Club career.

He represented club CSD Municipal in the tournament of Copa Interclubes UNCAF 2006. Finding it hard to become the number one goalkeeper behind Panamanian international Jaime Penedo he joined Deportivo Jalapa in 2009. After claims he would stay with Jalapa in June 2009, he eventually left them in September, apparently due to administrative problems. He joined USAC for the 2009/2010 Clausura championship along with Selvin Motta and Honduran veteran striker Milton Núñez.  In June 2010 he joined newly promoted Mictlan., He left Mictlan in 2013.  In 2014, he returned to CDS Municipal, and being the number one goalkeeper, since joining them he played in three finals of Guatemala's Tournament, on the Apertura 2014 and Clausura 2015, which CSD Municipal lost to CDS Comunicaciones, and on the Apertura 2016, which the club lost to Antigua GFC on Penalties, despite Motta saving one penalty.  For much of the Clausura 2017, he was injured and was replaced by Goalkeeper Nicholas Hagen, he missed the rest of the tournament, which saw CSD Municipal being crowned champions for the first time since 2011 against Deportivo Guastatoya, he was released on a free transfer after the tournament.  For the Apertura 2017 he signed for recently promoted team "Deportivo Sanarate".

International career.

Motta made his debut for Guatemala in an August 2003 friendly match against Ecuador and went on to collect a total of 13 caps, scoring no goals. He has represented his country at the UNCAF Nations Cup 2005, and the 2005 and 2007 CONCACAF Gold Cup Finals, although he did not come off the bench at the latter tournament.  He's first international match was a November 2007 friendly match against Honduras. He was part of Guatemala's National team that played in the Copa Oro 2015 in which he managed to kept a clean sheet against Mexico, however, Guatemala was knockout of the cup after a 1-0 to Cuba in the final match of the Copa Oro 2015.  On March 25, 2016, Motta made outstanding saves as Guatemala won against United States in a 2018 World Cup Qualification Match, their first victory over United States since 1983.

Paulo César Motta Donis (born 29 March 1982) is a Guatemalan football goalkeeper who plays for Cobán Imperial in Guatemala's top division.


Life.

Gustav Emil Devrient was the youngest son of the six children of the silk merchant Tobias Philipp Devrient and his wife Marie Charlotte. The actors Karl August Devrient (1797–1872) and Eduard Devrient (1801–1877) were his brothers, the actor Ludwig Devrient (1784–1832) was his uncle and the actors (1857–1929) and Otto Devrient (1838–1894) were his nephews. The opera singer Wilhelmine Schröder-Devrient was his sister-in-law by her marriage to Karl August.  As a youth, Devrient entered an apprenticeship in his uncle's chemical factory in Zwickau, but soon followed his brothers to the theatre. His stage debut was in 1821 as Raoul in Schiller's "The Maid of Orléans" in Braunschweig. In 1822 he move to the theatre in Bremen where he sang bass roles in operas and played the "youthful lover" in plays, a role he played until the end of his career. The next year he appeared in Dresden as Kaspar in "Der Freischütz", conducted by its composer Carl Maria von Weber.  When in 1824 he gained an engagement in Leipzig, Devrient became a full-time actor. There, he met his later wife, the actress Doris (or Dorothea) Böhler (1805–1882); they divorced after a 17-year marriage in 1842 and their four children were put into his custody. His daughter Marie (born 1826) also became an actress. When the Leipzig theatre was closed, he moved in 1828 to Magdeburg, and in 1829 to Hamburg. He completed his theatrical education there and moved to the Dresden Hofbühne (Court Theatre) in 1830. He worked there for 38 years until he retired on 1 May 1868, in order, as he put it, "not to outlive himself as an artist." Throughout his career, he toured widely and to great acclaim in Germany and Europe, e.g. to Paris and twice (1852 and 1853) to London.  Devrient was famous for his roles as Marquis Posa in Schiller's "Don Carlos", as Hamlet, and as Goethe's Egmont and Torquato Tasso, which he also performed in his last stage appearance. Devrient died in Dresden and was buried at the Alter Annenfriedhof in the Dresden suburb of Südvorstadt, but the grave is lost.

Honours.

Devrient was the first actor to receive the Knight's Cross of the Saxonian Civil Order and was made a Court Councillor ("Hofrat"). From 1832 until his death in 1872 he was the second holder of the Iffland-Ring. The Saxonian Court Theatre made him an honorary member and had a special commemorative medaillon designed for the occasion of his retirement in 1868. A street near the city centre of Dresden is named after him.

Gustav Emil Devrient (4 September 1803, Berlin – 7 August 1872, Dresden) was a German actor and an occasional operatic bass.


Playing career.

Born in Vélez-Málaga, Andalusia, Hierro started playing professionally with local CD Málaga, but only appeared in a combined 26 games for the first team in his first five seasons, also suffering La Liga relegation in the last one. After one more year in Segunda División, he signed with Real Valladolid of the top level.  After helping the Castile and León side finish eighth in his second season, with one of the best defensive records in the competition (38 matches, 34 goals), Hierro signed with FC Barcelona, but only lasted a few months in Catalonia, moving to Real Betis on loan. Suffering top flight relegation with the "Verdiblancos" he subsequently joined CD Tenerife– also in the top division and on loan – and retired from football at 32, having amassed professional totals of 206 games and 11 goals.

Post-retirement.

After retiring as a player, Hierro served as director of football to his first team – now renamed Málaga CF – for several seasons. In early 2006, following the dismissal of Antonio Tapia, he was named head coach, as the club was eventually relegated from the first division and he was relieved of his duties as both director and manager.

Personal life.

Hierro was the second of three siblings who were all footballers, and defenders. His older brother, Antonio, played almost exclusively for Málaga, while the youngest, Fernando, represented mainly Real Madrid and scored more than 20 goals for the Spanish national team.  From 1980 to 1986 Manuel and Antonio played together in Málaga, and Fernando was Manuel's teammate at Valladolid for one season.

Manuel "Manolo" Ruiz Hierro (born 8 February 1962) is a Spanish retired footballer who played as a central defender. He amassed La Liga totals of 175 matches and seven goals over ten seasons, representing mainly Tenerife (four years) and Málaga (three).


Early life (1928–1957).

Boross was born in Nagybajom on 27 August 1928 as the son of György Boross (1896–1993), who participated in the First World War from 1915 to 1918. Returning home, he became a member of the Order of Vitéz and was forest engineer at the Somssich estate. His mother, Lujza Horváth (1905–1993) came from a smallholder farming family, a distant branch of the extinct noble Perneszy family in Somogy County. She was fond of Hungarian literature and theatre, especially Sándor Márai's writings. Boross has a younger brother, László (born 1932), a teacher. The Boross children raised in their birthplace and Újvárfalva, where their wealthy step-grandmother lived. They finished six-grade elementary school in Újvárfalva. In 1938, Boross started his military secondary studies at Hunyadi Mátyás Honvéd Secondary School and Institution in Kőszeg, then attended the Zrínyi Miklós Honvéd Corps Cadet School in Pécs since 1942. As a result of the Soviet invasion during the closing period of the Second World War, the entire cadet school moved to Sopron at the end of 1944. From there, Boross was also transferred to Butzbach, Germany, however he successfully escaped and defected from the German Army. He returned to Hungary through Vienna. Boross finally took his school-leaving exam at Somssich Pál Secondary Grammar School in Kaposvár in 1947, with a year delay due to the Second World War.  He graduated as a jurist from the Faculty of Law, Eötvös Loránd University in 1951. There he was educated by professor Gyula Moór. After finishing legal education, Boross intended to become a lawyer, however the reputation and salary of the profession reduced during the Stalinist era, thus he began to work at the Metropolitan Council of Budapest. He was a lecturer at the Finance Department under the leadership of Ferenc Nezvál, who later served as Minister of Justice.  During the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, he was elected as a member of the Revolutionary Committee of Budapest and of the Revolutionary Council of the Intellectuals. As a result, he was fired from the Metropolitan Council in January 1957, following the crushing of the revolution. After that Boross worked as an unskilled worker in a toy manufacturing. Finally, he was arrested for his role during the revolution in July 1957. After interrogations, he was transferred to an internment camp in Kistarcsa. Following his release soon, Boross and his family was put under police surveillance in the forthcoming years until 1959.

Entrepreneurial career (1957–1989).

