range that was once part of a downhill ski area that closed in 1998. An existing rock quarry, part of the property, was also secured. The efforts were spurred by public outcry following overtures by the former landowner to sell the land to a nearby rock and gravel operation for the expansion of the existing quarry.  Other organizations invested in the conservation of the Mount Tom Range and its viewshed include The Kestrel Trust, The Valley Land Fund, and the Pascommuck Conservation Trust.

The Mount Tom Range is a traprock mountain range located in the Connecticut River Valley of Massachusetts. It is part of the Metacomet Ridge that extends from Long Island Sound near New Haven, Connecticut, north through the Connecticut River Valley of Massachusetts to nearly the Vermont border. A popular outdoor recreation resource, the range is known for its continuous west facing cliffs and its rugged, scenic character. It is also notable for its unique microclimate ecosystems and rare plant communities, as well as significant historic sites, such as the ruins of the 18th century Eyrie House located on Mount Nonotuck.


Blockade of South Waziristan.

On June 16, 2009, in the aftermath of the successful victory and recapture of the entire Swat valley, the Pakistan Army began a massive troop build-up along the southern and eastern borders of South Waziristan. Pakistan was now taking the fight to Tehrik-i-Taliban chief Baitullah Mehsud's mountainous stronghold, ordering an expansion of its current offensive against Taliban fighters in the Swat valley. On Sunday night, denouncing Mehsud as "the root cause of all evils," Owais Ghani, the governor of the North-West Frontier Province, said the government has called on the army to launch a "full-fledged" military operation to eliminate Mehsud and his estimated 20,000 men. The crucial battle may prove to be the most difficult that Pakistan's military has faced on its soil in recent years.  Islamabad's decision to launch the offensive against Mehsud signals a deepening of Pakistani resolve against the militants. The army has targeted the Taliban leader on three separate occasions—in 2004, 2005 and 2008—but walked away each time after signing ruinous "peace deals" that have only served to embolden Mehsud. But the military appears more determined this time. It also enjoys the backing of the general citizenry as public support of the military has increased dramatically as the recent wave of terrorist attacks has heightened revulsion against the Taliban.  By June 21, 2009, at least 46 militants were killed in the South Waziristan tribal region and the Malakand division. Six soldiers, including an Army officer, were killed and 17 soldiers injured in fighting in the Malakand and South Waziristan Agency within a 24-hour period. Another six militants were apprehended, the military said. These were the first known casualties among Baitullah Mehsud's fighters in a new offensive in South Waziristan, where al-Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden and his other top commanders and Taliban leaders were believed to be holed up. On June 28, eight militants were killed in Swat and 10 in Waziristan, in operations that destroyed the militants' command network and led to the seizure of "a huge amount" of arms and ammunition, army spokesman Major General Athar Abbas told reporters. Sixteen soldiers were killed in action, twelve of them dying near the Afghan border in the North Waziristan tribal area when their convoy was ambushed. Several vehicles were hit in the ambush and another 10 soldiers were seriously wounded.  On June 30, militants ambushed a Pakistani military convoy near the Afghan border, killing a further 12 Pakistani soldiers. Several vehicles were hit and the military said 12 soldiers were killed and 10 seriously wounded. On July 3, a military transport helicopter of the Pakistan Army went down and crashed on the border between Khyber and Orakzai tribal region on Friday afternoon, killing all 26 soldiers on board. The helicopter crashed because of a technical fault. On August 5, the CIA carried out a drone strike on Baitullah Mehsud and his family. Mehsud was killed, along with his father-in-law and his wife. The operation in South Waziristan was already in planning process. Two divisions of military were deployed and negotiations with the tribes and minor groups of militants were being conducted to isolate the enemy.

Second phase.

Preparations.

After a three-month blockade of South Waziristan and intermittent skirmishes with militants, the Pakistani military announced on October 2, 2009, that it would begin a large-scale operation to wipe out Taliban and Al Qaeda militants in the area. Pakistani officials characterized the impending clash as ""the mother of all battles."" Prior to the launch of the operation, the Pakistani Army had reinforced their presence on the borders of South Waziristan to two divisions (20,000–30,000 troops) who were facing a heavily entrenched force of 6,000–7,000 militants, including Taliban-allied Mehsud tribesmen as well as Uzbek and Arab foreign fighters affiliated with Al Qaeda.  A meeting, which was attended by the top civilian and military leadership, gave the go-ahead to launch a military operation in South Waziristan to eliminate terrorism and extremism on October 16. Members attending included Awami National Party's Asfandyar Wali Khan, PML-N's Mian Shahbaz Sharif, Muttahida Qaumi Movement's Dr Farooq Sattar, Balochistan National Party-A's Senator Israrullah Zehri, Aftab Ahmad Sherpao of the Pakistan People's Party-S, Munir Khan Orakzai from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, Raza Rabbani of the Parliamentary Committee on National Security, Pir Sadruddin Shah of the PML-F, Maulana Mohammad Khan Sherani of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Fazl), Defence Minister Ahmad Mukhtar, Finance Minister Shaukat Tarin, Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, Minister for Information and Broadcasting Qamar Zaman Kaira, NWFP Governor Owais Ahmed Ghani and Chief Minister Ameer Haider Khan Hoti, the chief of the Intelligence Bureau. One report indicated that the offensive had a two-month timetable.

