History.

The history of secularism in Turkey extends to the Tanzimat reforms of Ottoman Empire. The second peak in secularism occurred during the Second Constitutional Era. The current form was achieved by Atatürk's Reforms.

Ottoman Empire.

The establishing structure (Ruling institution of the Ottoman Empire) of the Ottoman Empire (13th century) was an Islamic state in which the head of the Ottoman state was the Sultan. The social system was organized around millet. Millet structure allowed a great degree of religious, cultural and ethnic continuity to non-Muslim populations across the subdivisions of the Ottoman Empire and at the same time it permitted their incorporation into the Ottoman administrative, economic and political system. The Ottoman-appointed governor collected taxes and provided security, while the local religious or cultural matters were left to the regional communities to decide. On the other hand, the sultans were Muslims and the laws that bound them were based on the Sharia, the body of Islamic law, as well as various cultural customs. The Sultan, beginning in 1517, was also a caliph, the leader of all the Sunni Muslims in the world. By the turn of the 19th century the Ottoman ruling elite recognized the need to restructure the legislative, military and judiciary systems to cope with their new political rivals in Europe. When the millet system started to lose its efficiency due to the rise of nationalism within its borders, the Ottoman Empire explored new ways of governing its territory composed of diverse populations.  Sultan Selim III founded the first secular military schools by establishing the new military unit, Nizam-ı Cedid, as early as 1792. However the last century (19th century) of the Ottoman Empire had many far reaching reforms. These reforms peaked with the Tanzimat which was the initial reform era of the Ottoman Empire. After the Tanzimat, rules, such as those relating to the equalized status of non-Muslim citizens, the establishment of a parliament, the abandonment of medieval punishments for apostasy, as well as the codification of the constitution of the empire and the rights of Ottoman subjects were established. The First World War brought about the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the subsequent partitioning of the Ottoman Empire by the victorious Allies. Therefore, the Republic of Turkey was actually a nation-state built as a result of an empire lost.

Reforms of Republic.

During the establishment of the Republic, there were two sections of the elite group at the helm of the discussions for the future. These were the Islamist reformists and Westerners. They shared a similar goal, the modernization of the new state. Many basic goals were common to both groups. The founder of the modern Turkish Republic Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's achievement was to amplify this common ground and put the country on a fast track of reforms, now known as Atatürk's Reforms.  Their first act was to give the Turkish nation the right to exercise popular sovereignty via representative democracy. Prior to declaring the new Republic, the Turkish Grand National Assembly abolished the constitutional monarchy on November 1, 1922. The Turkish Grand National Assembly then moved to replace the extant Islamic law structure with the laws it had passed during the Turkish War of Independence, beginning in 1919. The modernization of the Law had already begun at the point that the project was undertaken in earnest. A milestone in this process was the passage of the Turkish Constitution of 1921. Upon the establishment of the Republic on October 29, 1923, the institution of the caliphate remained, but the passage of a new constitution in 1924 effectively abolished this title held by the Ottoman Sultanate since 1517. Even as the new constitution eliminated the caliphate it, at the same time, declared Islam as the official religion of the Turkish Republic. The caliphate's powers within Turkey were transferred to the National Assembly and the title has since been inactive. The Turkish Republic does in theory still retain the right to reinstate the caliphate, should it ever elect to do so.  Following quickly upon these developments, a number of social reforms were undertaken. Many of these reforms affected every aspect of Turkish life, moving to erase the legacy of dominance long held by religion and tradition. The unification of education, installation of a secular education system, and the closure of many religious orders took place on March 3, 1924. This extended to closure of religious convents and dervish lodges on November 30, 1925. These reforms also included the extension to women of voting rights in 1931 and the right be to elected to public office on December 5, 1934. The inclusion of reference to "laïcité" into the constitution was achieved by an amendment on February 5, 1937, a move regarded as the final act in the project of instituting complete separation between governmental and religious affairs in Turkey.

Erdoğan's political agenda of Islamization.

According to at least one observer (Mustafa Akyol), under the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, starting in 2007, "hundreds of secularist officers and their civilian allies" were jailed, and by 2012 the "old secularist guard" in positions of authority was replaced by members/supporters of the AKP party and the Islamic Gülen movement. On 25 April 2016, the Turkish Parliament Speaker İsmail Kahraman told a conference of Islamic scholars and writers in Istanbul that "secularism would not have a place in a new constitution”, as Turkey is “a Muslim country and so we should have a religious constitution". (One of the duties of Parliament Speaker is to pen a new draft constitution for Turkey.)  Some have also complained (see cite) that under Erdoğan, the old role of the "Diyanet"—maintaining control over the religious sphere of Islam in Turkey—has "largely been turned on its head". Now greatly increased in size, the "Diyanet" promotes a certain type of conservative ("Hanafi" Sunni) Islam inside Turkey, issuing "fatawa" forbidding such activities as "feeding dogs at home, celebrating the western New Year, lotteries, and tattoos"; and projecting this "Turkish Islam" abroad.  The government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) pursue the explicit policy agenda of Islamization of education to "raise a devout generation" against secular resistance, in the process causing lost jobs and school for many non-religious citizens of Turkey. Following the July Coup, which President Erdoğan called “a gift from God", thousands were purged by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government—primarily followers of the Gülen movement, which is alleged to have launched the coup—but also remaining secularists. One explanation for the end of secularism in Turkey is that socialism was seen as a threat from the left to "capitalist supremacy", and Islamic values were restored in the education system because they "appeared best suited to neutralize any challenges from the left to capitalist supremacy."

Counterclaims on Islamization.

Some also see interest and support of secularism in Turkey as increasing, not decreasing. After Erdogan made the statement about his desire to "raise a religious youth," politicians of all parties condemned his statements as abandoning Turkish values. A petition reading "[O]f Muslim, Christian, Jewish, Zoroastrian, Alawite, Shafi’i, religious and nonreligious, atheist and agnostic backgrounds, all joined with a firm belief in secularism, [we] find your recent remarks about raising a religious and conservative youth most alarming and dangerous" was signed by over 2,000 people. The pro-government newspaper "Bugün" ran a story stating "no one has the right to convert this society into a religious one, or the opposite." Surveys of the Turkish people also show a great support for maintaining a secular country. The Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation found that only 9% of Turks supported a religious state in 2006. A more recent 2015 poll by Metropoll found that over 80% of Turkish people supported the continuation of Turkey as a secular state, with even the majority of AKP voters supporting a secular state too.

Constitutional principles.

The Constitution asserts that Turkey is supposed to be a secular and democratic republic, deriving its sovereignty from the people. The sovereignty rests with the Turkish Nation, who delegates its exercise to an elected unicameral parliament, the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Moreover, Article 4: declares the immovability the founding principles of the Republic defined in the first three Articles: The Constitution bans any proposals for the modification of these articles. Each of these concepts which were distributed in the three articles of the constitution can not be achieved without the other two concepts. The constitution requires a central administration which would lose its meaning (effectiveness, coverage, etc.) if the system is not based on "laïcité", social equality, and equality before law. Vice versa, if the Republic differentiate itself based on social, religious differences, administration can not be equal to the population when the administration is central. The system which tried to be established in the constitution sets out to found a unitary nation-state based on the principles of secular democracy.

Impact on society.

The Turkish Constitution recognizes freedom of religion for "individuals" whereas identified "religious communities" are placed under the protection of state, but the constitution explicitly states that they cannot become involved in the political process (by forming a religious party for instance) and no party can claim that it represents a form of religious belief. Nevertheless, religious views are generally expressed through conservative parties.  In recent history, two parties have been ordered to close (Welfare Party in 1998, and Virtue Party in 2001) by the Constitutional Court for Islamist activities and attempts to "redefine the secular nature of the republic". The first party to be closed for suspected anti-secularist activities was the Progressive Republican Party on June 3, 1925.  Issues relating to Turkey's secularism were discussed in the lead up to the 2007 presidential elections, in which the ruling party chose a candidate with Islamic connections, Abdullah Gül, for the first time in its secular republic. While some in Turkey have expressed concern that the nomination could represent a move away from Turkey's secularist traditions, including particularly Turkey's priority on equality between the sexes, others have suggested that the conservative party has effectively promoted modernization while reaching out to more traditional and religious elements in Turkish society. On July 22, 2007 it was reported that the more religiously conservative ruling party won a larger than expected electoral victory in the parliamentary elections.  Turkey's preservation and maintenance of its secular identity has been a profound issue and source of tension. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has broken with secular tradition, by speaking out in favor of limited Islamism and against the active restrictions, instituted by Atatürk on wearing the Islamic-style head scarves in government offices and schools. The Republic Protests () were a series of peaceful mass rallies that took place in Turkey in the spring of 2007 in support of the Kemalist ideals of state secularism.  The constitutional rule that prohibits discrimination on religious grounds is taken very seriously. Turkey, as a secular country, prohibits by law the wearing of religious headcover and theo-political symbolic garments for both genders in government buildings and schools; a law upheld by the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights as legitimate on November 10, 2005 in "Leyla Şahin v. Turkey".  The strict application of secularism in Turkey has been credited for enabling women to have access to greater opportunities, compared to countries with a greater influence of religion in public affairs, in matters of education, employment, wealth as well as political, social and cultural freedoms.  Also paradoxical with the Turkish secularism is the fact that identity document cards of Turkish citizens include the specification of the card holder's religion. This declaration was perceived by some as representing a form of the state's surveillance over its citizens' religious choices.  The mainstream Hanafite school of Sunni Islam is entirely organized by the state, through the "Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı" (Religious Affairs Directorate), which supervises all mosques, educates the imams who work in them, and approves all content for religious services and prayers. It appoints imams, who are classified as civil servants. This micromanagement of Sunni religious practices, at times, seems much more sectarian than secular, as it violates the principle of state neutrality in religious practice. Groups that have expressed dissatisfaction with this situation include a variety of non-governmental Sunni / Hanafi groups (such as the Nurci movement), whose interpretation of Islam tends to be more activist; and the non-Sunni (Alevi), whose members tend to resent supporting the Sunni establishment with their tax money (whereas the Turkish state does not subsidize Alevi religious activities).

Criticism.

