Demographics.

In 2011, it had a population of 360,178 and the population density was 62.2/km2.

Geography.

This county has a total area of 5,790 km2.  Two distinctive elements can be found:  Beside the Danube, the main river crossing the county is the Olt River which flows into the Danube close to the village of Islaz. Other important rivers are: the Vedea River, the Teleorman River and the Călmățui River.

Economy.

The predominant industries in the county are:  Agriculture is the main occupation in the county. Both extensive agriculture, and small scale - vegetables and fruits for Bucharest markets, is practiced. The area is well suited for irrigations.

Tourism.

The county doesn't have many spectacular attractions, but its cultural folk heritage is very rich. Many Romanian personalities have been born here, some of them later describing the life in a village in a very picturesque way. Also, the area was one of the places where the Wallachian Revolution of 1848 unfolded.  The main tourist destinations are:

Politics.

The Teleorman County Council, elected at the 2016 local government elections, is made up of 33 counselors, with the following party composition:

Administrative divisions.

Teleorman County has 3 municipalities, 2 towns and 93 communes

People.

Teleorman County is home to many Romanian personalities including:

Historical county.

Historically, the county was located in the southern part of Greater Romania, in the southwestern part of the historical region of Muntenia. Its capital was Turnu Măgurele. The county was bordered on the west by the counties Romanați County and Olt County, to the north by Argeș County, to the east by Vlașca County, and in the south across the Danube River by the Kingdom of Bulgaria. Its territory coincides in large part with that of the present county.

Administration.

The county was originally divided into five administrative districts ("plăṣi"):  Subsequently, the county established three more districts:  The county contained four urban communes: Turnu Măgurele, Alexandria, Roșiorii de Vede, and Zimnicea.

Population.

According to the 1930 census data, the county population was 347,294 inhabitants, ethnically divided as follows: 98.1% Romanians, 1.4% Romanies, as well as other minorities. From the religious point of view, the population was 99.0% Eastern Orthodox, 0.6% Adventist, 0.1% Muslim, as well as other minorities.

Urban population.

In 1930, the county's urban population was 58,632 inhabitants, comprising 94.4% Romanians, 3.3% Romanies, 0.4% Hungarians, 0.4% Jews, as well as other minorities. From the religious point of view, the urban population was composed of 98.1% Eastern Orthodox, 0.6% Muslim, 0.4% Jewish, 0.4% Roman Catholic, as well as other minorities.

Teleorman County () is a county (județ) of Romania on the border with Bulgaria, in the historical region Muntenia, with its capital city at Alexandria.


Career.

Born in Port Elizabeth, Eastern Cape, South Africa, Williams won a talent contest at the age of 14 and joined a touring show called Golden City Dixies that played throughout South Africa. In 1959, the show came to London where Williams impressed EMI's Norman Newell, who signed the young singer to a recording contract. He was to spend most of his life in the United Kingdom, where at first he made a few moderately successful singles, mainly popular ballads, before scoring a number one hit with his cover version of "Moon River" in 1961. To this day, it remains his most famous record which he re-recorded for his third self-titled album "Danny Williams", issued in the UK by Contour Records in 1972, and he also scored a No. 8 chart hit with "The Wonderful World of the Young" in April 1962. It led to his appearance in the film "Play It Cool" (1962), directed by Michael Winner, and starring Billy Fury as pop singer Billy Universe. In 1963, Williams joined a 20-city tour which starred Helen Shapiro and featured the Beatles as a support act on the bill; like many other ballad singers of the day, he was swept away by the new beat group era.  Williams had no more major British hits, even though "White on White" became popular abroad and was his only US top ten hit, charting in 1964 (#9 Pop, #3 MOR.) He continued to record for HMV until 1967 while working the nightclub circuit. In 1968, he had a nervous breakdown and was declared bankrupt two years later. However, he resumed his singing career in the early 1970s, achieving a top 30 success with "Dancin' Easy" in 1977. In the early 1990s, he recorded for Prestige Records and subsequently starred in a Nat "King" Cole tribute show which made several British tours. Compilations of his early recordings, including "Moon River", have been issued on CD.  He died in December 2005 of lung cancer, at the age of 63. Williams was married three times, and is survived by his two daughters (Natali and Melody Williams) and two sons, the actor Anthony Barclay and Michael Stewart.

Danny Williams (7 January 1942 – 6 December 2005) was a South African-born British pop singer who earned the nickname "Britain's Johnny Mathis", for his smooth and stylish way with a ballad. He is best known for his 1961 UK number one version of "Moon River" and his 1964 U.S. top ten hit, "White on White".


Australia.

Australian law defines a statutory declaration as a written statement declared to be true in the presence of an authorised witness. The "Statutory Declarations Act 1959" governs the use of statutory declarations in matters involving the law of the Australian Commonwealth, Australian Capital Territory, and other territories but not including the Northern Territory.  Any person within the jurisdiction of this law may make a statutory declaration in relation to any matter. The declaration may be used in connection with matters of law, including judicial proceedings, but what weight is given to the declaration is a matter for the judge to decide.  Statutory declarations must be made in a prescribed form and witnessed by a person as specified in the "Statutory Declarations Regulations (1993)". Prescribed witnesses include legal and medical practitioners, justices of the peace, notaries public, police officers, military officers, registered members of certain professional organisations (i.e. National Tax Accountant's Association and Institution of Engineers Australia), and certain other Commonwealth employees.  Intentionally making a false statement as a statutory declaration is a crime equivalent to perjury, and punishable by fines and/or a prison sentence of up to four years.  The states of Australia each have their own laws regarding statutory declarations.

Canada.

In Canadian jurisdictions, statutory declarations are statements of facts written down and attested to by the declarant before individuals who are authorized to administer oaths except that they are normally used outside of court settings. They have the same effect in law as a sworn statement or affidavit. In federal proceedings, the form is governed by the "Canada Evidence Act". Similar provision is made by the various provinces for use in proceedings within their respective jurisdictions.  A person who makes a false declaration can be charged with perjury under the Criminal Code.

United Kingdom.

Statutory declarations can be used as a method of legally changing one's name. They may be used by UK financial institutions to enable an asset of a relatively small value (usually less than £15,000) to be transferred to the executors of a will or other persons legally entitled to deal with or benefit from the estate of a person who has died.

England and Wales.

Under the Statutory Declarations Act 1835, a declaration can be made before anyone who is authorised by law to hear it (for example, a solicitor or legal executive), or before any justice of the peace. In addition, officers of the armed services with the equivalent rank of major and above, and British diplomatic and consular officers in post abroad, may authenticate a statutory declaration.  The person who hears the declaration need not enquire into the truth of it. That person's function is limited to hearing the declaration, and certifying that he or she has done so by signing it. If the declaration turns out to be untrue, the defendant making it may be punished for perjury.  The form of the statutory declaration is prescribed in the schedule to the Act:  "I (full name), do solemnly and sincerely declare that the contents of this declaration are true. And I make this declaration conscientiously believing the same to be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declarations Act 1835."  A standard form is used for a statutory declaration; one copy will be given to the applicant and the other is held on file.

A statutory declaration is a legal document defined under the law of certain Commonwealth nations. It is similar to a statement made under oath, but it is not sworn.


History.

Weissenburg Abbey was founded around 660 AD by the Bishop of Speyer, Dragobodo.  Thanks to donations from the nobility and local landowners the monastery quickly acquired possessions and estates in the Alsace, Electorate of the Palatinate and in the west-Rhine county of Ufgau. As a result, manorial farms and peasant farmsteads were set up and agriculture system introduced to create fertile arable farmland.  Around 1100, it was important for the monastery, which had now become wealthy, to distance itself from the Bishop of Speyer and his influence. To this end a new tradition was established about the origins of the monastery, backed up by forged documents (such forgery was not anything unusual in the Middle Ages). In the case of Weissenburg, the story now ran that the abbey had been founded in 623 by the Merovingian king, Dagobert I. Detailed historic research in recent decades has demonstrated that this was unlikely to have been the case.  Weissenburg developed quickly into one of the wealthiest and culturally most significant abbeys in Germany. As early as 682 it was able to purchase shares in a saltworks in Vic-sur-Seille for the princely sum of 500 solidi; in 760 it was given the Mundat Forest. The Gospel Book ("Evangelienbuch") written around 860 by a monk, Otfrid of Weissenburg, represented a milestone in the development of German language and literature. At that time the abbey was in the charge of Abbot Grimald of Weissenburg, who was also the Abbot of the Abbey of Saint Gall and chancellor to Emperor Louis the German, and thus was one of the most important figures in the whole of the German imperial church.  The abbey lost an important possession, however, when in 985 the Salian Duke Otto appropriated 68 of the parishes belonging to it in the so-called Salian Church Robbery ("Salischer Kirchenraub"). Above all though, it was the transition from a situation in which the abbey managed its monastic estates itself to a feudal system in which the estates were granted as fiefs, that resulted in the loss of most of the abbey's possessions. This was because, over time, their vassal viewed their fiefs as allods, i.e. as freehold properties. Thus the once extensive monastic estates increasingly evaporated. In the 16th century only three estates were left out of the thousands the abbey used to possess: these were Steinfeld, Schweighofen and Koppelhof; in addition, the abbey had tithe rights in Weissenburg and Bergzabern which gave it an annual income of 1,500 gulden.  In 1262–1293, during the time of its decline, Abbot Edelin attempted to halt the loss of the monastic estates and to recover its stolen property by compiling a record of the abbey's possessions in a new register. This index, called the "Codex Edelini" or "Liber Possessionum", is currently held in the Speyer State Archives ("Landesarchiv Speyer"). In 1524, the abbey, now entirely destitute, was turned into a secular collegiate church at the instigation of its last abbot, Rüdiger Fischer, which was then united with the Bishopric of Speyer in 1546.  The princely provost of Weissenberg had an individual vote in the Reichsfürstenrat of the Reichstag of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. In the wake of the French Revolution the foundation was dissolved in 1789.  Part of the monastic library went in the 17th century to the Herzog August Library in Wolfenbüttel, the abbey records largely perished in the confusion of the revolutionary period.

