Organisation.

Māori electorates operate much as do general electorates, but have as electors people who are Māori or of Māori descent, and who choose to place their names on a separate electoral roll rather than on the "general roll".  There are two features of the Māori electorates that make them distinct from the general electorates. First, there are a number of skills that are essential for candidates to have in order to engage with their constituencies and ensure a clear line of accountability to representing the 'Māori voice'. This includes proficiency in the Māori language, knowledge of tikanga Māori, whakawhanaungatanga skills and confidence on the marae. Second, the geographical size of the Māori electoral boundaries vary significantly from the general electorates. Five to 18 general electorates fit into any one Māori electorate.  Māori electoral boundaries are superimposed over the electoral boundaries used for general electorates; thus every part of New Zealand simultaneously belongs both in a general seat and in a Māori seat. Shortly after each census all registered Māori electors have the opportunity to choose whether they are included on the Māori or General electorate rolls. Each five-yearly Māori Electoral Option determines the number of Māori electorates for the next one or two elections.

Establishment.

The establishment of Māori electorates came about in 1867 during the term of the 4th Parliament with the Maori Representation Act, drafted by Napier member of parliament Donald McLean. Parliament passed the Act only after lengthy debate, it was passed during a period of warfare between the Government and several North Island Māori tribes, and was seen as a way to reduce conflict between the races in future. The act originally agreed to set up four electorates specially for Māori three in the North Island and one covering the whole South Island. The four seats were a fairly modest concession on per capita basis at the time.  Many conservative MPs, most of whom considered Māori "unfit" to participate in government, opposed Māori representation in Parliament, while some MPs from the other end of the spectrum (such as James FitzGerald, who had proposed allocating a third of Parliament to Māori) regarded the concessions given to Māori as insufficient. In the end the setting up of Māori electorates separate from existing electorates assuaged conservative opposition to the bill – conservatives had previously feared that Māori would gain the right to vote in general electorates, thereby forcing all MPs (rather than just four Māori MPs) to take notice of Māori opinion.  Before this law came into effect, no direct prohibition on Māori voting existed, but other indirect prohibitions made it extremely difficult for Māori to exercise their theoretical electoral rights. The most significant problem involved the property qualification – to vote, one needed to possess a certain value of land. Māori owned a great deal of land, but they held it in common, not under individual title, and under the law, only land held under individual title could count towards the property qualification. Donald McLean explicitly intended his bill as a temporary measure, giving specific representation to Māori until they adopted European customs of land ownership. However, the Māori electorates lasted far longer than the intended five years, and remain in place today, despite the property qualification for voting being removed in 1879.  The first four Māori members of parliament elected in 1868 were Tāreha te Moananui (Eastern Maori), Frederick Nene Russell (Northern Maori) and John Patterson (Southern Maori), who all retired in 1870; and Mete Kīngi Te Rangi Paetahi (Western Maori) who was defeated in 1871. These four persons were the first New Zealand-born members of the New Zealand Parliament. The second four members were Karaitiana Takamoana (Eastern Maori); Wi Katene (Northern Maori); Hori Kerei Taiaroa (Southern Maori); and Wiremu Parata (Western Maori).  The first Māori woman MP was Iriaka Ratana who represented the enormous Western Māori electorate. Like Elizabeth McCombs, New Zealand's first women MP, Ratana won the seat in a hotly contested by-election caused by the death of her husband Matiu in 1949.

Elections.

Currently Māori elections are held as part of New Zealand general elections but in the past such elections took place separately, on different days (usually the day before the vote for general electorates) and under different rules. Historically, less organisation went into holding Māori elections than general elections, and the process received fewer resources. Māori electorates at first did not require registration for voting, which was later introduced. New practices such as paper ballots (as opposed to casting one's vote verbally) and secret ballots also came later to elections for Māori electorates than to general electorates.  The authorities frequently delayed or overlooked reforms of the Māori electoral system, with Parliament considering the Māori electorates as largely unimportant. The gradual improvement of Māori elections owes much to long-serving Māori MP Eruera Tirikatene, who himself experienced problems in his own election. From the election of 1951 onwards, the voting for Māori and general electorates was held on the same day.  Confusion around the Māori electorates during the 2017 general election was revealed in a number of complaints to the Electoral Commission. Complaints included Electoral Commission staff at polling booths being unaware of the Māori roll and insisting electors were unregistered when their names did not appear on the general roll; Electoral Commission staff giving incorrect information about the Māori electorates; electors being given incorrect voting forms and electors being told they were unable to vote for the Māori Party unless they were on the Māori roll.

Calls for abolition.

Periodically there have been calls for the abolition of the Māori seats. The electorates aroused controversy even at the time of their origin, and given their intended temporary nature, there were a number of attempts to abolish them. The reasoning behind these attempts has varied – some have seen the electorates as an unfair or unnecessary advantage for Māori, while others have seen them as discriminatory and offensive.  In 1902, a consolidation of electoral law prompted considerable discussion of the Māori electorates, and some MPs proposed their abolition. Many of the proposals came from members of the opposition, and possibly had political motivations – in general, the Māori MPs had supported the governing Liberal Party, which had held power since 1891. Many MPs alleged frequent cases of corruption in elections for the Māori electorates. Other MPs, however, supported the abolition of Māori electorates for different reasons – Frederick Pirani, a member of the Liberal Party, said that the absence of Māori voters from general electorates prevented "pākehā members of the House from taking that interest in Māori matters that they ought to take". The Māori MPs, however, mounted a strong defence of the electorates, with Wi Pere depicting guaranteed representation in Parliament as one of the few rights Māori possessed not "filched from them by the Europeans". The electorates continued in existence.  Just a short time later, in 1905, another re-arrangement of electoral law caused the debate to flare up again. The Minister of Māori Affairs, James Carroll, supported proposals for the abolition of Māori electorates, pointing to the fact that he himself had won the general electorate of Waiapu. Other Māori MPs, such as Hone Heke Ngapua, remained opposed, however. In the end, the proposals for the abolition or reform of Māori electorates did not proceed.  Considerably later, in 1953, the first ever major re-alignment of Māori electoral boundaries occurred, addressing inequalities in voter numbers. Again, the focus on Māori electorates prompted further debate about their existence. The government of the day, the National Party, had at the time a commitment to the assimilation of Māori, and had no Māori MPs, and so many believed that they would abolish the electorates. However, the government had other matters to attend to, and the issue of the Māori electorates gradually faded from view without any changes. Regardless, the possible abolition of the Māori electorates appeared indicated when they did not appear among the electoral provisions entrenched against future modification.  In the 1950s the practice of reserving electorates for Māori was described by some politicians "as a form of 'apartheid', like in South Africa".  In 1967, the electoral system whereby four electorate seats were reserved for representatives who were specifically Māori ended. Following the Electoral Amendment Act of 1967, the 100-year-old disqualification preventing Europeans from standing as candidates in Māori seats was removed. (The same Act allowed Māori to stand in European electorates.)  Since 1967, therefore, there has not been any electoral guarantee of representation by candidates who have Māori descent. While this still means that those elected to represent Māori electors in the Māori electorates are directly accountable to those voters, those representatives are not required to themselves be Māori.  In 1976, Māori gained the right for the first time to decide on which electoral roll they preferred to enrol. Surprisingly, only 40% of the potential population registered on the Māori roll. This reduced the number of calls for the abolition of Māori electorates, as many presumed that Māori would eventually abandon the Māori electorates of their own accord.  However the 1977 electoral redistribution has been described as "the most overtly political since the Representation Commission was established" (through an amendment to the "Representation Act" in 1886); the option to decide which roll to go on was introduced by Muldoon's National Government. As part of the 1976 census, a large number of people failed to fill out an electoral re-registration card, and census staff had not been given the authority to insist on the card being completed. This had little practical effect for people on the general roll, but it transferred Māori to the general roll if the card was not handed in.  When a Royal Commission proposed the adoption of the MMP electoral system in 1986, it also proposed that if the country adopted the new system, it should abolish the Māori electorates. The Commission argued that under MMP, all parties would have to pay attention to Māori voters, and that the existence of separate Māori electorates marginalised Māori concerns. Following a referendum, Parliament drafted an Electoral Reform Bill, incorporating the abolition of the Māori electorates. Both the National Party and Geoffrey Palmer, Labour's leading reformist, supported abolition; but most Māori strongly opposed it. Eventually, the provision did not become law. The Māori electorates came closer than ever to abolition, but survived.  The ACT Party and the National Party have each advocated abolition of the separate electorates. New Zealand First also advocates abolition of the separate electorates but says that the Māori voters should make the decision. National announced in 2008 it would abolish the electorates when all historic Treaty settlements have been resolved, which it aimed to complete by 2014. While it remains National Party policy to abolish the electorates, Prime Minister John Key ruled it out as recently as August 2014, saying he would not do it even if he had the numbers to do so as there would be "hikois from hell".  During the 2017 election campaign, the New Zealand First leader Winston Peters announced that if elected his party would hold two binding referendums on whether Maori electorates should be abolished and whether the number of MPs should be reduced to 100. The lobby group Hobson's Pledge advocates abolishing the allocated Māori seats, seeing them as outdated. During post-election negotiations with the Labour Party, Peters indicated that he would consider dropping his call for a referendum on the Māori seats due to the defeat of the Māori Party at the 2017 election. In return for forming a government with the Labour Party, NZ First agreed to drop its demand for referenda on abolishing the Māori electorates.