Reforms going in the direction of secularism have been completed under Atatürk (abolition of the caliphate, etc.). However, Turkey is not strictly a secular state:  Religion is mentioned on the identity documents and there is an administration called "Presidency of Religious Affairs" or Diyanet which exploits Islam to legitimize sometimes State and manages 77,500 mosques. This state agency, established by Atatürk in 1924, and which had a budget over U.S. $2.5 billion in 2012 finances only Sunni Muslim worship. Other religions must ensure a financially self-sustaining running and they face administrative obstacles during operation.  When harvesting tax, all Turkish citizens are equal. The tax rate is not based on religion. However, through the Diyanet, Turkish citizens are not equal in the use of revenue. For example, Câferî (Ja'fari) Muslims (mostly Azeris) and Alevi Bektashi (mostly Turkmen) participate in the financing of the mosques and the salaries of Sunni imams, while their places of worship, which are not officially recognized by the State, don't receive any funding.  Theoretically, Turkey, through the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), recognizes the civil, political and cultural rights of non-Muslim minorities. In practice, Turkey only recognizes Greek, Armenian and Jewish religious minorities without granting them all the rights mentioned in the Treaty of Lausanne.  Alevi Bektashi Câferî Muslims, Catholics and Protestants are not recognized officially.  With more than 100,000 employees, the Diyanet is a kind of state within the state. In 2013, with over 4.6 billion TL (Turkish Lira), Diyanet or Ministry of Religious Affairs, occupies the 16th position of central government expenditure. The budget allocated to Diyanet is:  Diyanet's budget represents:

Headscarf controversy.

"Many of the passages citations can be found at the UNHCR  With a policy of official secularism, the Turkish government has traditionally banned the wearing of headscarves by women who work in the public sector. The ban applies to teachers, lawyers, parliamentarians and others working on state premises. The ban on headscarves in the civil service and educational and political institutions was expanded to cover non-state institutions. Authorities began to enforce the headscarf ban among mothers accompanying their children to school events or public swimming pools, while female lawyers and journalists who refused to comply with the ban were expelled from public buildings such as courtrooms and universities. In 1999, the ban on headscarves in the public sphere hit the headlines when Merve Kavakçı, a newly elected MP for the Virtue Party was prevented from taking her oath in the National Assembly because she wore a headscarf. The constitutional rule that prohibits discrimination on religious grounds is taken very seriously. Turkey, as a secular country, prohibits by law the wearing of religious headcover and theo-political symbolic garments for both genders in government buildings, schools, and universities; a law upheld by the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights as legitimate on November 10, 2005 in "Leyla Şahin v. Turkey".

Workplace.

According to Country Reports 2007, women who wore headscarves and their supporters "were disciplined or lost their jobs in the public sector" (US 11 March 2008, Sec. 2.c). Human Rights Watch (HRW) reports that in late 2005, the Administrative Supreme Court ruled that a teacher was not eligible for a promotion in her school because she wore a headscarf outside of work (Jan. 2007). An immigration counsellor at the Embassy of Canada in Ankara stated in 27 April 2005 correspondence with the Research Directorate that public servants are not permitted to wear a headscarf while on duty, but headscarved women may be employed in the private sector. In 12 April 2005 correspondence sent to the Research Directorate, a professor of political science specializing in women's issues in Turkey at Boğaziçi University in Istanbul indicated that women who wear a headscarf "could possibly be denied employment in private or government sectors." Conversely, some municipalities with a more traditional constituency might attempt to hire specifically those women who wear a headscarf (Professor 12 April 2005). The professor did add, however, that headscarved women generally experience difficulty in obtaining positions as teachers, judges, lawyers, or doctors in the public service (ibid.). More recent or corroborating information on the headscarf ban in the public service could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate.  The London-based Sunday Times reports that while the ban is officially in place only in the public sphere, many private firms similarly avoid hiring women who wear headscarves (6 May 2007). MERO notes that women who wear headscarves may have more difficulty finding a job or obtaining a desirable wage (Apr. 2008), although this could not be corroborated among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate.

Medical care.

According to the Sunday Times, headscarves are banned inside Turkish hospitals, and doctors may not don a headscarf on the job (6 May 2007). Nevertheless, MERO reports that under Turkey's current administration, seen by secularists to have a hidden religious agenda (The New York Times 19 February 2008; Washington Post 26 February 2008), doctors who wear headscarves have been employed in some public hospitals (MERO Apr. 2008).

Ban lifted.

On 9 February 2008, Turkey's parliament approved a constitutional amendment that lifted the ban on Islamic headscarves in universities. Prior to this date, the public ban on headscarves officially extended to students on university campuses throughout Turkey. Nevertheless, according to Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2007, "some faculty members permitted students to wear head coverings in class". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty notes that since the 1990s, some rectors have allowed students to wear headscarves.  On 5 June 2008, Turkey's Constitutional Court annulled the parliament's proposed amendment intended to lift the headscarf ban, ruling that removing the ban would run counter to official secularism. While the highest court's decision to uphold the headscarf ban cannot be appealed (AP 7 June 2008), the government has nevertheless indicated that it is considering adopting measures to weaken the court's authority.

Wearing of head-covering.

According to a research by the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation in 2007, around 62% of women wear the headscarf in Turkey.  Turkey's strong secularism has resulted in what have been perceived by some as strictures on the freedom of religion; for example, the headscarf has long been prohibited in public universities, and a constitutional amendment passed in February 2008 that permitted women to wear it on university campuses sparked considerable controversy. In addition, the armed forces have maintained a vigilant watch over Turkey's political secularism, which they affirm to be a keystone among Turkey's founding principles. The military has not left the maintenance of a secular political process to chance, however, and has intervened in politics on a number of occasions.

Secularism in Turkey defines the relationship between religion and state in the country of Turkey. Secularism (or "laïcité") was first introduced with the 1928 amendment of the Constitution of 1924, which removed the provision declaring that the "Religion of the State is Islam", and with the later reforms of Turkey's first president Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, which set the administrative and political requirements to create a modern, democratic, secular state, aligned with Kemalism.


Early life and family.

Born in Dunedin on 11 March 1903, Dickinson was the son of Henry Dickinson and Eliza Jane Dickinson (née McDonald). He was educated at Otago Boys' High School. On 11 June 1929 he married Rua Belle Milne at First Church in Dunedin.

Sporting career.

Rugby union.

While at Otago Boys' High School, Dickinson played as a five-eighth in the school's 1st XV rugby team between 1918 and 1921. He made his debut for the All Blacks in 1922 on their tour of New South Wales, playing five matches and scoring three tries. He went on to play 12 matches for between 1922 and 1924, scoring five tries, 11 conversions and one penalty goal. Dickinson also played for the South Island in 1922. He retired from first-class rugby at the age of 21.

Cricket.

A fast bowler, Dickinson became the first so-called "double All Black" when he represented New Zealand at cricket against Victoria in the 1924-25 season. He played a match against Australia in 1927-28, then in New Zealand's first two official Tests, against England in 1929-30, and a final Test against South Africa in 1931-32. He took eight wickets at an average of 30.62 in his three Tests.  Dickinson played for Otago from 1920-21 to 1937-38, and one match for Wellington in the 1943-44 season. His best performances were 6 for 43 and 5 for 46 against Canterbury in 1924-25, and 7 for 90 and 4 for 55 against Wellington the next season. He also scored useful runs in the lower order, with one century, 104, against Wellington in 1927-28.

Working life and death.

Dickinson worked as a salesman, store manager, and clerk. He died in Lower Hutt on 17 March 1978, and his ashes were buried at Taita Lawn Cemetery.

George Ritchie Dickinson (11 March 1903 – 17 March 1978) was a New Zealand cricketer and rugby union player. He played three tests for the New Zealand cricket team between 1930 and 1932, and five matches for the New Zealand national rugby side, the All Blacks, in 1922.


Translation as "for all".

Several initial vernacular translations of the Roman Missal employed "for all" instead of "for many" to represent the phrase "pro multis" in the Eucharistic Prayer. Thus, Italian had "per tutti", Spanish "por todos los hombres", Portuguese "por todos os homens", German "für alle". However, languages such as Polish translated literally, while Dutch had "voor de velen" (for the many), and French "pour la multitude" (for the multitude).  The word "many" (Latin "multi", Greek "πολλοί") is opposed to "few" (Latin "pauci", Greek "ὀλίγοι"), not to "all" (Latin "omnes", Greek "πάντες"). In a large group, all the members are many; in a small group, all are few. People can be many whether they form the totality of a group or only part of a group. An article by Father Max Zerwick, S.J. gives examples of texts in which the totality of a group are referred to as "many".  In 2006, the Holy See gave instructions that in vernacular translations of the revised edition of the Roman Missal published in 2002, "pro multis" was to be translated literally, as "for many". In a circular of 17 October of that year, the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments pointed out that "for all" is not a literal translation of "pro multis", nor of the words "περὶ πολλῶν" in or "ὑπὲρ πολλῶν" in. "For all", it said, is not so much a "translation" as "an "explanation" of the sort that belongs properly to catechesis". Accordingly, it directed the episcopal conferences to make an effort, in line with the Instruction "Liturgiam authenticam", to translate the words "pro multis" "more faithfully".  The official English translation of the 2002 edition of the Roman Missal has been issued, but work continues for several other languages. The new Spanish version has already been approved, with "por muchos" (for many) replacing the previous "por todos los hombres" (for all men), and as early as Pentecost 2009 the change was effected in Hungary from "mindenkiért" (for all) to "sokakért" (for many); but reluctance in some quarters to abandon the use of "for all" to represent "pro multis" has caused delay in relation to German and Italian.  In view of the resistance of some German-speaking episcopal conferences, Pope Benedict XVI wrote a personal letter on 14 April 2012 to the German conference, which had accepted the change. In it he stressed the importance of using the literal translation.  The Italian bishops conference also voted against translating "pro multis" literally as "per molti" (for many), and in favour of keeping "per tutti" (for all). In 2012, Biblicist Francesco Pieri proposed using the phrase "per una moltitudine" (for a multitude) as a way of being faithful to the Latin original.