Estates.

In 1764 the secular state of the Princely "Propstei" of Weissenburg comprised the following offices and estates (in today's spelling):  Towards the end of the 18th century the territories of the "Propstei" of Weissenburg covered 28 square miles with 50,000 inhabitants.

List of abbots of Weissenburg.

In his abbey chronicle which first appeared in 1551, the theologian and historian, Kaspar Brusch, left a record of the abbots of Weissenburg, which appears to be partly fictitious (at least for the abbots who presided before Dragobodo - to wit the rather stylized name of the supposed first abbot, "Principius"). In addition Brusch suggests this himself (""Nihil enim de his Abbatibus primis aliud scriptum reperi, quorum seriem etiam ac successionem aliquid erroris habere non dubito"". As the source for the abbots before Adalbertus (No. 23) he discloses that he was given this information by the Bishop of Speyer of that time).  With that ends the series of abbots. The provosts of the collegiate church were identical with the bishops of Speyer.  Source: Caspar Bruschius: Chronologia monasteriorum Gemaniae praecipuorum, Sulzbach, 1681

Historic reference.

In 1592 Bernhart Hertzog wrote about Weissenburg Abbey in the Edelsass Chronicle ("Edelsasser Chronik") as follows:  The name Weißenburg may also have derived from the white limestone of the region.

Weissemburg Abbey (, ), also Wissembourg Abbey, is a former Benedictine abbey (1524–1789: collegiate church) in Wissembourg in Alsace, France.


Noble gas.

The noble gases were previously known as 'inert gases' because of their perceived lack of participation in any chemical reactions. The reason for this is that their outermost electron shells (valence shells) are completely filled, so that they have little tendency to gain or lose electrons. They are said to acquire a noble gas configuration, or a full electron configuration.  It is now known that most of these gases in fact "do" react to form chemical compounds, such as xenon tetrafluoride. Hence, they have been renamed to 'noble gases', as the only two of these we know truly to be inert are helium and neon. However, a large amount of energy is required to drive such reactions, usually in the form of heat, pressure, or radiation, often assisted by catalysts. The resulting compounds often need to be kept in moisture-free conditions at low temperatures to prevent rapid decomposition back into their elements.

Inert gas.

The term "inert" may also be applied in a relative sense. For example, molecular nitrogen is an inert gas under ordinary conditions, existing as diatomic molecules,. The presence of a strong triple covalent bond in the molecule renders it unreactive under normal circumstances. Nevertheless, nitrogen gas does react with the alkali metal lithium to form compound lithium nitride (LiN), even under ordinary conditions. Under high pressures and temperatures and with the right catalysts, nitrogen becomes more reactive; the Haber process uses such conditions to produce ammonia from atmospheric nitrogen.

Main uses.

Inert atmospheres consisting of gases such as argon, nitrogen, or helium are commonly used in chemical reaction chambers and in storage containers for oxygen-sensitive or water-sensitive substances, to prevent unwanted reactions of these substances with oxygen or water.  Argon is widely used in fluorescence tubes and low energy light bulbs. Argon gas helps to protect the metal filament inside the bulb from reacting with oxygen and corroding the filament under high temperature.  Neon is used in making advertising signs. Neon gas in a vacuum tube glows bright red in colour when electricity is passed through. Different coloured neon lights can also be made by using other gases.  Helium gas is mainly used to fill hot air and party balloons. Balloons filled with it float upwards and this phenomenon is achieved as helium gas is less dense than air.

In chemistry, the term chemically inert is used to describe a substance that is not chemically reactive. From a thermodynamic perspective, a substance is inert, or nonlabile, if it is thermodynamically unstable (positive standard Gibbs free energy of formation) yet decomposes at a slow, or negligible rate.


Early life and career.

Will was born on 18 March 1966 in Cologne, Germany, the daughter of an architect. She grew up in Hürth and attending the Albert-Schweitzer-Gymnasium high school. From 1985 she studied history, politics, and English in Cologne and Berlin, with a scholarship of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES). Whilst a student she had articles published in the "Kölnische Rundschau" and "Berliner Volksblatt" newspapers. In 1990 she graduated with a Magister's degree from the University of Cologne.

Career in television.

Will began her career in radio and television at Sender Freies Berlin (now part of Rundfunk Berlin-Brandenburg). At the end of 1992 she started presenting the talk show "Mal ehrlich" and the sports magazine "Sportpalast". She hosted the Westdeutscher Rundfunk show "Parlazzo" from 1996 to 1998.  In November 1999 Will became the first woman to host the "Sportschau" sport show. During the 2000 Summer Olympics, she presented live sport shows from Sydney, Australia for the ARD.  From 14 April 2001 to 24 June 2007 she presented the late night news magazine "Tagesthemen" alternating with Ulrich Wickert and, from September 2006, with his successor Tom Buhrow.

"Anne Will", 2007–present.

Will's political talk show "Anne Will" has run since 16 September 2007. It succeeded Sabine Christiansen's similar show when Christiansen retired. Will was succeeded at the "Tagesthemen" by Caren Miosga. Alongside Maybrit Illner, Peter Kloeppel and Stefan Raab, Will also moderated the only TV election debate between incumbent Chancellor Angela Merkel and her competitor Peer Steinbrück ahead of the 2013 elections, which was aired live on four of Germany's most-watched television channels during prime-time. She also interviewed Merkel in September 2009 (shortly before the 2009 election), in October 2015, in February 2016, November 2016 and in June 2018 (following the 44th G7 summit). Among the international dignitaries who have appeared on the show were the foreign ministers of Austria and Luxembourg, Sebastian Kurz (2016) and Jean Asselborn (2014, 2015 and 2018).  In 2010, Will interviewed former Chancellor Gerhard Schröder for daily newspaper "Süddeutsche Zeitung".

Other activities.

An active contributor to the Kindernothilfe and UNICEF charities, Will is also involved in projects aiming to eliminate landmines. On 2 July 2005, she hosted the German stage event of the Live8 in front of the Siegessäule in Berlin. She also serves as "Ambassador for the Room of Names" of the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin.

Personal life.

Will lives in Berlin. From 2016 until 2019 she was married to Miriam Meckel, then editor-in-chief of the major German magazine "WirtschaftsWoche" and professor of communications and media at the Swiss University of St. Gallen.

Anne Will (born 18 March 1966) is a German television journalist and host of the eponymous political talk show. She was anchorwoman of the daily "Tagesthemen" news broadcast on ARD from 14 April 2001 until 24 June 2007.


Life.

Early years.

Kretschmann attended a local school in Berlin and undertook an apprenticeship in tailoring before getting a job as a cutter with a Berlin tayloring firm. However, Germany underwent significant regime change in January 1933 when the NDSDAP (Nazi Party) took power, and lost little time in imposing the country's first twentieth century one-party dictatorship. One side-effect of the new government's policy was a switch away from men's suits to production of uniforms by Kretschmann's employer. In April 1933 Kurt Kretschmann gave notice that he was a committed pacifist and went to live with a friend in a garden summer house in Rüdnitz near Bernau, just outside Berlin on its north-east side. He now became a vegetarian and embarked on a period of intense physical training which included a 10 km long distance run each day. He also experimented with his diet and took the opportunity to expand his knowledge of world literature, the classics and philosophical scholars, while playing the violin recreationally. In 1935 he faced conscription for military service, but through intense fasting was able to defer his call-up for a year. In 1936 he was conscripted into the military, but was then released after just five months because the committed pacifist was deemed "a danger to the morale of the troops". He now undertook a lengthy walking tour, reportedly of 12,000 km, across Germany, Switzerland and Northern Italy. Impressions accumulated during this time affected him deeply.

Second World War.

In August 1939 a non-aggression pact between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union opened the way for a rerun of the Partitions of Poland between the two dictatorships, and this in turn triggered a return to "world war" involving most of Europe which broke out the next month. In 1940 Kretschmann was conscripted for forced labour in Königsberg (Neumarkt) in Brandenburg. He refused to work in a munitions factory and was forced to work on the recently constructed. In 1942 he married Erna Scherff. One source describes this as a "Long-distance wedding" (""Ferntrauung""), but their son was nevertheless born the same year: he died three years later. Between 1941 and 1945 Kurt Kretschmann fought in the German army on the Russian Front. He participated in and survived the Siege of Stalingrad. In the increasingly chaotic closing phase of the war another hearing condemned Kretschmann to death. The sentence was not carried out, possibly because of a Red army attack in which he was wounded. He was then able to return to Germany for home leave, during which time he deserted from the army. Supported by his wife who was able to supply water, vegetables and candles, he hid for 75 winter days in a two-meter wide hole in the ground under a garden summer house, on the site where in 1960 he and his wife would build their home, and which is today designated the "House for the care of Nature" (""Haus der Naturpflege""), at Bad Freienwalde in eastern Brandenburg. He was then captured by the Soviets: between the end of the war in May 1945 and August of that year he was held by the Soviets as a prisoner of war.

Political affiliation.

Early in 1946 Kretschmann joined the Communist Party. His part of what had been Germany was now designated the Soviet occupation zone. In April 1946, across the entire zone, the contentious merger of the KPD and more moderately left-wing SPD prepared the ground for a return to one-party rule. Kretschmann was one of many former communists who lost little time in signing their membership across to the resulting Socialist Unity Party (SED / "Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands"), although the focus of his future career would lie outside mainstream politics. In October 1949 the Soviet occupation zone was superseded by the Soviet sponsored German Democratic Republic. Forty years later, in November 1989, protestors beached the Berlin Wall and it became apparent that the Soviet army had no instructions to apply force to crushing the rising tide of anti-government discontent in East Germany. A succession of political developments took place culminating with German reunification, formally in October 1990. Through this time and beyond it Kretschmann's political loyalty stood firm. When the old East German SED (party) sought to reinvent itself for a multi-party future as the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) Kretschmann stayed with it. He died just four days after the PDS in turn had dissolved itself to be replaced by a "new" party, "The Left" (""Die Linke"").