Ground offensive.

The Pakistan Army started the campaign with 28,000 infantry and Airborne troops entering South Waziristan against the Taliban on October 17. Forces involved included the American trained Pakistan Army's 50th Airborne Division, 7th and 9th Infantry Divisions of XI Corps (Pakistan), which is the controlling headquarters, and 40th Infantry Division of Army Reserve Centre. (orbat.com, accessed 24 October 2009) The Pakistani Army advanced across South Waziristan from three directions—Razmak in the north, Jandola in the east and Shakai in the west. The Pakistani forces were reported to be moving towards the towns of Makeen, Spinkai, Raghzai and Tiarza. PAF's fighter aircraft, notably F-16 and JF-17, flown by the members of SSW's 4th SOS Squadron, heavily bombed the area, in order to soften militant hideouts. The invasion was timed before winter weather caused snow to block roads, but so that when winter arrived, the cold weather would force Taliban from their hideouts. The Taliban forces, led by new leader Hakimullah Mehsud, are estimated to be between 10,000–20,000 along with 500–5,000 Uzbek supporters. In the midnight of October 17, the troops of 50th Airborne Division began to parachuted along with the members of PN SEALs Team 8th of SSG(N), 9th Wing Company of Army Rangers, and the 10th Special Forces Battalion of Pakistan Army. The Pakistan army, totaling 28,000, are likely to receive support from paramilitary groups in tribal areas of South Waziristan. Dozens of casualties on both sides were reported to have been inflicted as fierce fighting commenced. Casualties are expected to increase as the military move deeper into Taliban territory. Civilians of South Waziristan attempting to leave had difficulty as the military blocked the roads, which were used to transport arms and ammunition to troops. People of the area are migrating to the main town of Peshawar. The communication network was severely affected.  The Pakistan Air Force's SSW 4th SOS Squadron used attack helicopters and fighter jets to force the Taliban into the mountains when they put up resistance. Up to 100,000 civilians have left the conflict area. On October 20 it was reported that, three weeks prior, the Pakistani government had cut deals with the anti-American militants led by former Taliban commanders Maulvi Nazir and Hafiz Gul Bahadur. This deal was expected to help the operation succeed, and was not opposed by U.S. officials. The US killed 27 people in a drone strike in Bajaur on October 24.  On October 24, Pakistani officials announced that Airborne troops, backed up by artillery, helicopters and fighter jets, had gained control of the town of Kotkai, a key breakthrough in the offensive. Kotkai was home to the Taliban leader, Hakimullah Mehsud and it had experienced fierce fighting between both sides since the ground offensive started. Earlier that week, Pakistani forces took control of the town briefly, but the Taliban regained it.  On October 29, news agencies were told that the Pakistan army had surrounded the town of Kaniguram, a stronghold of Uzbek fighters. The army reported that, since the operation began on October 17, 264 Taliban militants had been killed and 33 Pakistani soldiers had been killed in action. On November 2, the Pakistani Army took control of Kaniguram, a key Taliban regional stronghold and a stronghold of Uzbek militants, led by the hardline Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. By November 17, the Pakistani Army took control of most of the towns in South Waziristan such as Sararogha.  By December 12, the operation was over and the Army retook the whole of South Waziristan. However, none of the top Taliban leaders were killed or captured in the operation. The government's next aim was the Orakzai region where most of the Taliban forces retreated.  594 Taliban militants and 80 Pakistani soldiers were killed during the ground offensive. Another 243 soldiers were wounded and 83 militants were captured.  In clashes in Makeen on July 10, 2010, twenty-five Taliban and three Pakistani soldiers were killed.

Refugees.

According to the official Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) press release, dated October 20, 2009, 11,080 families (80,000 individuals) were registered to be internally displaced from South Waziristan to Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps in Tank District and Dera Ismail Khan District before the start of the operation on October 17, while a total of 4,477 families (41,289 individuals) were registered after the military onslaught.

Peace prospects.

The rationale of Operation Rah-e-Nijat has been criticized by many intellectuals, however, this was among the options available for Pakistan. It is hoped from the claims of Army that soon militant basis will be uprooted and peace will be restored. Peace prospects depend on several factors. Among which, regional approach is sine qua non to eliminate terrorists as Pakistan claims no monopoly over the industry of terror. Terrorist elements are not confined to Pakistan alone, and are allegedly active in the entire region.

The Operation Rah-e-Nijat (Path to Salvation; Urdu: آپریشن راہ نجات) was a strategic offensive military operation by the unified command of Pakistan Armed Forces against the Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP) and their extremist allies in the South Waziristan area of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas that began on June 19, 2009; a major ground-air offensive was subsequently launched on October 17. It became the integral part of the war in Western fronts which led the encirclement and destruction of Taliban forces in the region, although the Taliban leadership escaped to lawless areas of neighboring Afghanistan.