1973 English translation.

In its initial translation of the Order of Mass, the International Commission on English in the Liturgy rendered the phrase "qui pro vobis et pro multis effundetur in remissionem peccatorum" as "which will be shed for you and for all men, so that sins may be forgiven". (The word "men" was later omitted because of complaints that it could be understood as referring only to males.) This version was approved by the Episcopal Conferences of English-speaking countries in 1973 and confirmed by the Holy See. It has now been replaced by a more accurate translation.  The 1973 translation was confessedly a non-literal translation, and objections were raised against it not only for this reason but also on the grounds that it could be taken to mean that all are in fact saved, regardless of their relationship to Christ and his Church. Some even claimed that use of the "for all" translation made the consecration invalid.  As mentioned in the introduction, Biblicist Albert Vanhoye stated that "pollon" does not exclude the meaning "all" and consequently the English word "many" is not an accurate translation as it excludes "all".  In defence of the 1973 translation, it was said that the literal translation, "for many", could nowadays be taken to mean "not for all", contradicting the declaration in that Christ died for all, though not all choose to avail of the redemption won for them by the shedding of Christ's blood.

Translation as "for the many".

The Dutch bishops chose to translate "pro multis" as "voor de velen" (for the many). The German Bishops Conference also initially decided to translate "pro multis" as "für die Vielen" (for the many), which was to be explained in catechesis as meaning "for all"; however, under the influence of a movement that began in Italy and spread to other countries, they then decided in 1968 to adopt instead "für alle" (for all). The French conference used "pour la multitude" (for the multitude), but the Italian Bishops Conference has rejected this expression for use in the Mass in Italian.  "For many", rather than "for all" or "for the many", is now the official translation in English. The Holy See is insisting on the same for the German translation, with Pope Benedict XVI pointing out that "neither Matthew nor Mark uses the definite article, so it is not 'for the many', but 'for many'".  In fact, the Latin liturgical phrase "pro multis" is drawn from, which in the original Greek reads περὶ πολλῶν ("peri pollon"), the form used in the Byzantine Greek liturgy, and from, which in the original Greek reads ὑπὲρ πολλῶν ("hyper pollon"). Unlike Latin, Greek has the definite article, which appears in neither passage. "For many", not "for the many", is also how all English translations of the Bible translate these phrases. In the view of Manfred Hauke, use in the liturgy of "for the many" would be "a shabby compromise".  Hebrew רבים (rabbim), translated in Greek as πολλῶν (pollon), "means 'a great number' without any specification as to whether this refers to a totality". This also is without the article: רבים (rabbim), not הרבים (harabbim).

For whom was Christ's blood shed?

In the Apostolic Constitution "Cum occasione" of 31 May 1653 Pope Innocent X declared that it is orthodox Catholic teaching to say that Christ shed his blood for all human beings without exception. Indeed, the traditional blessing of a Paten found in the Pontificale Romanum includes the phrase, "Jesus Christ Thy Son, Who for our salvation, and of everyone, (pro nostra omniumque salute) chose to immolate Himself to Thee, God the Father, on the gallows of the Cross."  It is also orthodox Catholic teaching that not all will necessarily avail of the redemption obtained by the shedding of Christ's blood. While Christ's redemptive suffering makes salvation available to all, it does not follow that all men are actually saved. This seems never to have been authoritatively defined, since it has remained uncontroversial.  The Roman Catechism, also known as the Catechism of the Council of Trent, stated: "If we look to its value, we must confess that the Redeemer shed his blood for the salvation of all; but if we look to the fruit which mankind have received from it, we shall easily find that it pertains not unto all, but to many of the human race."  It would be heretical to interpret "for many" in the words of consecration of the wine as indicating that there were some for whom the shedding of Christ's blood was in itself incapable of redeeming (its value). So the Roman Catechism interpreted "for many" in the context of the consecration form as referring to the effect actually accepted by individuals (its fruits). It declared: "When therefore (our Lord) said: 'For you', he meant either those who were present, or those chosen from among the Jewish people, such as were, with the exception of Judas, the disciples with whom he was speaking. When he added, 'And for many', he wished to be understood to mean the remainder of the elect from among the Jews or Gentiles."  In this, the Roman Catechism differed somewhat from the Summa Theologica of Saint Thomas Aquinas. This interpreted "for you" as a reference either to the elect among the Jews, who witnessed the blood shed in the Old Testament sacrifices, or to the priest and the faithful partaking of Mass; and it took "for many" to refer either to the elect among the Gentiles, or to those for whom Mass is offered.  The Catechism went on to say with regard to the words used in the Roman Canon: "With reason, therefore, were the words 'for all' not used, as in this place the fruits of the Passion are alone spoken of, and to the elect only did His Passion bring the fruit of salvation. And this is the purport of the Apostle when he says: 'Christ was offered once to exhaust the sins of many'; and also of the words of our Lord in John: 'I pray for them; I pray not for the world, but for them whom thou hast given me, because they are thine'."  It would also be heretical to interpret "for all" in the words of consecration of the wine as indicating that, without any exception, everybody must in concrete fact receive the benefit won by the shedding of Christ's blood. So the Holy See has interpreted "for all" in the 1973 English translation of the consecration form as referring to the value of the shedding of Christ's blood and to his intention. On 25 January 1974, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith declared that there was no doubt whatsoever regarding the validity of Masses celebrated using "for all" as a translation of "pro multis", since "for all" corresponds to a correct interpretation of Christ's intention expressed in the words of the consecration, and since it is a dogma of the Catholic faith that Christ died on the Cross for all (cf.,,, ).

Pro multis is a Latin phrase that means "for many" or "for the many". Not having the definite article, Latin does not distinguish between these two meanings.


Reception.

"Substrata" is considered to be a classic ambient music album, consistently ranking in the top 5 in surveys on the Hyperreal ambient mailing list.  In 2016, "Pitchfork" ranked it at number 38 on its list of the 50 Best Ambient Albums of All Time.

Samples.

Sorry to wake you. [...] I forgot to tell you something. [...] The things I tell you will not be wrong.  This was a vision, fresh and clear as a mountain stream, the mind revealing itself to itself. In my vision, I was on the veranda of a vast estate, a palazzo of some fantastic proportion. There seemed to emanate from it a light from within, this gleaming, radiant marble. I'd known this place. I had in fact been born and raised there. This was my first return. A reunion with the deepest well-springs of my being. Wandering about, I noticed happily that the house had been immaculately maintained. There'd been added a number of additional rooms, but in a way that blended so seamlessly with the original construction, one would never detect any difference. Returning to the house's grand foyer, there came a knock at the door. My son was standing there. He was happy and carefree, clearly living a life of deep harmony and joy. We embraced, a warm and loving embrace, nothing withheld. We were, in this moment, one. My vision ended, and I awoke with a tremendous feeling of optimism and confidence in you and your future. That was my vision of you. I'm so glad to have had this opportunity to share it with you. I wish you nothing but the very best in all things.  This is either a metal or... If it is a metal, then it's painted... Cold surface... This is either a metal, painted, or could be a plastic... Colorful, there are... Bright... Seems like... Is this a toy? Probably. The surface is smooth, but... There are some bumps on it... Even the finger sticks in it... Probably it is... Some marks, or are these letters?... Or just bumps... Looks like a toy... Colorful metal, or a plastic... Painted metal... That's all... Stop.

In popular culture.

The track "Antennaria" was used in the 2009 video game "Osmos".

Substrata is the third studio album by Norwegian electronic musician Geir Jenssen under the stage name Biosphere, released in 1997 by All Saints Records.


Description.

This is a small wrasse, averaging 10 cm long (14 cm max). It can be recognized thanks to a wide longitudinal black stripe running along the side and eye; the back and the stomach are white (sometimes slightly yellowish). This white part changes to a bright blue on the front of the animal, while the black band widens at the tail. The young are black with an electric blue line.  A genetic analysis of "L. dimidiatus" revealed the population fell into two monophyletic clades, with Indian Ocean populations generally having different stripe widths to western Pacific fishes. The Japanese cleaner wrasses, though, fell within the same group as Indian Ocean fish, despite differing in appearance, and both clades overlap around Papua New Guinea. Two closely-related cleaner wrasse species, "Labroides pectoralis" and "Labroides bicolor", were grouped inside the "L. dimidiatus" clade, so the bluestreak cleaner wrasse may in fact be polyphyletic, incorporating several species.

Distribution.

The bluestreak cleaner wrasse is found on coral reefs in the tropics from the Red Sea and Indian Ocean to the western Pacific (including Papua New Guinea, Japan, Fiji, and French Polynesia). It was first recorded from the Kermadec Islands Marine Reserve north of New Zealand in 2015, after researchers examined hundreds of hours of unused documentary film footage.

Cleaning.

Cleaner wrasses are usually found at cleaning stations. Cleaning stations are occupied by different units of cleaner wrasses, such as a group of youths, a pair of adults, or a group of females accompanied by a dominant male. When visitors come near the cleaning stations, the cleaner wrasses greet the visitors by performing a dance-like motion in which they move their rear up and down. The visitors are referred to as "clients". Bluestreak cleaner wrasses clean to consume ectoparasites on client fish for food. The bigger fish recognise them as cleaner fish because they have a lateral stripe along the length of their bodies, and by their movement patterns. Cleaner wrasses greet visitors in an effort to secure the food source and cleaning opportunity with the client. Upon recognising the cleaner and successfully soliciting its attention, the client fish adopts a species-specific pose to allow the cleaner access to its body surface, gills and sometimes mouth. Other fish that engage in such cleaning behavior include goby fish ("Elacatinus "spp.)  Some fish mimic cleaner wrasses. For example, a species of blenny called "Aspidontus taeniatus" has evolved the same behavior to tear small pieces of flesh or skin from bigger fish rather than rid them of parasites. Another species, the bluestreak fangblenny, "Plagiotremus rhinorhynchos", mimics juvenile cleaner wrasse so its presence is tolerated by the cleaners, which, it is assumed, enables it to take advantage of the concentration of potential victims.

The bluestreak cleaner wrasse, "Labroides dimidiatus", is one of several species of cleaner wrasses found on coral reefs from Eastern Africa and the Red Sea to French Polynesia. Like other cleaner wrasses, it eats parasites and dead tissue off larger fishes' skin in a mutualistic relationship that provides food and protection for the wrasse, and considerable health benefits for the other fishes.