Number of electorates.

From 1868 to 1996, four Māori electorates existed (out of a total that slowly changed from 76 to 99). They comprised:  With the introduction of the MMP electoral system after 1993, the rules regarding the Māori electorates changed. Today, the number of electorates floats, meaning that the electoral population of a Māori seat can remain roughly equivalent to that of a general seat. In the first MMP vote (the 1996 election), the Electoral Commission defined five Māori electorates:  For the second MMP election (1999), six Māori electorates existed:  The 2002 and 2005 elections had seven:  The 2008, 2011, 2014 and 2017 general elections also had seven:  While seven out of 70 (10%) does not nearly reflect the proportion of New Zealanders who identify as being of Māori descent (about 18%), many Māori choose to enroll in general electorates, so the proportion reflects the proportion of voters on the Māori roll.  For maps showing broad electoral boundaries, see selected links to individual elections at New Zealand elections.  Former Māori Party co-leader Pita Sharples proposed the creation of an additional electorate, for Māori living in Australia, where there are between 115,000 and 125,000 Māori, the majority living in Queensland.

Party politics.

As Māori electorates originated before the development of political parties in New Zealand, all early Māori MPs functioned as independents. When the Liberal Party formed, however, Māori MPs began to align themselves with the new organisation, with either Liberal candidates or Liberal sympathisers as representatives. Māori MPs in the Liberal Party included James Carroll, Āpirana Ngata and Te Rangi Hīroa. There were also Māori MPs in the more conservative and rural Reform Party; Maui Pomare, Taurekareka Henare and Taite Te Tomo.  Since the Labour Party first came to power in 1935, however, it has dominated the Māori electorates. For a long period this dominance owed much to Labour's alliance with the Rātana Church, although the Rātana influence has diminished in recent times. In the 1993 election, however, the new New Zealand First party, led by the part-Māori Winston Peters – who himself held the general seat of Tauranga from 1984 to 2005 – gained the Northern Māori seat (electing Tau Henare to Parliament), and in the 1996 election New Zealand First captured all the Māori electorates for one electoral term. Labour regained the electorates in the following election in the 1999 election.  A development of particular interest to Māori came in 2004 with the resignation of Tariana Turia from her ministerial position in the Labour-dominated coalition and from her Te Tai Hauāuru parliamentary seat. In the resulting by-election on 10 July 2004, standing under the banner of the newly formed Māori Party, she received over 90% of the 7,000-plus votes cast. The parties then represented in Parliament had not put up official candidates in the by-election. The new party's support in relation to Labour therefore remained untested at the polling booth.  The Māori Party aimed to win all seven Māori electorates in 2005. A Marae-Digipoll survey of Māori-roll voters in November 2004 gave it hope: 35.7% said they would vote for a Māori Party candidate, 26.3% opted for Labour, and five of the seven electorates appeared ready to fall to the new party. In the election, the new party won four of the Māori electorates. It seemed possible that Māori Party MPs could play a role in the choice and formation of a governing coalition, and they conducted talks with the National Party. In the end they remained in Opposition.  Similarly in 2008, the Māori Party aimed to win all seven Māori electorates. However, in the election, they managed to increase their four electorates only to five. Although the National government had enough MPs to govern without the Māori Party, it invited the Māori Party to support their minority government on confidence and supply in return for policy concessions and two ministerial posts outside of Cabinet. The Māori Party signed a confidence and supply agreement with National on the condition that the Māori electorates were not abolished unless the Māori voters agreed to abolish them. Other policy concessions including a review of the Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004, a review of New Zealand's constitutional arrangements, and the introduction of the Whānau Ora indigenous health initiative.  Discontentment with the Māori Party's support agreement with National particularly the Marine and Coastal Areas Bill 2011 led the party's Te Tai Tokerau Member Hone Harawira to secede from the Māori Party and form the radical left-wing Mana Movement. During the 2011 general election, the Māori Party retained three of the Māori electorates while Labour increased its share of the Māori electorates to three, taking Te Tai Tonga. The Mana Movement retained Te Tai Tokerau. Tensions between the Māori Party and Mana Movement combined with competition from the Labour Party fragmented the Māori political voice in Parliament.  In the 2014 election, Mana Movement leader Hone Harawira formed an electoral pact with the Internet Party, founded by controversial Internet entrepreneur Kim Dotcom and led by former Alliance MP Laila Harré known as Internet MANA. Hone was defeated by Labour candidate Kelvin Davis, who was tacitly endorsed by the ruling National Party, New Zealand First, and the Māori Party. During the 2014 election, Labour captured six of the Māori electorates with the Māori Party being reduced to co-leader Te Ururoa Flavell's Waiariki electorate. The Māori Party managed to bring a second member co-leader Marama Fox into Parliament as their party vote entitled them to one further list seat.  During the 2017 general election, the Māori Party formed an electoral pact with the Mana Movement leader and former Māori Party MP Hone Harawira not to contest Te Tai Tokerau as part of a deal to regain the Māori electorates from the Labour Party. Despite these efforts, Labour captured all seven of the Māori electorates with Labour candidate Tamati Coffey unseating Māori Party co-leader Flavell in Waiariki.

In New Zealand politics, Māori electorates, colloquially known as the Māori seats, are a special category of electorate that gives reserved positions to representatives of Māori in the New Zealand Parliament. Every area in New Zealand is covered by both a general and a Māori electorate; as of 2002, there are seven Māori electorates. Since 1967 candidates in Māori electorates have not needed to be Māori themselves, but to register as a voter in the Māori electorates people need to declare they are of Māori descent.


