Winners and nominees.

The nominees for the 30th AVN Awards were announced on November 30, 2012.

Major awards.

Winners of categories announced during the awards ceremony January 19, 2013, are highlighted in boldface.

Additional Award Winners.

These awards were not presented during the awards ceremony itself but were announced separately. In addition, the awards for Best Animated Release, Best Gonzo Series, Best Softcore Release, and Best Vignette Series were on the list of award categories, but were not presented in 2013.  Video/DVD Categories Video/DVD Categories (ctd.)  Pleasure Products  Retail and Distribution  Web and Technology Categories

Honorary AVN Awards.

Reuben Sturman Award.

Lasse Braun was awarded the Reuben Sturman Award, which "recognizes industry stalwarts who've made revolutionary strides for industry rights by battling legal and free speech obstructions."

Visionary Award.

Adam & Eve founder Phil Harvey was chosen to receive the second annual Visionary Award "not only for his success in taking a novelty start-up company into nearly every realm of adult commerce, but also for his sense of civic responsibility in helping to prevent the scourge of sexually transmitted diseases and unwanted pregnancies from destroying lives in Third World countries."

Hall of Fame.

The AVN Awards Hall of Fame inductees, "a handful of individuals who’ve left a perennial imprint in the history pages of the adult entertainment industry," for 2013 were:

Multiple awards and nominations.

The following releases received multiple awards:  The following releases received the most nominations: The following individuals received multiple awards: The following individuals received the most nominations:

Presenters and performers.

The following individuals were presenters or performers during the awards ceremony:

Ceremony information.

Changes to awards categories.

Beginning with the 30th AVN Awards, the following changes to award categories took place:

Reception and review.

Some media outlets were impressed by the show. Robin Leach of the Las Vegas Sun reported, "It was the annual sea of sexiness that couldn’t take place anywhere else in the world." He also noted the large size of the crowd as did the Huffington Post, which pointed out, "Thousands of fanboys and porn stars flooded the halls" and "all the A-listers were there."

In Memoriam.

As the show was beginning, AVN used a video segment to pay a tribute to adult-industry personalities who had died since the 2012 awards show:  Time constraints prevented the segment from being re-edited to include director Fred J. Lincoln, who had died a couple of days earlier.

Notes.

Rather than nominees for the Movie of the Year category, voting is conducted separately just prior to the awards ceremony from among winners in "best release" categories including those listed.

The 30th AVN Awards ceremony, or XXX AVN Awards, was an event during which "Adult Video News" ("AVN") presented its annual AVN Awards to honor the best pornographic movies and adult entertainment products of 2012. Movies or products released between October 1, 2011 and September 30, 2012 were eligible. The ceremony was held on January 19, 2013 at The Joint in the Hard Rock Hotel and Casino, Paradise, Nevada. Comedian April Macie, AVN Hall of Fame inductee Jesse Jane and Asa Akira, who won Female Performer of the Year, hosted the AVN Awards. The awards show was held immediately after the Adult Entertainment Expo at the same venue.


Election procedure.

Eligibility requirements.

To be eligible for election into the Salón de la Fama, one must be a former player, director, sportswriter, or umpire who participated in Mexican professional baseball, or a player of Mexican nationality who participated in Organized Baseball. However, there have been exceptions to these requirements made.

Players.

Players must have played a minimum of ten seasons in either the Liga Mexicana de Béisbol or Liga Mexicana del Pacífico, or a total of fifteen seasons between the two leagues. In the case of players of Mexican nationality, the seasons played requirement may be satisfied by playing fifteen years in Organised Baseball.  The player must have stopped being an active player for at least five years or must have died. The electorate is to consider the merits of the player's performances and records, not for a single feat. After five elections without being elected, the player is removed from the ballot and becomes eligible for election only by the Committee on Veterans.  These requirements have not always been in place, as players such as Monte Irvin Roy Campanella and Youman Wilder did not meet the 15-year requirement. Wilder did make the All-Decade Teams of the 1980s and 1990s.

Veterans.

Veterans are players who played before 1970 as well as candidates that participated in five voting cycles in the player's election but were not elected. After five veterans' elections without being elected, the player becomes ineligible.

Directors.

Club executives, usually a president or vice-president, must have participated in at least ten years in Mexican professional baseball.

Sportswriters.

A sportswriter must have covered Mexican professional baseball for at least fifteen years at a national level.

Umpires.

An umpire must have participated in a minimum of twenty seasons total in both leagues.

Nomination.

Players.

The nomination and election of former players is carried out annually. The preliminary ballot is created by the Salón de la Fama's administration and it is sent out to the members of the "Comité Elector" (Electing Committee) who vote for those whom they consider to have the merits sufficient enter the Salón de la Fama. After the Salón de la Fama receives the votes, the results are soon revealed, and any player who obtains a majority of votes will be considered a candidate for election and be placed on the year's election ballot. The election ballot, is sent back out to the "Comité Elector" - but only those with a "Cédula de Votación" (Voting Certificate). They will choose the two "exbeisbolistas inmortales" who will be enshrined in that year. From 2001 to 2006, three players were elected annually and previous to that four were.  In 2011 an exception was made for 5 time all-star and 2x MVP and 2x League champion Youman Wilder, Wilder played 5 years, and did not meet the 10 year minimum requirements even with a 340 career batting average. Wilder has been left off the 2012 ballot, but did make the All-Decade teams of the 1980s and 1990s.

Veterans.

The election of veterans is carried out every other year - the next election was held in 2007. The election ballot, created by the Salón de la Fama's administration is sent to the "Comité Elector" and the "Comité de Veteranos" (Veterans Committee) for voting. The "Comité de Veteranos" is composed of the president and former presidents of the "Comité Elector" (Electing Committee), and from 2003 on, living "inmortales". The electorate selects the single veteran inductee into the Salón de la Fama.

Directors.

The election of directors is carried out every three years - the next election was held in 2008. The election ballot, created by the Salón de la Fama's administration is sent to the "Comité Elector", the "Comité de Veteranos", the league presidents of the LMB and LMP, and the club presidents in the two league's as well. The electorate selects the single inductee into the Salón de la Fama. In 2002, two directors were inducted.

Sportswriters.

The election of sportswriters is carried out every three years - the next election was held in 2009. The election ballot, created by the Salón de la Fama's administration is sent to the "Comité Elector" and the "Comité de Veteranos". The electorate selects the single inductee into the Salón de la Fama.

Umpires.

The election of sportswriters is carried out every three years - the next election was held in 2007. The election ballot, created by the Salón de la Fama's administration is sent to the "Comité Elector" and the "Comité de Veteranos". The electorate selects the single inductee into the Salón de la Fama.

Election.

Once the ballots for each election are returned (by mid-February), the Salón de la Fama tallies the votes at the "Convención Nacional de Beisbol" during the third or fourth week of February. The Salón de la Fama then announces the new "inmortales" and they are inducted in June or July. The candidate with the plurality of votes - or in the case of the player's ballot, the two candidates - is inducted.

The Salón de la Fama del Beisbol Profesional de México (in English, Mexican Professional Baseball Hall of Fame), commonly called the Salón de la Fama (Hall of Fame) is a baseball hall of fame and museum located in Monterrey, Nuevo León. It is dedicated to recognizing people who have contributed greatly to baseball in México. It had its first five inductees in 1939, 167 individuals, called "inmortales", have been inducted into the Hall ().


History.

The position of King of Norway has been in continuous existence since the unification of Norway in 872. Although Norway has officially been a hereditary kingdom throughout that time, there have been several instances of elective succession: most recently, in 1905 Haakon VII was elected by the people of Norway to the position of king through a plebiscite. In recent years members of the Socialist Left party have proposed the abolition of the monarchy during each new session of parliament, though without any likelihood of success. This gives the Norwegian monarchy the unique status of being a popularly elected royal family and receiving regular formal confirmations of support from the Storting.

Germanic kingdom.

Prior to and in the early phase of the Viking Age Norway was divided into several smaller kingdoms. These are thought to have followed the same tradition as other Germanic monarchies of the time: the king was usually elected by the high-ranking farmers of the area and served mainly as judge at popular assemblies, as a priest on the occasion of sacrifices and as a military leader in time of war.  Harald Fairhair was the first king of Norway. The date of the first formation of a unified Norwegian kingdom is set as

Middle Ages.

In the 12th and 13th centuries the Norwegian kingdom was at its geographical and cultural peak. The kingdom included Norway (including the now Swedish provinces of Jemtland, Herjedalen, Særna, Idre and Båhuslen), Iceland, the Faroe Islands, Greenland, Shetland, Orkney and other smaller areas in the British Isles. The king had diplomatic relations with most of the European kingdoms and formed alliances with Scotland and Castile, among others. Large castles such as Haakon's Hall and cathedrals, the foremost being Nidaros Cathedral, were built.  In the tradition of Germanic monarchy the king had to be elected by a representative assembly of noblemen. Men eligible for election had to be of royal blood; but the eldest son of the previous king was not automatically chosen. During the civil war era the unclear succession laws and the practice of power-sharing between several kings simultaneously gave personal

Surviving the unions.

The Kalmar Union was not only made possible by the complex history of the royal dynasties of Scandinavia but was also, among other things, a direct reaction to the expansive and aggressive policies of the Hanseatic League.  On 6 June 1523 Sweden left the union permanently, leaving Norway in an unequal union with a Danish king already embarked on centralising the government of the union.  In the following centuries the Norwegian monarchs mostly resided abroad. This weakened the monarchical governing structures of Norway:

Emerging independence.

During the Napoleonic Wars the King aligned Denmark–Norway with France. When Napoleon lost the war, the king was forced to cede Norway to the king of Sweden under the Treaty of Kiel in 1814. It was initially proposed that the Norwegian dependencies of Greenland, Iceland and the Faroes would remain with Norway, but that point was dropped during the negotiations, so they became Danish.  On hearing news of the treaty, the Prince of the Kingdom of Denmark-Norway, Christian Frederick, the resident viceroy in Norway, participated in founding a Norwegian independence movement. The independence movement was successful, partly due to clandestine support from the Danish Crown, but also because of the strong desire for independence in Norway. On 10 April, a national assembly met at Eidsvoll to decide on a constitution. Norway declared independence on 17 May 1814, electing Christian Frederick as King. A short war with Sweden later that year ended

Union with Sweden.