Nature conservation.

His period in the Rüdnitz garden summer house in the 1930s and subsequent extended walking tour had awakened in Kretschmann an interest in nature conservation. Starting in 1946, he was active as a hiking guide around Oberbarnim for more than 40 years. In 1949 he was given responsibility for nature conservation in the, and in 1951 he became State Commissioner for Nature Conservation across the entire state of Brandenburg. By now he had designed and was applying in Brandenburg the Long-eared owl symbol later used to identify conservation zones across Germany. Between 1952 and 1954 he was employed as Conservation Secretary at the Berlin-based. Between 1954 and 1960 he worked as the founder-chief of the "Müritzhof" Conservation Lyceum. He also set up the "Working Group for the Protection of Endangered Species". Later, in 1976, he established the "White stork Working Group", active across Europe. In Rathsdorf he rescued a threatened 200 year old Kiln, the "Altgaul Stork Tower"", on the top of which a pair of storks had nested for longer than anyone could remember, and in 1978 opened a "Stork Museum" (permanent exhibition).

"House for Nature Conservation" (""Haus der Naturpflege"").

After his release in August 1945, in the garden where earlier in the year he had hidden from the fatal bullet that would have ended his life following his desertion from the army, Kurt Kretschmann started work on replacing the old garden summer house with a "Log/Block House", taking inspiration from the many similar structures he had seen during his time as a soldier in Russia. Underneath the house Kretschmann designed an integrated secret cellar, not accessible from within the house but only by lifting the floor boards of the terrace outside. From 1960, while Erna became the principle bread-winner, authoring and producing publications on behalf of the two of them, Kurt himself focused on opening the garden as the "House for the care of Nature" (""Haus der Naturpflege""), open to all who shared his interests in nature conservation, productive use of gardens and/or a vegetarian lifestyle, a subject on which he became ever more evangelical. During the years between 1945 and 1989, with few fresh vegetables available in the East German cities, the opportunity to grow vegetables afforded by even small domestic gardens was often much prized by city-dwellers with access to country cottages or relatives outside the cities. Public interest in vegetable growing was correspondingly more mainstream than it would become following reunification. Kretschmann masterminded and ran the ""Haus der Naturpflege"" for many years, although in 1982 or 1984, by which time he and his wife were both in their late 70s, the property was handed over to the local municipality. It continues to operate as a visitor attraction, latterly with its own simple "hay-barn hotel" (""Heuhotel"").

The pacifist vegetarian.

Kurt Kretschmann's record as a strident free thinking pacifist-vegetarian and army deserter was not something that would have instantly endeared him to the authorities during the four decades when he lived in a country frequently identified by German journalists and historians as Germany's second one-party dictatorship. After the East German regime collapsed in 1989/90 he himself became more vociferous on some of the issues involved and on his own experiences both of war and of vegetarianism. Subsequently, these aspects of Kretschmann's personality have become more widely known.  He also wrote poetry.

Recognition.

In 1991 Kretschmann became honorary president for life of the Nature and Biodiversity Conservation Union ("Naturschutzbund Deutschland"). Two years later Kurt and Erna Kretschmann together received the. On 2 March 1999 the couple were made Honorary citizens of Bad Freienwalde, which is where he lived, participating fully in the local community until his death on 20 January 2007, aged 92.  After his death the senior school in Bad Freienwalde was renamed as the "Erna and Kurt Kretschmann School" (""Erna-und-Kurt-Kretschmann-Schule"").

Kurt Kretschmann (2 March 1914 – 20 January 2007) was a German nature conservationist. Most of his professional career took place in the German Democratic Republic where he is known as ""Nestor des Naturschutzes in Ostdeutschland"" (loosely "East Germany's original Nature Conservationist"). He also designed the Long-eared owl silhouette, originally on a yellow background, which since 1989 has been adapted and become known across Germany as a symbol identifying conservation areas.


Technical information.

They were based on the U880 CPU (an East German clone of the Z80), with clock speeds of 1.75 and 2 MHz.  There were two main lines in the KC 85 series, the KC 85/2 (project name "HC 900") to /4 and the KC 85/1 (project name "Z 9001") by Robotron, which was a different system (only the CPU and the name were the same, but later the format of saving the programs on tape cassettes and the BASIC were also made compatible). In 1989, VEB Mikroelektronik Mühlhausen came up with the KC compact, but due to the GDR collapse very few units were actually produced and sold and—being a CPC clone—it was a KC in name only; thus it is usually not counted among the KC family.  Unlike the Pravetz series 8 personal computers, manufactured in Bulgaria, which were equipped with dedicated displays, floppy discs and good quality keyboards, the entire series used a TV set as display (by standard TV-UHF via coaxial cable, composite video, or RGB) and a standard tape recorder as data storage. The KC 85/1 used an integrated calculator-style keyboard with small "keys" of hard plastics, while KC 85/2-4 used a separate keyboard driven by a remote control IC.  The KC 85/2 was the first computer made in Mühlhausen and had only font ROMs for capital letters, and no BASIC in ROM. Later, the KC 85/3 was introduced and this one had a BASIC interpreter in ROM, freeing the user from having to load the BASIC interpreter from a cassette every time. Both systems typically had 16 KB of RAM, but could be expanded with add-on modules. (The module sockets feature prominently on photos, as they occupy the upper 50% of the casing.) The KC 85/4 had 64 KB of RAM (not counting the video ram of more than 40 KB) and better graphics capabilities.  All KC-series computers from Mühlhausen were capable of displaying graphics at a resolution of 320×256 pixels. But the color possibilities were limited (each 4×8-pixel cell had a single foreground (out of 16) and background color (out of 8, slightly darker than foreground equivalents). This limitation was brought down to 1×8 on the KC 85/4, which also featured a video RAM addressing mode and a special 4-color mode which could color every pixel independently. The colors were not paletted in any KC before the KC compact. There was no "text mode", everything had to be painted; this combined with the video RAM layout described above and ROM code made the KC 85/2-3 rather slow at printing and scrolling (improved very much on KC 85/4). There were no blitters, and the video subsystem was developed in-house (the KC compact used a 6845 as the CPC did of course). Sound and tape output was implemented by CTC channels driving flipflops. Memory bank-switching was common since the total address space was only 64 KB. When running Mühlhausen's BASIC, the video RAM (at 0x8000) was banked in only during video operations, thus the maximum BASIC free RAM was about 47 KB instead of 32 KB. The module extension system also used bank-switching and made it theoretically possible to extend to megabytes of RAM (even more modules could be used by adding expansion devices, yielding sort of a tower), however neither BASIC nor most of the applications were prepared to use this as free space.  The KC 87 was a better KC 85/1 with BASIC also in ROM. There was a color option (the 85/1 was only monochrome), but no real graphics apart from ROM pseudographic characters.  The wiring diagrams are freely available and there were also a lot of different (and often home-made) schemes and hardware parts. Various magazines published programs and hardware diagrams and also instructions on how to build them.

Programming languages.

The KC 85 could be programmed in assembly language and BASIC (the KC 85/2 had to load BASIC from tape), but it was possible to use various modules (sold by VEB Mikroelektronik Mühlhausen) or load software from tape, thus allowing programming in Forth and Pascal. The operating system was CAOS ("Cassette Aided Operating System"). It was a simple monitor where one could run different "system services" like LOAD (load a program), JUMP (into extension module ROM), MODIFY (memory cells) or BASIC (if it had been built into the ROM or had been loaded from tape). New commands could be added to the menu by magic numbers (standard: codice_1) anywhere in the memory space.  In the last years of the GDR, a floppy attachment ("tower"-style, too) was produced. It featured a 4 MHz CPU and a 51⁄4" Floppy drive (you could have up to four of them). These (literally: the U 880 A in the attachment did) were able to run CP/M, which was called MicroDOS. (One had to JUMP from the base system to the floppy system and boot from a floppy—another CAOS or MicroDOS). There was also a disk extension mode for CAOS.

Hobby projects.

There were a lot of different projects for the KC 85:

The KC 85 ('KC' meaning "Kleincomputer", or "small computer") were models of microcomputers built in East Germany, first in 1984 by VEB Robotron (the KC 85/1) and later by VEB Mikroelektronik "Wilhelm Pieck" Mühlhausen (KC 85/2, KC 85/3 and KC 85/4).


Synopsis.

Act I: Munich, 1864  At the funeral of his father, King Maximilian II of Bavaria, Ludwig is met by three black Nymphs, who warn him of a lonely life and the dangers of water, women and politics, and encourage him to pursue his dreams and to build fantastical castles. His ministers encourage him to pursue war, but Ludwig dreams of a peaceful Bavaria, dedicated to art.  Act II: Bad Kissingen  At a ball, Ludwig and his cousin Elizabeth (Sissi) are in love, but she is married to the Emperor of Austria. Ludwig meets the famous composer Wagner. His ministers are worried about his spending. They force the king to become engaged to Sissi's sister Sophie, who in turn loves the court photographer Hanfstaengl.  Act III: At the palace  Ludwig feels helpless against his ministers and seeks comfort in music. Sissi, accompanied by the court's musical director, von Bülow, sings a song about the Eagle and the Seagull, a symbol of her hopeless love for Ludwig. Sophie sings badly on purpose so that Ludwig will feel justified in cancelling their engagement and she can marry Hanfstaengl. Ludwig adores Wagner's new opera but feels betrayed when he finds the composer in a compromising situation with Bülow's wife Cosima.  Act IV: The Realm of the Castles  Ludwig agrees to sell Bavaria's sovereignty to Prussia to found the German Empire. This gives him the money to build Neuschwanstein Castle and his other architectural fantasies. Ludwig becomes known for his nocturnal sleigh-rides and exotic feasts, and indulges in escapist fantasies. His ministers plot to have Ludwig declared insane and then deposed. Act V: Grotto and Lake  In his crystal grotto under the castle, Ludwig becomes a theatre director, who enacts an orgiastic bacchanal starring Lohengrin and Siegfried. He becomes embroiled in the fantasy and sings a love duet with Sissi. As his ministers are about to depose him, Ludwig relinquishes his royal crown, sceptre and cloak. His fantasies call him to the shore of Lake Starnberg.