Boross started his career in the catering industry as an inspector of stores in October 1957. However he was fired because of his past in 1956, and after that worked as a bartender in the Szikla Restaurant at Budapest Zoo and Botanical Garden. Some months later he moved to the Széchenyi thermal bath's buffet. In September 1958 he became assistant manager in a restaurant at Kőbánya (District X, Budapest). He became manager in 1961, his financial conditions stabilized by that time. Then he also became group leader on trade in goods at the local Catering Company in 1962. In this capacity, Boross took part in the organization of tertiary training of professionals in the Hungarian hospitality sector and tourism.  Through the intercession of József Venesz, the most well-known chef in the Kádár regime, Boross was promoted to Deputy Director of the South-Pest Catering Company in 1965. During that time the company had two hundred catering units. The New Economic Mechanism, a major economic reform launched in 1968, was a "comprehensive reform of the economic system", creating market relationships among firms. On 21 December 1971, Boross became Director of the South-Pest Catering Company. He retired from this workplace and became a pensioner on 1 February 1989.

Political career (1990–2010).

Government positions (1990–1993).

He had a longtime friendship with József Antall since the 1950s. After the 1990 parliamentary election, when the Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) beat the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ) and formed a government, Prime Minister Antall requested Boross to become Political Secretary of State in the Prime Minister's Office. He was appointed to that position on 30 May 1990. Less than two months later after his appointment as Secretary of State, Boross was promoted to Minister without portfolio for Civilian Intelligence Services on 19 July 1990. In that capacity, he supervised the operations of the Office of National Security (NBH) and the Information Office (IH) internal security intelligence agencies. Among his first tasks was the removal of the communist secret service executives. The secret service under Boross did not disclose the hypothetic list of twenty-six former counterespionage officers in the III./III. section of the then Ministry of the Interior prior to 1989. According to former Prime Minister Miklós Németh, he handed over the list to his successor, József Antall. However Boross argued it was an unofficial document with "many inaccuracies and improvisation".  After the resignation of Balázs Horváth following the flawed management of the taxi drivers' anti-government blockade, Boross was appointed Minister of the Interior on 21 December 1990. Thus Boross became the first deputy of József Antall and the second-highest-ranking member of the right-wing conservative cabinet. In a later interview, Boross said that he considered Ferenc Keresztes-Fischer, the Interior Minister during the Horthy era, who acted against both the far-right and far-left movements, as his role model. As minister, Boross reorganized the structure of law enforcement organizations and dismissed Győző Szabó, the Chief of the National Police. He appointed the relatively young Sándor Pintér as Chief of the Budapest Police and a few months later as Chief of the National Police in 1991. His ministry has also developed the municipal law; Boross was advocate of more extensive decentralization, but the majority of his party rejected his amendment proposal. When protesters hissed and booed President Árpád Göncz (SZDSZ) on 23 October 1992, Boross and the government was accused of deliberately sabotage by the opposition. He rejected the claims. According to a 2014 report, it is possible that Antall and Boross knew about a potential provocation but they did not want to prevent it.  Boross was a non-partisan politician until 17 August 1992, when he officially joined the MDF. He became a member of the party's District II, Budapest branch. By early 1993, he was elected a member of the MDF's national board and also became one of the vice-presidents of the party. During Antall's severe illness, who had non-Hodgkin lymphoma, Boross performed the duties of prime minister temporarily from 6 October to 5 November 1993 and from 20 November 1993 to 12 December 1993, when Antall died. A day before his death, as a result of Boross' proposal, Antall was awarded Grand Cross of the Hungarian Order of Merit by President Árpád Göncz on 11 December 1993.

Prime Minister (1993–1994).

Immediately after József Antall's death, Boross became acting Prime Minister of Hungary on 12 December 1993. On the following day, the Hungarian Democratic Forum's national board and the parliamentary group jointly convened, where three candidates, Péter Boross, Iván Szabó and Lajos Für ran for the position of prime minister. In the first round, Boross received 89 votes and came to the first place, defeating Szabó (79 votes) and Für (62 votes). In the second round, Boross gained a two-thirds support against Szabó and was nominated the party's designated premier. On 21 December 1993, the National Assembly elected Boross as Prime Minister by a vote of 201–152, with 5 abstentions. The parliamentary group leader Imre Kónya succeeded him as Minister of Interior but apart from that the personal composition of the government remained unchanged, as a result journalistic and academic works often refer to the MDF government between 1990 and 1994 as the "Antall–Boross cabinet".  In January 1994, Boross met with leaders of the Central-European post-communist countries in Prague, reflecting the 1994 Brussels summit where the United States expressed its intention to enlarge the NATO intergovernmental military alliance. Before the 1994 election, Viktor Chernomyrdin, the Prime Minister of Russia visited Budapest to discuss the issue of debt settlement. Boross also asked Chernomyrdin to talk with Slobodan Milošević for the interests of the Hungarians in Serbia during the Yugoslav Wars. In February 1994, Boross visited France where he held talks with President François Mitterrand and Prime Minister Édouard Balladur. In March 1994, he visited German Chancellor Helmut Kohl in Bonn.  Gyula Horn led the Socialists to a comprehensive victory in the 1994 parliamentary election. Although the MSZP had more than enough seats to govern alone, Horn wanted to allay concerns both inside and outside Hungary of a former Communist party winning an absolute majority. With this in mind, he went into coalition with the liberal and previously strong anti-communist Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ), giving him a two-thirds majority. Boross was succeeded by Gyula Horn as Prime Minister of Hungary in July 1994.

After premiership (1994–2010).

At the 1994 parliamentary election, the MDF was severely defeated, falling from 165 seats to 38 for third place. Boross was elected Member of Parliament from his party's Budapest Regional List. He was appointed Chairman of the National Security Committee on 28 June 1994. He also became Vice Chairman of the Committee for Financial Support for Public Organizations on 27 December 1994, holding this position until 11 December 1995.  During the campaign for the 1996 party leadership election, Boross supported Sándor Lezsák who ran as candidate along with the more liberal and urbanist Iván Szabó, who was more acceptable for the party elite and the former government members. At the end of 1995, Boross resigned as vice-president of the MDF because he disagreed with the policy of the party leadership chaired by Lajos Für. In March 1996, Lezsák was elected President of the Hungarian Democratic Forum, as a result Szabó and most of the governmental figures of the Antall period, including 15 MPs left the party and founded the Hungarian Democratic People's Party (MDNP). Boross resigned as Chairman of the National Security Committee following that, but remained a member of the MDF. He worked in the Committee for Constitutional Preparatory and Committee of Economics since April 1994 until end of the parliamentary term in June 1998. Boross lost his parliamentary seat in the 1998 parliamentary election.  Boross served as political advisor to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, whose party the Fidesz won the 1998 election and the MDF also involved in the government as a coalition partner. Since then Boross was long considered a supporter of Minister of Justice Ibolya Dávid, who became leader of the MDF in January 1999, replacing Sándor Lezsák. Boross did not run again for the position of party vice-president during the election of officials. His relationship with Orbán became conflictual by early 2001, even after replacement of ministers Attila Chikán and József Hámori. Boross also criticized the Orbán cabinet's economic policy and its biennial budget. In 2003, Boross left the MDF's national board. He was elected President of the National Memorial and Tribute Committee in 2006, replacing Anna Jókai who had held the position since 1999.  He was elected as a Member of Parliament from his party's Pest County Regional List during the 2006 parliamentary election. Before the election's second round, Boross argued the left-liberal MSZP–SZDSZ governing coalition's advantage is unbeatable, therefore he received numerous criticism from the right-wing intellectuals. He became a member of the National Security Committee following the election. In the upcoming years the MDF gradually shifted to the left-wing under the leadership of Ibolya Dávid. Boross was strongly opposed to the nomination of Socialist ex-minister Lajos Bokros to the head of the MDF party list during the 2009 European Parliament election. As a result, Boross resigned from his parliamentary seat on 31 January 2009. Due to his conservative party's shift to the left, resulting in the expulsion of several prominent party members, Boross decided to break all ties with the present party leadership on 13 June 2009. He finally left the party on 25 January 2010.

Later life (since 2010).

On 6 June 2010, following the 2010 parliamentary election, when Fidesz won a two-third majority, he became a member of the board advising Prime Minister Viktor Orbán on the conceptual foundations of the new Hungarian constitution. In this capacity, Boross stated that he can envision a new constitutional government in the form of a kingdom. Furthermore, he said that it is necessary to place broader authority and more powerful political authority into the hands of the Prime Minister by way of the new constitution.  He gave a controversial interview to weekly newspaper "Heti Válasz" in September 2010, when he said the government should inaugurate a so-called childlessness tax because, according to him, procreation is not just a private matter but also a matter of national interest. Several feminist groups criticized his statement and protested against Boross' remarks at the Kossuth Square.  In August 2015, reflecting to the European migrant crisis, Boross claimed the mass immigration into Hungary is "issue of race and ethnicity". He also expressed his sympathy with the erection of the Hungarian border barrier. In October 2015, he added in an interview that it is "tasteless foolness" to compare the current situation with the Hungarian refugees after the 1956 uprising. Boross told the current migrants are "with different physiognomy from different continents". Because of his remarks, the National Media and Infocommunications Authority (NMHH) has launched an investigation against Boross. The NMHH did not consider Boross' remarks as exclusionary thus terminated the authority procedure in the absence of infringement against the former prime minister in February 2016.  Boross delivered a speech on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of 1956 revolution. In response to the United States Department of State's statement concerning Hungarian media freedom and the "sudden closure" of the left-wing daily "Népszabadság", he said "the 1956 revolution is a miracle of the twentieth century, and the American imperialists intend to insult our sacred day". He also referred that the last issue of "Népszabadság" was exhibited at the Newseum in Washington, D.C. "Maybe we should exhibit too a couple of items from the list of the heinous crimes of the American imperialists", he added.