The Treaty of Kiel stipulated that Norway was to be ceded by the king of Denmark–Norway to the king of Sweden. This was however rejected in Norway, where calls for self-determination were already mounting. A Norwegian constituent assembly was called, and a liberal constitution was adopted on 17 May 1814. A short war ensued, ending in a new agreement between the Norwegian parliament and the Swedish king.  The Convention of Moss was from a Norwegian point of view a significant improvement over the terms dictated to Denmark-Norway at the treaty of Kiel. Notably, Norway was no longer to be treated as a Swedish conquest but rather as an equal party in a personal union of two independent states. Both the principle and substance of the Norwegian Constitution were preserved, with only such amendments as were required to allow for the union with Sweden. Norway retained its own parliament and separate institutions, except for the common king and foreign service.  The Norwegian Storting would propose Norwegian laws without interference from Sweden, to

Full independence.

In 1905 a series of disputes between parliament and the King culminated with the matter of separate Norwegian consuls to foreign countries. Norway had grown into one of the world's leading shipping nations, but Sweden retained control of both the diplomatic and consulate corps. Although businessmen needed assistance abroad, the Swedes had little insight into Norwegian shipping, and consulates were not even established in several important shipping cities. The demand for separate Norwegian consuls was seen as very important by the Norwegian parliament and society.

A new monarchy.

The early years of the new Norwegian monarchy were marked by a shortage of funds. The Norwegian state was poor and funds were needed elsewhere than in the upkeep of a large court. In that sense it was a stroke of good fortune that Prince Carl had set as a condition for accepting the throne that he would not be forced to keep a large court. However, the royal travels and the upkeep of the royal residences, after the initial refurbishment in 1905, were to some extent neglected. One example of the negative financial situation is that Prince Carl had been promised a Royal Yacht when he accepted the throne, but this was not fulfilled until 1947.  One important incident in the early years of the new monarchy was in 1928 when the King appointed the first Labour government. The Norwegian Labour Party was at that time quite radical and even had the abolition of monarchy as part of their programme. It was the custom for the King to rely on the advice of the previous Prime Minister in deciding whom to give the assignment as new Prime Minister. In this case

Constitutional and official role.

Although the 1814 constitution grants important executive powers to the King, these are almost always exercised by the Council of State in the name of the King.  Contemporary Norwegian constitutional practice has replaced the meaning of the word "king" in most articles from the meaning the King-in-person; apart from those dealing with the monarchy specifically, as opposed to those dealing with the apparatus of government and affairs of state at large; to the cabinet of the Prime Minister (also known as the King-in-Council when chaired by the King), which is accountable to the Storting, and thus ultimately to the electorate.

Immunity.

Article 5 stated: "The King's person is sacred; he cannot be censured or accused. The responsibility rests with his Council."  This article applies to the king personally. The king has legal sovereign immunity, though his status as sacred was dissolved on 8 May 2018.  Article 37

Council of State.

The Council of State consists of the King, Prime Minister and other members, all of whom are appointed by the King on the advice of Prime Minister. The Council of State is the Government of Norway and is chaired by the King. It meets under the King’s chairmanship at least once a week usually on Fridays. The King also orders the holding of extraordinary sessions of the council of state in situations that require urgent actions that cannot wait for the next scheduled meeting. Parliamentarism has been in place since 1884 and entails that the cabinet must not have the parliament against it, and that the

Veto of laws.

The King has to sign all laws in order for them to become valid. He can veto any law. However, if two separate Stortings approve the law, it becomes valid even without the King's consent. The Crown has not vetoed any law since the dissolution of the union

Church of Norway.

Until 2012 the constitutional head of the Church of Norway, also known as the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Norway, was the King. The Church of Norway professes the Lutheran branch of Christianity, and is

Pardoning criminals.

Article 20 states: "The King shall have the right in the Council of State to pardon criminals after sentence has been passed."  A pardon is the forgiveness of a crime and the penalty associated with it. It may be given if new information on the crime or criminal has come to light after

Appointing senior officials.

Article 21 states: "The King shall choose and appoint, after consultation with his Council of State, all

Dismissing the government.

Article 22 states: "The Prime Minister and the other Members of the Council of State, together with the

Chivalric orders.

Article 23 states: "The King may bestow orders upon whomever he pleases, as a reward for distinguished services"[...]  Norway has

War.

Article 25 states: "The King is Commander-in-Chief of the land and naval forces of the Realm." The King is also Commander-in-Chief of the Norwegian Air Force: but it is not explicitly mentioned because there was no Air Force in 1814.  Article 26 states: "The King has the right to call up troops, to engage in hostilities in defence of the Realm and to make peace, to conclude and denounce conventions, to send and to receive diplomatic envoys."  The King is treated by the armed forces as their

Coronation.

From before recorded Norwegian history the monarch would be installed by acclamation, a ceremony held on the ting where the king swore to uphold the laws of the land and the assembled chieftains swore allegiance to him. The first coronation in Norway and in all Scandinavia took place in Bergen in 1163 or 1164. For a long time both ceremonies were used in Norway. That way the king was invested with powers both from the noblemen and from the church. The coronations also symbolised that the king would hold the kingdom in fief to St. Olav the eternal king of Norway. The last acclamation took place on Akershus Castle in 1648. The last medieval coronation in Norway took place 29 July 1514. During the age of absolute monarchy (1660–1814), Norway's kings were crowned in Copenhagen, using the Throne Chair. Today the king

Succession.

The order of succession to the Norwegian throne has followed absolute primogeniture since 1990, as is described in article 6 in the Constitution

Finances.

The King, Queen, Crown Prince and Crown Princess are exempt from paying any taxes and their personal finances are not revealed to the public. Other members of the royal family have lost that privilege upon marriage. It is believed that only the King has a personal fortune of a notable size.  The royal farms generate some revenue, but this is always re-invested in the farms themselves.  In the Norwegian state budget of 2010 the

Residences.

The royal family and the monarch have several residences at their disposal throughout the country. All of the official residences are partially open to the public.

Current residences.

Royal Palace.

The Royal Palace in Oslo functions as the main official residence of the monarch. Built in the first half of the

Gamlehaugen.

Gamlehaugen is a mansion and estate which functions as the monarchs residences

Stiftsgården.

Stiftsgården in Trondheim is a large wooden townhouse which has been used by the royal family since the

Ledaal.

Ledaal is a large manor house in Stavanger. The manor originally belonged to the

Other residences.

Bygdøy Royal Estate, the official summer residence, is situated in Oslo. Bygdøy has been under extensive restoration and has therefore not been used regularly since the accession of King Harald V in 1991. The restoration was finalized in 2007 and has been frequently used by the royal family ever since. The Royal Lodge or "Kongsseteren" is located in Holmenkollen, and used by the Royal Family as a residence for Christmas and Holmenkollen Ski Festival each year. Oscarshall palace, a "maison de plaisance," also situated in Oslo, but seldom

Royal coat of arms.

The Coat of arms of Norway is one of the oldest in Europe and serves both as the coat of arms of the nation and of the Royal House. This is in keeping with its origin as the coat of arms of the kings of Norway during the Middle Ages.  Håkon the Old (1217–1263) used a shield with a lion. The earliest preserved reference to the colour of the arms is the King's Saga written down in 1220.  In 1280 King Eirik Magnusson added the crown and silver axe to the lion. The axe is the martyr axe of St. Olav, the weapon used to kill him in the battle of Stiklestad in 1030.  The specific rendering of the Norwegian arms has changed through the years, following changing heraldic fashions. In the late Middle Ages, the axe handle gradually

Today.

The Royal Family of Norway is a branch of the princely family of House of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg, originally from Schleswig-Holstein in Germany. Since 1991 the king has been Harald V, the 66th since unification, but the first king in many hundreds of years to actually have been born in Norway. Following the introduction of a parliamentary system of government in 1884, the duties of the monarch have become largely representative and non-partisan. He or she:  However, the monarch does retain some royal prerogatives. He may issue pardons for prisoners (Article 20) and engage in war (Article 26), although it is unlikely that any of these two prerogatives would be put into use today. However, during the German occupation, Haakon VII said he would abdicate rather than appoint a collaborationist government led by Vidkun Quisling.  The monarch acts a symbol of unity, and a majority of Norwegians are still in favour of retaining the monarchy. There is also broad political consensus on this issue.

The Norwegian monarch is the monarchical head of state of Norway, which is a constitutional and hereditary monarchy with a parliamentary system. The Norwegian monarchy can trace its line back to the reign of Harald Fairhair and the previous petty kingdoms which were united to form Norway; it has been in unions with both Sweden and Denmark for long periods.


Biography.

He was King of Connacht from 1189 to 1199, and was re-inaugurated on the stone at Clonalis "c".1201, reigning until 1224. He first succeeded his elder half brother Ruaidri's son Conchobar Máenmaige as ruler of Connacht. Conchobar Máenmaige's son Cathal Carrach then ruled from 1199 to 1202, with Cathal Crobhdearg back in power from then. From his base west of the river Shannon he was forced to deal with the Norman invaders. He was a competent leader despite problems, avoiding major conflicts and winning minor skirmishes. Ua Conchobair attempted to make the best of the new situation with Ireland divided between Norman and Gaelic rulers. His long reign was perhaps a sign of relative success. He had succeeded his elder brother Rory O'Connor the previous King of Connacht. He is the subject, as Cáhal "Mór of the Wine Red Hand", of the poem "A Vision of Connaught in the Thirteenth Century" by the 19th-century Irish nationalist James Clarence Mangan.  He founded Ballintubber Abbey in 1216, and was succeeded by his son, Aedh mac Cathal Crobdearg Ua Conchobair. His wife, Mor Ní Briain, was a daughter of King Domnall Mór Ua Briain of Thomond, died in 1218.  In 1224 Cathal wrote to Henry III as Lord of Ireland, asking that his son and heir Od ("Aedh") be granted all of Connacht, in particular those parts, Breifne, owned by William "Gorm" de Lacy.

Inauguration.

An account of Cathal Crobhdearg's inauguration has been preserved, written down by Donogh Bacach Ó Maolconaire, the son of O'Connor's very inaugurator Tanaide Ó Maolconaire, who was also his historian and recorded all tributes due to O'Connor. Among those present was his door-keeper, O'Feenaghty, his physician Mac Tully, and Mac Aodhagáin, his brehon.