Ludwig II: Longing for Paradise ("Ludwig II: Sensucht nach dem Paradies") is a German musical in five acts with music by Franz Hummel and book and lyrics by Stephan Barbarino and Heinz Hauser.


History.

The government of North Rhine-Westphalia decided in 1988 to carry out the IBA Emscher Park to achieve a paradigm shift from the “rust belt” towards a green, modern and wealthy metropolitan area. In the past the regions who had carried out an Internationale Bauausstellung (Darmstadt 1901, Leipzig 1913, Stuttgart 1927, Berlin 1957 and 1984) mainly aimed at architectural improvements and highlights, whereas the IBA Emscher Park aimed a holistic approach by restructuring a former industrial region, the Ruhr, with outstanding urbanistic, architectural, cultural, ecological and economic incentives. In the 1980s, the Ruhr region faced growing unemployment rates as a result of the shutdown of most mines and many steel works, environmental problems especially regarding brownfields and waste land and the river Emscher system. The IBA programme therefore was covering 7 general principles to overcome the structural difficulties:

The 7 general principles details.

The intention of the IBA Emscher Park was to develop in parallel structural changes covering the whole area and to initiate lighthouse projects that work as local stimulation and attract attention. The region was suffering from its image as rust belt for more than a hundred years and even though a lot of green spaces and landscape existed this was not highlighted before and made the region – a misgiving of the government – not attractive for investments or long-term improvements. The time stretch of 10 years (1989-1999) was chosen to create changes that do not only present single solutions on buildings but to enable public partners to activate complex interdisciplinary planning processes that work in the long run. Moreover, the processes partly were organized in a way that projects like the restoration of the Emscher system were scheduled to last up to the year 2025. The initiators of the IBA were aiming at changes to become deeply rooted in regional planning culture.

Reconstruction of landscape – the Emscher Landscape Park.

The Emscher Landscape Park was identified to be the 800 km2 of “open space” in the region – agricultural land, forests, brownfields with plant carpet, vegetation at railway embankments, slag heaps, and other more or less green structures. The classical meaning of a park was not visible here, so the aim was to connect fragmented green structures, develop new ones and make the open spaces accessible for public. For example, within the Emscher Landscape Park a huge number of previous railway lines were located that lost their meaning and function with the decline of the mines. With support of the IBA and public funding these railway dams were converted to work as regional bike path network. The Kommunalverband Ruhrgebiet (today Regionalverband Ruhrgebiet, RVR) took over the responsibility for the development and coordination of the Emscher Landscape Park and worked in cooperation with the municipalities in 7 “sub-parks” (green belts A to G), with Emschergenossenschaft and Lippeverband and other public players like the owner of slag heaps RAG AG on the quality and quantity of green connections. From 1991 on the government of North Rhine-Westphalia supported the Emscher Landscape Park projects with the “Ökologieprogramm Emscher-Lippe”, a funding instrument fed by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and Federal State funds, co-financing measures with 80% to 90%. Within 20 years (1991 – 2010) around 680 Mio. € funding have been invested in more than 400 Emscher Landscape Park projects, mainly by municipalities and RVR. The Regionalverband Ruhrgebiet is still responsible and caring for the Emscher Landschaftspark.

Ecological restoration of the river Emscher system.

The river Emscher with its approximately 80 km and some hundred kilometres of tributaries was since the 19th century a symbol for the rust belt and ecological problems as the network was working like an open waste water collection and discharge system. The construction of “normal” sewers was in most areas impossible due to mining-induced subsidence. With the decline of the mines the Emschergenossenschaft started in the 1980s first tests for restoration and with the beginning of the IBA processes the Emschergenossenschaft set up a programme for pilot projects. Besides the very technical measures (construction of new decentralised waste water treatment plants, construction of about 350 km of new sewers) it was necessary to start as well with the renaturation of open water courses to show the ecological potential and urban development chances such projects can bring. One of the very first IBA projects was the 9 km Dorneburger Mühlenbach/Hüller Bach in Bochum, jointly developed by the Emschergenossenschaft and the municipality of Bochum in cooperation with neighbouring cities and many private land owners. Regarding the above-mentioned effects for investments and structural changes in the long run the restoration was for example leading to the construction of a new quarter at the banks. In the frame of the IBA the Emschergenossenschaft started to change the waste water fee system. It was the first catchment area in Germany that had a split of the fees, charging both for domestic waste water and paved areas with the consequence that disconnection and infiltration of rain water from roofs etc. was economically interesting for everybody.

Rhein-Herne Canal – an adventure space.

The 46 km Rhein-Herne Canal had been developed from 1906 to 1914 to support the trade of coal and steel in the growing Ruhr region. With the decline of the mines it lost a little its meaning and many ancient harbours had not been used for commercial purposes any more. The IBA idea was to use the former industrial harbours for new uses and initiate waterfront architecture, combined with leisure and ecological qualities. The legal frame was partly complicated as the artificial shipping canals are legally handled like a “motorway for ships” and not like rivers, so permissions and uses are very regulated. Nevertheless, many improved leisure uses, bike paths and a couple of new buildings were established, for example at Stadthafen Recklinghausen or the new city quarter at harbour Bismarck in Gelsenkirchen Further changes will appear when the canal and its locks are widened until 2025 to be adapted to modern push boats.

Industrial cultural heritage as national treasure.

Industrial cultural heritage was a challenging IBA topic as it dealt with many deserted mine buildings and technical equipment that was no longer needed and used. Therefore, on the one hand (public) funding to restore these buildings and on the other hand a follow-up application was needed to manage the cultural heritage successfully. The IBA initiators aimed at creating identification and a unique atmosphere by restoring and presenting the relicts of the 150 years industry history. The idea behind was that all other metropolitan regions have special features that form images and identification – internally for the inhabitants as well as for tourists and visitors. Besides many smaller buildings that are often used for businesses or administrations now some of the large sites managed to fulfil the expectations. Industrial relicts like Gasometer Oberhausen, Jahrhunderthalle Bochum or Landschaftspark Duisburg-Nord are today very popular sites with millions of visitors.

Working in the park.

Increasing unemployment rates especially regarding the former primary sector, influx of the population into the city districts after German reunification and the structural changes in general after the pull-out of the industrial sector asked for new solutions on working places. The idea of “working in the park” meant that former mine or steel sites should be redeveloped to attractive, green and modern working places in combination with cultural heritage if possible. The development of these sites was often asking for environmental remediation and innovative ideas on how to deal with surface water (that should not infiltrate through polluted soil). Projects like in Bochum “Ökologischer Gewerbepark Zeche Holland” with outstanding stormwater management systems or the business park on the former coal mine Erin in Castrop-Rauxel with the polluted soil being encapsulated in pyramids show some of the innovative approaches.

New forms of houses and housing.

The search for “new” forms of houses and living together was partly a kind of “back to the roots” as the historical settlements like mine owners and steel companies had created for their workers were becoming very popular again. Beautiful settlements were restored and partly new houses were adapted that followed the rules of former architects and spatial planners. The garden city ideal can be seen today in settlements like in Herne, or in Bottrop at Gartenstadt Welheim. The Gelsenkirchen project “Siedlung Küppersbusch” tried to realize the historical garden city approach in a completely new developed settlement on a previous industrial site.

New options for social, cultural and sports activities.

The idea behind this cross-cut topic was to offer new kinds of employment or chances to spend leisure time due to the ongoing reduction of working lifetime. Garden plots or aspects of “urban gardening” were discussed additionally to the Emscher Landscape Park offers and the cultural events that came up in combination with the orchestration of cultural heritage.

Participants.

The management of the IBA Emscher Park was carried out by a public body (Planungsgesellschaft IBA Emscher Park GmbH) that coordinated the municipal participants and other public and private bodies. The involved cities were Dortmund, Kamen, Bergkamen, Waltrop, Lünen, Castrop-Rauxel, Recklinghausen, Herten, Herne, Bochum, Essen, Mülheim, Gelsenkirchen, Gladbeck, Bottrop, Oberhausen and Duisburg. Supporting partners were Emschergenossenschaft and Lippeverband, Kommunalverband Ruhrgebiet, Deutsche Bahn, RAG AG and many other local partners. Within the cities more than 100 large projects were carried out.

The Internationale Bauausstellung Emscher Park (IBA Emscher Park) or International Architecture Exhibition Emscher Park was a programme for structural changes in the so-called German Ruhr region from 1989 to 1999 in order to show new concepts in terms of social, cultural and ecologic ideas.


Professional career.