Personal life.

Boross' father died in a household accident on 11 August 1993, aged 97. His mother, Lujza Horváth died five weeks later. On 13 September 1952, Boross married his former classmate, Ilona Papp, who worked as a judge. Their church wedding took place in the Szilágyi Dezső Square Reformed Church on 13 March 1953. She died on 31 July 2010. Their first-born child, Péter Jr. (1957–1958) died at the age of nine months in February 1958, not long after Boross' release from the prison. Following that they had two children, a daughter Ildikó (born 1958), who became a jurist, and a son Gábor (1960–2018), who worked as an agronomist. He died in February 2018.

Péter Boross (born 27 August 1928) is a Hungarian politician, former member of the Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF), who served as Prime Minister of Hungary from December 1993 to July 1994. He assumed the position upon the death of his predecessor, József Antall, and held the office until his right-wing coalition was defeated in election by the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), which was led by his successor Gyula Horn. Prior to his premiership, Boross functioned as Minister of Civilian Intelligence Services (1990) and Minister of the Interior (1990–1993). He was also a Member of Parliament from 1994 to 1998 and from 2006 to 2009.


Career.

Tuivailala attended Aragon High School in San Mateo, California. He was a pitcher and infielder for the baseball team along with being a quarterback on the football team, as well as playing basketball.. He committed to play college baseball at Fresno State University. As a senior, he threw a no-hitter in which he struck out 17 batters. He is of Tongan and Mexican descent. He grew up a San Francisco Giants fan.

St. Louis Cardinals.

Tuivailala was drafted by the St. Louis Cardinals in the third round of the 2010 Major League Baseball Draft. He made his professional debut for the Gulf Coast Cardinals. Tuivailala played in the outfield, shortstop and third base during his first two seasons in the Cardinals organization. After hitting only.178/.335/.256 in 42 games in 2010 and.253/.331/.329 in 44 games in 2011, he was converted into a relief pitcher before the 2012 season.  Tuivailala made his pitching debut for the Johnson City Cardinals in 2012. He appeared in 11 games and had a 4.15 earned run average (ERA) in 13 innings with 23 strikeouts, but issued 13 walks. The next season, he played for the Peoria Chiefs where he was 0-3 with a 5.35 ERA 28 relief appearances. Tuivailala started the 2014 season with the Palm Beach Cardinals. In July, he was promoted to the Springfield Cardinals, and in August he was promoted to the Memphis Redbirds. In 48 relief appearances between the three teams he was 2-2 with a 3.15 ERA and 1.25 WHIP. He was promoted to the major leagues on September 8. He made his MLB debut on September 9, and played in two games his rookie season.  Tuivailala began 2015 back with Memphis. The Cardinals recalled Tuivailala to the major leagues on May 15. On July 1, Tuivailala was named a PCL All-Star for 2015, his first recognition as an All-Star in his minor league career. In 29 relief appearances and IP, he was 3–0 with a 1.95 ERA and 23 strikeouts. He also co-led the PCL in games finished (23) and tied for third-most with 11 saves, converting all 11 opportunities. PCL managers and coaches rated Tuivailala the league's best reliever for 2015.  He pitched in 12 games for the Cardinals in 2016, going 0-0 with a 6.00 ERA, as in 9 innings he gave up 12 hits, walked 6, and struck out 7. He was optioned to Triple-A Memphis to start the 2017 season. He spent 2017 between Memphis and St. Louis; with the Cardinals, he pitched to a 3-3 record, a 2.55 ERA, and 34 strikeouts in 42.1 innings pitched.  Tuivailala made the Cardinals' 2018 Opening Day roster.

Seattle Mariners.

On July 27, 2018, Tuivailala was traded to the Seattle Mariners in exchange for Seth Elledge. Tuivailala pitched to a 1.69 ERA in five games with the Mariners in 2018. In 2019, he worked to a 2.35 ERA over 23 games with the team. Tuivailala was placed on release waivers by the Mariners organization on March 20, 2020.

Samuel Jonathan Tuivailala (born October 19, 1992) is an American professional baseball pitcher who is currently a free agent. He has played in Major League Baseball (MLB) for the St. Louis Cardinals and Seattle Mariners.


Geography.

Groveland is located at (28.557853, -81.851918).  According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of, of which is land and (12.91%) is water.

Demographics.

As of the census of 2000, there were 7,901 people, 845 households, and 626 families residing in the city. The population density was 897.1 inhabitants per square mile (346.5/km2). There were 921 housing units at an average density of 350.1 per square mile (135.2/km2). The racial makeup of the city was 68.81% White, 22.42% African American, 0.76% Native American, 0.55% Asian, 6.27% from other races, and 1.19% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 14.70% of the population.  There were 845 households out of which 35.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 55.1% were married couples living together, 12.9% had a female householder with no husband present, and 25.8% were non-families. 21.8% of all households were made up of individuals and 9.2% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.79 and the average family size was 3.23.  In the city, the population was spread out with 28.3% under the age of 18, 8.9% from 18 to 24, 27.5% from 25 to 44, 22.7% from 45 to 64, and 12.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 35 years. For every 100 females, there were 97.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 93.0 males.  The median income for a household in the city was $32,017, and the median income for a family was $37,857. Males had a median income of $27,292 versus $20,186 for females. The per capita income for the city was $15,132. About 13.9% of families and 18.8% of the population were below the poverty line, including 23.9% of those under age 18 and 22.6% of those age 65 or over.

Groveland case.

In 1949 four young African-American men (Samuel Shepherd, Walter Irvin, Charles Greenlee, and Ernest Thomas) were charged with raping a seventeen-year-old white farm girl in Groveland, Florida. They were convicted by an all-white jury. The case was appealed to the Florida Supreme Court which found that:"Two witnesses for the State testified as to the identity of the four [men]. From the description of the automobile as given by the two witnesses the same was later located. The three defendants testified they were driving the car in question during the same hours of the early morning except they were driving in the Orlando area, which was in the opposite direction." In addition to the eyewitness testimony, there was physical evidence linking the car in which the young men were riding to the crime. The Florida Supreme Court stated:"Near the scene of the crime a handkerchief and some cotton were found. The woman was found near the scene of the crime about dawn. A large track about the scene fit the shoe of one of the appellants. Cotton or lint about the car and broken glass in the automobile testified to by the woman assisted the officers in identifying the car which the appellants admit they were riding in at the exact hour the State charge the crime was committed." The victim testified that she had known Shepherd for years and that Irvin was someone she had seen in and around the Groveland community before the night of the assault. She reported the rape to the police within five hours after it occurred. One of the three men she accused (Thomas) was shot and killed by the police during his arrest.  After the Florida Supreme Court decided to uphold the guilty verdicts, the United States Supreme Court agreed to hear the case.  Attorney Thurgood Marshall, then the special counsel with the NAACP's Legal Defense Fund, represented the Groveland Boys, on the briefs, taking their case to the U.S. Supreme Court. Oral argument was conducted by attorney Franklin H. Williams. The Supreme Court overturned the guilty verdicts. The Court found that sensational headlines in the local papers ("Night Riders Burn Lake Negro Homes" and "Flames From Negro Homes Light Night Sky in Lake County"), and newspaper reports of the sheriff's statement that the young men had confessed while in custody, resulted in an unfair trial. "These defendants were prejudged as guilty and the trial was but a legal gesture to register a verdict already dictated by the press and the public opinion which it generated." A new trial was ordered.  In 1949, Harry T. Moore, the executive director of the Florida NAACP, organized a campaign against the conviction of the Groveland Four. Soon afterward, Sheriff Willis V. McCall of Lake County, Florida, shot Shepherd and Irvin. He asserted that they were trying to escape. Shepherd was killed, and Irvin was seriously wounded. When Irvin recovered, he told investigators that the sheriff had shot the two prisoners, without provocation, while they were in handcuffs.  Moore demanded that the sheriff be indicted for murder and requested that the Governor suspend McCall from office. On December 25, 1951, a bomb exploded in Moore's house, killing him and his wife, Harriette.  Some alleged that Sheriff McCall was associated with ordering this bombing; however, an extensive FBI investigation at the time and additional separate investigations have failed to produce any evidence supporting allegations of McCall's involvement.  Although members of the Ku Klux Klan were suspected of the crime, the people responsible were never brought to trial.