Early years.

Ernst Marlier was the son of Philipp Marlier (died c. 1902), a postal official, and Mathilda Marlier ("née" Forkeln). After receiving commercial training in the Fuchs Book Factory, Marlier fulfilled his military service obligation in Infantry Regiment 22 in Kassel, after which he moved to Nuremberg. There, he was the proprietor of a shipping firm, Micado.

Drug maker.

In 1903, Marlier settled in Berlin (Kurfürstenstrasse 173a, later Sternstrasse 22), where he founded multiple drug firms (Chemische Fabrik Dr. Schröder GmbH, Chemische Fabrik Dr. Hartmann GmbH, Chemische Fabrik Dr. Wagner und Marlier) and the coal wholesaler Julius Marlier. By 1907, Marlier was already having problems with police headquarters, which warned that Marlier’s preparations “did not have the properties ascribed to them in their sales information.” Among the pharmaceuticals Marlier sold were "Antipositin, Antineurasthin, Renascin, Slankal, Levathin, Visnervin, Vitalito" and "Hämasol".

Assault charges.

In 1904, Marlier was charged with battery and disturbance of the peace, and sentenced to six days in jail. In 1913, on the corner of Friedrichstraße and Jägerstraße, Marlier was arrested for assault and battery. According to the police, Marlier had slapped the face of a woman waiting at a cab stand. When two drivers intervened, Marlier beat them both. A policeman named Brandt saw the disturbance and approached, whereupon Marlier attacked him. According to the police report, Marlier was taken to the police precinct. A wild scene ensued, the furious Marlier accosting everyone in sight. Marlier was sentenced to pay a 600 mark fine. Marlier's wife divorced him in 1922 because he beat her.

Wannsee Villa.

In 1914, Marlier engaged architect (later a favorite architect of Adolf Hitler) to build a magnificent villa, overlooking the Großer Wannsee, in the Berlin suburb of Wannsee. However, Marlier was unable to retain the villa because of his business problems. In 1905, the Pharmaceutical Institute of Berlin determined that Marlier’s medicines consisted of nothing more than tartaric acid, citric acid, sodium chloride, and egg yolk. In 1907, the German government forbade the sale of Marlier’s "Antipositin" and "Antineurasthin". Marlier became involved in a tangle of legal troubles, and in 1921, he was forced to sell the Wannsee Villa to industrialist Friedrich Minoux for 2,300,000 reichsmarks.

Wannsee Conference.

On January 20, 1942, Reinhard Heydrich announced the Final Solution to the Jewish Question (the deportation and extermination of all Jews in German-occupied territory) at the Wannsee Conference, which took place in the Wannsee Villa.

Ernst Ferdinand Emil Marlier (28 July 1875 – 1948) was a German pharmaceutical manufacturer who built the Wannsee Villa, where the Wannsee Conference was held.


History.

The Cyprus College of Art was founded in 1969 by the Cypriot painter Stass Paraskos, and is one of the oldest art institutions on the Mediterranean island of Cyprus. In the past it has been housed at different locations. It started life in the city of Famagusta on the east coast of Cyprus in 1969, but after a campaign by local hoteliers against the presence of impoverished artists and art students in a city increasingly focused on mass tourism, the College moved briefly to Larnaca in 1972, and then to Kato Paphos in 1973. With the arrival of the mass-tourism industry to Kato Paphos in the early 1980s, the local authorities there also asked the College to move and it was settled at its present site in the village of Lempa in 1985. In 2002 the College acquired premises in the city of Limassol, run alongside the studios in Lempa, and the Limassol operation moved to Larnaca in 2007, becoming the Cornaro Institute. This was separated from the Cyprus College of Art in 2014, and now operates as an independent organisation.  The original aim of the Cyprus College of Art was not to provide formal courses, but to offer artists and art students from different countries the opportunity to spend a period of time making art in Cyprus. However, in the early 1970s the college planned to launch the first postgraduate fine art programme in Cyprus, but this was delayed by the Turkish invasion in 1974, and did not start until 1978. With the establishment of this programme, the Cyprus College of Art became the first true art school offering in higher education programmes, on the island of Cyprus.  In 1985 Stass Paraskos was joined by his daughter, Margaret Paraskos, running the College. With the acquisition of additional premises in Limassol in 2002 the College launched several undergraduate fine art programmes. This included foundation, adult education and degree courses in painting, sculpture, photography and printmaking. Almost all of the programmes taught at the College followed a British art education model, and several were validated in the United Kingdom, although these validations were not accepted by the Cypriot government authorities. In 2007 the College's Limassol site was closed, and teaching transferred to a new building in Larnaca which became known as the Cornaro Institute, named after the last Venetian Queen of Cyprus Caterina Cornaro. From this time the site at Lempa concentrated on postgraduate programmes, and that at Larnaca on foundation and undergraduate programmes. Both sites were also used to house visiting artists from around the world.  Following the death of Stass Paraskos in 2014, the Cyprus College of Art ceased to offer formal educational courses and de-registered as a college of education with the Cyprus Ministry of Education and Culture. The Cornaro Institute in Larnaca was separated from the College and became an independent institution, and the College in Lempa became a studio and residency centre for artists and art students from around the world.

Foundation and ethos.

The foundation of the College in 1969 was highly unusual. Although Stass Paraskos had visited Cyprus in 1968 with the British poet Martin Bell, and met with the first President of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios, to discuss opening an art school in Cyprus, the initial impetus for starting the Cyprus College of Art came from an informal discussion in a pub in the English city of Leeds, where Paraskos was a tutor at the Leeds College of Art. In this discussion it was suggested Paraskos organise a summer trip for the art students and tutors to Cyprus. Agreeing to do this, Paraskos started an annual event, which attracted students from other British art schools, and eventually grew into the Cyprus College of Art. This informal start led by artists remains a central part of the ethos of CyCA today, with artists rather than administrators still playing a central role in the institution, and stressing the freedom of the artist to be a creative being rather than under the control of academic bureaucracies.

Sculpture wall and garden.

The Cyprus College of Art's campus in Lempa is surrounded by a large sculpture wall and garden, open to the public. This was created over a period of over twenty-five years from 1989 by Stass Paraskos, together with many of the artists and art students who have visited the College. The wall is a major landmark and tourist attraction in the region, attracting visitors to the village to see sculptures of a King Kong-sized gorilla, a donkey known as 'the art critic' and numerous other animals and human figures, as well as abstract elements. These are all constructed from found materials and cement.

Controversy with Manifesta.

In 2005, the International Manifesta Organisation, based in the Netherlands announced that the art festival Manifesta 6 would be held in Cyprus in 2006. The Cyprus College of Art was initially enthusiastic about the prospect of an international art fair in Cyprus, publishing a supporting article in the College newsletter, "ArtCyprus" about Manifesta.  However a perceived unwillingness by the Manifesta organisers to engage with the College and the Cypriot art world resulted in the College becoming one of Manifesta 6's fiercest critics. This was compounded by the Manifesta team claiming there was no functioning art school in Cyprus, a charge that resulted in CyCA dedicating an entire issue of ArtCyprus to attacking Manifesta, accusing the Dutch organisation of cultural insensitivity bordering on racism.

Rebirth and development.