In 1963, he began working as an assistant director at the German television station, WDR, and in 1971, he became one of the founders of "Die Sendung mit der Maus" ("The Program with the Mouse"), which has been called "the school of the nation" and one of the most successful children's programs ever produced.  From decades of narrating the program's educational film shorts ("Sachgeschichten"), Maiwald's voice is widely recognized even when he merely orders a cup of coffee or a beer. He was first seen onscreen in the late 1970s. Today, he is an integral part of the broadcast, along with fellow presenters Christoph Biemann and Ralph Caspers. Maiwald was previously the director of other children's programs, "Der Spatz vom Wallrafplatz" and "Robbi, Tobbi und das Fliewatüüt" as well as the first episodes of the puppet series, "Hallo Spencer". He has also created the "Bibliothek der Sachgeschichten" (library of educational film shorts) from his productions for "The Mouse". Maiwald produces some 20 film shorts a year for the program.  A number of "The Mouse" educational shorts are used at universities, and other institutions as educational tools and Maiwald has received numerous media and journalism awards for his work. In 1988, he received the Adolf Grimme Award. In 1995, he was awarded the prestigious Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a special education school in Radevormwald named after him. In October 2010, it was announced that an elementary school in Monheim am Rhein would also be named after him.  An outspoken critic of the decline of television programming, including at the station that broadcasts his own program, Maiwald has complained about the quality of programs available for children and the bottom-line mentality that rules decision-making in scheduling and content.

Postwar years explained to children.

In 1989, Maiwald produced the "Nachkriegs-Maus" ("Postwar Mouse"), a short film in two parts. This award-winning special was produced after Maiwald found himself in Uffing, where he was evacuated after World War II and was flooded with memories of his experiences as a child after the war. Maiwald wanted to tell his then 6-year-old daughter and his young viewers what it was like to be a child in Germany in the aftermath of the war. They found black-and-white photos from the past and located the sites, shooting them in color as they looked years later. For the series, they super-imposed the black-and-white images of ruins over the contemporary images, so the children could see how Germany looked after the war and compare it to their own era.  Using a mix of postwar-era footage and still photographs, he shows the devastated cities, the millions who lost their lives, the return of concentration camp survivors and the desperate circumstances of average Germans, many of whom had lost everything. Maiwald described in depth how the children had to live. He showed how they dressed in whatever they were able to scrounge and how many lived in the bombed out buildings, how others, like himself, lived in apartments with several other families. He also told of the rampant hunger and showed graphically the amount of food he was rationed per day.  Maiwald said the "Postwar Mouse" was the hardest film he ever produced and that when he had finished it, he never wanted to see it again.

Personal life.

Maiwald experienced the Second World War as a small child. Before he was three, he had been bombed out of three homes in Cologne and fled with his mother and infant sister to Silesia. They stayed there from 1942 to 1945, when the Russians came, then fled to Dresden and were there when it was bombed, shortly after Maiwald's fifth birthday. He escaped on the last train out and says he will never forget looking out the window at the conflagration that Dresden had become. By the age of five, he had seen more burning buildings and dead bodies than most Germans see in their entire lives, Maiwald says.  After that, they went to Munich, till the city was evacuated. Then they went to Weilheim in Oberbayern and from there, were evacuated to Uffing, where the family lived until 1951. Although they finally had a roof over their heads, it was not an easy life because the owners of the house were forced to empty rooms to take in refugees, different families in different rooms. At school, the local children occasionally picked fights with the refugee children. At one point, his mother was nearly shot—with Maiwald and his sister standing right there—when American soldiers found her with a photo of her husband, in Nazi uniform. Maiwald says his mother survived because the soldiers were called away in that moment. Maiwald's father was killed in the war but was first reported as missing in action. It was years before it was learned that he had been killed by a bomb in 1945.  In the aftermath of the war, life was a daily struggle for survival, of finding food, shelter, clothing, water and fuel. Many schools were destroyed, so it was not uncommon for children to have to travel very far to go to school and when they got there, there were no books and no paper. Books were banned because of denazification, so the teacher wrote everything on a board in front of the room and the children used erasable tablets to copy everything down.  To this day, he always goes to bed with a set of clothing within reach, because it was so ingrained in him as a child, the necessity of being prepared to leave home at a moment's notice. He also cannot bring himself to throw food away. Maiwald was 13 when he, his mother and sister moved back to Cologne and "normal life". For a child who had only known rubble, scavenging, evacuations and life as a refugee, it was "unbelievable luxury". For Maiwald and other German children born during the 1940s, "normal life" was forced evacuations hundreds of kilometers from home, makeshift clothing and furniture, and food from CARE Packages.  Maiwald had to start working at the age of 14, nonetheless, he finished school and was able to go to university. At university, he majored in "Theaterwissenschaften" (theater studies), German studies and philosophy. However, he did not get a degree because at the time, there was no master's or bachelor's degree, only a doctorate. He was in the middle of his research when he realized that he didn't want to become a theoretician, but rather wanted to be doing things, so he quit and went to work.  Maiwald was a chain smoker for years and quit after a lung infection. Appearing on WDR's program, "Streitfall", during which the discussion was on European Union laws to protect non-smokers, he stated that it was better to smoke than to be fat. His arguments were seen as shocking and unseemly for someone "in his position", held as a hero by many children. Even the fact that he was once a chain smoker was hard to believe.  Maiwald is married and has two grown children. He lives in Cologne.

Awards.

Maiwald has received over 50 awards, including the following:

Armin Maiwald, born 23 January 1940 in Cologne, is a German author, television director and producer. Maiwald is one of the founders of the award-winning German children's television program, "Die Sendung mit der Maus". Often just called "Die Maus" ("The Mouse"), the program has been on the air since March 1971 and is one of the most successful children's television programs ever produced. Maiwald has won over 50 awards for his work.


Formation.

Some theories have been stated that presume the proto-Earth had no large moons early in the formation of the Solar System, 4.6 billion years ago, Earth being basically rock and lava. Theia, an early protoplanet the size of Mars, hit Earth in such a way that it ejected a considerable amount of material away from Earth. Some proportion of these ejecta escaped into space, but the rest consolidated into a single spherical body in orbit about Earth, creating the Moon.  The hypothesis requires a collision between a proto-Earth about 90% of the size of present Earth, and another body the diameter of Mars (half of the terrestrial diameter and a tenth of its mass). The latter has sometimes been referred to as Theia, the name of the mother of Selene, the Moon goddess in Greek mythology. This size ratio is needed in order for the resulting system to have sufficient angular momentum to match the current orbital configuration. Such an impact would have put enough material into orbit around Earth to have eventually accumulated to form the Moon.  Computer simulations show a need for a glancing blow, which causes a portion of the collider to form a long arm of material that then shears off. The asymmetrical shape of the Earth following the collision then causes this material to settle into an orbit around the main mass. The energy involved in this collision is impressive: possibly trillions of tonnes of material would have been vaporized and melted. In parts of the Earth, the temperature would have risen to.  The Moon's relatively small iron core (compared to other rocky planets and moons in the Solar System) is explained by Theia's core mostly merging into that of Earth. The lack of volatiles in the lunar samples is also explained in part by the energy of the collision. The energy liberated during the reaccretion of material in orbit around Earth would have been sufficient to melt a large portion of the Moon, leading to the generation of a magma ocean.  The newly formed Moon orbited at about one-tenth the distance that it does today, and spiraled outward because of tidal friction transferring angular momentum from the rotations of both bodies to the Moon's orbital motion. Along the way, the Moon's rotation became tidally locked to Earth, so that one side of the Moon continually faces toward Earth. Also, the Moon would have collided with and incorporated any small preexisting satellites of Earth, which would have shared the Earth's composition, including isotopic abundances. The geology of the Moon has since been more independent of the Earth.  A 2012 study on the depletion of zinc isotopes on the Moon supported the giant-impact origin for Earth and the Moon.  In 2013, a study was released that indicated that water in lunar magma is indistinguishable from that in carbonaceous chondrites and nearly the same as that of Earth in isotopic composition.  The giant-impact hypothesis was again challenged in September 2013, with a growing sense that lunar origins are more complicated.

Derivatives of the Giant-Impact Hypothesis.

Although the giant-impact hypothesis explains many aspects of the Earth–Moon system, there are still a few unresolved problems, such as the Moon's volatile elements not being as depleted as expected from such an energetic impact.  Another issue is lunar and Earth isotope comparisons. In 2001, the most precise measurement yet of the isotopic signatures of moon rocks was published. Surprisingly, the Apollo lunar samples carried an isotopic signature identical to Earth rocks, but different from other Solar System bodies. Because most of the material that went into orbit to form the Moon was thought to come from Theia, this observation was unexpected. In 2007, researchers from Caltech showed that the likelihood of Theia having an identical isotopic signature as the Earth is very small (less than 1 percent chance). Published in 2012, an analysis of titanium isotopes in Apollo lunar samples showed that the Moon has the same composition as Earth, which conflicts with the Moon forming far from Earth's orbit.

Merger of two planets.

To help resolve these problems, a new theory published in 2012 posits that two bodies—each five times the size of Mars—collided, then recollided, forming a large disc of mixed debris that eventually formed Earth and the Moon. The paper was called “Forming a Moon with an Earth-like composition via a Giant Impact”, by R. M. Canup.

Multiple impacts.

In 2017, planetary researchers at Weizmann Institute of Science in Rehovot, Israel offered a new theory that suggests the Moon was forged in a violent rain of cosmic debris that repeatedly hammered the fledgling Earth over millions of years. They determined that a series of smaller impacts, which were likely more common in the early Solar System, could blast enough Earth rocks and dirt into orbit to form a small moonlet. As repeated impacts created more balls of debris, the moonlets could merge over time into one large moon.

Synestia hypothesis.

In 2018 researchers at Harvard and the UC Davis developed computer models demonstrating that one possible outcome of a planetary collision is that it creates a synestia, a mass of vaporized rock and metal which forms a biconcave disc extending beyond the lunar orbit. The synestia will eventually shrink and cool to accrete the satellite and reform the impacted planet.

Former satellites.

Another possibility is that before the giant impact, Earth had one or more normal satellites that shared its composition. Following the impact, the Moon formed closer to Earth than these satellites, and then spiraled outward, colliding with them. (If the Moon was more massive than the other satellites, its tidal effect on Earth would have been greater, making it spiral outward faster.) This led to the Moon being covered with material with the same composition as the satellites, and thus also Earth.