Transportation.

Osborn Airfield is located three miles southwest of the city. The airport is private, but is open for general aviation.

Groveland is a city in Lake County, Florida, United States. The population was 8,729 at the 2010 census. Between 2000 and 2010, Groveland's population increased by 189%, making it the fastest growing place in Florida. However, its land area increased more than fivefold due to annexation. It is located at the intersection of State Road 19 and State Road 33/50.


World Cup Final.

The World Cup Final in rifle and pistol is often, but not always, held in Munich as the ISSF shooting season ending competition. The location and date of the World Cup Final in shotgun are more flexible. To the Final, the following shooters are qualified:

Seasons and venues.

The venues are decided by the ISSF from time to time. However, some are more common than others. Two World Cups in rifle and pistol events are almost always held in Munich and Milan. The other two are usually held outside Europe, in places like Fort Benning, Buenos Aires, Seoul, Changwon or Sydney. Some common locations for the shotgun competitions are Nicosia, Lonato, New Delhi, and Americana, São Paulo. A new location for the shotgun competitions is held in Kerrville, Texas located in the Hill Country of Texas.  In Olympic years, an early World Cup is held at the Olympic venue and considered a Pre-Olympic test event.

Spin-offs.

The lack for a World Cup in the non-Olympic events has led to the creation of a European Cup by the European Shooting Confederation, based on largely the same rules as the ISSF World Cup. Originally it consisted of 300 metre rifle three positions, 300 metre rifle prone and 300 metre standard rifle, but since the 2005 season there is also a European Cup in 25 metre center-fire pistol and 25 metre standard pistol.  Since 2016, there has also been a separate world cup specifically for junior shooters.

Multi-Medalists.

In this table the shooters with at least 7 gold medals won in the World Cup stages.

The ISSF World Cup was introduced by the International Shooting Sport Federation in 1986 to provide a homogeneous system for qualification to the Olympic shooting competitions. It still is carried out in the Olympic shooting events, with four competitions per year in each event. For the best shooters there is since 1988 a "World Cup Final".


Sources of law.

Legislation adopted by the States of Jersey.

Jersey's legislature, the States Assembly makes legislation affecting most areas of activity.

Laws.

The highest form of legislation made by the States is 'laws'. If a proposed Law is likely to be controversial, the general desirability of having new legislation on the topic may be debated before the law is drafted. The procedure for making laws is set out in the Standing Orders of the States of Jersey. Once the law is in draft from, it starts the legislative process as a "projet de loi", which may be introduced to the States by a minister, any States member, a scrutiny panel or the Comité des Connétables. At the stage known as 'first reading', the title of the projet is read out and the projet is 'lodged au Greffe' providing a two to six week breathing space for members to read the draft law. Under Article 16 of the Human Rights (Jersey) Law 2000, the minister or other person lodging the projet au Greffe must make a written statement that the provisions of the projet are compatible with Convention rights or "make a statement that although [he or she] is unable to make a statement of compatibility, [he or she] nevertheless wants the States to proceed with the projet". At the next'second reading' stage, there is a formal debate in the States chamber during which members consider the principle of the projet and then scrutinise the draft in detail. At 'third reading' stage there is an opportunity for minor drafting errors to be corrected. Finally, members vote to adopt the law.  The law is then submitted via the Lieutenant Governor's office for transmission to London, where officials in the Ministry of Justice examine the law. In 2010, the House of Commons Justice Committee was highly critical of the UK Government's approach, finding that "The islands are more than adequately advised by their own law officers and parliamentary counsel. It seems a strange use of Ministry of Justice resources... to engage in a kind of legislative oversight which does not restrict itself to the constitutional grounds for scrutiny". This process may take several months. In an unusual move in 2011, campaigners against a law that sought to reduce the number of senators in the States petitioned the Privy Council to advise the Queen to refuse royal assent. Once official scrutiny is complete in London, the law is formally presented to Her Majesty for royal assent at a meeting of the Privy Council, usually held at Buckingham Palace or Windsor Castle.  After a law receives royal assent, the final step is for it be registered with the Royal Court of Jersey. At this point it is 'passed'. The law is then brought into force at a date decided by the relevant Jersey minister. There may be a considerable delay between a law being passed and it becoming legally effective if, for example, civil servants need to be trained, computer systems put in place or money found to pay for the new scheme.  Laws adopted and passed are published in print as "Recueil de Lois" de Jersey and online by the Jersey Legal Information Board on the Jersey Law website.

Other types of legislation.

In Jersey, there are other types of legislation in addition to laws.

Customary law.

Custom is a source of law in the Jersey legal system. It has been described as "the product of generally accepted usage and practice. It has no formal sanction or authority behind it other than the general consensus of opinion within the community". It differs from English common law where rules stated by a judge of a senior court are binding law "because" they are stated by a judge. In customary law, the role of the judiciary is to look for evidence of what is "generally accepted usage and practice".  Many rules of customary law have crystallised to such an extent (through repeated acknowledgment by the Royal Court and in the way people conduct their affairs) that everyone accepts them as binding without discussion. The boundaries of the parishes, the existence of the office of Bailiff, and various rules relating to possession of land and inheritance fall into this category. Many rules of customary law are to be found discussed in the texts of the 'commentators' and the case law of the Jersey courts. Where the works of the commentators do not deal with situation, the Jersey courts look at factual evidence to work out is the "generally accepted usage and practice".  The customary law of the Duchy of Normandy is particularly influential as a source of law in Jersey, even though Jersey ceased to part of Normandy in 1204. Norman law developed in two main epochs – the "Ancienne coutume" (1199–1538) and the "Coutume reformée" (1538–1804).

Ancienne coutume of Normandy.

The northern and western regions of medieval Europe "were a patchwork of territorial areas in which the main source of law was customs, usages and practices which had become relatively fixed and settled". Norman law was based on oral tradition and repeated practices in feudal society. The earliest known written account of the Ancienne coutume of Normandy is the "Très-ancienne coutume", first set down in Latin manuscript around 1199 to 1223. It was translated into French, probably in about 1230. It is thought to be the work of scholars or court officials, designed to be a manual for legal practitioners. A modern edition was compiled from various sources in 1903 by Professor E. J. Tardiff.  When in 1309 Edward II of England sent Justices to Jersey, the people of Jersey were "asked by what law they claimed to be governed, the law of England, of Normandy, or by some special customs of their own? They answered 'By the law of Normandy, and referred the Justices to the "Summa of Malcael" [the Jersey name for the Grand Coutumier], where the Norman laws are well embodied'... But they added, and this a clause that caused much trouble later, 'except that we have certain customs used in this island from time immemorial.  In the 16th century, two commentaries on the Grand Coutumier, written in Normandy, have been influential in Jersey law. (also known as Le Rouillé) was the author of "Le Grant Coustumier du pays & duché de Normendie : tres utile & profitable a tous practiciens" (1534; 1539). He also produced commentary on the neighbouring province of Maine (pictured).  Guillaume Terrien's "Commentaires du droit civil, tant public que privé, observé au pays et Duché de Normandie" was first published in 1574. Dawes explains: "Terrien's own work comprised the selecting of texts from the "Grand Coutumier", putting them into an order which suited his scheme (even to the point of cutting and pasting quite disparate texts) and then commenting on the resulting amalgam. To this commentary a further author added notes headed 'Additio', more often than not in Latin".  Two modern versions of the text of the Grand Coutumier have been produced. The first was by Jurat William Laurence de Gruchy entitled "L'Ancienne Coutume de Normandie: Réimpression, éditée avec de légères annotations" (1881), based on Le Rouillé's 1539 edition, using a double-column format setting out the Latin and French texts side by side. In 2009, an English translation of the Latin text by J. A. Everard was published.

Coutume Reformée of Normandy.

The second period in the development of Norman custom was between 1583 and 1804 and is known as the "Coutume reformée" (the reformed custom). In 1453, Charles VII of France issued orders that all the customary laws of France should be "redacted", in other words set out systematically and approved under royal authority. The Duchy of Normandy was the last part of France to comply with this order but the new text was eventually prepared and received royal approval in 1585 by Henry III of France.  There are two reasons why the Coutume reformée might be thought to have little relevance to Jersey: it was created 380 years after Jersey had ceased formally to be part of the Duchy of Normandy and it was a text sanctioned by the king of France. Nonetheless, Jersey lawyers and courts made frequent references to the Coutume reformée and by virtue of its assimilation into Jersey law over the centuries it is regarded as a source of the island's law.  Commentators on the Coutume reformée include:  Within France, customary law was abolished in 1804 with the introduction of uniform codes of civil and criminal law across the whole of France.