Annalistic references.

From the Annals of the Four Masters:

Family Tree.

Tairrdelbach, King of Connacht & Ard Rí na hÉireann, 1088–1156

Cathal Crobhdearg Ua Conchobair (Anglicised as Cathal O'Connor/O'Conor and Cathal the Red-handed O'Conor) (1153–1224), the youngest son of the Irish High King Tairrdelbach mac Ruaidri Ua Conchobair, was a King of Connacht.


Anarcho-syndicalist labour movement, press and schools.

Along with European immigrants in the 19th and early 20th centuries came their anarchist ideas. These immigrants joined trade unions and supported anarcho-syndicalism by the 1920s, which led to labor reforms including increases in pay. Unions from Rio, São Paulo, and Porto Alegre united in the Brazilian Workers' Confederation (Confederação Operária Brasileira, or COB) in 1908, as the result of a successful Workers' Congress.  Anarchism or anarcho-syndicalism was the dominant ideology underpinning the Brazilian labour movement at the beginning of the twentieth century. Syndicates and labour federations were erected, mainly pressing for shorter workdays, better working conditions and higher salaries. Various strikes, i.e. in the harbour of Santos and among railway workers, were inspired by anarchist sympathies. In 1906 the first nationwide Brazilian workers' congress was held, and from then on the May Day celebrations, with prominent anarchists delivering speeches, started to attract large crowds. The second national workers' congress in 1913 was initially meant to be a Pan-American anarchist congress, but only two Argentinians showed up. The labour agitation eventually culminated in the large strike movements of 1917 and 1919, biggest in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, but echoed throughout the country.  Alongside the labour federations, anarchist daily and weekly newspapers were also issued; additionally, educational centres, theatres and elementary schools were founded. In the nineteenth century some of those newspapers were in Italian and a few were in Spanish and German, but at the turn of the century most were in Portuguese. "A Plebe" was an important one, but there were many more, issued in virtually any state capital of Brazil.  The educational centres, schools and theatres founded by anarchists helped to draw attention to the issue of illiteracy in Brazil. This was a point taken up by various other groups in society, such as social Christian movements, inspired by Catholic social teachings, and various politicians aiming for containment of the social question or for popular support.

Repression, fragmentation and decline.

Anarchists, anarcho-syndicalists and socialists of various kinds were generally much less fragmented in Brazil than in, for example, Italy. However, the many pamphlets and essays in anarchist newspapers show that there were fierce debates about ideology and strategy between adherents of different schools. The (mostly moderate) socialists rejected strongly the position of the emerging'socialist Christians' on strikes and labour unions, around 1900. Ongoing debate, especially on the necessity and danger of (central) organisation, between anarchists, libertarians and syndicalists filled the labour-based newspapers.  In 1922, some militants who had been active in anarchist circles founded the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), influenced by the success of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and by the feeling of failure, in appeal and unity, of the syndicalist workers' federations. Among them, Astrojildo Pereira, Octovia Brandão, Bernardo Canelas, Jose Elias da Silva. Others, like José Oiticica and Edgard Leuenroth, stayed loyal to anarchist principles. The party was not recognised as communist by the Comintern, however, being accused of being a doctrinal mess, still retaining much anarcho-syndicalist influence.  Repression of the anarchist movement, and of the labour movement in general, was very harsh. The violent police repression of strikes caused many casualties. Also, newspaper and union offices and even children’s schools were burned down. Furthermore, anarchist agitators were regularly arrested, and, if not Brazilian-born, exiled. Under the government of Artur Bernardes even concentration camps and torture centres existed, of which the most infamous was Clevelândia, in Oiapoque, at the border with French Guiana.  While some argue that the anarchist movement had already lost out against the communists by the 1920s, others, like Edgar Rodrigues, maintain that the anarchist movement actually kept growing during most of the 1920s, until the repression by Bernardes. In any case, the military populist movement, known as "tenentismo" eventually won out. The repression by the Vargas regime, along with the introduction of the Mussolini-inspired state-led union structure in the 1930s, proved the death-knell of the Brazilian anarchist movement.  Some traces of anarchism remained, notably the Anarchist Study Centre in Rio de Janeiro led by prof. José Oiticica, which had to go underground after the 1964 military coup. In the 1970s a small anarchist newspaper existed in Bahia, called "The Enemy of the King" (Portuguese: "O inimigo do rei)", but the movement would never regain the strength it had at the beginning of the twentieth century.  In the 1990s, especifismo influenced anarchism spread to Brazil under the influence of the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (, or FAU) and saw the creation of regional groups such as the Gaúcha Anarchist Federation (, or FAG). In 2002 especifismo influenced groups based in nine states would found the Forum of Organized Anarchism (Fórum do Anarquismo Organizado, or FAO) which in 2012 would become the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira, or CAB).

Further reading.

On Colonia Cecilia, see the article by Isabelle Felici, in: "Cadernos AEL" (Campinas 1998). There exists also a novel by that name by an anarchist author named Smith.  On anarchist newspapers:  Most anarchist newspaper issues can be found in the Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth in Campinas, but there are also examplars in other Brazilian archives, in Milan and in the IISH in Amsterdam.  There are collections of articles published in secondary literature on the Brazilian labour movement: notably:

Anarchism was an influential contributor to the social politics of Brazil's Old Republic. During the epoch of mass migrations of European labourers at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, anarchist ideas started to spread, particularly amongst the country’s labour movement. Along with the labour migrants, many Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and German political exiles arrived, many holding anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist ideas.


Background.

In March 1884, following their victory at Sơn Tây in December 1883, the French renewed their offensive in Tonkin under the command of General Charles-Théodore Millot, who took over responsibility for the land campaign from Admiral Amédée Courbet in February 1884. Reinforcements from France and the African colonies had now raised the strength of the Tonkin Expeditionary Corps to over 10,000 men, and Millot organised this force into two brigades. The 1st Brigade was commanded by General Louis Brière de l'Isle, who had earlier made his reputation as governor of Senegal, and the 2nd Brigade was commanded by the charismatic young Foreign Legion general François de Négrier, who had recently quelled a serious Arab rebellion in Algeria.  The French target was Bắc Ninh, garrisoned by a strong force of regular Chinese troops of the Guangxi Army. The commander-in-chief of the Chinese forces at Bắc Ninh was Xu Yanxu (徐延旭), governor of Guangxi. Elderly and in poor health, Xu remained at Lạng Sơn and delegated the operational command of the Chinese army to his subordinates, Huang Guilan (黃桂蘭) and Zhaowo (趙沃). Huang and Zhao, veterans of the Anhui and Hunan armies respectively, were disinclined to cooperate. The Chinese had about 20,000 troops around Bắc Ninh. Half of the Chinese army was deployed astride the Mandarin Road southwest of Bắc Ninh. The other half was deployed east of Bắc Ninh on the Trung Sơn and Đáp Cầu heights, protecting the southern approaches to Bắc Ninh and covering the vital river crossings to Thái Nguyên and Lạng Sơn at Phú Cẩm and Đáp Cầu.

French order of battle.

The French expeditionary column that marched on Bắc Ninh was the largest French military concentration of the Tonkin campaign. After making troop deductions for garrison duty, Millot was able to give each of his brigade commanders two marching regiments ("régiments de marche"), each containing the equivalent of three infantry battalions. Professional protocol prevented him from mixing the battalions of the marine infantry, the "armée d'Afrique" and the metropolitan army ("armée de terre"), and he was obliged to create one regiment of marine infantry, two 'Algerian' regiments of troops from the "armée d'Afrique", and one French regiment. One of the 'Algerian' regiments contained the three Turco battalions then in Tonkin, the other the white formations of the Foreign Legion and African Light Infantry. These four marching regiments were commanded respectively by Lieutenant-Colonels Bertaux-Levillain, Belin, Duchesne and Defoy. Each brigade also contained a battalion of armed sailors ("fusiliers-marins"), commanded respectively by "capitaines de frégate" Laguerre and de Beaumont.

The campaign.

The campaign was a walkover for the French. Morale in the Chinese army was low, and Liu Yongfu was careful to keep his experienced Black Flags out of danger. The French assaulted Bắc Ninh on 12 March from the southeast, with complete success. In the first week of March, Millot concentrated Brière de l'Isle's 1st Brigade at Hanoi and de Négrier's 2nd Brigade at Hải Dương. The two brigades would both make independent approach marches to Bắc Ninh, and would meet up only on the battlefield. Millot was hoping not only to capture Bắc Ninh but also to annihilate the Guangxi Army. His plan was to bypass the Chinese defences along the Mandarin Road and assault the Chinese left wing southeast of Bắc Ninh. A crucial element in this plan was the seizure of the river crossings to the north of Bắc Ninh at Đáp Cầu and Phú Cẩm by a flotilla of gunboats under the command of "capitaine de vaisseau" de Beaumont, to cut the Guangxi Army's line of retreat to Lạng Sơn and Thái Nguyên.  On 6 March, the 1st Brigade assembled north of Hanoi on the western bank of the Red River, and, on the next day (7 March), its 5,000 combatants and 4,500 Vietnamese porters were ferried across the Red River. Marching along the southern bank of the 80-metre-wide Canal des Rapides, where the Chinese could not attack it, the brigade outflanked the Chinese defences along the Mandarin Road. On 9 March it reached the village of Xam. On the same day it was joined by the gunboats "Éclair" and "Trombe", which had sailed up from Hải Dương with the materials needed to construct a bridge of boats across the canal. On 10 March the brigade bridged the Canal des Rapides and on 11 March crossed to its northern bank, bivouacking 20 kilometres to the southeast of Bắc Ninh in the village of Chi.  While the 1st Brigade was outflanking the Chinese defences to the southwest of Bắc Ninh, de Négrier's 2nd Brigade advanced from Hải Dương to Sept Pagodes, at the junction of the Thái Bình and Sông Cầu rivers. On 8 March the brigade advanced along the southern bank of the Sông Cầu, attacking the Chinese advanced positions at Ne Ou and Do Son. Part of the brigade pinned the Chinese frontally, while a strong force was put ashore by the gunboats behind the Chinese positions at Phủ Lạng. Seeing their line of retreat threatened, the Chinese abandoned the Ne Ou and Do Son forts and fell back to Bắc Ninh. The 2nd Brigade occupied the Chinese forts and extended its line to the southwest to join hands with the 1st Brigade at Chi.