The economic crisis that hit Cyprus in 2013 had a major detrimental effect on the finances of the College, resulting in falling student recruitment. Coupled with the death of the founder of the College, Stass Paraskos, in 2014, it was decided in 2014 to cease offering educational courses and return the College to being a centre for visiting artists. This resulted in the separation of the Cyprus College of Art in Lempa from the Cornaro Institute in Larnaca, and with the focus of the College now firmly on Lempa, work has begun with Lempa Parish Council on upgrading the facilities in Lempa to operate the site solely as an artists' studio complex. Following the death of Stass Paraskos, his daughter Margaret became director of the Cyprus College of Art.

The Cyprus College of Art (CyCA) is an artists' studio group, located in the village of Lempa on the west coast of Cyprus. It was founded in 1969 by the artist Stass Paraskos; the current director is the Cyprus-based artist Margaret Paraskos.


Early life and education.

Feld studied Economics at Saarland University. He obtained a doctorate in Economics 1999 and a habilitation in Economics in 2002, both from the University of St. Gallen.

Career.

From 2002 until 2005 Feld was visiting academic at the Economic Sciences faculty at the University of Rennes 1. At the same time, from 2002 until 2006, he served as professor for Economics with specialty in finance at the University of Marburg and, since 2002, he also serves as associate professor for Economics at the University of St. Gallen.  Since 2008 Feld has been a member of the Kronberger Kreis of the Stiftung Marktwirtschaft (Market Economy Foundation) and in this context calls for more private liability within the European bank union.  From 2006 until 2010 Feld held the chair for finance at the University of Heidelberg. At the same time he was offered a research professorship at the Centre for European Economic Research (ZEW) in Mannheim which he took on in 2006. In addition to this, since 2007, he is visiting academic at the Centre for European Economic Research (ZEW) in Mannheim. During this time he worked as curator for student business consulting GalileiConsult e.V. in Heidelberg.  Since September 2010 Feld has been professor for Economic Policy and Ordinal Economics at the University of Freiburg and serves as lead executive at the Walter Eucken Institute.  Since March 2011, Feld has been a member of the German Council of Economic Experts; in 2020, he became the body's chairman. Since 2013, he has also been serving on the advisory board of the Stability Council, a body devised as part of Germany’s national implementation of the European Fiscal Compact.

Personal life.

Feld is married and has three sons.

Lars Peter Feld (born August 9, 1966 in Saarbrücken) is a German economist who currently serves as director of the Walter Eucken Institut, Professor for Economic Policy at the University of Freiburg and as chairman of the German Council of Economic Experts.


Plot.

John "Lucky" Garnett (Fred Astaire) is a gambler and dancer. He is set to marry Margaret (Betty Furness), but his friends hold him up quibbling about a minor alteration to his suit, so that he is late for the wedding. Margaret's father phones to call off the wedding, but Lucky doesn't get that message. His friends bet him that he will not be getting married, and he agrees to the bet. Margaret's father tells Lucky that he must earn $25,000 to demonstrate his good intentions.  He and his friend "Pop" Cardetti (Victor Moore) try to buy train tickets, but his friends take his money – because he lost the bet. So they hitch the first freight train to New York. Broke, they wander around the city. Lucky meets Penny (Ginger Rogers), a dance school instructor, when he asks for change for a quarter. It's his lucky quarter and Pop feels bad that Lucky lost it. They attempt to get it back, but Penny is in no mood to deal with them. When she drops her things, Pop sneaks the quarter out of her purse, and she thinks Lucky did it.  They follow Penny to her work. To be able to apologize, he has to take a dancing lesson from her. She's still furious at him. After a disastrous lesson, Penny tells him to "save his money" since he will never learn to dance. Her boss, Mr. Gordon (Eric Blore), overhears her comment and fires her. Lucky dances with Penny to "prove" how much she's taught him. Not only does Mr. Gordon give Penny her job back, he sets up an audition with the owner of a local venue.  They check into the same hotel where Penny is staying. Lucky does not have a tuxedo to wear to the audition. He tries to get a tuxedo off a drunk man, but he ends up losing his own clothes instead. They miss the audition, and Penny gets mad at Lucky all over again. Lucky arranges another audition. He and Pop picket in front of Penny's door until she gives in and forgives him.  But they cannot audition because the club has lost their band leader, Ricardo Romero (Georges Metaxa), to a casino. They go to Club Raymond where Lucky gambles to win enough to get Ricky back. Meanwhile, Ricky declares his feelings for Penny. Lucky is about to win enough to marry Margaret, but he takes his last bet off in time... proving he is no longer interested in her, but in Penny, instead. The club owner bets him double or nothing and they gamble for Ricky's contract. Upon seeing that the club owner intends to cheat, Pop cheats as well, and Lucky wins the contract.  Lucky and Penny dance at the club. They are dancing together all the time, but Lucky does not trust himself around Penny because he feels guilty about not telling her about Margaret. He's avoiding her, which Penny notices, so she and her friend Mabel Anderson (Helen Broderick) conspire to get Lucky and Pop out to the country. Pop lets slip the information about Lucky and Margaret.  Despite her best efforts, the two begin a romance, even as Ricky continues to woo Penny. When Margaret shows up, Lucky tries to avoid her; but, too late, Penny finds out. She agrees to marry Ricky. Margaret calls off her engagement to Lucky before he can. Lucky successfully stops Penny's wedding. And the two end up together, much to everyone's delight.

Production.

Initially, the working titles for the film were "I Won't Dance" and "Never Gonna Dance", but studio executives worried that no one would come see a musical where no one danced, and the title was changed. "Pick Yourself Up" was also considered as a title, as were 15 other possibilities.  Erwin Gelsey's original screen story was purchased by RKO, and in November 1935, Gelsey was hired to adapt the story. Although he did not receive any screen credit, he was under consideration for screenplay credit as late as July 1936. Howard Lindsay wrote the first draft of the screenplay, which was then considerably re-written by Allan Scott. Just before shooting started, in April 1936, Scott was called back from New York to write additional dialogue.  Astaire spent almost eight weeks preparing for the film's dance numbers.  The "Bojangles of Harlem" number, a tribute to Bill "Bojangles" Robinson, was the last part of the film shot, because of the special effects required. To create the effect that Astaire was dancing with three shadows of himself that were larger-than-life, Astaire had to be filmed dancing in front of a blank white screen on which a powerful light projected his shadow. This footage was tripled in the film lab. Astaire was next filmed performing under normal lighting in front of another white screen while watching a projection of the shadow dancing, and the four shots were optically combined. In its entirety, the sequence took three full days of shooting, and the film overall took several weeks longer to shoot than the normal Astaire-Rogers film.  The New York street scenes were shot on Paramount's back lot, the train station interiors and exteriors at the Los Angeles Santa Fe Railroad Station, and the freight yard scene was shot in downtown Los Angeles.

Musical numbers.

Musical notes

Reception.

Box office.

According to RKO records the film made $1,624,000 in the U.S. and Canada and $994,000 elsewhere, resulting in a profit of $830,000.  It was the 15th most popular film at the British box office in 1935-36.

Awards and honors.

At the 1937 Academy Awards Jerome Kern and Dorothy Fields won the award for Best Music, Original Song and Hermes Pan was nominated, but did not win, for his choreography for "Bojangles of Harlem".  In 1999, "Entertainment Weekly" named "Swing Time" as one of the top 100 films, and in 2004, the film was included in the United States National Film Registry for being "culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant". Three years later, in 2007, the American Film Institute ranked "Swing Time" #90 on their 10th Anniversary list of 100 Years...100 Movies.