Jersey commentators on custom.

As well as relying on commentaries produced in France, Jersey has an indigenous legal literature on custom. In the 17th century, Jean Poingdestre (1609–1691) and Philippe Le Geyt (1635–1716) wrote several works. Some chapters of C. S. Le Gros' 20th-century work, "Traité du Droit Coutumier d l'Ile de Jersey" also remain relevant.

Legislative reforms of custom.

Many rules of customary law have been amended or abolished by legislation in the later 19th and 20th centuries. Examples of this include:

Influence of English and French law.

Some fields of Jersey, such as negligence and administrative law, are heavily influenced by English common law. In other branches of law, notably contract, Jersey courts may have regard to French civil law.

Human rights.

The Human Rights (Jersey) Law 2000, based closely on the United Kingdom's Human Rights Act 1998, requires Jersey courts so far as possible to interpret legislation so that it is compatible with rights and freedoms guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights. Jersey public bodies are required to act in conformity with Convention rights.  In January 2012, Jersey introduced laws to recognise same-sex civil partnerships.

Language of Jersey law.

During the 20th century, the main working language of the Jersey legal system changed from French to English. Before the 1930s, almost all legislation passed by the States Assembly was in French. Since then, French is used only where new legislation makes amendments to legislation originally drafted in French.  The conveyancing of immoveable property was carried out using contracts drafted in French until October 2006, after which contracts were required to be in English. Several French words and expressions used in Jersey differ from Standard French.

Precedent and law reporting.

The Jersey legal system does not follow the strict rules of binding precedent that exist in common law jurisdictions such as England and Wales. The Royal Court is not bound by its own previous decisions on a point of law but it will generally follow them unless persuaded that the earlier decision was wrongly decided. A similar approach is taken by the Court of Appeal. All Jersey courts are, however, bound by points of law decided by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in previous Jersey appeals to that court.  During the 19th and 20th centuries a series of improvements to the system of writing and reporting judgments was put in place. In 1885, the Royal Court began to publish the "Tables des Décisions de la Cour Royal de Jersey" – a subject index to decided cases, prepared by the Greffier.  In 1950, Charles Thomas Le Quesne KC returned to Jersey from practice at the English Bar and was appointed Lieutenant Bailiff. Up to this point, the Royal Court's judgments were in the French style of "jugements motivés", written in French by the Greffier rather than the judge, and expressing the reasons for the court's decision only very briefly. Le Quesne changed the language of judgments to English and adopted the common law style of judgments, where the judge gives detailed reasons for accepting or rejecting the rival submissions made at trial by counsel. Between 1950 and 1984, the Royal Court published its and the Court of Appeal judgments in a series of law reports known as the "Jersey Judgments" (eleven volumes in total). From 1984, judgments have been published a new series of law reports known as the "Jersey Law Reports".  In 2004, the Jersey Legal Information Board (JLIB) was set up to promote "accessibility of the written law and legal processes to the public and of an integrated and efficient legal system, through the use of information technology and by other means". Judgments of the Royal Court and Court of Appeal are published online on www.jerseylaw.je, with open access to "unreported" judgments as part of the Free Access to Law Movement.

Judiciary.

The head of the judiciary in Jersey is the Bailiff, who as well as performing the judicial functions of a chief justice is also the President (presiding officer) of the States of Jersey and has certain civic, ceremonial and executive functions. The Bailiff's functions may be exercised by the Deputy Bailiff.

Judicial appointments processes.

The posts of Bailiff and Deputy Bailiff are Crown appointments, formally made by Her Majesty the Queen, on advice of the UK government's Secretary of State for Justice.  An appointment process has developed in recent years, without a legislative basis, for vacancies for the Deputy Bailiff, Attorney General for Jersey and Solicitor General for Jersey. This involves advertising for candidates and the preparation of a shortlist by a selection panel consisting of the Bailiff (in the chair), the senior Jurat and the chairman of the Jersey Appointments Commission. A process of consultation is then carried out, including the Jurats, the States Consultative Panel (which includes the Chief Minister), a number of elected members of the States, senior lawyers (the Bâtonnier, the President of the Law Society, the former President of the Law Society of Jersey and the President of the Chambre des Ecrivains), the other Crown Officers and the local Commissioner of the Royal Court. All candidates on the shortlist are then interviewed by the selection panel. A single name is then sent by the Lieutenant Governor to the Secretary of State for Justice.  This process has not been used for appointment to the office of Bailiff on the basis that "The Secretary of State has accepted that the position of Deputy Bailiff is a training ground for the position of Bailiff, and that, therefore, all things being equal, you would expect to move up, assuming of course that you have performed to everyone's satisfaction".  Jurats are elected by an electoral college consisting of the Bailiff, the Jurats, the Connétables, the elected members of the states, advocates and solicitors of the Royal Court. Voting is by secret ballot.  Commissioners of the Royal Court are appointed by the Bailiff for the hearing of a specified cause or matter or a specified term.  The Bailiff appoints the Magistrate and the Assistant Magistrate (who hold full-time salaried posts) and part-time Relief Magistrates (legal practitioners who carry out duties on a daily fee-paid basis). It is now normal for the Bailiff to convene a panel to advise on salaried appointments.

Removal from office.

The Bailiff, Deputy Bailiff and members of the Jersey Court of Appeal 'hold office during good behaviour'. Whereas senior judges in England and Wales who are appointed by Crown may only be removed from office with the consent of both Houses of Parliament, the United Kingdom Secretary of State for Justice may dismiss a Jersey judge appointed by the Crown without the agreement States of Jersey. This happened in 1992, when the then Deputy Bailiff Vernon Tomes was dismissed from office by the Home Secretary (the UK minister who at the time was responsible for the Crown Dependencies) on grounds of his delays in producing written judgments.  Jurats hold office up to the age of 72 years. A Jurat who 'in the opinion of the Court, is permanently unable, through physical or mental incapacity, or for any other reason, efficiently to carry out the duties of the office, may be called upon by the Court to resign'. A Jurat who refuses to resign may be removed from office by Order of Her Majesty in Council on the petition of the Superior Number (the Bailiff and five or more Jurats) of the Royal Court.  The Bailiff may if he 'thinks fit, terminate the appointment of a Commissioner on the ground of incapacity or misbehaviour'.  The Magistrates, who are also appointed by the Bailiff not the Crown, may not be removed from office 'except by virtue of an Order of Her Majesty in Council'. In June 2008, the Chief Minister informed the States of Jersey that the Magistrate-Designate, Ian Christmas, has 'agreed not to sit as a judge following a discussion with the former Bailiff as a result of a criminal investigation into an alleged fraud'. Mr Christmas was subsequently convicted of one count of fraud and sentenced to fifteen months in prison. It has been reported that the Bailiff's Office has asked the United Kingdom Ministry of Justice to arrange for a UK judge to undertake a disciplinary investigation.

Judicial independence in Jersey.

Code of Conduct.

All judges in Jersey are bound by a code of conduct promulgated by the Jersey Judicial Association in 2007. This requires judges to 'uphold the integrity and independence of the judiciary and perform their duties with competence, diligence and dedication'.

ECHR Article 6.

All courts in Jersey are required under Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights to be 'independent and impartial'. In 2000, the European Court of Human Rights held in "McGonnell v United Kingdom" that there was a breach of Article 6 in "Guernsey" where the Bailiff or Deputy Bailiff sat as President of the States of Guernsey when proposed legislation was being debated and then subsequently sat as a judge of the Royal Court of Guernsey in a case where that legislation was relevant. The Court, noting that there was no suggestion that the Bailiff 'was subjectively biased', stated that the'mere fact' that this happened was capable of casting doubt on the Bailiff's impartiality. A Bailiff and Deputy Bailiff in Jersey is able to avoid a "McGonnell" situation simply by not sitting in the Royal Court in cases concerned with legislation that was debated when he presided in the States. The current Bailiff, Mr Michael Birt has conceded that 'we probably need to improve our systems to be very compliant with "McGonnell" and that one probably ought to keep a running list of those statutes where I have presided so at least I could invite the parties to consider whether they wanted to object or not'. In a recent review chaired by Lord Carswell, set up by the States of Jersey, a legal opinion was commissioned from Rabinder Singh QC in which he expressed the view that 'there is no reason in law why the present constitutional arrangements in respect of the Bailiff should be altered. However, the trend suggests that the tide of history is in favour of reform and that the legal position will be different in 10 years time'. The report of Lord Carswell's inquiry concluded that Mr Singh's opinion 'provides an additional reason why the Bailiff should cease to be the President of the States'. The States of Jersey have not accepted this aspect of the Carswell report. Many prominent islanders do not believe that any change is necessary or desirable.