The battle for Bắc Ninh.

The united French column attacked the Guangxi Army's positions to the southeast of Bắc Ninh on 12 March. On the left, Godon's Turcos and Coronnat's marine infantry of Brière de l'Isle's 1st Brigade drove the Chinese from the Trung Sơn heights. On the right, the legionnaires and line infantry of de Négrier's 2nd Brigade captured the Chinese positions around the Christian village of Keroi, also known as Xuan Hoa. The Chinese at Trung Sơn made little attempt to stand up to the French, abandoning their positions before Brière de l'Isle's troops could reach them. The Chinese facing the 2nd Brigade put up a stiffer fight, forcing the French to storm Keroi with the bayonet. De Négrier attacked Keroi with the 143rd Line Battalion and the 2nd Legion Battalion. The French troops had been ordered not to fire until they approached within 250 metres of the enemy positions, and the two attacking battalions waded through the waist-high water of the paddy fields in front of the village under Chinese fire until they reached the prescribed distance. They then delivered several disciplined volleys which beat down the enemy fire. Colonel Jacques Duchesne, the future conqueror of Madagascar, then led them in a charge against the Chinese positions. The French broke into the village after a short hand-to-hand struggle, and the Chinese fell back in disorder.  While de Négrier's infantry were engaged around Keroi, de Beaumont's gunboats forced the Lạng Bưởi barrage on the Sông Cầu River and sailed upriver towards Đáp Cầu and Phú Cẩm. Just before 16:00 the infantry of the 2nd Brigade and the "fusiliers-marins" of the flotilla arrived almost simultaneously at Đáp Cầu, just east of Bắc Ninh. De Négrier ordered the 2nd Legion Battalion and the 23rd Line Battalion to storm an important Chinese fort on the Đáp Cầu heights, but de Beaumont's "fusiliers-marins" arrived first and captured the fort. The appearance of the French on the Đáp Cầu heights demoralised the Guangxi Army's left wing. Its line of retreat to Lạng Sơn was threatened, its positions at Keroi, Lạng Bưởi, and Đáp Cầu had been taken with ease, and it was under accurate artillery fire. The only concern now for most of the Chinese troops facing the 2nd Brigade was to escape along the road to Lạng Sơn before the French cut it off. Chinese resistance on this part of the battlefield collapsed completely. Meanwhile, the disorderly retreat of the Guangxi Army's left wing placed the army's right wing to the south of Bắc Ninh, already demoralised by the drubbing it had received from Brière de l'Isle, in extreme jeopardy. The generals commanding the right wing saw the Chinese front break on their left and realised that they would be surrounded if they stayed any longer in their present positions. They immediately decamped and headed for Bắc Ninh and the road north to safety. At 17:00 a remarkable sight greeted the French troops on the Đáp Cầu heights. The Chinese flag was still flying from an octagonal tower inside the citadel of Bắc Ninh, but between the city and the Đáp Cầu and Trung Sơn heights, the Bắc Ninh plain was filled with fleeing Chinese milling in panic towards Bắc Ninh, desperate to escape before their line of retreat was cut off completely.  De Négrier's troops took Bắc Ninh in the early evening, capturing large quantities of ammunition and a number of brand new Krupp cannon that hadn't fired a shot during the battle. Without waiting for Millot to come up from Trung Sơn with Brière de l'Isle's 1st Brigade, de Négrier entered Bắc Ninh and secured the town. However, Millot's hopes for a complete encirclement of the Chinese army were not realised. A Chinese rearguard at Đáp Cầu fought de Négrier's infantry just long enough to allow the bulk of the Chinese army to stream northwards through Bắc Ninh and escape to the northern bank of the Sông Cầu river. Meanwhile, although de Beaumont's flotilla had forced the Làng Bưởi barrage and ascended the Sông Cầu as far as Đáp Cầu, other Chinese barrages slowed its progress upriver to Phú Cẩm. As a result, the French were unable to cut the routes to Thái Nguyên and Lạng Sơn and prevent the escape of the Chinese army.

The pursuit.

Nevertheless, Millot had won a remarkable victory, and the Tonkin expeditionary corps pursued the Chinese vigorously. Brière de l'Isle advanced as far as Thái Nguyên, where he defeated a mixed force of Chinese, Vietnamese and Black Flags on 19 March. On 15 March de Négrier defeated Huang Guilan's rearguard at Phủ Lạng Thương and chased his wing of the Guangxi Army up to Kép. In accordance with Millot's orders, both brigade commanders returned to Bắc Ninh shortly afterwards, de Négrier on 20 March and Brière de l'Isle on 24 March.  As far as the soldiers of the Tonkin Expeditionary Corps were concerned, de Négrier was the hero of the Bắc Ninh campaign. They were amused that he had entered Bắc Ninh on the evening of 12 March without waiting for General Millot's permission to do so. After the Bắc Ninh campaign the soldiers devised sardonic Vietnamese nicknames for Millot and his two brigade commanders. De Négrier, admired for his driving energy, became "Maolen" ("Quick!"). Brière de l'Isle, whose troops had been beaten to the punch at Bắc Ninh by de Négrier, was "Mann Mann" ("Slow!"). Millot, who had halted de Négrier's pursuit of the beaten Chinese army at Kép and, in the eyes of the soldiers, prevented him from going all the way to Lạng Sơn, became "Toi Toi" ('Stop!').

Casualties.

French casualties in the Bắc Ninh campaign were 9 dead and 39 wounded. Chinese casualties may have amounted to around 100 dead and 400 wounded.

Significance.

The defeat of the Guangxi Army at Bắc Ninh was a considerable embarrassment to the Empress Dowager Cixi and a severe shock to the war party in China. Three months earlier, at Sơn Tây, Liu Yongfu's Black Flag Army had fought bitterly and inflicted heavy casualties on the French. At Bắc Ninh, most of the Chinese troops had fled. The empress dowager, furious at the miserable performance of her generals, punished several senior Chinese officials. Xu Yanxu and Tang Qiong (唐炯), the governors of Guangxi and Yunnan, were dismissed from their posts, Xu for losing the battle at Bắc Ninh, and Tang for not coming to his aid with the Yunnan Army, then occupying Hưng Hóa. The field commanders Huang Guilan and Zhao Wo were also disgraced. Huang, anticipating his disgrace, committed suicide at Lạng Sơn on 14 March. Two more junior commanders, Chen Degui (陳得貴) and Dang Minxuan (黨敏宣), were beheaded in front of their troops at Lạng Sơn on 26 May.  The defeat at Bắc Ninh, coming close on the heels of the fall of Sơn Tây, strengthened the hand of the moderate element in the Chinese government and temporarily discredited the extremist 'Purist' party led by Zhang Zhidong, which was agitating for a full-scale war against France. Further French successes in the spring of 1884, including the capture of Hưng Hóa and Thái Nguyên, convinced the empress dowager that China should come to terms, and an accord was reached between France and China in May. The negotiations took place in Tientsin. Li Hongzhang, the leader of the Chinese moderates, represented China; and Captain François-Ernest Fournier, commander of the French warship "Volta", represented France. The Tientsin Accord, concluded on 11 May 1884, provided for a Chinese troop withdrawal from Tonkin in return for a comprehensive treaty that would settle details of trade and commerce between France and China and provide for the demarcation of its disputed border with Vietnam.

The Bắc Ninh Campaign (6–24 March 1884) was one of a series of clashes between French and Chinese forces in northern Vietnam during the Tonkin campaign (1883–86). The campaign, fought during the period of undeclared hostilities that preceded the Sino-French War (August 1884 – April 1885), resulted in the French capture of Bắc Ninh and the complete defeat of China's Guangxi Army.


History.

There are mentions of blocks or "dice" with alphabets inscribed on them used as entertaining educational tools in the works of English writer and inventor Hugh Plat (his 1594 book The "Jewel House of Art and Nature") and English philosopher John Locke (his 1693 essay "Thoughts Concerning Education"). Plat described them as "the child using to play much with them, and being always told what letter chanceth, will soon gain his Alphabet" and Locke noted "Thus Children may be cozen’d into a Knowledge of the Letters; be taught to read, without perceiving it to be anything but a Sport".  University of Pennsylvania professor of Urbanism Witold Rybczynski has found that the earliest mention of building bricks for children appears in Maria and R.L. Edgeworth's "Practical Education" (1798). Called "rational toys", blocks were intended to teach children about gravity and physics, as well as spatial relationships that allow them to see how many different parts become a whole. In 1837 Friedrich Fröbel invented a preschool educational institution Kindergarten. For that, he designed ten Froebel Gifts based on building blocks principles. During the mid-nineteenth century, Henry Cole (under the pseudonym of Felix Summerly) wrote a series of children’s books. Cole's "A book of stories from The Home Treasury" included a box of terracotta toy blocks and, in the accompanying pamphlet "Architectural Pastime", actual blueprints.  In 2003 the National Toy Hall of Fame at The Strong museum in Rochester, New York inducted ABC blocks into their collection, granting it the title of one of America's toys of national significance.

Toy blocks (also building bricks, building blocks, or simply blocks) are wooden, plastic, or foam pieces of various shapes (cube, cylinder, arch etc.) and colors that are used as construction toys. Sometimes toy blocks depict letters of the alphabet.


Electoral system.

Voters can either choose a party list or choose candidates from various lists ("panachage") for the 24 seats. The 16 candidates with the most votes are elected (with the older candidate breaking possible ties in votes). The eight other seats are chosen from lists in accordance with the proportional representation system for parties that have at least five percent of votes.

Parties.

The election was contested by two alliances, Horizon Monaco and Union Monégasque, as well as Renaissance, a party whose candidates were all employees of SBM. Horizon Monaco was an alliance of Rassemblement et Enjeux, the Union for the Principality and Synergie Monegasque, whilst Union Monégasque consisted of the Union de Monégasques and the National Union for the Future of Monaco. A total of 72 candidates contested the election.

Campaign.