Adaptations.

A Broadway musical, "Never Gonna Dance" based on the film, used much of the Jerome Kern and Dorothy Fields' original score. The show, which had a book by Jeffrey Hatcher, began performances on October 27, 2003, running for 44 previews and 84 performances. It opened on December 4, 2003 and closed on February 15, 2004. It was directed by Michael Greif and choreographed by Jerry Mitchell.

Home media.

Region 1
 Since 2005, a digitally restored version of "Swing Time" is available separately (in Region 1) and as part of "The Astaire & Rogers Collection, Vol.1" from Warner Home Video. These releases feature a commentary by John Mueller, author of "Astaire Dancing – The Musical Films."  On June 11, 2019, The Criterion Collection released this movie in the United States in the Blu-ray and DVD formats.  Region 2
 Since 2003, a digitally restored version of "Swing Time" (in Region 2 – not the same as the US restoration) is available separately, and as part of "The Fred and Ginger Collection, Vol. 1" from Universal Studios, who control the rights to the RKO Astaire-Rogers pictures in the UK and Ireland. These releases feature an introduction by Astaire's daughter, Ava Astaire McKenzie.

References.

Notes Bibliography

Swing Time is a 1936 American RKO musical comedy film set mainly in New York City, and starring Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers. It features Helen Broderick, Victor Moore, Betty Furness, Eric Blore and Georges Metaxa, with music by Jerome Kern and lyrics by Dorothy Fields. The film was directed by George Stevens.


Taxonomy.

"Oryzomys nelsoni" was collected by Edward William Nelson and Edward Goldman in May 1897 and never found again. Their visit for the Biological Survey of the United States Department of Agriculture was one of the first scientific exploration of the islands. Clinton Hart Merriam identified the mammals they obtained, including four specimens of "Oryzomys nelsoni", which were deposited in the United States National Museum and remain there. He named it as a species of the genus "Oryzomys", "Oryzomys nelsoni"; the specific name honors Nelson. Investigators have generally retained it as a species distinct from other "Oryzomys", but in 1971 Hershkovitz listed it as one of many subspecies of "Oryzomys palustris", which he envisaged as a wide-ranging species encompassing what is now the marsh rice rat ("O. palustris") of the southern and eastern United States, "O. couesi" of Central America, and several other species with more limited distributions.  In his 1918 revision of North American "Oryzomys", Goldman considered "O. nelsoni" to be most closely related to the nearest mainland subspecies of "O. couesi", "O. couesi mexicanus". In 2009, Michael Carleton and Joaquin Arroyo-Cabrales revised the "Oryzomys" of western Mexico and confirmed that "O. nelsoni" is a very distinct species. Their morphometrical analysis found some resemblance between the species and "Oryzomys albiventer" of interior mainland Mexico, and they suggested that although "O. nelsoni" likely represents an old, distinctive lineage, it may have derived from a common ancestor with "O. albiventer".  "Oryzomys nelsoni" is one of about eight species in the genus "Oryzomys", which occurs from the eastern United States ("O. palustris") into northwestern South America ("O. gorgasi"). "O. nelsoni" is further part of the "O. couesi" section, which is centered on the widespread Central American "O. couesi" and also includes various other species with more limited and peripheral distributions. Many aspects of the systematics of the "O. couesi" section remain unclear and it is likely that the current classification underestimates the true diversity of the group. "Oryzomys" previously included many other species, which were progressively removed in various studies culminating in a contribution by Marcelo Weksler and coworkers in 2006 that removed more than forty species from the genus. All are classified in the tribe Oryzomyini ("rice rats"), a diverse assemblage of American rodents of over a hundred species, and on higher taxonomic levels in the subfamily Sigmodontinae of family Cricetidae, along with hundreds of other species of mainly small rodents.  Common names proposed for this species include Nelson rice rat, Nelson's rice rat, Nelson's oryzomys, and Tres Marias Island rice rat.

Description.

"Oryzomys nelsoni" was a large and long-tailed "Oryzomys"; its tail was longer than that of any other western Mexican "Oryzomys". The upperparts were ochraceous to buff, most richly so on the rump, and paler further to the front and low on the flanks. On the head and the back, blackish hairs somewhat darkened the overall color. The underparts were white, with lead-colored underfur that was visible in some places. The ears were covered on both sides with scanty grayish hairs. The large hindfeet were sparsely covered with pale hairs. The tail was largely dark, but the underside of the basal one third to one half was light yellow.  "Oryzomys nelsoni" was distinctive in its large skull with broad, well-developed incisors and a strong front part (rostrum) that is strongly curved downwards. In "O. albiventer", the rostrum and incisors were not as massive, but the molars are larger. The interparietal bone, part of the roof of the braincase, was broad and the incisive foramina, which perforated the palate between the incisors and the molars, were relatively short.  Total length in the four known specimens is, averaging ; head and body length is, averaging ; tail length is, averaging ; and hindfoot length is, averaging.

Ecology and extinction.

Nelson and Goldman found the species only in a damp, herbaceous site now known as the "Sacatal" near a spring high on María Madre Island, the largest of the Islas Marías off the coast of Nayarit, western Mexico, and Nelson wrote that it was rare. He gave the elevation of this place as 1800 ft, which Álvarez-Castañeda and Méndez converted to 550 m, but in his 1918 paper, Goldman gave 800 ft instead, which Carleton and Arroyo-Cabrales in 2009 converted to 245 m. The next survey of small mammals on the island took place in March 1976 by a team led by Don E. Wilson. They failed to collect "O. nelsoni" and instead found only the introduced black rat ("Rattus rattus") at the locality where Nelson and Goldman had collected "O. nelsoni"; this species may have contributed to the decline of the indigenous rodent.  The species is now considered extinct, although as late as 2002 the Mexican government listed it as "threatened". Another Islas Marías endemic, the deermouse "Peromyscus madrensis", still occurred on María Madre in 1976. "Oryzomys nelsoni" is thought to have fed on plant material such as weeds, fruit, and seeds, and more rarely on animals such as fish and invertebrates.

Oryzomys nelsoni is an extinct rodent of María Madre Island, Nayarit, Mexico. Within the genus "Oryzomys" of the family Cricetidae, it may have been most closely related to the mainland species "O. albiventer". Since its first description in 1898, most authors have regarded it as a distinct species, but it has also been classified as a mere subspecies of the marsh rice rat ("O. palustris").


Biography.