Stuart Syvret litigation.

From 2009 to 2015, a former States member Stuart Syvret has argued in legal proceedings in England and Jersey that all members of the Jersey judiciary lack the appearance of independence and impartiality. In March 2009, the High Court in London refused him permission to commence a judicial review claim against Home Secretary Jack Straw. In Jersey, subsequent proceedings related to a criminal prosecution for a data protection offence (he named a former nurse on his blog, who he said was guilty of murdering patients), judicial reviews and appeals relating to that criminal case, and a separate civil action brought by Syvret against fellow politicians and Law Officers in connection with his removal from office as minister for health. Syvret argues that he cannot have a fair trial in the island and there is a lack of appearance of independence and impartiality because judges are appointed by the Bailiff and the other judges have attended social events with the Bailiff. Syvret's arguments relating to lack of independence and impartiality have been rejected by the Royal Court and Court of Appeal in Jersey on a number of occasions between 2009 and 2015.

Jersey legal profession.

The Jersey legal profession has three types of Jersey-qualified lawyers – advocates, solicitors and notaries public. Advocates have rights of audience to represent clients in all courts. Jersey solicitors have no general rights of audience. Notaries have no rights of audience. The Law Society of Jersey is the professional body responsible for professional conduct. Notaries are regulated by the Faculty Office of the Archbishop of Canterbury through the Dean of the Arches, referred to as the Master of the Faculties, who is normally an English QC.  Some law firms focus on legal practice relating to Jersey's finance industry, the largest being: Appleby; Bedell Cristin; Carey Olsen; Mourant Ozannes; and Ogier, all of which are regarded as part of the "offshore magic circle". Smaller firms and sole practitioners also provide a wide range of legal services. Several law firms now have offices in both Jersey and Guernsey but the legal professions of the two islands are separate, as they are separate from those in England, Wales and Scotland. Most notaries in Jersey are employed by, or are partners in, local firms of Jersey advocates or solicitors, although some are in English solicitors firms or practising purely as notaries, independent of the general legal profession. There is a local Jersey Notaries Society.  The Law Officers of the Crown are responsible for criminal prosecution work and for providing legal advice to the Crown, ministers and other members of the Assembly of the States of Jersey. The Attorney General and his deputy, the Solicitor General, are non-voting members of the States Assembly.  The process of qualifying as a Jersey lawyer is regulated by the Advocates and Solicitors (Jersey) Law 1997 and is similar for both advocates and solicitors. Since 2009, candidates for the Jersey law examinations are required to enrol on the Jersey Law Course run by the Institute of Law, Jersey. They are required to take five compulsory papers: (i) Jersey legal system and constitutional Law; (ii) Law of contract and the law relating to security on moveable property and bankruptcy; (iii) testate and intestate succession; law of immoveable property and conveyancing; and civil and criminal procedure. In addition, candidates must take one of three option papers: (i) company law; (ii) trusts law; or (iii) family law.  The admission of lawyers as notaries in Jersey is governed by an order of the Master of the Faculties. It is necessary to show that a prospective notary has been in actual practise in Jersey as a Jersey-qualified Advocate or Solicitor for a period of 5 years and is required to pass an examination in notarial practice. The Master does however retain a discretion to admit those who are not so qualified "...in appropriate circumstances".

Legal aid.

There is no publicly funded legal aid system in Jersey, though the States of Jersey may exercise discretion to pay defence legal fees in serious criminal trials and in cases involving children. During their first 15 years of practice, Jersey Advocates and Solicitors, but not Notaries, are required to participate in a scheme organised by the profession to ensure so far as possible that people without sufficient resources are not prevented from pursuing or defending civil and criminal cases in the island's courts. The scheme is administered on behalf by the Bâtonnier (a senior member of the profession). Cases accepted by the Bâtonnier as eligible are allocated to lawyers on the basis of the 'Tour de Rôle' (i.e. according to one's turn). Depending on the litigants' income and assets, lawyers may work pro bono or charge a reasonable fee in accordance with published guidelines. A lawyer assigned a legal aid case may choose to pay another lawyer to handle the case and several firms have established specialist legal aid departments. There have been numerous and long-standing calls for reform of the present system.

Law reform.

The Jersey Law Commission was established by the States of Jersey in 1996 to keep Jersey law under review and bring forward proposals for law reform.

The law of Jersey has been influenced by several different legal traditions, in particular Norman customary law, English common law and modern French civil law. The Bailiwick of Jersey is a separate jurisdiction from that of the United Kingdom, and is also distinct from that of the other Channel Islands such as Guernsey, although they do share some historical developments. Jersey's legal system is'mixed' or 'pluralistic', and sources of law are in French and English languages, although since the 1950s the main working language of the legal system is English.


Personal life.

Kepa is originally from Lomanikoro, Rewa, and has maternal links to Nadroga. She graduated from the University of the South Pacific with a Bachelor of Arts, and served as Principal of Corpus Christi College and then as a students' coordinator at the University of the South Pacific.  She succeeded her late sister, former Ro Lady Lala Mara, as "Roko Tui Dreketi," or Paramount Chief of Burebasaga, in 2004. This is considered to be the highest title in the Burebasaga Confederacy, one of three "confederacies", or tribal networks, of Fijian chiefs.  Ro Teimumu Kepa is the widow of Sailosi Kepa, a former High Commissioner to London, Minister of Justice and Attorney General (1988–1992), who went on to become a High Court Judge, Ombudsman, and first chairman of Fiji's Human Rights Commission.  In July 2016, Kepa was awarded a Peace Award by the Universal Peace Federation in Nepal and was accorded as a Global Peace Ambassador or Ambassador for Peace.

Political career.

In 1999 Kepa was appointed to the Senate. Following the 2000 Fijian coup d'état she was appointed as Minister for Women, Culture, and Social Welfare in the interim government of Laisenia Qarase. She contested the 2001 election as a candidate for the Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua in the Rewa communal constituency, winning it with 2,636 votes. Following the election she was appointed as Minister for Education.  On 5 May 2005 she was elected as chairperson of the Rewa Provincial Council, a position previously held by her sister Ro Lady Lala Mara. This led to claims that she had forfeited her seat in Parliament, resulting in her resigning from the council in August 2005.  In October 2005, Kepa was elected to the executive board of UNESCO, to which the Fijian government had nominated her in late September.  Kepa stood again for Rewa in the 2006 election, defeating her nephew, Ro Filipe Tuisawau. She was reappointed as Minister for Education, Youth and Sports in the multi-party cabinet. When the Qarase government was deposed by the 2006 Fijian coup d'état, Kepa joined a court case challenging the legality of the coup. She also used her position in the Great Council of Chiefs to oppose the coup, and was instrumental in the Council's 2007 rejection of Epeli Nailatikau nomination as Vice-President. As a result, the Council was suspended.  In May 2007, Kepa was threatened by the military over her opposition to the coup. However she continued to speak out against the regime and its People's Charter for Change, Peace and Progress. In July 2009 she was arrested and charged with breaching public emergency regulations and conspiracy to cause disorder after offering that her province would host the annual conference of the Methodist Church of Fiji and Rotuma, which the military regime had banned. The charges were later dropped. In 2011 the military regime suspended the Rewa Provincial Council in another effort to silence her.  In March 2014 Kepa was elected leader of the newly formed Social Democratic Liberal Party. She led the party into the 2014 election. The party won 15 of the 50 parliamentary seats; Kepa, who won 49,485 votes in her own name, was the second-highest ranked candidate behind Bainimarama. On 6 October 2014 Kepa was appointed Leader of the Opposition.  In June 2016, Kepa announced that she was standing down as leader of SODELPA. She was replaced by former Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka. She was re-elected in the 2018 elections, winning 6,036 votes, the second-highest of any female candidate.

Ro Teimumu Vuikaba Kepa (born 18 December 1945) is a Fijian chief, Member of the Parliament of Fiji, and former leader of the Social Democratic Liberal Party. She was the first Fijian woman to serve as Leader of the Opposition. She previously held the position of deputy Prime Minister in the Qarase-led Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL) government from 2001 to 2006. As the paramount chief of the Burebasaga Confederacy, she holds the title "Roko Tui Dreketi".


The formation of Federation Party and the 1965 conference.