Offseason news.

Garage area.

The highlight of offseason improvements at the Indianapolis Motor Speedway was the construction of a new, state of the art garage area. Just days after the 1985 race, the old Gasoline Alley garage area, most of which had stood since the 1940s, was dismantled and demolished. Official groundbreaking for the new facility occurred on August 26, 1985. The new concrete garages increased to 96 units (up from 88), and each stall provided approximately 30% more working room than their predecessors. The green and white wooden barn doors were replaced with overhead steel garage doors, and the layout was changed from east-west to north-south. The access lanes were widened substantially, improving ingress and egress, improving drainage, and various vendor and support units were also part of the new complex. Lastly, a refueling complex was constructed in the southeast corner, including two underground tanks, one each for methanol and gasoline fuels. Most of the work was completed in April, however, some of the finishing touches were still being completed during the first week of on-track activity.  Though the new garages were universally praised for their increased space and function, they were criticized for lack of aesthetics, and for breaking tradition. The plain precast concrete walls resembled the cookie-cutter stadiums of the era that were largely criticized in baseball and football. The design was a sharp and striking contrast to the previous garage complex, which led some to call them overtly plain or "antiseptic." Changing the layout to north-south based was also a thinly-veiled attempt by the management to further scale back the oft-rowdy "Snakepit" area formerly located inside the turn one infield. The interiors were spacious and without walls (except those adjacent to the middle corridors), allowing teams the flexibility to erect partitions as they saw fit, as well as layout their work area however they desired. Lastly, the new complex greatly improved safety. The old wooden buildings were criticized as potential "fire traps," and management did not want a repeat of the devastating 1941 fire. The concrete construction was more fire-resistant, water spigots were provided in every stall, and the wider lanes provided easier fire escape.

Victory lane.

A new victory lane area was constructed for the 1986 race. From 1971-1985, the winner drove up the checkerboard ramps into the "horseshoe" area below the Master Control Tower. A hydraulic platform was now used, which was located in the actual pit area, in line with the pit stalls. The car would drive onto the platform, and it would raise into the air, and then slowly spin 360° for the fans to see the winner.  This victory lane was popular, but could only a hold a small number of people when raised. It would be used through 1993.

Television.

On August 19, 1985, after years of being shown tape delayed, ABC Sports signed an initial three-year deal to cover the Indianapolis 500 live flag-to-flag starting in 1986. Longtime anchor Jim McKay was moved to the host position, and play-by-play would be handled by Jim Lampley and Sam Posey.  The Daytona 500 had been shown live flag-to-flag on CBS since 1979, and ABC officials had wanted to do the same for Indianapolis for several years. ABC's landmark telecast was scheduled to feature 32 cameras, three RaceCams, and an hour-long live pre-race.

Team and driver changes.

Defending Indy 500 winner Danny Sullivan returned to Penske Racing, however, the rest of the team saw a shake-up from the previous year. Rick Mears returned to full-time driving. After his serious crash at Sanair in 1984, Mears only drove a partial schedule (ovals only) in 1985. Al Unser, Sr., who drove full-time for Penske in 1985, and won the 1985 CART championship, dropped to part-time. Unser would race only the three 500 milers (Indy, Michigan, and Pocono), along with Phoenix and Tamiami. Unser was assigned the duty of being the first driver to roll out the brand new PC-15/Ilmor Chevy Indy V-8 265A.  Kevin Cogan moved over from the Kraco Team to Patrick Racing. Cogan joined Emerson Fittipaldi to make the team a two-car effort. Fittipaldi's new livery for 1986 featured a new sponsor to the sport, Marlboro, which would become a big part of the sport for over two decades.  Bobby Rahal won three of the last six races of 1985, and finished third in the points. Despite a heavy crash at Michigan in August, and a testing crash in the fall at Indy, Rahal was hot off the finish of the 1985 season, returning with Truesports, and a favorite entering the season.

Borg-Warner Trophy.

For the month of May 1986, the Borg-Warner Trophy celebrated its 50th anniversary sporting a new look, featuring a brand new three-row base. The likeness of the 1986 race winner was going to fill the body of the trophy, and the new base was constructed in order to accommodate winners through 2003. On the base, the first square was filled with a gold likeness of the late Speedway president Tony Hulman. The base increased the height of the trophy to 55 inches, and the weight to about 95 pounds.

Practice and qualifying.

Practice – week 1.

Practice started on Opening Day, Saturday, May 3. Chip Ganassi earned the honor of first car on the track. Michael and Mario Andretti led the speed chart for the day, both over. On the second day of practice, the Andrettis continued their dominance, again posting the top two speeds.  On Tuesday, May 6, three single cars crashes marked the first incidents of the month. Danny Ongais, Herm Johnson, and Johnny Parsons all suffered single-car crashes in turn one, with Johnson's the most serious. Around 3:30 p.m., a piece of bodywork flew off Johnson's car in turn 1, which caused him to break into a hard spin. His car hit nearly head on into the retaining wall, and he suffered serious fractures to his feet and back.  Penske teammates Rick Mears and Danny Sullivan nudged the speeds up over by Wednesday, May 7, then the day ended early due to a rain shower. On Thursday, May 8, Emerson Fittipaldi joined them as the third driver over.  By Friday, May 9, the last practice session before pole day, seven drivers were over, with Mears still the fastest of the month at. The only incident of the day was a suspension failure and spin by Johnny Rutherford, but no wall contact resulted.

Pole Day time trials.

During the morning practice on Saturday, May 10, Rick Mears set an all-time unofficial track record, at. Later in the session, Michael Andretti and Bobby Rahal both broke the barrier. No incidents were reported.  Mario Andretti took the honor of first-in-the-field, with a qualifying run of. Three cars later, defending champion Danny Sullivan took the provisional pole position with a new track record of. The speed did not hold up long, as less than an hour later, Rick Mears blistered the track with a first lap of and a four lap average of. Mears' one- and four- lap track records would stand for two years.  Michael Andretti squeezed himself into the front row, with a run of, faster than his father Mario. Emerson Fittipaldi ran 2 laps over, but a flat tire slowed his average to just over. Bobby Rahal managed one lap over, and qualified 4th.  With about 10 minutes to go, A. J. Foyt lined up to make an attempt, but his car failed technical inspection, and he was sidelined for the day. After qualifying was over, the cars of Raul Boesel and Dick Simon, both of the same team, were disqualified for faulty pop-off valve fitting.

Second day time trials.

After missing out on a qualifying attempt on pole day, A. J. Foyt took to the track on Sunday, May 11 to qualify for his 29th career Indy 500. He posted the 5th fastest speed in the field, but since he was a second day qualifier, he lined up deep in the field.  Raul Boesel re-qualified his machine, after being disqualified a day earlier. At the close of the day, the field was filled to 28 cars.

Practice – week 2.

Rain delayed the opening of practice on Monday, May 12, and only 21 cars took laps Tuesday (May 13). Both days saw light activity, and the biggest news came off-the-track. Two-time winner Gordon Johncock planned to end a one-year retirement, and purchase a back-up car from Penske. His funding fell through at the last minute, and he was forced to sit out the race.  On Tuesday, May 14, Mario Andretti was practicing his qualified car. A suspension piece failed, and he crashed hard into the turn 3 wall. Newman/Haas Racing would spend the next several days trying to make repairs, but the car's tub was rendered a total loss. Later in the week, Andretti started practicing his back-up car, which the team announced he would be driving on race day.  The remainder of the week saw sparse track activity. Most cars on the track belonged to yet-unqualified drivers. Thursday, May 15 was almost a complete wash out due to a thunderstorm.

Day 3 time trials.

Despite threatening weather for the next two days, the third day of qualifying saw only four additional cars added to the field. Jim Crawford was the fastest of the day, over. Dick Simon, who was disqualified the previous weekend, put his car back into the field with a speed of.  The day ended with 1 position left vacant in the field.

Bump Day time trials.

As many as 12 cars started the day with hopes to make the field on the final day of time trials. Rain kept the track closed until 3 p.m., with qualifying finally getting underway at 4 p.m. By late afternoon, however, several cars were pulled out of line and chose not to make an attempt.  George Snider went out first in an A. J. Foyt back-up car, and filled the field to 33 cars. That placed Dick Simon on the bubble as the slowest car in the field. After a wave-off by Steve Chassey, Gary Bettenhausen took to the track, found some much sought after speed, and bumped his way into the field with ease.  With Geoff Brabham on the bubble, and with rain approaching, Rick Miaskiewicz was the next car out. His first two laps were not nearly fast enough, and his team waved him off. That gave Derek Daly just enough time to get out on the track. His first two laps were fast enough to bump Brabham, but as he was completing his second lap, the skies poured rain, and the run was negated.  Geoff Brabham held on as the slowest car in the field, while Dick Simon, the only car bumped, stood as the first alternate. Qualifying for the day lasted less than 45 minutes.

Carburetion Day.

On Thursday, May 23, the final scheduled practice session was held. All 33 qualified cars except Phil Krueger took practice laps. At 11:43 a.m., a major crash occurred. A brake rotor on Dennis Firestone's car exploded, blowing his left rear tire. He spun wildly out of turn four, collecting the car of Roberto Moreno. Both cars spun into the inside wall, and Firestone slammed into the pit-entrance barrier, splitting the car in half. Moreno continued to spin through the pits, running into the back of George Snider's car, and crashing into the parked car of Josele Garza.  None of the drivers were seriously injured, however, Firestone's car was damaged beyond repair. The following day, Firestone's car was withdrawn from the field. George Snider and Roberto Moreno announced they would be driving back-up cars in the race. Both cars moved to the back of the grid. After Firestone withdrew, the first alternate Dick Simon was awarded the 33rd starting position.  Rick Mears led the speed chart for the afternoon, with a hand-timed lap of. Later in the day, Penske Racing and driver Danny Sullivan won the annual Miller Indy Pit Stop Contest. Sullivan's team defeated the Truesports team (Bobby Rahal) in the final round to win the event for the second year in a row.

Rain delay.

Sunday, May 25.