Born in Bucharest, Florian graduated from the Faculty of Letters and Philosophy at the local university, where he became a disciple of Rădulescu-Motru and P. P. Negulescu. He afterward took his Ph.D. at the University of Greifswald, in the German Empire, with a thesis on Henri Bergson's notion of time. In later years, he found employment as a Bucharest University assistant and substitute professor, lecturing in the History of Philosophy. He was a Docent from 1916.  During World War I, Florian served in the Romanian Land Forces and was taken prisoner by the Germans. He was transported to an internment camp at Krefeld, alongside figures such as Alexandru D. Strurdza and Ilie Moscovici. Eventually, Florian was freed by his captors and allowed to lecture at King Carol Foundation in Bucharest, under a German occupation government. As Florian later indicated, this was made possible by the intercession of a Germanophile scholar, Alexandru Tzigara-Samurcaș, who vouched for him, and by the protection of Constantin Giurescu. Following the November Armistice, which reinstated the pro-Allied government, Florian, Tzigara-Samurcaș and Rădulescu-Motru were all subject to an official inquiry, and accused of being collaborators. The University Commissions created for this task were largely ineffective, and, among the incriminated, Florian was one of few who presented himself for questioning.  In the wake of the war, Florian was in contact with "Ideea Europeană", Rădulescu-Motru's magazine, and went on its conference tour, alongside in various cities by, among others, Nae Ionescu, Cora Irineu, Octav Onicescu, Virgil Bărbat, and Emanoil Bucuța. However, in later years, he remained largely cut off from his public: said to have been shy in delivering his lectures, he led a private life, and dedicated himself, almost entirely, to research.  He wrote a large body of works over a short time, including such titles as: "Îndrumare în filosofie" ("Philosophical Companion"), "Rostul și utilitatea filosofiei" ("The Purpose and Use of Philosophy"), "Știință și raționalism" ("Science and Rationalism"), "Cosmologia elenă" ("Hellenic Cosmology"), "Antinomiile credinței" ("The Antinomies of Faith"), "Kant și criticismul până la Fichte" ("Kant and the Critical Method before Fichte"), "Cunoaștere și existență" ("Knowledge and Being"), "Reconstrucție filosofică" ("Philosophical Reconstruction"), "Metafizică și artă" ("Metaphysics and Art"), "Misticism și credință" ("Mysticism and Faith"). Although absorbed by his academic work, Florian affiliated with social democracy, and was a member of the Social Democratic Party, the Constantin Titel Petrescu wing.  Florian's philosophy developed from ideas common to both Rădulescu-Motru and the 19th-century thinker Titu Maiorescu, herald of Romania's moderate and critical approach to philosophy. Florian is therefore ranked among the third-generation "Maiorescans", and seen as reactivating the spirit of Maiorescu's literary club "Junimea". After World War I, the "Junimist" legacy came in direct contradiction with Nae Ionescu's critique of rationalism, which was growing in popularity and lending its support to the far right's causes. Florian's steady opposition to Ionescu, in both concept and method, has been described as the "dualism" of interwar Romanian philosophy.  By the time of World War II, Mircea Florian was still pursuing a debate with the two schools of irrationalism, promoted by Lucian Blaga and Constantin Noica. Granted a full professorship in 1940, he was presented for Romanian Academy membership by his mentor Rădulescu-Motru, but the proposal failed to gather support. Blaga gave poor reviews to his work in "Saeculum" magazine, and, in one (disputed) interpretation, may have portrayed him as the unknown adversary in the virulent lampoon "Săpunul filozofic" ("Philosophic Soap", 1943). According to literary historian Z. Ornea, Florian's relative lack of exposure is unfair, since his works may rank better than those of either Noica or Blaga. Florian was also an adversary of official fascism, before and during the Ion Antonescu dictatorship. Like Grigore T. Popa, Constantin I. Parhon, Alexandru Rosetti, Mihai Ralea, and several other academics, he was in contact with the underground Romanian Communist Party and the Union of Patriots, and, as such, kept under close surveillance by the "Siguranța Statului" agents.  Florian's stance, and especially his commitment to independent social democracy, made him a suspect upon the establishment of Romania's communist regime. As noted by researcher Victor Frunză, Florian and Alexandru Claudian made a "high sacrifice" when they refused to give in to "blackmail" and would not join the "Workers' Party" (as the Communist Party styled itself upon its absorption of Social Democratic sympathizers). In 1948, he was stripped of his university chair. Placed under constant surveillance by the Securitate, Romania's new secret police, he was soon after arrested. During his eight-month-long imprisonment without trial, he had the revelation on "recessivity as world structure". The new system evidenced that Florian had come to criticize some of the basic assumptions in Western philosophy, and conceiving of the world through the teachings of genetics. His system divided existence alongside its two, equal but alternating, attributes: the dominant trait tempered by the recessive (albeit not degraded) one; violence to love, rational to irrational, nationalism to supranationalism.  The imprisonment is said to have been a grueling experience: allegedly, his wife Angela no longer recognized him upon his return to the family home. A while after, Florian was partly reintegrated into academia, and assigned a researcher's position at the Institute of Philosophy. There, he dedicated himself to translating Aristotle's "Organon", while in committing his "Recesivitatea" to paper in his spare time.  "Recesivitatea" was only published 23 years after Florian's death, with Editura Eminescu. Reportedly, the text had suffered cuts and interventions by communist censors. Florian's role was reconsidered mainly after the Romanian Revolution of 1989, when he was made a posthumous member of the Academy. His full work was recovered for the public and reviewed by philosopher Mircea Flonta, in a 1998 volume of essays.

Mircea Florian (; April 1, 1888 – October 31, 1960) was a Romanian philosopher and translator. Active mainly during the interwar period, he was noted as one of the leading proponents of rationalism, opposing it to the "Trăirist" philosophy of Nae Ionescu. His work, comprising some 20 books, shows Florian as a disciple of centrists and rationalists such as Constantin Rădulescu-Motru and Titu Maiorescu.


Playing career.

Szwez began his career playing for various minor league teams between 2002 and 2009, mainly in the ECHL. He played for the Augusta Lynx, Dayton Bombers, Florence Pride and the Pee Dee Pride. He also played in the American Hockey League for the Binghamton Senators, Bridgeport Sound Tigers, Syracuse Crunch and Philadelphia Phantoms. He also had ten game in the SM-liiga for the Espoo Blues during the 2007-08 SM-liiga season.  In 2009, Szwez signed for the Belfast Giants of the Elite Ice Hockey League and had a standout year, scoring 36 goals in 41 games as he helped the Giants win the Playoff Championship. He also made the league's All-Star Second team. He then moved to the Deutsche Eishockey Liga with the Augsburger Panther the following season, though the move ultimately did not work out for Szwez as he scored just 4 goals in 67 games over two seasons before moving to the Ravensburg Towerstars of the second-tier 2nd Bundesliga in January 2012 and later in the year, Szwez was playing in the third-tier Oberliga for EHC Freiburg.  On August 22, 2013, Szwez returned to the Belfast Giants for a second spell. He was able to recapture the same form he displayed in his previous spell, notching up 32 goals in 51 games and making the EIHL's All-Star Second Team once more. Szwez's second spell in Belfast would just end just like his first did, after one season and moving to the DEL, this time with ERC Ingolstadt. Szwez managed a relatively decent season with Ingolstadt, scoring 9 goals and 9 assists in 38 games, though he was not tendered a new contract and was released to free agency. On September 7, 2015, Szwez belatedly opted to remain in Germany, signing a contract with the Krefeld Pinguine of the DEL where he failed to score a single goal in 20 games and only notched up one assist. Szwez was released by Krefeld and he finished the season with Dresdner Eislöwen of DEL2. On October 13, 2016, Szwez signed for ESV Kaufbeuren of DEL2.

Jeffrey Szwez (born June 16, 1981) is a Canadian-German professional ice hockey right winger who is currently an unrestricted free agent.


Divisive rhythm.

For example: consists of one measure (whole note: 1) divided into a stronger first beat and slightly less strong second beat (half notes: 1, 3), which are in turn divided, by two weaker beats (quarter notes: 1, 2, 3, 4), and again divided into still weaker beats (eighth notes: 1 & 2 & 3 & 4 &).

Additive rhythm.