The formation of the Federation Party was a direct consequence of the dispute between cane farmers and the Colonial Sugar Refining Company (CSR) in 1960 regarding the new cane contract. It contested the 1963 Legislative Council election under the banner of Citizens Federation, which was reconstituted as the Federation Party on 21 June 1964, with A.D. Patel as President and Sidiq Koya as Vice-president. The merger took place in time for the party to participate in the 1965 constitutional conference which was called to map out a path towards independence from the United Kingdom. The British Government decided to introduce cross-voting as a compromise between the Fijian and European delegates on one side and the Indians on the other; nine of the 36 seats on the Legislative Council would be elected by universal suffrage, but allocated by ethnicity, divided equally among Fijians, Indians, and general electors (Caucasians, Chinese, and other minorities). The Legislative Council was enlarged to 36 members, consisting of 14 Fijians (9 elected on communal roll, 3 on cross-voting roll and two nominated by the Great Council of Chiefs), 12 Indians (9 elected on communal roll and 3 on cross-voting roll) and 10 Europeans (7 elected on communal roll and 3 on cross-voting roll). Some of the non-contentious proposals by the Federation Party were accepted. These were the establishment of Public Service Commission, Police Service Commission and Judicial and Legal Services Commission and a Bill of Rights.

From 1966 until the death of A.D. Patel.

The outcome of the constitutional conference was a major issue during the election, which was the first election in Fiji contested on Party lines. The Federation Party was expected to win at least the three cross-voting seats in the western division because of its predominantly Indian population but managed to win only the 9 Indian communal seats. The Alliance Party won 22 seats but the three independents and the two Council of Chiefs nominees joined it to give it a total strength of 27. Ratu Kamisese Mara of the Alliance Party became the Chief Minister and A.D. Patel became the Leader of the Opposition.  Ethnic tensions escalated following the adoption of responsible government in 1967, when Patel's arch-rival, the Lauan chief Ratu Kamisese Mara was appointed Chief Minister on 20 September. Mara's Alliance Party was a coalition of indigenous and European factions, with minimal Indo-Fijian participation. Patel and the NFP were consigned to the opposition benches. In protest at the new government's refusal to call a second constitutional conference, Patel led the nine Federation Party legislators in a mass walkout in September 1967. Missing two consecutive sections of the Legislative Council resulted in the forfeit of their seats, forcing by-elections. The ensuing by-elections were marked by inter-ethnic violence. All nine Federation Party legislators were returned with increased majorities, winning 78.55% of the votes cast. A.D. Patel won by 7903 votes to 2772 for Manikam Pillai. There were demonstrations by ethnic Fijians and calls to not renew native land leases and extreme elements called for Indians to be deported from Fiji. Relations between the Indo-Fijian and indigenous communities were at a new low.

The Formation of the National Federation Party.

In November 1968, the Federation merged with the National Democratic Party to form the National Federation Party. Patel and Koya became the President and Vice-President, respectively, of the merged party. Apisai Tora and Isikeli Nadalo, both indigenous Fijians, were leading figures in the NDP, and the merger brought well-known Fijians into the party for the first time. The attempt to position itself as a multi-racial party failed to translate into significant electoral support in the indigenous Fijian community. The NFP never succeeded in getting ten percent of the Fijian vote at any poll. It did, however, manage to elect several Fijians to what became the House of Representatives after independence in 1970, owing to cross-voting in the renamed national constituencies.  Less than a year after the founding of the NFP, Patel died suddenly on 1 October 1969. His deputy, Sidiq Koya, succeeded him as party leader.

NFP under the leadership of Sidiq Koya.

NFP and Alliance work together to attain independence.

The party played an important role in the negotiations that led to Fiji's independence from the United Kingdom in 1970. Their original demand for a universal franchise threatened to stall the independence process, but at a conference in London in April 1970, Sidiq Koya, eventually negotiated a compromise with Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, the leader of the Alliance Party, the main ethnic Fijian-dominated party. According to this compromise, ethnic Fijians and Indo-Fijians would each be allocated 22 seats, with 12 representing "Communal constituencies" (comprising voters registered as members of a particular ethnic group) and a further 10 representing "National constituencies" (distributed by ethnicity but elected by universal suffrage) in the 52 member House of Representatives. A further 8 seats would be reserved for General electors (Europeans, Chinese, and other minorities); 3 of these would be "communal" and 5 "national."  With the leaders of both major ethnic groups working together for the first time in Fiji's history, the transition to independence was peaceful and the euphoria of independence continued for some time. Sidiq Koya travelled with the Prime Minister to India and the United Nations and there was talk of a coalition government. There were those within the National Federation Party (NFP) who were not happy with the close relationship between Sidiq Koya and Ratu Kamisese Mara, the most notable of whom was R. D. Patel, but for the time being dissent was not being expressed openly.

The 1972 general election.

The first general election since independence was held in May 1972 without the ethnic tension characteristic of the 1966 general election and the 1968 by-elections. The NFP won only 19 of the 52 seats in the House of Representatives, with Alliance Party actually increasing its share of the Indian vote. After the election, R.D. Patel, one of Koya's critics within the NFP, was elected speaker of the House of Representatives.

Worsening relationship between Koya and Mara.

From mid-1975, the relationship between Koya and Mara worsened. This was firstly due to the announcement by the Minister of Education that the Government would not subsidise school fees for non-Fijians. Sidiq Koya called this "a blatant piece of racial injustice". Secondly when a former Alliance member moved a motion calling for the repatriation of people of Indian origin back to India, Koya was not happy with the measured response of the Alliance Government and accused it of "having elements which wanted to do legally what the Fijian Nationalist Party Leader, Sakeasi Butadroka, was trying to do illegally." Thirdly, the Prime Minister rejected the recommendations of the Royal Commission which investigated the voting system, claiming that implementation of the recommendation would cause bloodshed in the country.

Split within NFP.

The inability of the NFP to make significant inroads into the ethnic Fijian vote kept the party in opposition in the years following independence. In the March 1977 election, however, a split in the ethnic Fijian vote enabled the NFP to win a plurality in the House of Representatives. Internal dissension, however, prevented the party from forming a government, as the party fractured over disputes about the leadership and the allocation of ministerial positions. The Governor-General, "Ratu Sir" George Cakobau, reappointed the defeated Prime Minister, Ratu Mara, and ordered a new election for September that year, in which the NFP was heavily defeated. For more information, see Fiji Constitutional Crisis of 1977.

NFP under the leadership of Jai Ram Reddy.

A second election to resolve the impasse was held in September that year, resulting in a heavy defeat for the NFP after it had split into two factions known as the Dove and Flower factions. Koya lost his parliamentary seat to Jai Ram Reddy, who became the new leader of the NFP. Koya's Dove faction had won only 3 seats compared to 12 won by the Flower faction.  Reddy followed a policy, which had been tried once before by Koya, that of moderation in which he sought to work with the Alliance Party to bring about change instead of resorting to the divisive policies of A.D. Patel and the later years of Koya's leadership. He enjoyed a brief period of honeymoon with the Alliance and there was again talk of a coalition. Relations between the two sides deteriorated as the Alliance used its massive majority to push through legislations seen to be anti-Indian. In 1980, after Reddy criticised, Alliance's policy of reserving Crown land for use by ethnic Fijians only, he and Ratu Kamisese Mara were no longer on speaking terms.  The NFP re-united for the 1982 elections and came close to winning the election by winning 24 seats in coalition with the Western United Front (WUF). Reddy's disagreement with the Alliance Speaker of the House led to his walkout in December 1983 and to resignation from parliament in April 1984.

Sidiq Koya's second term as party leader.

Sidiq Koya, who had returned to Parliament in 1982 under a unified NFP, was elected the leader following Reddy's resignation. He was not far from controversy, and was accused of favouring his own supporters for crucial appointments within the party. He barred the NFP Youth Wing from a Working Committee meeting further raising allegations of dictatorial rule.  Internal dissension reached a climax when a Koya supporter from Ba, Dr Balwant Singh Rakkha, was selected to contest the Lautoka seat vacated by Reddy's resignation. The NFP Youth Wing, put up its own candidate, Davendra Singh, a little-known small businessman. The NFP Youth Wing had the support of the former Flower faction and also claimed Reddy's support. For his part, Reddy did not openly campaign for either candidate. During the campaign, Koya turned the election into a referendum on himself, and threatened to resign if Rakkha lost. The result was a win for Singh by a narrow margin but Koya did not go ahead with his threat.  With the emergence of Fiji Labour Party (FLP), the NFP lost further ground. In the Suva City Council election of October 1985, it failed to field any candidate and the FLP won most seats and occupied the Lord Mayor's chair. In the by-election for the North Central National Seat (based in Ba district), brought about by the resignation of Vijay R. Singh, the Alliance won by a narrow margin over the FLP candidate, Mahendra Chaudhry. NFP was placed last. In December 1985, three prominent NFP parliamentarians resigned.  With his party falling apart, Koya resigned from the leadership of the NFP and was replaced by Harish Sharma.