An unnamed official of the administration team said: "We have had three lists before, as in 2008, but they were never full. We must therefore revise certain aspects, such as the voting cards, where the 72 names must be listed." Renaissance said that it seeks achievable goals instead of new policies. The party said that is sought representation in parliament "to defend the interests of the SBM workers in Monaco." Horizon Monaco's leader Laurent Nouvion told "Monaco Matin": "I am very calm. I am more determined than ever to secure the future of Monaco and its compatriots. I believe that our campaign has been clean and honest. We tried as hard as possible to connect to the Monegasque people and to respond to their concerns. This is the heart of our commitment. For me and my fellow candidates, this campaign has brought us even closer together and given us the sense of being a real team, just like a sports team...Adversity has strengethened our relationship." Union Monégasque's leader Jean-François Robillon said: "We have worked hard at this long campaign. We are here to make plans for the future, not to abuse our adversaries, frighten the population and create an atmosphere of hatred... This has been our goal throughout the campaign: we have sought to promote our programme while avoiding aggressive confrontation."

Conduct.

The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe was invited by Monaco's ambassador to OSCE and sent a team of four observers from four countries led by Poland's Konrad Olszewski. They arrived on 30 January and will depart on 13 February.  Buses and car parks were free of charge in order to encourage voter turnout.

Results.

An 18-metre screen broadcast the result at the only voting centre at Salle du Canto from 08:00 to 19:00, with the result expected between 4:00-4:30 the following day.

General elections were held in Monaco on 10 February 2013. The result was a victory for the Horizon Monaco alliance, which won 20 of the 24 seats in the National Council.


History.

"Law enforcement" professionals began using hardware to record telephone calls in the 1890s. This required physical access to the lines over which calls were carried.  PBX based call-recording hardware is sold by PBX vendors and third parties. This hardware is attached to the PBX. It can be configured to record all calls or some calls, either randomly or on demand. "Businesses", particularly call centers, use call recording for training, quality management, and legal compliance.  "Consumer" call-recording hardware was introduced in the 1970s, along with the first consumer-grade answering machines. These devices were connected to the same physical line as one of the telephones involved in the conversation. While the more sophisticated devices were automatically activated when a call was made, most were manual.  Modern Call recorders are usually Windows Server 2003 / 2008 based servers utilizing specific Dialogic (Intel) cards that are designed for TDM T1 and ISDN-PRI trunks for trunk side recording, and analog and digital station side cards for recording from stations. Often client software is required by the user computer for both screen recording and to trigger voice recording. You can Also record SIP trunks using port spans installed on specially configured network ports that do not have IP addresses and are used as sniffers for SIP traffic, and can be configured to record all or only specific calls. Most use informix and SQL databases and may use Integration Servers and IP Analyzers as well, sometimes clustered on one machine.  Modern recorders include Digital Loggers, Verint, Witness, NICE, Call Copy, VersaDial, SIP Print, OrecX and many others. Securelogix voice firewalls can function as recorders too

Uses.

Law enforcement.

Law enforcement use of call recording hardware is concentrated in two areas: 1. Homeland Security Homeland security recording involves interception of domestic and international calls. The US government records calls in several agencies as legally permitted. Hardware used in this application generally consists of large banks of servers and disk arrays. 2. E-911 call centers and Public Service Access Points (PSAPs) With the advent of E-911 and P.25 projects, PSAPs are upgrading their recording hardware. Newer systems include hardware interfaces to improve inter-operability and compatibility with radio systems outside the PSAP (i.e. military radios). Newer law-enforcement recording systems include hardware interfaces to these radios.

Types.

Cassette tape.

Cassette tape recorders, like answering machines, are installed between the telephone wall socket and the telephone itself. Telephone calls flow through the recorder. If the recorder is "on", the call is recorded. Recordings are made to magnetic tape and can be replayed on other compatible devices.

Digital.

Digital recorders have largely replaced tape recorders. They work exactly the same way, but, instead of recording onto a magnetic tape, they record onto digital media. Digital recorders are capable of recording call metadata such as, call time, call length, and caller ID.  Advanced features include:

PC.

The need to transfer call files from a recorder to a PC for review and analysis is completely eliminated if a PC is used instead of specialized hardware. This is possible if a PC is equipped with a sound board through which calls can be run. Calls can be terminated on a standard telephone or the PC itself. Calls and call metadata are store on the PC's hard drive.  PC-based call-recording usually includes software to retrieve and review recorded calls.

Recent developments.

Call-recording services now make it possible for consumers and businesses to record their telephone calls without any hardware. These services are available on demand. They centralize recordings, usually making them available through a web portal, facilitating retrieval and review.

Call recording hardware, or a telephone recorder, is hardware that can be used to record telephone conversations. Call recording hardware is most often used by law enforcement, lawyers, journalist, and call centers to record phone transaction with customers.


Plot.

Andy is an extremely compulsive Mahjong player. Thrown out of the house by his mother and ignored by his more academically gifted and successful younger brother, Louis, he had a hard time running away from debt collectors. One day he met a woman named Gigi after a run-in with some of the debt collectors' men. Gigi started out as a thief, but because she fell for him and gave him immense luck, Andy gained great success with his extreme good luck in mahjong games and became very rich.  However, he refused to marry Gigi because she, though a nice woman when with him, was a sore loser who threw temper tantrums when on the verge of losing mahjong games. She could not understand that he couldn't stand the way she behaved. As Andy said, her behaviour could be revealed by just playing a game of mahjong where when she lost: She would throw the tables. He promised her that he would marry her if she could play a game of mahjong without such a bad temper. She couldn't and so he couldn't marry her though he loved her.  In the meantime, Andy found his mother who was now suffering from Alzheimer's disease. His brother faced bankruptcy and moved in with Andy, who lived in a bungalow. Not wanting to lose out in finding a job, Louis who had excellent luck in mahjong but zero skill, was conned out of all his money and even his clothes by a skilled, devious mahjong player, Sean (portrayed by Lau Ching-wan). A kind-hearted simpleton, a woman on the con team, (Cherrie) fell for him and decided to mend her ways.  Gigi, who was very disappointed with Andy's refusal to marry her, went with the bad crowd, in the form of the mahjong con men led by Sean. Andy who was cursed by Gigi lost his winning streak and instead found a living as a taxi driver; he moved into public housing. Being ever optimistic, he did not complain. However, not wanting Gigi to fall into the con men's trap, he played a game of mahjong with Sean and lost terribly. Gigi was touched by his actions and went back to him, promising she will return a better woman. Before she left, she gave Andy a blessing and, from there on, Andy's winning streak came back.  Louis, who had created a mahjong computer game with his new girlfriend (Cherrie), received word that there would be a mahjong tournament sponsored by his game. The ever optimistic Andy decided to join the contest which saw him competing against Sean. Before the tournament began, he discovered that Gigi had returned to her old job as a flight attendant and gave him good fortune items from around the world. During the tournament, Andy was able to secure a seat in the final match which included Sean, Sean's father, and a henchman. Andy easily won the match but was confronted by Sean to have a rematch. Andy agreed and the two squared off. Before the match could end, Andy gave the prize to Sean. Sean, surprised, looked at Andy's hand, which was a major breakthrough set. Sean realized all his mistakes and decided to learn from Andy. Andy regained all his money and started a mahjong school by the sea. He eventually married Gigi.

Fat Choi Spirit () is a 2002 Hong Kong comedy film produced and directed by Johnnie To and Wai Ka-fai, and starring Andy Lau, Lau Ching-wan, Louis Koo, Gigi Leung and Cherrie In.


Description.

Both the Zhongguo (stable) and Griqua asteroids (marginally stable) are also described as the "long-lived" group with lifetimes over 70 million years in order to distinct them from the "short-lived" population. The division between the Griquas and Zhongguo into clearly distinct groups in terms of lifetime has also been questioned and follow-up studies have moved the threshold lifetime between the two long-lived groups from 500 million to 1 billion years.

Griqua asteroids.

The Griqua asteroids (also known as the "Griquas") are a dynamical group of asteroids with marginally unstable orbits. The group derives its name from the asteroid 1362 Griqua. The Griquas are located in the Hecuba gap – one of the largest Kirkwood gaps in the asteroid belt at 3.27 AU – and stay in a 2:1 mean motion resonance with the gas giant Jupiter, which gradually perturbes their orbits over a long period until they either intersect with the orbit of Mars or Jupiter itself. The group has an estimated lifetime of 100 to (at least) 500 million years. Known members of the Griqua group include "(articles in boldface)":

Zhongguo asteroids.

While the Griquas are asteroids in a marginally unstable orbit, the Zhongguo asteroids (or "Zhongguos"; named after 3789 Zhongguo) are in a rather stable 1:2 resonance with Jupiter. The group of 26 identified members, with a lifetime of more than 530 million (or even 1 billion) years, can be further divided into two clusters in the pseudo-proper element space:

Strongly unstable group.

Related but distinct from the "long-lived" Griquas and Zhongguos, is the group of "unstable" Hecuba-gap asteroids:  In 2005, further research expanded this group of 16 bodies with an additional 31 multi-opposition asteroids, that show life-times of less than 70 million years. It is also thought that approximately 25% of the short-lived population are "extremely unstable" with lifetimes of less than 2 million years.  Among the unstable population, some asteroids have such a high eccentricity with a perihelion of less than 1.3 AU, that qualifies them as a near-Earth object. These five bodies (with their current eccentricity taken from the JPL SBDB in parenthesis) are 5370 Taranis (0.64), (0.65), (0.70), (0.66), (0.72).

A Hecuba-gap asteroid is a member of a dynamical group of resonant asteroids located in the Hecuba gap at 3.27 AU – one of the largest Kirkwood gaps in the asteroid belt, which is considered the borderline separating the outer main belt asteroids from the Cybeles. A Hecuba-gap asteroid stays in a 2:1 mean motion resonance with the gas giant Jupiter, which may gradually perturbe its orbits over a long period until it either intersect with the orbit of Mars or Jupiter itself. Depending on the dynamical stability of an asteroid's orbit in the Hecuba gap, three subgroups have been proposed. These are the marginally unstable Griqua asteroids, with an estimated lifetime of more than 100 million years, the stable Zhongguo asteroids (more than 500 million or even 1 billion years), and an unnamed, strongly unstable population of asteroids with a dynamical lifetime of less than 70 million years.


Information.