Other hypotheses.

Capture.

This hypothesis states that the Moon was captured by the Earth. This model was popular until the 1980s, and some points in its favor are the Moon's size, orbit, and tidal locking.  One problem is understanding the capture mechanism. A close encounter of two planetary bodies typically results in either collision or altered trajectories. For this hypothesis to work, there might have been a large atmosphere around the primitive Earth, which would slow the movement of the Moon by aerobraking before it could escape. That hypothesis may also explain the irregular satellite orbits of Jupiter and Saturn. However, this hypothesis does not adequately explain the essentially identical oxygen isotope ratios of the two bodies.

Fission.

This is the now discredited hypothesis that an ancient, rapidly spinning Earth expelled a piece of its mass. This was proposed by George Darwin (son of the famous biologist Charles Darwin) in 1879 and retained some popularity until Apollo. The Austrian geologist Otto Ampherer in 1925 also suggested the emerging of the Moon as cause for continental drift.  It was proposed that the Pacific Ocean represented the scar of this event. Today it is known that the oceanic crust that makes up this ocean basin is relatively young, about 200 million years old or less, whereas the Moon is much older. The Moon does not consist of oceanic crust but of mantle material, which originated inside the proto-Earth in the Precambrian.

Accretion.

The hypothesis of accretion suggests that the Earth and the Moon formed together as a double system from the primordial accretion disk of the Solar System or even a black hole. The problem with this hypothesis is that it does not explain the angular momentum of the Earth-Moon system or why the Moon has a relatively small iron core compared to the Earth (25% of its radius compared to 50% for the Earth).

Nuclear explosion.

Dutch scientists Rob de Meijer and Wim van Westrenen suggested in 2010 that the Moon may have formed from a nuclear explosion caused by the centrifugal force of an earlier, spinning proto-Earth. The centrifugal force would have concentrated heavy elements such as thorium and uranium on the equatorial plane and at the boundary between the Earth's outer core and mantle. If the concentrations of these radioactive elements were high enough, this could have led to a nuclear chain reaction that became supercritical, causing a nuclear explosion ejecting the Moon into orbit. This natural nuclear fission reactor has been observed on earth at a much smaller scale.

Additional theories and studies.

2011.

In 2011, it was theorized that a second moon existed 4.5 billion years ago, and later had an impact with the Moon, as a part of the accretion process in the formation of the Moon.

2013.

One hypothesis, presented only as a possibility, was that the Earth captured the Moon from Venus.

2017.

Uranium–lead dating of Apollo 14 zircon fragments shows the age of the Moon to be about 4.51 billion years.

The origin of the Moon is usually explained by a Mars-sized body striking the Earth, making a debris ring that eventually collected into a single natural satellite, the Moon, but there are a number of variations on this giant-impact hypothesis, as well as alternative explanations, and research continues into how the Moon came to be. Other proposed scenarios include captured body, fission, formed together (condensation theory, Synestia), planetesimal collisions (formed from asteroid-like bodies), and collision theories.


Geography.

Urdorf has an area of. Of this area, 32.2% is used for agricultural purposes, while 32.6% is forested. Of the rest of the land, 34.5% is settled (buildings or roads) and the remainder (0.7%) is non-productive (rivers, glaciers or mountains). housing and buildings made up 25.9% of the total area, while transportation infrastructure made up the rest (8.8%). Of the total unproductive area, water (streams and lakes) made up 0.4% of the area. 26.2% of the total municipal area was undergoing some type of construction. In 1931 Niederurdorf and Oberurdorf were excluded from the Zürich District to form the municipality of Urdorf.

Demographics.

Urdorf has a population (as of ) of., 18.9% of the population was made up of foreign nationals. the gender distribution of the population was 49.3% male and 50.7% female. Over the last 10 years the population has grown at a rate of 1.4%. Most of the population () speaks German (85.7%), with Italian being second most common ( 3.6%) and Serbo-Croatian being third ( 2.1%).  In the 2007 election the most popular party was the SVP which received 40.4% of the vote. The next three most popular parties were the SPS (21.1%), the FDP (10.8%) and the CVP (9.2%).  The age distribution of the population () is children and teenagers (0–19 years old) make up 21.7% of the population, while adults (20–64 years old) make up 64.4% and seniors (over 64 years old) make up 13.9%. In Urdorf about 77.4% of the population (between age 25-64) have completed either non-mandatory upper secondary education or additional higher education (either university or a "Fachhochschule"). There are 4272 households in Urdorf.  Urdorf has an unemployment rate of 1.92%., there were 56 people employed in the primary economic sector and about 14 businesses involved in this sector. 1168 people are employed in the secondary sector and there are 116 businesses in this sector. 4303 people are employed in the tertiary sector, with 382 businesses in this sector. 33.3% of the working population were employed full-time, and 66.7% were employed part-time.

Transportation.

The municipality is located on the A3 motorway. The railway stations of Urdorf and Urdorf-Weihermatt are stops of the Zürich S-Bahn on the lines S9 and S15. Urdorf station is a 13-minute ride from Zürich Hauptbahnhof. Bus lines 302, 303, 308, 311, and 314 provide connections to neighbouring Dietikon, Schlieren, and Altstetten.

New Development.

The Spitzacker Shopping Center has been renovated, now offering a significantly broadened range of quality for shoppers; construction of the residential will continue into 2015.

Urdorf is a municipality in the district of Dietikon in the canton of Zürich in Switzerland, located in the Limmat Valley (German: "Limmattal").


Biological theories.

Function.

The ultimate function of a pecking order is to increase the individual or inclusive fitness of the animals involved in its formation. Fighting to acquire resources such as food and mates is expensive in terms of time, energy and the risk of injury. By developing a pecking order, animals determine which individuals will get priority of access to resources, particularly when they are limited; there is a reduction in aggression when a pecking order has been developed. Therefore, the proximate functions of a pecking order are to reduce the costs of time, energy and risk of injury incurred during resource acquisition and defence.

Mechanism.

The basic concept behind the establishment of the pecking order among, for example, chickens, is that it is necessary to determine who is the 'top chicken,' the 'bottom chicken' and where all the rest fit in between. The establishment of the dominance hierarchy may reduce the incidence of conflict and thus reduce the expenditure of energy required for aggressive competition. The dominance level determines which individual gets preferential access to resources such as food and mates.  In the wild, pecking order status is inherited along a strict basis, so that the first daughter of the most dominant chicken will inherit that most dominant status, the second most dominant will give second most dominant status to her daughter, etc. unless the most dominant chicken has a second daughter, in which case that chicken will become the second most dominant. Studies of the genetic basis of pecking orders in chickens have indicated that it may largely be determined by the coloration patterns.  It is not necessary for animals to be able to recognise individuals within the group for a pecking order to be maintained. Animal behaviours may be motivated by "rule of thumb". For example, if chickens can predict the fighting ability of others simply by assessing their body size, they will be able to maintain the hierarchy whilst avoiding a fight which could cause injury and will be energetically costly. Using this rule of thumb, if Chicken A sees that Chicken B is larger, Chicken A will defer; if Chicken B is smaller, it will defer to Chicken A. In this way, only chickens of similar sizes will fight and the pecking order of the group overall is maintained without requiring individual recognition.  Wild and feral chickens form relatively small groups, usually including no more than 10 to 20 individuals. It has been shown that in larger groups, which is common in farming, the dominance hierarchy becomes less stable and aggression increases.

Pecking order or peck order is the colloquial term for the hierarchical system of social organization. It was first described by Thorleif Schjelderup-Ebbe in 1921 under the German terms "Hackordnung" or "Hackliste" and introduced into English in 1927.


History.

Chemograms are advancements of chemigrams, which were originally invented by the Belgian artist Pierre Cordier in 1956. Although Johann Schulze, Hippolyte Bayard, Maurice Tabard and Edmund Kesting had experimented in obtaining chemigram-like images before, Pierre Cordier is considered the pioneer of the chemigram and of its development as a means of artistic expression.  The term "chemogram" (German: "Chemogramm") was coined in 1976 by the photo designer Josef H. Neumann from Dortmund. He had learned the technique of creating chemigrams from his Professor Pan Walther, who had adopted it from Edmund Kesting – both coming from Dresden.  In the production process Neumann did not only use brush or wad of cotton wool but he also processed photos onto the photographic paper before that. As the optic during the production process played a decisive role for him, he changed the term "chemigram" by replacing the letter „i“ with „o“. This way the first pieces of this technique were created at the Dortmund University of Applied Sciences and Arts from 1974 to 1976. The first chemograms were exhibited in 1976 at the "Fotografik Studio Gallerie Prof. Pan Walther" in Münster.

Process.

A chemogram is a product of both photographic processing and painting on photographic paper. Unlike chemigrams the production process of chemograms consists of two different steps. First an enlarger is used to partly or fully process a photographic image onto photographic paper in the darkness of the darkroom. As soon as the preferred development of the image is reached, the photographic process is interrupted and the photographic paper is exposed to full light and treated with developer and fixer (or other chemicals) like a chemigram. The procedure can be repeated until the chemogram is finished.  During the first part of the production the artist Josef H. Neumann had full control over the selection of the picture and the duration of the photographic processing, while in the second part the control remains only at the places where the colorless chemicals are applied. The exact reactions of the chemicals that produce the final colors at these locations are largely unpredictable. Thus, these first chemograms by Josef H. Neumann (1974-1978) originated as absolute pieces that can not be reproduced in the original creative process.(Unique)

A chemogram (from "chemistry", "optic" and "gramma", Greek for "things written") is an experimental art where a photographic image is partly or fully enlarged and processed onto photographic paper in the darkroom and afterwards selectively painted over in full light with chemicals used in photographic processing. Due to the production process chemograms can be considered works of abstract photography.