Coalition with FLP.

For the 1987 election, therefore, they formed an electoral coalition with the Fiji Labour Party under the leadership of Timoci Bavadra, an ethnic Fijian. The coalition won the election, but the new government was overthrown a month later in a military coup led by Lieutenant Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka.  A new Constitution was promulgated, providing for a built-in ethnic Fijian majority in the legislature. This condemned the NFP to permanent opposition status. When the government agreed to revise the Constitution in 1997, however, the NFP, now led by Jai Ram Reddy, played a key role in the ensuing negotiations, which resulted in the removal of the guaranteed ethnic Fijian majority from Parliament. In the election that followed in 1999, the NFP surprised many observers by forming an electoral coalition with the Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei, led by their former enemy, Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka. This may have been a tactical mistake: many Indo-Fijians had not forgiven Rabuka for his role in the overthrow of the Bavadra government and the subsequent drafting of a constitution that they widely considered to be racist, and the NFP, for the first time in 36 years, lost all of its seats in the House of Representatives.

2000 - 2006.

The NFP contested the 2001 election, on a platform calling for the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to look into the Fiji coup of 2000, which had deposed the elected government of Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry, the removal of Value added tax from basic items, reduction of telephone and postal bills, national healthcare insurance for all workers, and consolidation of the independence of the judiciary. Its fortunes sank further, however. The NFP ended up with only about ten percent of the popular vote and only one parliamentary seat – which it subsequently lost in a court challenge. The party's refusal to agree to a preference deal with its one-time ally, the Fiji Labour Party, also worked against it. (At the time, Fiji had a system of preferential voting, similar to Australia's).  There were subsequently signs of a modest revival of fortunes for the NFP. Municipal elections in October 2003, for which the party formed an electoral coalition with Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase's Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL), gave the party control of six municipalities, either in its own right or together with the SDL. Its more significant victories included gaining control of the Nadi Town Council and re-electing Chandu Umaria as Mayor of Suva. In the 2005 municipal polls, their performance was more modest, but Ba and Nadi remained in NFP hands, while an NFP/SDL coalition retained its hold on Sigatoka. In Suva, despite losing some seats, the NFP still out-polled the Fiji Labour Party, its arch-rival for the Indo-Fijian vote.  In the early 2000s, the party attempted to modernise itself. Under the presidency of Dorsami Naidu, the party made an effort to broaden its appeal to women and the disadvantaged. On 11 April 2005, Naidu announced that the NFP now regarded itself as a multiracial party and would attempt to win the support of all ethnic communities in Fiji.

The Reconciliation, Tolerance, and Unity Bill.

In 2005, the NFP was at the forefront of opposition to the government's controversial proposal to establish a Reconciliation and Unity Commission, with the power (subject to presidential approval), to grant compensation to victims of the coup d'état that deposed the elected government in 2000, and amnesty to persons convicted of offences related to it. On 14 May 2005, Naidu called legislation to establish the commission "an act of terrorism", and on 20 May he went on to call for public demonstrations against the bill, which he said was ""just a cover for providing amnesty to people who committed the May 2000 coup crime acts."" On 27 June, Naidu announced that the NFP had started a petition against the bill, and expected to gather 150,000 signatures. The party was sending copies of the petition, along with a statement of the party's objections to the bill in English, Fijian, and Hindustani to all schools, other organisations, and islands in Fiji. Naidu said the party was opposed not only to the amnesty provisions of the legislation, but also to its compensation provisions, saying that the taxpayer should not have to foot the bill. ""Those part and parcel of the 2000 coup should have their properties seized and sold to pay compensation to those affected,"" Naidu said. He thought, moreover, that those wanting to claim compensation should do so through the courts. He said that the petition would be presented to the parliamentary committee on Justice, Law and Order, along with the party's submission.

Party conference, July 2005.

Naidu resigned from the presidency of the party in July 2005, following his arrest on common assault and sexual assault charges. At the party's annual conference attended by more than 600 delegates in Nausori on 31 July, Raman Pratap Singh, a lawyer and former parliamentarian, was elected to replace him.

Towards 2006.

A priority for the NFP was to attempt to revive sufficient support to gain Parliamentary representation in the general election scheduled for 2006. On 12 August 2005, Pramod Rae said the party was experiencing financial difficulties. Speaking on Radio Sargam, he denied perceptions that the NFP was a "rich man's party" and said that sometimes it could not afford telephone bills, and was having to go door to door asking for donations to keep it going. Many businessmen who had once supported the NFP were now supporting the Fiji Labour Party (FLP), he lamented.  Under Fiji's so-called alternative ballot system, votes cast for low-polling candidates may be transferred to higher-polling candidates, as specified by the candidates. These transferred votes are known as "preferences." Rae said on 20 August that in pursuing negotiations with other parties for exchanges of preferences, the NFP would aim to hold the centre ground in Fijian politics and would forge alliances with parties that shared its philosophy. NFP Treasurer Ashok Bal Govind said on 21 October that neither the FLP nor the SDL had "good policies," and that the NFP would wait to see whether parties with "better policies" emerged before deciding on any electoral pacts. In the end, the NFP made arrangements with FLP candidates in some constituencies, and with SDL candidates in others.

Negotiations with the SDL.

At the August conference, the party decided that a preference deal with the ruling SDL in the parliamentary election scheduled for 2006 would be conditional on the government withdrawing its Reconciliation and Unity Bill. In the last election in 2001, a similar deal, which allowed votes cast for low-polling NFP candidates to be transferred to the SDL, was crucial to the SDL victory under Fiji's transferable voting system. ""You are in power today because of our preferential votes NFP gave you in 2001,"" said Pramod Rae, the general secretary of the party. ""If you are going to pass this bill, do not count on us. We will not support you if you rail road this evil bill in Parliament.""  Fiji Village reported on 9 March 2006 that Prime Minister Qarase had offered the NFP Cabinet posts, assuming the party won parliamentary representation, in exchange for a preference deal.

Negotiations with the FLP.

A meeting, described as a "courtesy call", took place between officials of the NFP and the FLP on 18 August 2005. Preferential voting was among the topics discussed, but no serious negotiations were entered into, with both parties indicating that such a move would be premature. Nevertheless, a flurry of media speculation followed, with several major news services reporting in early September that the two parties were close to reaching a deal. Comments by FLP officials led credence to these rumours. On 19 September, however, Pratap Singh distanced himself and his party from the speculation that a deal with the FLP was likely. The NFP did not believe that the FLP truly represented the Indo-Fijian community, he said, who had gained nothing from what he called the "confrontational" posturing of the FLP.  According to the Fiji Sun (27 February 2006), NFP trustee Attar Singh accused the FLP of having stolen the NFP's 1982 election manifesto and using it for the 1999 election. FLP Parliamentarian Lekh Ram Vayshnoi rejected the charge as false.

2006 election result.

The election, which was finally held on 6–13 May 2006, was a disaster for the NFP. Its share of the popular vote fell to 6 percent, its lowest ever, and the party again failed to win parliamentary representation.

Post 2006.

In 2006 the Fijian government was overthrown and the Fijian parliament dissolved in a military coup. In January 2013 the military regime promulgated new regulations governing the registration of political parties, requiring all parties to have at least 5,000 members. The NFP applied for registration on 14 February, becoming one of only two existing parties to do so. Registration was granted on 3 May 2013.  The NFP elected Biman Prasad, Professor of Economics at the University of the South Pacific, as its new leader in March 2014, while Roko Tupou Draunidalo, scion of a distinguished political and chiefly family, was elected President of the party. Three NFP candidates, including Prasad and Draunidalo, were returned in the 2014 elections, the first since the 2006 coup. Prasad is now the leader of NFP caucus in Parliament, Shadow Minister of Finance and Chairman of the Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee.  In June 2016, Draunidalo made remarks against the Fijian Minister for Education, Mahendra Reddy asking him if he thought the opposition side were "dumb natives" for which she was taken to the Privileges Committee who recommended that she was suspended from parliament for the remainder of the term of Parliament which ends in 2018. In January 2017 she resigned from the NFP and from parliament. Her seat was taken by Parmod Chand.  The party ran 51 candidates in the 2018 elections, ten of which were women. It gained 33,515 votes, increasing its vote share to 7.38%, but gained just three seats.

The National Federation Party is a Fijian political party founded by A.D. Patel in November 1968, as a merger of the Federation Party and the National Democratic Party. Though it claimed to represent all Fiji Islanders, it was supported, in practice, almost exclusively by Indo-Fijians whose ancestors had come to Fiji, mostly as indentured labourers, between 1879 and 1916. However, in the 2018 General elections the party recorded a considerable change in its support base as a consequent of the inclusion of more indigenous Fijian candidates.