Additive rhythm features nonidentical or irregular durational groups following one another at two levels, within the bar and between bars or groups of bars. This type of rhythm is also referred to in musicological literature by the Turkish word "aksak", which means "limping" (; ). In the special case of time signatures in which the upper numeral is not divisible by two or three without a fraction, the result may alternatively be called "irregular", "imperfect", or "uneven" meter, and the groupings into twos and threes are sometimes called "long beats" and "short beats".  The term "additive rhythm" is also often used to refer to what are also incorrectly called "asymmetric rhythms" and even "irregular rhythms" – that is, metres which have a regular pattern of beats of uneven length. For example, the time signature indicates each bar is eight quavers long, and has four beats, each a crotchet (that is, two quavers) long. The asymmetric time signature, on the other hand, while also having eight quavers in a bar, divides them into three beats, the first three quavers long, the second three quavers long, and the last just two quavers long.  These kinds of rhythms are used, for example, by Béla Bartók, who was influenced by similar rhythms in Bulgarian folk music. Stravinsky's "Octet" for Wind Instruments "ends with a jazzy 3+3+2 = 8 swung coda". Additive patterns also occur in some music of Philip Glass, and other minimalists, most noticeably the "one-two-one-two-three" chorus parts in "Einstein on the Beach". They may also occur in passing in pieces which are on the whole in conventional metres. In jazz, Dave Brubeck's song "Blue Rondo à la Turk" features bars of nine quavers grouped into patterns of at the start. George Harrison’s song “Here Comes the Sun” on the Beatles’ album "Abbey Road" features a rhythm "which switches between 11/8, 4/4 and 7/8 on the bridge". "The special effect of running even eighth notes accented as if triplets against the grain of the underlying backbeat is carried to a point more reminiscent of Stravinsky than of the Beatles".  Olivier Messiaen made extensive use of additive rhythmic patterns, much of it stemming from his close study of the rhythms of Indian music. His "Danse de la fureur, pour les sept trompettes" from "The Quartet for the End of Time" is a bracing example. A gentler exploration of additive patterns can be found in "Le Regard de la Vierge" from the same composer's piano cycle "Vingt Regards sur l'enfant-Jésus".

Sub-Saharan African rhythm.

A divisive form of cross-rhythm is the basis for most Sub-Saharan African music traditions. Rhythmic patterns are generated by simultaneously dividing a span of musical time by a triple-beat scheme and a duple-beat scheme.  In the development of cross rhythm, there are some selected rhythmic materials or beat schemes that are customarily used. These beat schemes, in their generic forms, are simple divisions of the same musical period in equal units, producing varying rhythmic densities or motions. At the center of a core of rhythmic traditions within which the composer conveys his ideas is the technique of cross-rhythm. The technique of cross-rhythm is a simultaneous use of contrasting rhythmic patterns within the same scheme of accents or meter... By the very nature of the desired resultant rhythm, the main beat scheme cannot be separated from the secondary beat scheme. It is the interplay of the two elements that produces the cross-rhythmic texture.  "the entire African rhythmic structure... is divisive in nature".

Tresillo: divisive and additive interpretations.

In divisive form, the strokes of tresillo contradict the beats. In additive form, the strokes of tresillo "are" the beats. From a metrical perspective then, the two ways of perceiving tresillo constitute two different rhythms. On the other hand, from the perspective of simply the pattern of attack-points, tresillo is a shared element of traditional folk music from the northwest tip of Africa to southeast tip of Asia.

Additive structure.

"Tresillo" is also found within a wide geographic belt stretching from Morocco in North Africa to Indonesia in South Asia. Use of the pattern in Moroccan music can be traced back to slaves brought north across the Sahara Desert from present-day Mali. This pattern may have migrated east from North Africa to Asia through the spread of Islam. In Middle Eastern and Asian music, the figure is generated through additive rhythm.  \new RhythmicStaff { </score>

Divisive structure.

The most basic duple-pulse figure found in the Music of Africa and music of the African diaspora is a figure the Cubans call "tresillo", a Spanish word meaning 'triplet' (three equal beats in the same time as two main beats). However, in the vernacular of Cuban popular music, the term refers to the figure shown below.  \new RhythmicStaff { </score>  African-based music has a divisive rhythm structure. Tresillo is generated through cross-rhythm: 8 pulses ÷ 3 = 2 cross-beats (consisting of three pulses each), with a remainder of a partial cross-beat (spanning two pulses). In other words, 8 ÷ 3 = 2, r2. Tresillo is a cross-rhythmic fragment.  Because of its irregular pattern of attack-points, "tresillo" in African and African-based musics has been mistaken for a form of additive rhythm.  Although the difference between the two ways of notating this rhythm may seem small, they stem from fundamentally different conceptions. Those who wish to convey a sense of the rhythm’s background [main beats], and who understand the surface morphology in relation to a regular subsurface articulation, will prefer the divisive format. Those who imagine the addition of three, then three, then two sixteenth notes will treat the well-formedness of 3 + 3 + 2 as fortuitous, a product of grouping rather than of metrical structure. They will be tempted to deny that African music has a bona fide metrical structure because of its frequent departures from normative grouping structure.

In music, the terms additive and divisive are used to distinguish two types of both rhythm and meter: When applied to meters, the terms "perfect" and "imperfect" are sometimes used as the equivalents of "divisive" and "additive", respectively ().


Development.

In 1989, Alan Kostelecký and Stuart Samuel proved that interactions in string theories could lead to the spontaneous breaking of Lorentz symmetry.  Later studies have indicated that loop-quantum gravity, non-commutative field theories, brane-world scenarios, and random dynamics models also involve the breakdown of Lorentz invariance.  Interest in Lorentz violation has grown rapidly in the last decades because it can arise in these and other candidate theories for quantum gravity. In the early 1990s, it was shown in the context of bosonic superstrings that string interactions can also spontaneously break CPT symmetry. This work suggested that experiments with kaon interferometry would be promising for seeking possible signals of CPT violation due to their high sensitivity.  The SME was conceived to facilitate experimental investigations of Lorentz and CPT symmetry, given the theoretical motivation for violation of these symmetries. An initial step, in 1995, was the introduction of effective interactions. Although Lorentz-breaking interactions are motivated by constructs such as string theory, the low-energy effective action appearing in the SME is independent of the underlying theory. Each term in the effective theory involves the expectation of a tensor field in the underlying theory. These coefficients are small due to Planck-scale suppression, and in principle are measurable in experiments. The first case considered the mixing of neutral mesons, because their interferometric nature makes them highly sensitive to suppressed effects.  In 1997 and 1998, two papers by Don Colladay and Alan Kostelecký gave birth to the minimal SME in flat spacetime. This provided a framework for Lorentz violation across the spectrum of standard-model particles, and provided information about types of signals for potential new experimental searches.  In 2004, the leading Lorentz-breaking terms in curved spacetimes were published, thereby completing the picture for the minimal SME. In 1999, Sidney Coleman and Sheldon Glashow presented a special isotropic limit of the SME. Higher-order Lorentz violating terms have been studied in various contexts, including electrodynamics.

Lorentz transformations: observer vs. particle.