Early Malays literature was mainly influenced by Indian epics, such as the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, which later included other traditions that now form the Malay literary heritage prose which were delivered through generations by oral, such as the Hikayat Mara Karma, Hikayat Panca Tanderan and Hikayat Gul Bakawali. Much of the stories were recompiled and republished into books, driven by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, the national language society. Malay romantic tales were also sourced from the Panji cycle of Hindu Java. There were also several forms of Malay poetry, which are either in the form of pantun (poems that rhymed with each other and are didactic in its every sense), syair (a long narrative poem, that is made up of four stanzas and recited with a tone akin to singing), gurindam and seloka and are still remain popular until today.  For the Orang Asli, literature was and still is constituted by accounts of actual events. Different ethnic groups have different versions of the same story, although there are several recurring themes and elements in every tale.  The cultural practices of the indigenous people in Sarawak are shaped in part by oral traditions. Themes like the relationship of the people to their past, particularly their ancestry, and the spirit world, including its influence on the production of food and health are the primary themes of the oral literature of various ethnic groups in Sarawak. The recitation of oral literature is often accompanied by rituals.  The oral traditions of Sabah encompass folk tales and legends, such as creation myths, that have been preserved by the ethnic groups in the state. This oral literature is recited during ceremonies conducted by priestesses, who serve as ritual specialists, faith healers and spirit mediums.  By the 19th century, oral literature on the Malay peninsula was superseded by written literature. This was attributed largely in part to the introduction of Islam to the Peninsula by the 15th century and the adoption of the Jawi script as well as their surging fervor of nationalism that had seeped through the intellectuals, educated in Turkey or in Al-Azhar University, in Egypt. This tradition was influenced both by earlier oral traditions and Islamic literature from the Middle East. Works during this time ranged from theological literature that discusses religion as the crucial solution towards social problems as well as colonialism (Melati Kota Bharu by Abdul Kadir Adabi) and legal digests, to romances (Nasib Hasnah by Abdullah Sidek; discusses of the principles of romance and long-lasting relationship within the husband and the wife, moral anecdotes (commonly seen in short stories throughout 1920s and the 1930s), popular tales of Islamic prophets and even animal tales, which were written in a number of styles ranging from religious to the "Hikayat" form.  The literary traditions of the Malay sultanates were distinct in that scribes were hired to record the significant events of the time. One important work of this period was "Sejarah Melayu" (The Malay Annals), which was written during the era of the Malacca Sultanate, rewritten in 1536 and revised in 1612.  A surge of new, modern writers gave the birth of what considered as a novelty then, in the form of novel and short story. The colonialism and the increasing numbers of intellectuals mainly educated in MPSI (Maktab Perguruan Sultan Idris) or MCKK (Malay College Kuala Kangsar) had such profound impact throughout the development of the two forms. First developed by Abdullah Munshi in his Hikayat Pelayaran, it is developed more by the end of the 1920s and throughout the 1930s. Much of the works were didactic in every sense, implementing elements of religion and theology, and a critique of the social problems that surfaced and deemed to halt such progresses of economic prosperity as well as independence. In every sense, their novels often melancholic and portrayed the Malay proletariat class in an idealistic manner, much driven with realism as well as romanticism. Writers during this period were Abdul Rahim Kajai, Harun Aminurrashid and to a lesser extent, Abdullah Sidek.  During the Japanese Occupation, literature were mainly driven with such fervor of the Emperor of Japan and were published in magazines (Fajar Asia as such). Most of the works centered about the strength of the Japanese Army and their successes, and Japanese-induced nationalistic fervor. Not much of the novel, short story nor poetry were written during this period, only a few remained from the 1930s such as Ishak Haji Muhammad and Abdul Rahim Kajai.

Poetry.

Traditional Malay poetry was used for entertainment and the recording of history and laws. There are three forms of traditional Malay poetry: the "mantera", the "pantun" and the "syair". Modern Malay poetry consists of the "sajak".

Malaysian literature is the collection of literary works produced in the Malay peninsula until 1963 and in Malaysia thereafter. Malaysian literature is typically written in any of the country's four main languages: Malay, English, Chinese and Tamil. It portrays various aspects of Malaysian life and comprises an important part of the culture of Malaysia.


Antecedents (1932–1943).

During a hundred years of its history Carlism was headed by six successive claimants with clear heritage rights; however, in the early 1930s it was evident that the dynasty would soon extinguish. The pretender, Don Alfonso Carlos, was 82 when assuming the claim in 1931 and had no issue. For the first time ever the Carlists were neither clear who would be their next king nor how the issue was to be tackled. Don Alfonso Carlos seemed leaning towards a compromise with the Alfonsists, engineered though not sealed by his predecessor, Don Jaime. Such a perspective triggered protests; the dissenting Carlists claimed that a compromise with the liberal Borbón branch would be an insult to generations of their forefathers, who fought and died to topple the hated dynasty.  A Madrid Jaimista weekly "" was since late 1931 among the most outspoken opponents of dynastical compromise. It advocated appointing an heir during Don Alfonso Carlos’ lifetime; initially the focus was on Renato de Borbón-Parma. Headed by an ex-combatant of the Third Carlist War Juan Pérez Nájera, in February 1932 the group presented their cause in a letter to the claimant, who received them at a meeting in Toulouse but refused to bow to any pressure. The Cruzadistas, as they were already known, changed their strategy; though initially they seemed to rely on their king for nominating his heir, they began to call for a grand Carlist assembly, which would settle the issue. They did not propone any specific candidate openly and in a pamphlet by a mid-age military lawyer Jesús Cora y Lira they merely laid out the basics of their reading of the succession law; however, they were already in touch with the oldest daughter of the charismatic Carlist king Carlos VII, Doña Blanca, setting their sights on her youngest son, Barcelona-resident Carlos Pio, referred to as Don Carlos. In 1933 the Cruzadistas suffered two major setbacks. Carlos Pio, following brief incarceration related to the Sanjurjo coup, moved from Spain to Vienna. Don Alfonso Carlos, tired of constant pressure, expulsed the Cruzadistas group and in 1934 convinced his grandnephew to acknowledge having no succession rights. Nevertheless, the expulsed were now free to act; having formed a group with a challenging name, in early 1935 they staged a meeting in Zaragoza. It was styled as a Magna Asamblea advocated earlier; though in private many Carlists might have sympathized with their goals, formally the gathering represented a minor offshoot grouping. It adopted a declaration that Doña Blanca was in position to transmit legitimate hereditary rights to her sons. She publicly distanced herself from the enterprise, but her position changed when in January 1936 Don Alfonso Carlos eventually decided to sort the succession issue by appointing a distant relative, Javier de Borbón-Parma, a future regent. In May 1936 Doña Blanca issued a non-compatible statement declaring that after the death of her uncle, she would accept her hereditary rights to transmit them to her youngest son.  When the Civil War broke out Cruzadistas were re-admitted to. Nevertheless, some Carlist requetés—nominally loyal to Don Alfonso Carlos and after his death in September 1936 to the regent Don Javier - referred to Carlos Pio as to the future king Carlos VIII and used his name as their battle cry. Don Carlos sought permission of his granduncle to enlist to Carlist troops, but was explicitly banned from doing so; later approaches directly to Franco produced only polite refusal. After 1937 Carlos Pio and the Cruzadistas alike refrained from political activity, with key issue on Carlist agenda having been defense of own identity against the Francoist pressure to amalgamate within a new state party. After the 1939 Nationalist victory the former Cruzadista supporters raised their voice again, but in 1940 Doña Blanca declared loyalty to the regent and ignored her 1936 commitment. However, instead of dying out the issue got reinvigorated. At that time what looked like a typical dynastical dispute overlapped with political fragmentation of Carlism, triggered mostly by different views on policy towards Francoism. It soon became evident that many Carlists skeptical about intransigent opposition, mounted by Don Javier, started to look to Don Carlos as to a royal alternative.

Background: Spain in 1943.

After 1936 the emerging Francoist state left the monarchist question parked in obscurity; feeble maneuvers on part of the Alfonsists and the Carlists were dismissed on the ground of wartime necessities. In the early 1940s the monarchist pressure started to mount. The Alfonsist claimant Don Juan, who in 1941–1942 courted Hitler about overthrowing Franco and setting up an authoritarian monarchy, changed his strategy. Now converted to constitutionalism, in March 1943 he addressed Franco with a letter, denouncing the regime as provisional and urging swift monarchical restoration; the response read that restoration based on dynastical or political continuity was out of the question. In June Franco received the most direct challenge so far, when 26 Cortes deputies signed a letter recommending that traditional state institutions be re-introduced. In August Don Juan dispatched another, increasingly bold message, countered shortly afterwards by a note from the Carlist leader, who warned that a future monarchy must be a Traditionalist, not a Liberal one. In September 1943 Franco faced a serious threat to his rule: majority of the most senior army generals signed a letter, in polite but ultimative terms demanding restoration of the monarchy. It was only with greatest difficulty that caudillo managed to talk them into compliance.  The international context of Francoism changed dramatically in 1942–1944. In the early 1940s the Allies were chiefly concerned with preventing Spain from joining the Axis; though unhappy about fascistoid nature of the regime, they could have not afforded ruining their relations with Madrid by challenging Franco's internal policy. The war developments of 1942–1943, especially the Anglo-American landing in North-Western Africa, German military disasters at Stalingrad and in Tunisia and the fall of Mussolini made Spain's entry into war a non-issue. In 1943 the official propaganda of the Allies already marketed a hostile vision of Spain; an American newsreel presented it as a fascist country and anti-Francoist tones in BBC broadcasts elicited protest even from a British press attaché in Madrid. However, the mounting Allied pressure was directed at preventing Spanish supplies to Germany rather than at toppling the regime. In late 1943 the Allied demands regarding termination of shipments to the Nazis became ultimative and spelled the threat of total fuel embargo, which indeed early next year would prove its effectiveness by bringing the Spanish economy to its knees in just two months. The public opinion and politicians in Britain and the United States were turning firmly against Franco. In late 1943 the dictator started to consider an Allied invasion a more likely threat than a German one and soon ordered re-grouping of the Spanish army accordingly.  The increasing domestic monarchist fronde and the international pressure combined convinced Franco that a national-syndicalist regime built so far needed major re-dressing. As following the so-called Begoña crisis the chief architect of totalitarian state, Ramón Serrano Suñer, was already sidetracked, in 1943 the dictator embarked on first major redefinition of the system. The Falangist threads were slightly de-emphasized, while more focus on Catholic and traditional values was combined with efforts to distinguish between the Spanish and the Axis regimes. A quasi-parliament was intended to institutionalize the system and provide it with a non-dictatorial image. Last but not least, caudillo began to consider the monarchist solution seriously. In his trademark style balancing different political groupings, Franco decided to keep supporters of both dynastical options in check by pursuing two paths at the same time. The decreasingly cooperative but still tractable Alfonsist pretender Don Juan was invited to live in Spain, the offer which was ultimately turned down. The intransigent Carlist regent Don Javier was ignored first when trapped in Vichy France and later when arrested by Gestapo and detained in Dachau, but Carlos Pio was welcome in Spain.