The race was scheduled to be held Sunday, May 25. Despite a forecast of only a 15% chance of precipitation, race morning saw overcast skies and steady rain. Track drying efforts began around 10:45 a.m. EST. The track was close to dry, and spectators began filing into their seats. The cars were then wheeled to the pits, in preparations for a start. At 1:15 p.m., however, the rain resumed, and threatened to wash out the entire day. The rain stopped, and track drying efforts started a second time. The rain returned once more, and at 3:35 p.m., officials rescheduled the race for Monday. During the delay, ABC-TV diverted its programming for several minutes in favor of live coverage of Hands Across America.  Grim memories of the tragic 1973 race were still in many people's minds, and all involved were determined to make certain the race would not be hastily put on in a rushed, last-minute, fashion. In addition, officials were uncommitted on how late they would permit a start, and if they would aim for a 101-lap race (the minimum distance for the event to be official), or insist on adequate time for a full 200-lap race before sunset. The weather forecast for Monday (80% chance of rain) was yet another concern.

Monday, May 26.

On Monday, May 26, there was no chance to hold the race, as it rained all day. The infield turned into a sea of mud, and most of the spectators had since departed, going home to their jobs. Authorities estimated Monday's attendance at a paltry 5,800 spectators. Those who did arrive merely milled around, as most of the infield was impassable, concession stands were out of food, and souvenir tents were empty and abandoned. Some visited the Speedway museum.  At 3:20 p.m., officials announced that the race was going to be postponed, but did not yet announce the date or time to which it would be rescheduled. Unsubstantiated rumors even circulated about canceling the race outright. ABC television was scheduled to cover the race live for the first time, but did not commit to live coverage on Tuesday. Track officials were faced with the possibility of running the race on Tuesday in front of empty grandstands, and without live TV coverage. Weather forecasts for Tuesday and Wednesday were not promising, a substantial amount of the track staff was unavailable, and the sloppy conditions made parts of the facility impassable. Around 6 p.m. on Monday evening, a deal had been struck to reschedule the race for Saturday, May 31.

Mid-week.

During the week, teams spent time resting and relaxing, while others prepared for the next race at Milwaukee. Track crews worked diligently to clean up the infield, and make it passable for Saturday. As a result of the postponement, a special 30-minute practice session was arranged on Friday, May 30. Participants were held to a speed limit, and it served mostly as an oil leak check exercise. Some drivers, including polesitter Rick Mears, as well as Bobby Rahal, did not even participate. The five-day delay wound up being a popular choice by nearly all of the participants. It allowed them to unwind, and regroup for race day without the uncertainty that was looming over them of when the race would start.  For the weekend, the Rex Mays 200 at Milwaukee, originally scheduled for Sunday June 1, was pushed back one week to accommodate the Indy rain delay. The 1986 race marked the first time since 1973 that the race was pushed to another day, and the first time since 1915 that 'not a single wheel had turned' all weekend because of rain. It also marked the first time since 1967 the race was held May 31; until 1971, when the race was always held on May 30, if that day was a Sunday, it was held the ensuing Monday, May 31.

Race summary.

Start.

Saturday, May 31 saw sunny skies and temperatures in the low 80s. Traditional pre-race ceremonies were retooled slightly, with some replacement performers. The Purdue band was absent, while Robert McFarland, scheduled to sing "Back Home Again in Indiana", had departed and was replaced by John S. Davies, the artist-in-residence at the Indianapolis Opera. A smaller balloon spectacle was also hastily arranged, after all of the original balloons had lost their helium by Monday afternoon. An army band from Fort Benjamin Harrison was brought in to accompany the performances, and to perform "Taps." Mary F. Hulman gave the starting command just minutes before 11 a.m., and the field pulled away for the parade and pace laps.  On the final pace lap, Tom Sneva veered off-course at the exit of turn 2. Further down the backstretch, a massive smoke bomb was set off by some unruly spectators. The yellow flag was displayed, and the start was waved off. The next time by, the field was red flagged, and halted on the frontstretch. Sneva's crash was cleaned up, but it was determined that the field had burned an unnecessary four laps of fuel. A decision was made to replenish each of the 32 remaining cars' pitside fuel tanks with 3 gallons of methanol. The red flag wound up delaying the start by over a half-hour.  At 11:34 a.m., Tony George gave the command to restart the engines, and the field assembled for two pace laps. The field was straggling through the fourth turn to take the green, and Michael Andretti jumped into the lead from the outside of the front row. He set a new all-time record for the first lap at, the first time the opening lap was run over. After a postponement of six days, and after another half hour delay due to the Sneva crash, the race was finally underway.

First half.

After charging from the 30th starting position, Mario Andretti's day was short-lived. On the 15th lap, he brought out the yellow when he stalled in turn three with an ignition problem. Michael Andretti set the early pace, leading the first 42 laps. Mario later returned to the track, but his car lasted only four additional laps, and he placed 32nd.  The first half of the race saw record average speed, with only two yellows for 10 laps, and no major incidents. The second yellow on lap 52 came out for debris when Michael Andretti lost a mirror. Rick Mears came to the lead by lap 49, and held it until the next round of pit stops. On lap 83, Bobby Rahal took the lead for 19 laps, and led at the halfway point.

Second half.

Johnny Parsons spun out of turn two on lap 102, and came to a stop along the inside wall. The car suffered minor damage, and Parsons was uninjured. After another long stretch of green, Rich Vogler crashed in turn 3 on lap 135.  On the 135th lap, Rahal (1st) and Cogan (2nd) pitted under caution. Rahal's team nearly made a serious error, and did not change the left-front tire (it had not been changed yet in the race). Rahal had to pit once again the next time around to correct the oversight. Since the field was under caution, the consequences were not quite as serious, but he still fell from 1st to 4th.  On the restart, Rick Mears resumed as the leader. Short-pitting due to poor handling, 4th place Michael Andretti was the first of the leaders to pit again (on lap 163). Mears led all the way until his final scheduled pit stop on lap 165. Moments later Roberto Moreno brought out the caution by stalling in turn four. After Rahal and Cogan cycled through their final planned stops on lap 166, Mears again found himself up front. Michael Andretti (at the tail-end of the lead lap in 4th place) actually led the field behind the pace car as the field went back to green with 31 laps to go.

Finish.

With 14 laps to go, Rick Mears led Bobby Rahal and Kevin Cogan. Fourth place Michael Andretti was still clinging on to the tail-end of the lead lap, just ahead of Mears. As the leaders approached traffic, Rahal looked to pass Mears for the lead. Down the backstretch, Rahal took the lead and headed towards turn 3. Cogan passed Mears on the outside of turn four and took second place. Down the frontstretch, Rahal was caught up behind the lap car of Randy Lanier. Cogan diced back and forth, and slipped by Rahal going into turn one.  With then 13 laps to go, Cogan suddenly pulled out to a sizable 3-second lead. Cogan's car was visibly loose in the turns, and on several occasions nearly clipped the outside wall in turn 2. With 7 laps to go, fourth place Michael Andretti ducked into the pit area for a splash of fuel. On lap 194, Arie Luyendyk who was running 11th, spun exiting turn four. His car whipped around and lightly tagged the inside wall near the entrance of the pits. The yellow flag came out, and the field was bunched up behind the pace car.  Safety crews were able to clean up the incident quickly. Cogan led, with Rahal second, and Mears third, all together on the track. With 21⁄2 laps to go, the lights on the pace car were turned off, signifying that the field was ready to go back to green. Cogan, Rahal, and Mears picked up the pace in the north chute, and came out of turn four for a restart and two laps to go. Rahal got the jump on Cogan out of turn four, and took the lead mid-way down the frontstretch. Rahal led at the line, and dove in front of Cogan in turn one.  Down the backstretch, Rahal pulled to over a 1-second lead, and Mears set up to pass Cogan in turn three. Cogan held off the challenge, as Rahal took the white flag. Rahal's speed on the 199th lap was a noteworthy. Rahal pulled out to a 1.4 second advantage, and won his first Indianapolis 500. Cogan and Mears finished second and third, in what was the closest three-car finish to date. Rahal's final lap was an all-time record, the fastest race lap to-date in Indy 500 competition.  Rahal completed the in 2 hours, 55 minutes, 43.470 seconds; becoming the first driver to complete the Indianapolis 500 in less than three hours. His average speed of 170.722 broke Rick Mears' 1984 record. Rahal later claimed his fuel light had come on during the final lap, and a post-race inspection showed that only two gallons of methanol fuel remained in his tank.

Post race.

The race celebration was emotional for the Truesports team, in that owner Jim Trueman was stricken with cancer. Visibly frail and lacking strength, he managed to arrive in victory lane to celebrate with his driver Bobby Rahal: as the race ended, he reportedly told ABC reporter Jack Arute, "I can go now". Due to the rain delay, the traditional victory banquet was canceled. A makeshift victory luncheon was held in its place on Sunday June 1 at the Speedway Motel. The top three finishers were invited to the private reception. Later, Rahal's crew celebrated with a lunch at the nearby Red Lobster.  The city of Columbus held a victory celebration downtown on June 5. Over 300 Red Roof Inn employees took part in a parade down Broad Street. Trueman was too sick to attend. On June 11, Trueman succumbed to his illness, at the age of 51.  Rahal and the Truesports team rode the wave of success to five additional wins during the CART season, and clinched the 1986 CART championship. The team made it back-to-back titles by winning the 1987 CART championship as well.  Kevin Cogan suffered through his second major disappointment at Indy, following the misfortunes of 1982. Despite winning the season opener at Phoenix, he faded as a contender during the season.

Broadcasting.

Radio.

The race was carried live on the IMS Radio Network. Paul Page served as the chief announcer for the tenth year. It was Page's thirteenth year overall as part of the network crew. Lou Palmer reported from victory lane. Bobby Unser, Page's frequent booth partner on NBC Sports, joined the broadcast for the first and only time as "driver expert."  Ron Carrell and Jerry Baker swapped places, with Carrell moving to the north pits (where he remained until 1990) and Baker moving to the high profile Turn 1 location. Baker has remained in that location until 2017 (except 2010 and 2013 when it was vacant) as he would depart the crew and join the public address crew for 2018 when it was decided that Turn 1 would not be used in 2018 but due to a new broadcast booth debuting in 2019 named after Sid Collins, Turn 1's broadcasting location would be reinstated.. Gary Gerould (one of Page's NBC colleagues), made his first appearance as a pit reporter, sharing duties in the south pits with Lou Palmer.  Luke Walton reprised his traditional duty of introducing the starting command during the pre-race, however, he did not have an active role during the race.