British Parliamentary debate.

British Parliamentary debate is very widespread. It has also been adopted as the official style of the World Universities Debating Championship and the European Universities Debating Championship (at which the speakers are given only fifteen minutes' notice of the motion). Speeches are usually between five and seven minutes in duration. The debate consists of four teams of two speakers, sometimes called "factions", with two teams on either side of the case.  Because of the style's origins in British parliamentary procedure, the two sides are called the "Government" and "Opposition", while the speakers take their titles from those of their parliamentary equivalents (such as the opening Government speaker, called the "Prime Minister"). Furthermore, since this style is based on parliamentary debate, each faction is considered to be one of two parties in a coalition. They must therefore differentiate themselves from the other team on their side of the case in order to succeed in their own right.  All speakers are expected to offer Points of Information (POIs) to their opponents. POIs are particularly important in "British Parliamentary" style, as it allows the first two teams to maintain their relevance during the course of the debate, and the last two teams to introduce their arguments early in the debate. The first and last minute of each speech is considered "protected time", during which no POI may be offered.  Depending on the country, there are variations in speaking time, speaking order, and the number of speakers. For example, in New Zealand, both the leader of the Opposition and the Prime Minister offer a short summary as the last two speakers.

In the United States.

"American parliamentary debate" is supported by a number of organizations in the United States at the tertiary and secondary levels.  University level  The most popular intercollegiate parliamentary debate style is supported by the National Parliamentary Debate Association (NPDA), which was born in western US in 1991. NPDA circuit consists of a loose confederation of local leagues and a number of invitational tournaments. The NPDA season culminates with two national tournaments – NPDA Nationals and the National Parliamentary Tournament of Excellence (NPTE). NPDA Nationals (founded in 1994) is open to all and attracts about 200 teams each year. NPTE (founded in 2001) is qualification-only and invites the top 64 teams of the approximately 1000 teams that compete in NPDA/NPTE-sanctioned invitationals throughout the season. Phi Rho Pi Nationals for junior and community colleges have an NPDA-style division, as do Novice Nationals. The chief online forum for the NPDA circuit is Net-Benefits.net, started in 2002 by Jed Link.  American Parliamentary Debate Association (APDA), the oldest intercollegiate parliamentary debate league in the US, was founded in 1982. APDA currently has around 40 member universities, primarily on the east coast.  A number of smaller intercollegiate debate leagues, such as the Lincoln Parliamentary League (LPL) and International Public Debate Association (IPDA) also exist.  The British Parliamentary Style (a.k.a. Worlds Debate, distinct from World Schools Style) is also beginning to spread to the US, with the US Universities Debating Championship held annually at rotating universities.  Chamber Debate is a modified form of Australia-Asia debating that sponsors three national tournaments annually using the 3-on-3 format of parliamentary debate Unlike other formats of parliamentary debate, Chamber Debate allows teams to use electronic devices via a 4th non-speaking member of each team who conducts fact-checking and other research for their team during the round.  High school level  Parliamentary debate is offered through the High School Public Debate League (http://highschooldebate.org).  The other public school high school debate league, National Forensic League (NFL), does not offer parliamentary debate at its national tournament. It does, however, recognize parli competitions offered at the state level, albeit at a reduced points value. In 2010 NFL Nationals added Supplemental Debate, which bears some similarity to parliamentary debate.  A number of attempts to organize a high school parli championship tournament have been made – National Parliamentary Caucus (2003–2005), NPDL Parli Grand Nationals (2006–2007) and IDEA Tournament of Champions (2005–2009, switched to world format in 2010).  The current incarnation of such championship is the Tournament of Champions, hosted by Point of Information. (2010–present, began accepting out-of-state teams in 2011). It was started as a California championship, named "California Cup," but has been renamed the Tournament of Champions to represent the prestige of the high school tournament.  Oregon State Tournament (OSAA) added parliamentary debate (known In Oregon as Public debate) in 2001, California State Tournament (CHSSA) followed suit in 2003, and Pennsylvania State Tournament (PHSSL) in 2010. Yale, ASU, Whitman, as well as a number of invitational tournaments in Oregon and California, the largest of them held at Stanford, James Logan HS, SCU, UOP, Willamette, University of Oregon, Pepperdine and Claremont HS also offer parli. The Kansas City, Missouri area has conducted monthly high school tournaments since 2002. The Kansas City Greater Metropolitan Parliamentary Debate League offers two-round contests during the week with a championship tournament at the end of the school year.  High school parli is taught at several summer debate camps, including Stanford National Forensics Institute, ODI, CCPDI, and the POI Debate Institute at UC Berkeley.  On the home school level, the home school debate league, Stoa, also promotes parliamentary debate in a number of its tournaments nationwide. Stoa also offers parliamentary debate at nationals (NITOC). The other home school debate league, NCFCA, does not offer parliamentary debate at any of its tournaments or is it hosted at nationals.  Format  The first key feature uniting various formats of parliamentary debate in the US is their spontaneity. The resolutions alternate each round. They are announced, then participants are given 20 minutes of preparation time known as "prep". APDA is somewhat of an exception in the respect, with "loose link" rounds allowing the affirmative to run a case of their choosing, dealing with virtually any topic. The second key feature of parli is a ban on quoted evidence. Debaters may not bring in any material that was not prepared in the 20 minutes of preparation time and consult it during the round. APDA, Worlds and high school parli debate styles tend to take a more lay-friendly approach to debate, ensuring that debates are easy to understand no matter the audience member's expertise of the resolution. NPDA is more diverse, with some teams engaging in a more academic and specific-knowledge style borrowed from Policy debate. Resolutions typically focus on current events, though the entrance of the Kritik to NPDA, and, to a lesser extent, to some high school circuits, introduced a philosophical element to parli.  This style consists of a two-on-two debate, between the affirmative team, known as the Government or the Proposition, and the negative team, referred to as the Opposition. Debater role names are borrowed from the British Parliament, with the judge being referred to as the Speaker. The round consists of six speeches, as follows:  Specific rules and speech times vary slightly between organizations. NPDA, APDA and OSAA use the 7-8-8-8-4-5 format, CHSSA and the ASU Invitational use the Claremont 7-7-7-7-5-5 format, the SCU Invitational uses the 6-7-7-7-4-5 format, and Yale high school tournaments use the Osterweis 4-5-5-5-2-3 format. PHSSL borrows its 8 speeches 6-6-6-6-6-6-3-3 format from World Schools Style debate.  Most variations of the style do not include a specialized cross-examination period, but allow debaters to make parliamentary points.

World Schools style.

World Schools Style Debating combines the British Parliamentary and Australian formats, which results in a debate comprising eight speeches delivered by two three-member teams (the Proposition and the Opposition). Each speaker delivers an eight-minute speech – the first two are substantive matter and the third a rebuttal speech; then both teams deliver a "reply speech" lasting four minutes, with the last word being reserved for the Proposition. In junior debates, these limits are changed to about 5 minutes, and in some local competitions, speeches are 7 minutes.  Between the end of the first and the beginning of the last minute of an eight-minute speech, the opposing party may offer "points of information". The speaker may refuse these, but should take at least one or two points during his or her speech. No points of order or Privilege are used.  Topics can be supplied long in advance, or may be given 45 minutes or an hour before the debate begins. There is not much room for re-definition, and squirreling is strictly prohibited. The World Schools Debating Championships is attended by many countries, and uses this format.  A similar format, with 7-minute speeches and Points-of-Information, is known as the Asian Parliamentary Format and is used by the United Asian Debating Championships

Parliamentary debate (also referred to as "parliamentary") is an academic debate event. Many university-level institutions in English-speaking nations sponsor parliamentary debate teams. In addition the format is currently spreading to the high school level. Despite the name, the parli is not related to debate in governmental parliaments beyond formal speaker titles such as "Opposition Leader" and "Prime Minister".


The historical Kohlhase.

The merchant Hans Kohlhase lived in Cölln on the Spree (now incorporated into Berlin) in the Margraviate of Brandenburg in the 16th century. In October 1532 he set out on a trip to the Leipzig Trade Fair in the neighboring Electorate of Saxony. On the way two of his horses were seized, at the command of the Junker von Zaschwitz, as a supposed fee for passage through Saxony. Kohlhase sought redress in the Saxon courts but failed to obtain it. Outraged, he issued a public challenge in 1534 and burned down houses in Wittenberg. Even a letter of admonition from Martin Luther could not dissuade him, and Kohlhase and the band he collected committed further acts of terror. In 1540 he was finally captured and tried, and was publicly broken on the wheel in Berlin on 22 March 1540. From this history Kleist fashioned a novella that dramatized a personal quest for justice in defiance of the claims of the general law and the community.

Political background.

In the early 19th century, defeats in the war against Napoleon and unsettled domestic conditions (as the rulers of German kingdoms and principalities pursued various strategies of accommodation with Napoleon) contributed to a mood of dissatisfaction in Prussia.  Kleist clearly opposed France and was committed to the need for reform. He could express his political ideals through the character of Kohlhaas, without thereby making himself suspect of political agitation.

Plot summary.