Carloctavista claim and its reception.

The Carloctavista claim relied upon the theory developed earlier by the Cruzadistas. The Carlist succession doctrine was based on a French Salic Law, upon its implementation in Spain in the early 18th century modified as. It specified that by default the throne is inherited by males. Later in the 19th century the Carlist doctrine developed into a theory of so-called double legitimacy, namely that a king must by legitimate also by execution, the latter amounting to compliance with Traditionalist principles. Supporters of Carlos VIII advanced a theory, embraced already in 1914 by Vázquez de Mella, that according to the 1713 law an oldest daughter of a legitimate ruler in some circumstances might inherit the succession rights. Since Alfonso Carlos and the second last Carlist king Don Jaime had no children, they focused on Doña Blanca as the oldest daughter of the third last Carlist king, Carlos VII.  The highlight on Doña Blanca shocked many Carlists, convinced that the theory turned Carlism on its head; the movement was triggered by opposition to violation of the 1713 law by Fernando VII, who in 1830 declared his daughter Isabel the future queen. Supporters of Carlos Pio responded that the analogy was false. First, Doña Isabel violated heritage rights of her uncle, while in case of Doña Blanca there was no legitimate male heir. Second, Doña Isabel executed the heritage rights with respect to herself as a queen, while Doña Blanca was merely to transmit them to her son. Another challenge pointed to Don Carlos having been the fifth son of Doña Blanca. The response read that while the oldest brother died with no issue, the other three have excluded themselves from heritage either by concluding morganatic marriages or by non-compliance with double legitimacy theory. The first of these arguments turned against Carlos Pio in 1938, when he concluded a morganatic marriage as well; the issue was then played down until 1949, when abandoned by his wife he requested in Vatican that the marriage be declared invalid. Finally, there were other counter-arguments quoted.  From the Alfonsist perspective all the above was irrelevant debates between supporters of usurper dynasty. The Alfonsists were almost entirely united behind their candidate, Don Juan; only minor controversies related to his older brother, who on basis of his disability renounced all heritage rights in 1933 to backtrack in 1941 and to declare himself head of the House of Bourbon and legitimate heir to the French throne.  Franco's views on monarchy are not entirely clear. He was a loyal subject of Alfonso XIII, who sort of courted his young officer personally. Hence, during the Republic years the Alfonsists were somewhat disappointed by Franco standing clear of monarchist initiatives. His engagement in military plot of 1936 was not motivated by monarchist zeal; like most of the plotters he was bent on confronting proto-revolutionary Left and preventing apparent implosion of the state. During the Civil War he remained highly ambiguous about a would-be restoration, at some stage concluding that sort of it might be necessary as means of sustaining the regime. He cared little about dynastical debates and it seems compliance with his own vision and acceptance of his own leadership were the key criteria of choice. The dictator appreciated Carlism as its anti-democratic outlook to a large extent overlapped his own, but realized also that within the Spanish society it was a minority option and an Alfonsist candidate was more practicable, especially that Alfonsist sympathies prevailed among the top military. Since heads of both branches, Don Juan and Don Javier, refused to be domesticated, caudillo concluded he should proceed on monarchist path as slowly as possible and keeping all options opened. It seems that at that stage Franco considered nothing settled except that a future king is appointed on his own terms.

Ascent (1943–1948).

Since mid-1938 Don Carlos lived o. None of the sources clarifies origins of his move back to Spain in early 1943; in particular it remains obscure whether it was himself or the Francoist authorities who initiated the transfer. Most scholars agree, however, that when in March the family settled in Barcelona, the move must have been at least approved by Franco. Cora y Lira, who after death of Pérez Nájera emerged as the key supporter of Carlos Pio, regularly visited El Pardo; he agreed with caudillo's entourage and with some key Falangists alike that he would soon commence a promotional campaign of the pretender. After Doña Blanca in May reverted to her 1936 pledge and claimed first assuming and then transmitting heritage rights to her youngest son, on June 29, 1943 the latter issued a manifesto, effectively claiming the monarchical succession. The document did not use the name of Carlos VIII and contained no reference to Francoism except a single note on Franco, who fights “peligros como rodean la Patria.”  Supporters of Don Carlos, now named Carloctavistas and again expulsed from the Comunión, started to organize themselves. General Cora y Lira was appointed secretario general of the new claimant, who set up also his Consejo General and embarked on forming Comunión Católico-Monárquica and Juventudes Carlistas, carefully styled not to challenge the ban on all political parties except FET. Enjoying total freedom of movement and accompanied by the police he commenced touring the country. This campaign, exercised in 1944–1946, was aimed at promoting the pretender without seeking massive adhesions; the Octavista political strategy relied upon supporting the regime and ignoring its differences with the Traditionalist doctrine; many of its leaflets featured the "Franco y Carlos VIII" slogan. The official policy was permissive though short of direct endorsement: government and local officials did not attend Carloctavista meetings, however, few Carloctavista supporters landed high admin jobs themselves. The mainstream press were permitted to mention him on the societé rather than political columns. Nevertheless, it remained striking that Don Carlos was the only royal claimant travelling across Spain and openly promoting his cause.  Octavistas were in acute conflict both with mainstream Carlism, loyal to the regency of Don Javier and intransigently opposed to Francoism, and with collaborative branch headed by conde Rodezno and leaning towards dynastic accord with Don Juan. This occasionally led to violent clashes, like in December 1945 in Pamplona. The Carloctavista strength was that many Carlists, tired of semi-clandestine status and envious about open campaign of Don Carlos, were getting increasingly irritated by what they considered inefficient overdue regency. The Carloctavista weakness was that many Carlists saw Carlos Pio as a Francoist puppet, animated with the sole purpose to confuse. As a result, the Carloctavistas, initially referred to as "elites with no supporters", attracted significant backing, though they did not manage to dominate the Javieristas. Some authors claim Carloctavistas might have equaled Javieristas in terms of popularity, enjoying most support in Navarre and in Catalonia. They controlled some of the Carlist periodicals; the highest-positioned though not particularly vehement Octavista supporter was Esteban Bilbao; other nationally known figures included Antonio Iturmendi, Joaquín Bau, Jaime del Burgo and ; many Carloctavistas were politicians known locally.  The climax of Carloctavista bid fell on 1947–1948. Amidst the nadir of international ostracism, Franco decided to make a first formal step towards a monarchy and launched a campaign in favour of "", the document which for the first time officially declared Spain a monarchy. The law left designation of the future king almost entirely in hands of Franco and did not contain a single reference to hereditary claims; it infuriated both Don Juan and Don Javier, who immediately addressed the dictator with protest letters. Don Carlos was from the onset fully supportive of the law and appeared in propaganda campaign related to the 1947 referendum, very cautiously featured in official media like weekly newsreels. At that time some suspected that the law itself might have been written with Carlos VIII in mind.

Descent (1948–1953).

In 1947–48 the international politics turned a corner and though the image of Spain as quasi-enemy from the Second World War lingered, it was getting replaced by perception of quasi-ally in the just commencing Cold War; this rendered monarchist redressing of the regime less urgent. On the other hand, what looked like Franco playing the Carlos VIII card might have worked with regard to Don Juan, who finally agreed to meet the dictator. During their August 1948 encounter it was settled that a 10-year-old son of the claimant, Juan Carlos, would be sent to Spain to continue his education, which indeed took place in November that year. The position of Don Carlos changed dramatically. Though no commitments with regard to Don Juan's son were made and according to the Law of Succession he could be crowned no earlier than in 1968, the regime made a small but visible step towards a would-be Alfonsist restoration. Another blow came in mid-1949, when Christa Satzger abandoned Don Carlos and in Reno obtained an express Nevada-style divorce. This shattered his image of a model Catholic family man and though he requested the marriage be declared void by the Church so that he could remarry, the perspective of a legitimate male descendant became unlikely either in the near future or at all.  The Carloctavistas kept supporting their cause by organizing royal trips, meetings and congresses. In 1948 Juventudes Carlistas published anonymous program booklet; the doctrine was summarized in a long title, "El carlismo no quiere ni una Monarquía absoluta, ni una Monarquía liberal, ni un Estado totalitario, ni un Estado policíaco". The work advanced a fairly Traditionalist vision, founded on monarchical, Catholic, regionalist and organicist threads; it contained no reference to caudillaje system, by no means endorsed Falangist national-syndicalism and when discussing social issues focused on gremialist structures instead. What differed it from orthodox Carlism was that modernizing effort prevailed over focus on tradition; it contained even some democratic references stressing total mobility of the society, unheard of in tradition-entrenched typical Carlist outlook.  The grouping was getting internally divided. 1950 saw emergence of Juntas de Ofensivas de Agitación Carloctavista and Movimiento de Agitación Social Católico Monárquista, two initiatives not agreed with Cora y Lira and apparently confronting his strategy of total commitment to Franco. Two years later they were complemented by Frente Nacional Carlista; it is not clear whether these attempts were discussed with the claimant. In 1950 Francisco Javier Lizarza Inda published "La sucesión legítima a la corona de España", a full-blown lecture of Octavista claim; re-issued in 1951, it won only those convinced already. After a few years of endless petitioning, in 1952 Franco formally received Don Carlos during their only personal meeting; on part of the dictator the move was probably intended to counter Don Javier, who just a month earlier had terminated the Carlist regency and launched his personal claim to the throne. There is no record of their one-hour-conversation, though afterwards Carlos Pio remained ecstatic; feelings were running high also when later that year Franco accepted a Carlos-VIII-created Orden de San Carlos Borromeo.  Any official, semi-official or unofficial endorsement of Don Carlos's claim on part of the regime failed to materialize before in late 1953 he unexpectedly died of cerebral hemorrhage. Though chain-smoker, he was of rather good health, which immediately triggered rumours about a possible assassination attempt; since not a shadow of proof was unearthed, they remained nothing but speculations. Funeral celebrations assumed unexpectedly high-profile; though Franco did not attend, many other top state officials did. Even the popular pro-Alfonsist daily "ABC", which maintained almost perfect blackout on Carlos VIII during the previous ten years, now felt it safe to acknowledge his death; a two-page editorial praised his anti-communism and dwelt on trivia like his affection to motor sports, but did not utter a single word about his royal claim.