Television.

The race was carried in the United States on ABC Sports on live, flag-to-flag coverage for the first time. Jim McKay moved to the host position, while Jim Lampley served as announcer.  The initial live broadcast set for Sunday, May 25 was rained out. The telecast was filled with interviews, talk, and highlights of previous races. The broadcast returned on Saturday, May 31 for the live coverage of the race.  Three pit reporters served on the crew, joined by Donna de Varona, who was slated to serve as a roving reporter, conducting interviews and other features. However, she appeared only on the original Sunday telecast, and did not return on Saturday. Dr. Joe Randolph was also announced as part of the team, slated to report from the medical center, but he never appears on-air.  Three RaceCams were used (none were utilized in 1985), with defending champion Danny Sullivan the highest-profile driver to feature one. For the first time, the broadcast carried all of the pre-race ceremonies live, although they omitted coverage of the invocation.  The broadcast has re-aired numerous times on ESPN Classic since the mid-2000s.

Quotes.

Paul Page described the finish of IMS Radio Network: Kevin Cogan responding to Sam Posey for an in-race radio interview with only 3 laps to go: Sam Posey on ABC-TV after being snubbed by Kevin Cogan:

The 70th Indianapolis 500 was held at the Indianapolis Motor Speedway in Speedway, Indiana on Saturday, May 31, 1986. After being rained out on May 25–26, the race was rescheduled for the following weekend. Bobby Rahal was the winner, becoming the first driver in Indy history to complete the in less than three hours.


The six stages of Cass' model.

Identity confusion.

In the first stage, "identity confusion", the person is amazed to think of themselves as a gay person. "Could I be gay?" This stage begins with the person's first awareness of gay or lesbian thoughts, feelings, and attractions. The people typically feel confused and experience turmoil.  To the question "Who am I?", the answers can be acceptance, psychological self-denial and repression, or rejection.  Possible responses can be: to avoid information about lesbians and gays; inhibited behavior; self-denial of homosexuality ("experimenting", "an accident", "just drunk", "just looking"). Men often keep emotional involvement separated from sexual contact; women often have deep, strongly emotional but non-sexual relationships.  The possible needs can be: the person may explore internal positive and negative judgments. Will be allowed to be uncertain regarding sexual identity. May find support in knowing that sexual behavior occurs along a spectrum. May receive permission and encouragement to explore sexual identity as a normal experience (like career identity and social identity).

Identity comparison.

The second stage is called "identity comparison". In this stage, the person accepts the possibility of being gay or lesbian and examines the wider implications of that tentative commitment. "Maybe this does apply to me." The self-alienation becomes isolation. The task is to deal with the social alienation.  Possible responses can be: the person may begin to grieve for losses and the things they give up by embracing their sexual orientation (marriage, children). They may compartmentalize their own sexuality—accept lesbian/gay definition of behavior but maintain "heterosexual" identity. Tells oneself, "It's only temporary"; "I'm just in love with this particular woman/man"; etc.  The possible needs can be: will be very important that the person develops own definitions. Will need information about sexual identity, lesbian, gay community resources, encouragement to talk about loss of heterosexual life expectations. May be permitted to keep some "heterosexual" identity (as "not an all or none" issue).

Identity tolerance.

In the third stage, "identity tolerance", the person comes to the understanding they are "not the only one".  The person acknowledges they are likely gay or lesbian and seeks out other gay and lesbian people to combat feelings of isolation. Increased commitment to being lesbian or gay. The task is to decrease social alienation by seeking out lesbians and gays.  Possible responses can be: beginning to have language to talk and think about the issue. Recognition that being lesbian or gay does not preclude other options. Accentuate difference between self and heterosexuals. Seek out lesbian and gay culture (positive contact leads to more positive sense of self, negative contact leads to devaluation of the culture, stops growth). The person may try out variety of stereotypical roles.  The possible needs can be: to be supported in exploring own shame feelings derived from heterosexism, as well as internalized homophobia. Receive support in finding positive lesbian, gay community connections. It is particularly important for the person to know community resources. There are many ways you can get support. Examples include LGBQT clubs, organizations for the gay.

Identity acceptance.

The "identity acceptance" stage means the person accepts themselves. "I will be okay." The person attaches a positive connotation to their gay or lesbian identity and accepts rather than tolerates it. There is continuing and increased contact with the gay and lesbian culture. The task is to deal with inner tension of no longer subscribing to society's norm, attempt to bring congruence between private and public view of self.  Possible responses can be: accepts gay or lesbian self-identification. May compartmentalize "gay life". Maintain less and less contact with heterosexual community. Attempt to "fit in" and "not make waves" within the gay and lesbian community. Begin some selective disclosures of sexual identity. More social coming out; more comfortable being seen with groups of men or women that are identified as "gay". More realistic evaluation of situation.  The possible needs can be: continue exploring grief and loss of heterosexual life expectation, continue exploring internalized homophobia (learned shame from heterosexist society). Find support in making decisions about where, when, and to whom to disclose.

Identity pride.

In the "identity pride" stage, sometimes the coming out of the closet arrives, and the main thinking is "I've got to let people know who I am!" The person divides the world into heterosexuals and homosexuals, and is immersed in gay and lesbian culture while minimizing contact with heterosexuals. Us-them quality to political/social viewpoint. The task is to deal with the incongruent views of heterosexuals.  Possible responses include: splits world into "gay" (good) and "straight" (bad)—experiences disclosure crises with heterosexuals as they are less willing to "blend in"—identify gay culture as sole source of support, acquiring all gay friends, business connections, social connections.  The possible needs can be: to receive support for exploring anger issues, to find support for exploring issues of heterosexism, to develop skills for coping with reactions and responses to disclosure to sexual identity, and to resist being defensive.

Identity synthesis.

The last stage in Cass' model is "identity synthesis": the person integrates their sexual identity with all other aspects of self, and sexual orientation becomes "only one aspect" of self rather than the entire identity.  The task is to integrate gay and lesbian identity so that instead of being the identity, it is an aspect of self.  Possible responses can be: continues to be angry at heterosexism, but with decreased intensity, or allows trust of others to increase and build. Gay and lesbian identity is integrated with all aspects of "self". The person feels "all right" to move out into the community and not simply define space according to sexual orientation. This is a normal feeling.

Criticisms of the model.

Joanne Kaufman and Cathryn Johnson have argued that based upon more recent research, this model is less valid today than it was at its inception for several reasons:

The Cass identity model is one of the fundamental theories of gay and lesbian identity development, developed in 1979 by Vivienne Cass. This model was one of the first to treat gay people as normal in a heterosexist society and in a climate of homophobia instead of treating homosexuality itself as a problem. Cass described a process of six stages of gay and lesbian identity development. While these stages are sequential, some people might revisit stages at different points in their lives.


Properties.

The principal invariants do not change with rotations of the coordinate system (they are objective, or in more modern terminology, satisfy the principle of material frame-indifference) and any function of the principal invariants is also objective.

Calculation of the invariants of rank two tensors.

In a majority of engineering applications, the principal invariants of (rank two) tensors of dimension three are sought, such as those for the right Cauchy-Green deformation tensor.

Principal invariants.

For such tensors the principal invariants are given by: For symmetric tensors these definitions are reduced. The correspondence between the principal invariants and the characteristic polynomial of a tensor, in tandem with the Cayley–Hamilton theorem reveals that where formula_3 is the second-order identity tensor.

Main invariants.

In addition to the principal invariants listed above, it is also possible to introduce the notion of main invariants which are functions of the principal invariants above.

Mixed invariants.

Furthermore, mixed invariants between pairs of rank two tensors may also be defined.

Calculation of the invariants of rank two tensors of higher dimension.

These may be extracted by evaluating the characteristic polynomial directly, using the Faddeev-LeVerrier algorithm for example.

Calculation of the invariants of higher order tensors.

The invariants of rank three, four, and higher order tensors may also be determined.

Engineering applications.

A scalar function formula_9 that depends entirely on the principal invariants of a tensor is objective, i.e., independent from rotations of the coordinate system. This property is commonly used in formulating closed-form expressions for the strain energy density, or Helmholtz free energy, of a nonlinear material possessing isotropic symmetry.  This technique was first introduced into isotropic turbulence by Howard P. Robertson in 1940 where he was able to derive Kármán–Howarth equation from the invariant principle. George Batchelor and Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar exploited this technique and developed an extended treatment for axisymmetric turbulence.

In mathematics, in the fields of multilinear algebra and representation theory, the principal invariants of the second rank tensor formula_1 are the coefficients of the characteristic polynomial


Overview.

The CCX was unveiled at the 2006 Geneva Motor Show, sporting body modifications to meet US vehicle regulations and a new in-house developed 4.7L twin supercharged V8 engine capable of generating a maximum power output of at 7,000 rpm and of torque at 5,500 rpm while running on 91 octane gasoline.

Powertrain.

The new engine is of all aluminium construction made out of 356 aluminium with a T7 heat treatment to further enhance block integrity and cylinder bore chill during casting. Specifically created and cast for Koenigsegg by Grainger & Worrall, a casting specialist with F1 experience in drivetrain components, the engine was built, assembled and tested at their Ängelholm production plant. The engine is lubricated with a dry sump system with a separate oil pump and the pistons are cooled by means of an internal cooler that sprays oil onto them in order to run high cylinder pressure with 91 octane fuel making it capable of in combined cycle and in highway travel. Available transmissions are a CIMA 6-speed manual and a 6-speed sequential manual transmission. Power is fed to the wheels through a torque-sensitive limited slip differential.

Body.

The chassis is made from carbon fibre reinforced with kevlar and aluminium honeycomb like the previous models. While the body keeps the targa top body style and the dihedral synchro-helix actuation doors, it is completely reworked. There is a new front bumper design, enhanced brake cooling, fog lamps, US patented head lamps, a new fresh air intake on the bonnet that acts as ram air booster, air intakes behind the front wheels to enhance airflow and a glass window over the engine.  The CCX has frontal area of and a., with a CdA of. It also has a flat underside with venturi tunnels at the rear and an optional rear spoiler to improve downforce. At there is of downforce over the front axle and over the rear. The car is longer to comply with the US rear impact regulations and to free space around the rear muffler. On the interior, there is of extra headroom as well as specifically designed Sparco carbon fibre seats.