The Brandenburg horse dealer Michael Kohlhaas is leading a team of horses in the direction of Saxony when an official of the nobleman Junker Wenzel von Tronka detains him, claiming that he does not have proper transit papers. The official demands that Kohlhaas leave two horses as collateral.  In Dresden (the Saxon capital) Kohlhaas discovers that this collateral was totally arbitrary, and proceeds to demand return of his horses. When he arrives at the castle of Junker Tronka he discovers that the horses have been suffering from working in the fields and his hired man, who protested against the mistreatment of the horses, has been beaten.  Kohlhaas sues the Junker for the cost of medical treatment of his hired man and for rehabilitation of his horses. After one year he finds that the suit was turned down through political influence of the Junker's relatives. Kohlhaas persists in demanding his rights. In spite of support of a friendly politician and personal engagement of his wife (who is struck down by a guard in her attempt to deliver a petition to the Elector of Saxony and later dies of her injuries), he remains unsuccessful.  Since the administrative "old boys' club" prevents any progress through legal channels, Kohlhaas resorts to criminal means. He begins a private war. Together with seven men he destroys the castle of the Junker, who in the meantime has fled to Wittenberg, and slaughters the remaining servants (including an infant). Kohlhaas frees his horses, but then ditches them in the castle in order to lead his growing "army" (really a mob) to Wittenberg, demanding the Junker. In spite of numerous attacks of his 400-man army on Wittenberg he fails to secure the Junker.  Through personal intervention of Martin Luther an amnesty is arranged, whereby the Elector of Saxony approves the suit against the Squire. But the Junker again activates his influential family and Kohlhaas is thrown into a dungeon in Brandenburg.  The Elector of Brandenburg manages to have Kohlhaas released, but since in the meantime Saxony has informed the Kaiser in Vienna, the ruling families in Berlin feel this threat to the authority of the aristocracy must be handled with severity. In spite of surprising efforts of the Elector of Brandenburg to save Kohlhaas, he is sentenced to death. Later it turns out that Kohlhaas has on his person papers that contain important information about the House of Saxony.  As Kohlhaas is led to execution, he sees in the crowd the disguised Elector of Saxony. Through his lawyer, he is informed that his suit against the Junker has been successful, and is presented with compensation for the injuries of his hired man and shown the horses, now well-fed and healthy. Pleased that justice has been served, he submits willingly to the execution. However, shortly before being beheaded, he opens the amulet on his neck containing the papers regarding the House of Saxony and swallows them. The Elector of Saxony is so distressed by this act that he faints, and Kohlhaas is beheaded shortly thereafter.

Influence.

Franz Kafka devoted one of only two public appearances in his whole life to reading passages from "Michael Kohlhaas". Kafka said that he "could not even think of" this work "without being moved to tears and enthusiasm."  The story of Michael Kohlhaas had an influence on E. L. Doctorow's 1975 novel "Ragtime", which uses similar plot elements and has a protagonist named "Coalhouse Walker". Doctorow himself called his book "a quite deliberate "hommage"" to Kleist's story.  J. M. Coetzee's 1983 novel "Life & Times of Michael K" is influenced by this novel.  The opening sentence of the 1985 novel "" by German writer Patrick Süskind is an homage to the opening sentence of "Michael Kohlhaas".  The theatrical work "" (1990) by Italian playwright and actor Marco Baliani is a direct adaptation of Kleist's book. In 2017 the italian play has been translated in Spanish by Beatriz Castellary and interpreted by Riccardo Rigamonti.  The 1969 film "Michael Kohlhaas – der Rebell" by Volker Schlöndorff and the 2013 film "" by Arnaud des Pallières were direct adaptations of Kleist's story.  The 1999 film "The Jack Bull" by John Badham was loosely based on this book which was also a major source of inspiration for Andrey Zvyagintsev's 2014 film "Leviathan".

Michael Kohlhaas is a novella by the German author Heinrich von Kleist, based on a 16th-century story of Hans Kohlhase. Kleist published fragments of the work in volume 6 of his literary journal "Phöbus" in June 1808. The complete work was published in the first volume of Kleist's "" (novellas) in 1810.


Provisions.

UCITA focuses on adapting current commercial trade laws to the modern software era. It is particularly controversial in terms of computer software. The code would automatically make a software maker liable for defects and errors in the program. However, it allows a shrinkwrap license to override any of UCITA's provisions. As a result, commercial software makers can include such a license in the box and not be liable for errors in the software. Free software that is normally distributed through downloads, however, would not be able to force a shrinkwrap license and would therefore be liable for errors. Small software makers without legal knowledge would also be at risk.  UCITA would explicitly allow software makers to make any legal restrictions they want on their software by calling the software a license in the EULA, rather than a sale. This would therefore take away purchasers right to resell used software under the first sale doctrine. Without UCITA, courts have often ruled that despite the EULA claiming a license, the actual actions by the software company and purchaser clearly shows it was a purchase, meaning that the purchaser has the right to resell the software to anyone.

History.

UCITA started as an attempt to modify the Uniform Commercial Code by introducing a new article: Article 2B (also known as UCC2B). The committee for drafting UCC2B consisted of members from both the NCCUSL and the American Law Institute (ALI). At a certain stage of the process, ALI withdrew from the drafting process, effectively killing UCC2B. Afterwards, the NCCUSL renamed UCC2B into UCITA and proceeded on its own.

Passage Record.

Before ratification, each state may amend its practices, thus creating different conditions in each state. This means that the final "as read" UCITA document is what is actually passed and signed into law by each state governor. The passage record typically indicates each version of UCITA submitted for ratification.  Two states, Virginia and Maryland, passed UCITA in 2000, shortly after its completion by the NCCUSL in 1999. However, beginning with Iowa that same year, numerous additional states have passed so-called "bomb-shelter" laws enabling citizen protections against UCITA-like provisions.

"Uniform Computer Information Transactions Act" (UCITA) was an attempt to introduce a Uniform Act for US States to follow. As a "model law", it only specifies a set of guidelines, and each of the States should decide if to pass it or not, separately. UCITA has been drafted by National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws (NCCUSL).


Origin of the name.

The name "mbejú" (also written "mbeyú") means "cake" and comes from the Guarani language. Guarani is one of the two official languages of Paraguay, which defines itself as being bilingual and multi-cultural. The mbejú is bound to the Guarani mythology to be one of the most ancient recipes of this culture. Traditionally, there were about 16 ways to prepare it, although nowadays, 11 are recognized. Next to the chipá and the sopa paraguaya it is part of the so-called "tyra", a Guarani term for food consumed to accompany the "mate cocido", milk or coffee, or simply an addition to other dishes.

Ingredients.

Traditional mbejú require starch, corn flour, pork fat, thin salt, fresh cheese and milk. The variety called "mbejú avevo" ("inflated cake") uses the same ingredients but with the pork fat, the eggs and the cheese in larger quantities. Another variant, "mbejú de fariña" in which manioc flour is used instead of manioc starch.  There are other recipes for the Mbeju. Mbeju cuatro quesos, for example, which means mbeju with extra cheese, requires 250 grams of cassava starch, 75 grams of butter, 150 grams of fresh cheese, 2 spoonful of milk, salt, 2 tomatoes perita, 100 grams of cuartirolo cheese, 50 grams catupyry cheese, oregano, basil leaves, and black pepper.

Preparation.

The starch is sifted. Fat and the crumbled cheese are added and the mixture is whipped until creamy. Eggs, salt and milk are added as the whipping continues. Finally the starch and corn flour are added, mixing everything using the hands until a thick powder-like preparation results.  A greased frying pan is allowed to get very hot. A layer of the mixture of about 11⁄2 centimeters is put into the pan, squeezing the borders with the back of a spoon. It is cooked for a few minutes, moving the pan so it cooks evenly without burning the center. Using the lid of the pan, flip the mbejú, finishing the cooking the same way as above.  Steps for the extra cheese mbeju Put into a bowl the Paraguayan cheese with the butter, whisk with a spoon until it is cream. Add the starch and a little bit of salt, as soon as it gets hard add some milk and whisk again until it gets cream. For the filling, cut the tomatoes and the cheese. In a hot pan add the dough covering the entire surface, on the top add the tomatoes and the cheese the oregano, basil, and a little bit of pepper. Cover up the pan again with some more dough, and cook for 3 minutes on each side.

Mbeju or beiju is a starch cake sometimes made with fariña or manioc flour. The mbeju is a staple typical of Paraguay and the Northeast of Argentina. The recipe has existed since the 18th century and its origins lie with the indigenous Guaraní people that lived in the Guaraní-Jesuit Missions.


Working fields.

"Pro Asyl" helps refugees individually in situations in which they need support, including legal consulting and representation in the court, if necessary all the way up to Germany's Constitutional Court or the European Court of Human Rights.  The organization also does political lobbying for the rights of refugees by launching campaigns and taking part in panel and TV discussions. Politically, they strive for "a humane society, open towards foreigners."  In 2004, "Pro Asyl" and partner organizations from seven Central European countries founded the European Refugee Fund-funded "Information and Cooperation Forum" (ICF), where "Pro Asyl" is Lead Agency for Medical Care and Therapy. The organization is a member of the European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE) and closely cooperates with the UNHCR and other international human rights organizations. With their pan-European network of correspondents, "Pro Asyl" conducts analysis and surveys about refugees' situation both in their countries of origin and on their escape routes and intermediate stopovers.  In the past, "Pro Asyl" has waged nationwide campaigns against a legal requirement for refugee status applicants and those with a deportation deferment, the so-called "Residenzpflicht," requiring them not to leave their local office's district often for years, until in January 2015 it was limited to the first three months, and often altogether abolished.  The organization has always criticized the steady expansion of the government-designated list of "safe origin countries" as institutionalized discrimination, as it deprives citizens of more and more non-EU countries, including Kosovo, Senegal and Ghana, of their right to receive an individual evaluation of their individual protective rights. During the 2015 European migrant crisis "Pro Asyl" representative Marei Pelzer criticised the coalition member CSU party of diffusing "cheap propaganda at the expense of the refugees," that was "designed to put the wind in the sails of far-right populists," thereby contributing to the social climate that led to numerous xenophobic attacks on refugees and their shelters.

Awards.

The organization received a number of awards of national relevance, including the Bonhoeffer-Prize 1998, the Aachener Friedenspreis 2001, and the Theodor-Heuss-Medal 2008.

PRO ASYL is Germany's largest pro immigration advocacy organization. Founded in 1986 by protestant priest Jürgen Micksch, the organization has over 18.000 members and an annual budget of more than (as of 2014).