Demise (after 1953).

The orphaned Carloctavistas found themselves in total disarray. Most of them, perceiving their cause as hopeless, withdrew to privacy, a few started to near the Javieristas, while almost none joined supporters of Don Juan, by another Carlist branch considered the legitimate heir. Those sticking to the Octavista line focused their attention on different relatives of Don Carlos. Cora y Lira advanced the cause of his older brother, Don Antonio, who seemed leaning towards some sort of political activity. Early 1954 Cora convinced most members of Comunión Católico-Monárquica executive to welcome Don Antonio as Carlos IX, the move which caught him by surprise. Following brief vacillation period, later that year Don Antonio declared that he would not assume any political activity. Most Carloctavista leaders were overwhelmed by this sequence of disasters and sensed that their cause was turning into a grotesque; one of them concluded that "estamos, queridos compañeros, en el más absoluto y completo de los ridículos".  There were some, however, who were determined to go on. Jaime del Burgo suggested that the oldest daughter of Carlos Pio, a 14-year-old Doña Alejandra, is declared "abanderada provisional" so that she could transmit hereditary rights to her future son. Cora y Lira promoted the cause of Don Antonio's 17-year-old son and launched fund-raising campaign to facilitate his settling in Spain, until in 1955 furious might-have-been Carlos IX expulsed Cora for "arbitrario ejercicio del mando". Don Antonio performed a U-turn in 1956: he officially declared himself heir to the Carlist throne and nominated Lizarza Iribarren his delegate in Spain. The confusion was almost total when the same year another brother of late Don Carlos, Don Francisco José, challenged his older sibling and claimed monarchic rights himself, his key supporter turned Cora y Lira.  During the following few years the two brothers—none of them living in Spain—advertised their own claims, e.g. Don Antonio by issuing royal manifestos in the late 1950s and Don Francisco José by fighting nobility-related legal battles before Spanish courts in the early 1960s. In 1961 Don Antonio retired into privacy and Lizarza negotiated formal re-integration of the Antonianos into Comunión; eventually only many local leaders - though not Lizarza himself - in 1962 decided to join the Javieristas and were accepted by Valiente. Don Francisco José in the mid-1960s reduced his activity to few isolated episodes. In 1966 he volunteered to the Spanish embassy in Vienna to declare support for "", just to be subject to a referendum; in 1968 a small group of his supporters showed up at the massive Javierista gathering at Montejurra, staging sort of a semi-suicidal provocation. His cause was supported by few periodicals, mostly "¡Carlistas!" In 1969 "Pueblo", a publication issued by Organización Sindical, published a lengthy interview with Don Francisco José; it was probably part of the last-minute Falangist attempt to block official designation of Don Juan Carlos as the future king.  The Octavistas received what looked like a mortal blow in 1969, with death of the most dedicated supporter of the cause Cora y Lira, even though Don Francisco José passed away in 1975 and Don Antonio in 1987. In the mid 1980s most Carloctavistas, reduced to hardly active minuscule grouplets, merged into a united Traditionalist organization,, which refrained from endorsing any specific claimant or branch. In the Spanish public discourse the Carloctavistas are currently present mostly thanks to a handful of websites, featuring Don Antonio's son as the legitimate king of Spain. Indeed, Don Domingo, residing mostly in New York, decided to raise the claim himself. Though in his 20s he was totally ignorant and indeed indifferent to the Carlist cause, now he styles himself as king and sporadically issues documents like "Proclamación de Don Domingo de Habsburgo-Borbón y Hohenzollern, Rey legitimo de España". The eldest daughter of Carlos Pio lives in Barcelona, and the other in New York; since the early 1960s they maintain no links with Carlism.

Reception and legacy.

Within Carlism the dynastic legitimacy of the Carloctavista claim is still disputed. In general historiography this question remains a minor if not a barely noticed issue. The prevailing theory is that Octavismo owed its political standing to the Francoist policy of checks and balances rather than to the scale of genuine popular support for Carlos VIII. There are, however, vastly different views related to autonomous or non-autonomous character of the movement.  The most bold opinion holds that Carloctavismo was by and large invented by the Francoist regime. This reading is sustained mostly by historians related to Francoism and to Partido Carlista; the latter openly pursue their partisan judgment by naming the Carloctavista supporters "traitors". In some works they acknowledge Cruzadista origins of the movement; in some they present it as almost entirely fabricated by Franco, who pulled his pet claimant out of a hat with the sole purpose to distract the monarchists. The authors from this school claim that for some time the Francoist regime not only tolerated, but in fact promoted and financed Don Carlos, whose adventure was scarcely more than an "appendix to Francoism". At times they specifically identify hard-line syndicalist groups as genuine architects of the plot, quoting claims made by Falangists or ex-Falangists themselves and identifying José Luis Arrese as "el inventor" of Carlos VIII. In few works historians representing such perspective note that neither the invention nor the sustention theory has been proven yet, though that they were widely believed to have been correct at the time.  Many scholars refrain from presenting Carloctavistas as mere puppets of the regime and acknowledge genuine support the group enjoyed. Some of them, both in Spain and abroad, repeat—with reservations or unconditionally—the thesis of financial support lent by the regime, even as late as in the 1960s. Others perform review of different views and limit themselves to concluding that Francoism either was at least amicably tolerating the Carloctavistas or it was lending them at least non-financial forms of support. The collaborationist Octavista line is presented as genuine. Some see it as a conscious political strategy, an attempt aimed at gaining room for open activity and possibly using Francoism as a vehicle for crowning a Carlist king. Some see it as rooted in Carloctavista theoretical framework, to a large extent overlapping with the official doctrine, and wrap up by claiming that "with no doubt, Octavism was either Carlism of the Francoists or Francoism of the offshoot Carlists".  The thesis of fully autonomous character of Carloctavismo is advanced mostly by its activists or their descendants. They focus on pre-Francoist, Cruzadista origins of Don Carlos' claim, dwell on extended network of his supporters and vehemently deny having accepted financial support from the regime. Authors of major monographs on the movement—two out of three not Carloctavistas themselves though certainly Left-wing sympathizers neither—tend to share this perspective. Their works relate the origins of the movement to profound dynastical crisis within Carlism, later enhanced by political fragmentation and bewilderment of Traditionalism resulting from different strategies adopted towards Francoism. Within this perspective, theoretical outlook of the Octavistas is described as having had little in common with Falangist national-syndicalism and having been rather deeply anchored in Traditionalist thought. One scholar suggests Don Carlos stood a real chance of becoming a king, ruined by his wife, who tarnished his image and deprived him of future male descendency. These authors presents Carloctavista stand versus the so-called Rodeznistas, a collaborative and pro-Juanista branch of Carlism, as vehement opposition. Carloctavista support for the regime is presented as an attempt to outsmart the dictator and use the Francoist political setting for own political goals.

Carloctavismo (; the name appears also as "carlosoctavismo", "carlooctavismo", "carlos-octavismo", "carlo-octavismo", or "octavismo") is a branch of Carlism, particularly active in the 1943–1953 period. In terms of dynastical allegiances it advanced the claim to the Spanish throne of Carlos Pio de Habsburgo-Lorena y de Borbón, styled as Carlos VIII, and his relatives. In terms of political line it collaborated very closely with Francoism.


History.

The Chapter of the Cathedral of Apt was founded on 4 August 991 by Bishop Teudericus, in consultation with Prince Guillaume of Provence, Archbishop Annone of Arles, Archbishop Amalric of Aix, and Bishop Ingilram of Cavaillon, out of the clerics who served the cathedral. The original charter establishes a corporation composed of a Provost and twelve canons. By March 1247, dignities of the chapter are named in addition to the Provost: the Archdeacon, the Sacristan, the Precentor, and the Operarius.  In 1790 the National Constituent Assembly conceived a plan to destroy the influence of the Estates throughout France and bring the whole country under central administration. This was to be done by the creation of some 83 or 84 'départements'. At the same time the Church was to be brought into subordination by abolishing the old ecclesiastical diocesan system and creating new dioceses which would have the same boundaries as the departments. The plan made more than fifty of the 135 Catholic dioceses in France redundant. The details were enacted by the Legislative Assembly, under the Civil Constitution of the Clergy (1790). The diocese of Apt was one of the dioceses which were declared redundant and were suppressed. The abolition of Catholic dioceses was a violation of Canon Law, and the requirement that the clergy were to be obliged to take an oath to the Constitution in order to hold their jobs and collect their state-supplied salaries brought about a schism. New bishops and priests under the Constitutional system were to be elected by special 'Electors' in each department, who did not need to be Catholics or even Christians. That too was uncanonical and schismatic. The vows of monks and nuns were abolished by the National Assembly, and their property was seized by the State.  In 1801 First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte was preparing to end the religious confusion in France by entering into a Concordat with the Vatican. He had plans for the future, and he required a united France in order to carry them out successfully. In separate actions both he and Pius VII called on all bishops in France to submit their resignations. On November 29, 1801, by the bull "Qui Christi Domini", Pope Pius VII suppressed all of the Roman Catholic dioceses in France, and immediately reinstituted them under papal authority. This act did away with whatever doubt or ambiguity might still exist as to a 'Constitutional Church' and 'Constitutional dioceses' in France. Apt was not one of the dioceses that was restored.  The name of the diocese was revived, however, by Pope Benedict XVI in January 2009, as a titular see for bishops who have no diocese of their own.

The former French Catholic diocese of Apt, in southeast France, existed from the fourth century until the French Revolution. By the Concordat of 1801, it was suppressed, and its territory was divided between the diocese of Digne and the diocese of Avignon. Its seat was at Apt Cathedral, in Vaucluse.