Wheels and brakes.

First in the industry carbon fibre wheels are optional equipment, lighter than the standard forged alloy "telephone-dial" wheels, both using centre locking nuts. Diameter is 19 inches at the front and 20 inches at the rear equipped with 255/35 Y19 front, 335/30 Y20 rear Michelin Pilot Sport 2 tyres, 8 piston caliper carbon ceramic brakes measuring in diameter at the front and 6 piston caliper at the rear are optional, saving another of unsprung weight.

Variants.

CCXR.

The CCXR is a more "environmentally friendly" version of the CCX, powered by the same engine, but converted to use E85 and E100 ethanol fuel, as well as standard 98 octane petrol. The CCXR required modified fuel injectors, upgraded fuel lines and piston rings, and a higher boost setting on the superchargers. In standard form, bodywork of the CCXR features heavily optimized aerodynamics, along with optional diffusers to enhance airflow, including an optional front splitter with an aerodynamic nolder. When run on ethanol, the power increases to at 7000 rpm and of torque at 5600 rpm. This is a direct result of the cooling properties of ethanol in the engine's combustion chambers along with the added boost, made possible by ethanol's higher octane rating when compared to gasoline. Due to the lower specific energy content of ethanol, the CCXR burns slightly more fuel than the CCX with a combined fuel consumption of under the EU cycle.  In March 2009 the CCXR was chosen by "Forbes" as one of the ten most beautiful cars in history.

CCX Edition, CCXR Edition, CCXR Special Edition.

At the 2008 Geneva Motor Show, Koenigsegg presented two special edition models, the CCX Edition and the CCXR Edition, both fitted with a remapped, 4.8 L twin-supercharged V8 engine and limited to 2 and 4 units respectively. The modifications to the engine increase the power of the CCX Edition to on normal gasoline and of torque while the CCXR Edition ratings remained unchanged over the CCXR.  The Edition models are more track oriented compared to the standard models, being equipped with stiffer springs and anti-roll bars, new dampers and a lowered chassis, a bare carbon body, unique 11 spoke aluminium wheels with a unique rear wing, and a larger front splitter and side winglets, all of which make the car capable of producing of downforce at. The interior is also reworked and features; colour matched leather carpets, Koenigsegg Edition side step plates and Edition chronograph instrument cluster. All other extra equipment for the Koenigsegg CCX and CCXR Edition comes as standard which include optional carbon fibre wheels, a rearview camera, Satnav or Bluetooth, amplifiers, and a complete Inconell exhaust system.  Later, Koenigsegg also built 2 CCXR Special Edition cars which when compared to the old CCXR Edition had equipped with the double F1 wing, a revised aero package with a unique and larger front splitter and side winglets, wheel vents on top of the body, as well as Koenigsegg’s first F1 Paddleshift system.

CCXR Trevita.

The CCXR Trevita is a limited edition of the Koenigsegg CCXR featuring a diamond weave carbon fibre finish. "Trevita" is an abbreviation in Swedish and translates into "three whites". The Koenigsegg Proprietary Diamond Weave, fully developed by Koenigsegg, is a new and unique method to manufacture the carbon fibre used for the CCXR Trevita. By utilising this new and unique method, Koenigsegg managed to coat the fibres with a diamond finish. The fibre treatment is conducted carefully in small quantities, prior to further processing the pre-production material.  Initially, three CCXR Trevitas were planned to be produced, however, because of the complexity to make the special diamond weave carbon-fibre, only 2 were ever made, making it one of the rarest vehicles manufactured by Koenigsegg. Both cars featured the Koenigsegg Shimmering Diamond Weave bodywork, twin-deck carbon fibre rear wing, inconel exhaust system, carbon ceramic brakes with ABS, airbags, F1 paddle-shift gearbox, chrono instrument cluster, infotainment system, tire monitoring system and a hydraulic lifting system. The Trevita is also one of the most expensive sports cars, costing US$4.8 million. One was owned by boxer Floyd Mayweather until it was sold in 2017 for 2.6 million dollars.

Motorsport.

In order to compete in the FIA GT Championship Koenigsegg created the CCGT race car, based on the production CC model range; making its debut appearance at the 2007 Geneva Motor Show and built to comply with the ACO and FIA regulations for the GT1 class.  The CCGT's engine is based on the unit used in the Koenigsegg CCX with the superchargers removed and the capacity increased to 5.0 L to compensate for the loss of power. The CCGT had over 600 kg downforce and over 600 hp normally aspirated, racing restricted hp. Due to the already lightweight construction of the road-going model it was based on, the weight was easily reduced under the minimum, which means that the Ballast can be placed optimally in order to meet the mandatory weight.  As the car neared completion, the FIA GT1 regulations were suddenly changed, according to the altered regulations, there had to be a minimum of 350 road cars produced per year of the model that was to compete, something that Koenigsegg was unable to achieve, prohibiting the CCGT from racing.

Production.

The CCX was produced between 2006 and 2010 and the total production amounted to 49 cars (30 CCX, 9 CCXR, 6 CCX/CCXR Edition, 2 CCXR Special Edition and 2 CCXR Trevita). One of them was a CCX used for Crash tests and the other was a CCXR which is still a factory test car. Some CCX cars have later been upgraded to CCXR-specifications.

Awards and recognition.

In 2007, the CCX was the fastest car to complete Top Gear's Power Lap with a time of 1:17.6 (until it was beaten by the Ascari A10 with a time of 1:17.3). The car originally lapped the circuit in 1:20.4, but was then fitted with an optional rear wing to provide downforce after The Stig spun it off the track at 130 mph due to a power steering failure. The Stig purportedly recommended this modification, predicting that the car would then be the fastest ever round "Top Gear"<nowiki>'</nowiki>s track but Koenigsegg later stated that the improvement was due to adjustments to the chassis and suspension settings and not the addition of the rear spoiler. Despite this, the Stig's spoiler-idea remained the credited reason for the improved lap time. The name of the car on the lap board as "Koeniggggsenisseggsegnignigsegigiseg CCX2 with the Top Gear wing", reportedly because none of the Top Gear Presenters knew how to spell Koenigsegg, and also poking fun at the long and hard pronunciation of the manufacturer's name.

The Koenigsegg CCX is a mid-engine sports car manufactured by Swedish automotive manufacturer Koenigsegg Automotive AB. The project began with the aim of making a global car, designed and engineered to comply with global safety and environment regulations, particularly to enter the United States car market. To sell cars in the US, many alterations were made to the design of the CCR; the previously used Ford Modular engine was replaced by an in-house developed Koenigsegg engine designed to run on 91 octane fuel, readily available in the United States, and to meet the Californian emission standards.


Background.

After Madness' 1985 album "Mad Not Mad", the band attempted to record a new album, and eleven demo tracks were recorded. However, musical differences arose between band members, and in September 1986, the band announced that they were to split. Following the breakup of the original Madness, four of the original members (lead vocalist Suggs, saxophonist Lee Thompson, guitarist Chris Foreman and vocalist Cathal Smyth) recreated the band, adding "The" to its name. When originally trying to find a new name for the group, such titles as The Wasp Factory, The One, More and The Earthmen were considered, and at one point BBC Radio 1 listeners were even invited to write in with suggestions. Eventually the band settled on the title of The Madness.  Since the new band did not include a bassist or drummer, guest musicians (mostly Bruce Thomas) played bass, while a drum machine was used in place of a live drummer on most tracks. UB40's Earl Falconer contributed bass to three tracks, and then Bruce Thomas (bass) and Steve Nieve (keyboards) from Elvis Costello's The Attractions were recruited. On "What's That" Simon Philips added some brushes to help capture a jazzy feel. ex-Special Jerry Dammers re-appeared to add keyboards to a couple of numbers and the ska connection was further strengthened by The Potato 5 who supplied the horn section. The band recorded their only album "The Madness" at Liquidator Studios, whilst it was mixed at the Townhouse studios in London. Liquidator Studios had been the band's own studio since circa 1985, located on Caledonian Road in North London, in what was once the premises of their fan club office. They built the 24 track professional studio in the basement, whilst the first floor has always been an office and chill out area, and a room upstairs for song mixing. Unlike any previous Madness album, the lead vocals on "The Madness" were almost evenly shared between Suggs and Chas Smash. The production was credited to "The Three Eyes".  The band initially stressed that they were not "the Nutty Boys" the public knew and loved, as they attempted to become a more serious group. The band were pleased with the album upon completion as it took a long time to complete and for the first time in their career they worked without the Clive Langer/Alan Winstanley production team, choosing instead to produce it themselves. The band saw their debut album as only the start of a new beginning, with the members being very optimistic about the future. However, due to the lack of commercial success from the album and singles, The Madness disbanded by the beginning of 1989. Virgin Record's lack of faith in the band was confirmed when they opted not to renew their contract. The demise of The Madness left the members of the band in a state of confusion, not knowing quite what they were going to do next. Madness reformed with its original members for a reunion tour in 1992 and they have remained together since, playing live and recording new material.  In an October 1988 interview for Guitarist & Scootering with Foreman and the band, Foreman described the new album as "brilliant". Foreman added "Some of it is very recognizably us and some of it isn't. Carl has doing a lot of singing. He's been doing a lot of writing as well, he's written well over half the album as well, which is good because he's always got loads of ideas for songs and it's good to get them out of him. When we were doing the album, Suggs and myself programmed all the drum machines. But it's sort of done me out of a job really, because I used to write the tunes and they'd write the lyrics, but now they're writing their own tunes and their own lyrics, so I'm redundant." Speaking of trying to become a more serious band, Foreman used the "I Pronounce You" video as an example, stating "We are what we are really. On the one video we've just done we tried to be serious, but Lee's got a Mohican haircut and in a bit of it we dyed his face red and things like that, so it hard to be... we don't want to be a serious, cheeks sucked-in arty farty band, but the subject matter of a lot of our songs has always been serious."

Cover artwork.

The album's sleeve was designed by Dave Gibbons and Rian Hughes. On the back-sleeve each song listed was accompanied with a small drawing in similar style to the album's cover – resembling a face. Both "I Pronounce You" and "What's That" featured their own drawing as the main sleeve design when they were issued as singles. The album was respectfully dedicated to the memory of Roy Davies 1940–1987, who played keyboards on the "Mad Not Mad" album as well as "The Madness", on the song "I Pronounce You".

Release.

The album was originally issued on CD and vinyl LP via Virgin Records in the UK and Europe, including France, Germany, Italy and Spain. On 21 July 1988 a CD edition was also issued in Japan. Since its initial release, the album has remained out-of-print on CD and today second-hand copies are often listed for sale for £50 or more.  The vinyl version of the album featured ten tracks, however the CD edition added four other tracks; "11th Hour," "Be Good Boy," "Flashings" and "4.B.F." However, there was one remaining track released by the group that did not appear on the CD edition; an instrumental track titled "Patience". This was the B-Side to the "I Pronounce You" single. A vocal version of the song later appeared on the unofficial Madness release "The Lost Album". Also included on "The Lost Album" were demo versions of "What's That" and "Beat the Bride".  Beginning in 2009, Madness albums were remastered and expanded via Union Square Music and Salvo. All of the band's original albums were released in this series by Union Square Music/Salvo, except for the "Mad Not Mad" album which was released by Virgin Records as a remastered and expanded edition in 2010. Each Union Square Music/Salvo release contained a page of Madness albums soon to be made available as part of the series. "The Madness" was listed as one of these upcoming releases, however as of 2017 this remains the only Madness album not to receive such a release. In late 2012, as part of the Ask Chris Foreman (Chrissy Boy) section on Madness' official website, one fan asked about the remastered version of the album and if it was due for release as promised. Foreman responded "I am not sure if we own the rights to that album."

Promotion.

Upon release, the "I Pronounce You" single had a music video created to promote it. It later appeared as part of the 1992 VHS compilation "Divine Madness", which was later issued on DVD in 2002 and as a CD+DVD set in 2005. "What's That" had no video, as Virgin Records chose not to commission one.  In promoting to the album and lead single, the one and only TV appearance of The Madness was on "Friday Night Live", a cult late-night comedy show hosted by Ben Elton. On the show the band performed "I Pronounce You" and the album track "Beat the Bride". On the show, John Hasler, the ex-Madness drummer and manager, helped out on drums. He also appeared on the drums in the "I Pronounce You" music video.

Critical reception.

Upon release, Graeme Kay of "Smash Hits" described the album as "something of a hit and miss affair". He highlighted the tracks "Nail Down the Days", "What's That" and "Beat the Bride", but felt "the rest of the LP tries too hard to be clever". He concluded: "Not a great LP by any means, but not bad". Max Bell of "Number One" wrote: "Songwise, the Camden crooners continue to delve into sombre waters. The [new] Madness [music] is still reminiscent of a nightmare in a funfair on occasions but it's that very stylised sound which makes the Mad ones matter."  Darryl Cater of AllMusic retrospectively stated: "The tinny, muddled pop sound proves what a big contribution producers Clive Langer and Alan Winstanley had made to the polished, resonant Madness records. There are flashes of trademark Madness melody, but too much of the album is an indistinguishable blur of drum machines, keyboards and '80s pop guitar. Exceptions include the reggae-flavoured "Beat the Bride" and the sitar-savvy single "I Pronounce You." These former British skinheads have always been better at the wacky than the meaningful, and the lyrical emphasis on social issues feels strained."

Personnel.

Credits are adapted from the album's liner notes.

The Madness is the only studio album by the British ska/pop band The Madness, a short-lived incarnation of Madness. It was originally released in mid-1988, on the label Virgin. The album was produced by The Three Eyes, a pseudonym, whose identities remain a mystery (although they may very well be Madness themselves, or individual members of Madness). With the demise of Madness and the group's own label Zarjazz, The Madness were directly recruited under Virgin Records.


Origins.

The origin of the term is obscure and many theories have been proposed. The "Oxford English Dictionary" notes the first attestation as Berrey and Van den Bark's 1942 "American Thesaurus of Slang". There, "dike" was the more common term. From the mid-19th century to the early 20th century, "dike" had been American slang for a well-dressed man, with "diked out" and "out on a dike" indicating a young man was in his best clothes and ready for a night on the town. The etymology of that term is also obscure, but may have originated as a Virginian variant of "deck" and "decked out".  However, the term "bulldyker" preceded "dyke" in print, appearing in Harlem Renaissance novels in the 1920s. Claude McKay's 1928 "Home to Harlem" includes the passage that lesbians are "what we calls bulldyker in Harlem... I don't understan'... a bulldyking woman." From the context in the novel, the word was considered crude and pejorative at the time. This may be related to the late-19th-century slang use of "dike" ("ditch") for the vulva. "Bull" ("male cattle") being used in the sense of "masculine" and "aggressive" (e.g., in "bullish"), a "bulldyke" would have implied (with similar levels of offensiveness) a "masculine cunt". Other theories include that "bulldyke" derived from "morphodite", a variant of "hermaphrodite", used for homosexuals in the early 20th century; that it was a term for stud bulls and originally applied to sexually successful men; or that it was a dialectical corruption of the name of the rebel Celtic queen Boadicea.  In an investigative study, Julia Stanley theorizes that the source of these varying definitions stems from gender-determined sub-dialects. Homosexuality in America is a “subculture with its own language.” As such, a special vocabulary is developed by its members. Previously, male homosexuals defined "dyke" as lesbian without derogation. A "bull dyke" was also defined as a lesbian without further distinction. For female homosexuals of the community, however, a dyke is an extremely masculine, easily identified lesbian, given to indiscretion. "Bull dyke" is an extension of this term, with the addition of this person described as nasty, obnoxiously aggressive, and overly demonstrative of her hatred of men.  In an alternative investigation, Susan Krantz discusses the etymology of "bulldyke", with derivations of the Middle English “falsehood” for "bull" and "dick" for "dyke" (Farmer and Henley 1891). Therefore, a possible origin for a masculine lesbian comes from "bulldicker" that could specifically mean “fake penis,” denoting a “false man.” Further speculation talks of the synonymous term "bulldagger." Here, dagger also alludes to the male genitalia and bull referring to "false" rather than "man". The earliest account of dagger in this context stems from an account in 1348 by Henry Knighton.  In the 1950s, the word "dyke" was used as a derogatory term used by straight people, and by lesbians who were most likely to be able to move up in social class. The term was meant to identify crude, rough-bar lesbians. In 1971, the poem "The Psychoanalysis of Edward the Dyke" by Judy Grahn was published by the Women's Press Collective. This use of "dyke" empowered the lesbian community because heretofore it had only been employed as a condemnation. Because of the exposure of the word to the public, the term "dyke" was officially reclaimed by the lesbian community in the 1970s.

Increasing acceptance.

The meaning of "dyke" has positively changed over time. Most members of the community have dropped "bull" from the term to use it as a positive identifier of one who displays toughness, or as a simple, generic term for all lesbians. This abbreviation does not carry the negative connotations of the full phrase as it previously did. Scholar Paula Blank, in an article on lesbian etymology, calls for taking ownership of "lesbian" and similar words.  In the late 20th and early 21st century, the term "dyke" was claimed by many lesbians as a term of pride and empowerment. Alison Bechdel, author of comic strip "Dykes to Watch Out For" (1983–2008), said use of the term was "linguistic activism". The strip depicts the lives of a lesbian community and is one of the earliest representations of lesbians in popular culture. It has been described "as important to new generations of lesbians as landmark novels like Rita Mae Brown's "Rubyfruit Jungle" (1973) and Lisa Alther's "Kinflicks" (1976) were to an earlier one."  In her 2011 article "The Only Dykey One", Lucy Jones argues that consideration of lesbian culture is core to an understanding of lesbian identity construction. Matters came to a head when the United States Patent and Trademark Office denied the lesbian motorcycle group Dykes on Bikes a trademark for its name, on the grounds "dyke" was offensive, derogatory and disparaging to lesbians. However, the office reversed itself and permitted the group to register its name after attorneys appealed and submitted hundreds of pages to show the slang word does not disparage lesbians in the way it once did. On December 8, 2005, Dykes on Bikes won the trademark case, and the organization has since gained international recognition for leading San Francisco's gay pride parade.  Much of the gay slang that is used today was once seen by the public as self-destructive and demeaning, especially when it was used within the LGBT community. In 1969, people in the gay community began to march in the streets to demand civil rights. If used, terms such as "dyke" and "faggot" were used to identify people as political activists for the gay community. During this time, "dyke" referred to a woman committed to revolution, the most radical position. A surge of feminism in the lesbian community led to "dyke separatism", which emphasized that lesbian women should consider themselves to be separate from men and their ideas and movements.

Facebook controversy.

In June 2017, Facebook censored the use of the word "dyke" on its website as "abusive content". This decision resulted in a Change.org protest petition created by the "Listening 2 Lesbians" collective that was signed by 7,247 supporters.

Dyke March.

Dyke Marches have become popular gay pride events nationwide in the United States and Canada. They are generally non-commercial, in sharp contrast to corporate-sponsored pride events, and some are participated in by bisexual and trans women. The stated mission of the Boston Dyke March, for example, is "to provide a dynamic and welcoming space for participants of all sexualities, genders, races, ages, ethnicities, sizes, economic backgrounds, and physical abilities." Marches also take place in several European cities. The United Kingdom's first Dyke March was held in London in 2012. In Germany, the annual Dyke March Berlin was established in 2013. In Mexico, the Marcha Lésbica (Lesbian March) was founded in March 2003 and is held biannually in Mexico City.

Dyke bar.

A dyke bar is any bar or club frequented by lesbians, and is considered as slang in the vocabulary of the LGBT community.

The term dyke is a slang term, used as a noun meaning lesbian and as an adjective describing things associated with lesbianism. It originated as a homophobic and misogynistic slur for a masculine, butch, tomboyish, or androgynous girl or woman. While pejorative use of the word still exists, the term "dyke" has been reappropriated by out and proud lesbians to imply assertiveness and toughness, or simply as a neutral synonym for lesbian.