The distinction between particle and observer transformations is essential to understanding Lorentz violation in physics because Lorentz violation implies a measurable difference between two systems differing only by a particle Lorentz transformation.  In special relativity, observer Lorentz transformations relate measurements made in reference frames with differing velocities and orientations. The coordinates in the one system are related to those in the other by an observer Lorentz transformation—a rotation, a boost, or a combination of both. Each observer will agree on the laws of physics, since this transformation is simply a change of coordinates. On the other hand, identical experiments can be rotated or boosted relative to each other, while being studied by the same inertial observer. These transformations are called particle transformations, because the matter and fields of the experiment are physically transformed into the new configuration.  In a conventional vacuum, observer and particle transformations can be related to each other in a simple way—basically one is the inverse of the other. This apparent equivalence is often expressed using the terminology of active and passive transformations. The equivalence fails in Lorentz-violating theories, however, because fixed background fields are the source of the symmetry breaking. These background fields are tensor-like quantities, creating preferred directions and boost-dependent effects. The fields extend over all space and time, and are essentially frozen. When an experiment sensitive to one of the background fields is rotated or boosted, i.e. particle transformed, the background fields remain unchanged, and measurable effects are possible. Observer Lorentz symmetry is expected for all theories, including Lorentz violating ones, since a change in the coordinates cannot affect the physics. This invariance is implemented in field theories by writing a scalar lagrangian, with properly contracted spacetime indices. Particle Lorentz breaking enters if the theory includes fixed SME background fields filling the universe.

Building the SME.

The SME can be expressed as a Lagrangian with various terms. Each Lorentz-violating term is an observer scalar constructed by contracting standard field operators with controlling coefficients called coefficients for Lorentz violation. These are not parameters, but rather predictions of the theory, since they can in principle be measured by appropriate experiments. The coefficients are expected to be small because of the Planck-scale suppression, so perturbative methods are appropriate. In some cases, other suppression mechanisms could mask large Lorentz violations. For instance, large violations that may exist in gravity could have gone undetected so far because of couplings with weak gravitational fields. Stability and causality of the theory have been studied in detail.

Spontaneous Lorentz symmetry breaking.

In field theory, there are two possible ways to implement the breaking of a symmetry: explicit and spontaneous. A key result in the formal theory of Lorentz violation, published by Kostelecký in 2004, is that explicit Lorentz violation leads to incompatibility of the Bianchi identities with the covariant conservation laws for the energy-momentum and spin-density tensors, whereas spontaneous Lorentz breaking evades this difficulty. This theorem requires that any breaking of Lorentz symmetry must be dynamical. Formal studies of the possible causes of the breakdown of Lorentz symmetry include investigations of the fate of the expected Nambu-Goldstone modes. Goldstone's theorem implies that the spontaneous breaking must be accompanied by massless bosons. These modes might be identified with the photon, the graviton, spin-dependent interactions, and spin-independent interactions.

Experimental searches.

The possible signals of Lorentz violation in any experiment can be calculated from the SME. It has therefore proven to be a remarkable tool in the search for Lorentz violation across the landscape of experimental physics. Up until the present, experimental results have taken the form of upper bounds on the SME coefficients. Since the results will be numerically different for different inertial reference frames, the standard frame adopted for reporting results is the Sun-centered frame. This frame is a practical and appropriate choice, since it is accessible and inertial on the time scale of hundreds of years.  Typical experiments seek couplings between the background fields and various particle properties such as spin, or propagation direction. One of the key signals of Lorentz violation arises because experiments on Earth are unavoidably rotating and revolving relative to the Sun-centered frame. These motions lead to both annual and sidereal variations of the measured coefficients for Lorentz violation. Since the translational motion of the Earth around the Sun is nonrelativistic, annual variations are typically suppressed by a factor 10. This makes sidereal variations the leading time-dependent effect to look for in experimental data.  Measurements of SME coefficients have been done with experiments involving:  All experimental results for SME coefficients are tabulated in the Data Tables for Lorentz and CPT Violation.

Standard-Model Extension (SME) is an effective field theory that contains the Standard Model, general relativity, and all possible operators that break Lorentz symmetry. Violations of this fundamental symmetry can be studied within this general framework. CPT violation implies the breaking of Lorentz symmetry, and the SME includes operators that both break and preserve CPT symmetry.


Early life.

Harold was born in Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, the second son of Anna Gertrude (Hitz) and Alfred E. Burton. His younger brother was named Felix Arnold Burton.  Harold's father was an engineer and the first Dean of Student Affairs at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (1902-1921), reporting to the president. He taught at MIT before being selected as dean. As a former explorer, Burton had accompanied Robert Peary on several expeditions to the North Pole.  Harold's mother died young. In 1906, his father married Lena Yates, a poet and artist from England. (She later took the name

Marriage and family.

Burton married Selma Florence Smith in 1912. They had four children: Barbara (Mrs. Charles Weidner), William (who served on the USS

Early career.

After graduation and marriage, Burton moved with his wife to Cleveland and began the practice of law there. However, in 1914, he joined his wife's uncle as a company attorney for Utah Power and Light Company in Salt Lake City. He later worked for Utah Light and Traction, and then for Idaho Power Company and Boise Valley Traction Company, both in

Politics.

In the late 1920s, Burton entered politics as a Republican. He was elected to the East Cleveland Board of Education in 1927 and to the Ohio House of Representatives in 1928. After serving briefly in the Ohio House, he became law director for the City of Cleveland in 1929 before returning to private practice in 1932.  In 1935, Burton was elected mayor of Cleveland. He worked on issues of continuing assimilation of immigrant populations, supporting industry in the

Supreme Court.

Nomination.

Justice Owen J. Roberts announced his resignation from the Supreme Court on June 30, 1945, effective July 31, 1945. Truman decided, as a bipartisan gesture, to appoint a Republican to replace him. He selected Burton as someone whom he knew and respected. Truman announced Burton's nomination on September 19. The nomination was forwarded to the Senate on

Judicial philosophy and working style.

According to biographer Eric W. Rise, Burton appeared to lack an overarching judicial philosophy. He favored judicial restraint and most of his decisions were based on narrow procedural grounds rather than the Constitution. His judicial restraint, however, was informed by his political views, not by a legal philosophy, and he tended to defer to legislative and executive branch judgments because he agreed with them personally. This pragmatism won him the respect of his fellow justices, and served as a unifying influence on the court when the other justices were split on constitutional issues but could come together on technical or procedural grounds.  From 1945 to 1953, Burton was usually in the centrist majority on the court, sometimes finding himself in a slightly more conservative majority on some issues. He was part of the "Vinson bloc", which included

Cold War, loyalty oath, and subversion rulings.

The Cold War led state and federal governments to enact a wide variety of laws and regulations aimed at curbing espionage and subversion. Burton consistently showed deference to government restrictions on free speech, voting to uphold government action 27 out of 28 times. He also wrote several important decisions. His basic approach toward these questions was judicial deference, as exemplified in his strong dissent in "Duncan v. Kahanamoku", 327 U.S. 304 (1946). His first important majority opinion came in "Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee v. McGrath", 341

Church and state.

Generally, Burton favored a strict separation of church and state. But his pragmatic approach to law sometimes caused him to dissent from majorities favoring a strict separation. For example, in "Everson v. Board of Education", 330 U.S. 1 (1947), Justice Hugo Black ruled, 5-to-4, that while the Constitution required a strict separation between church and state, it was constitutionally permissible for a school district to reimburse parents when their children rode public school buses to religious schools so long as all such parents and religions were treated equally. Burton initially was predisposed to declare the law constitutional. Heavy lobbying from justices Felix Frankfurter, Robert H. Jackson, and Wiley Blount Rutledge changed his mind. Burton

Criminal procedure.

Burton was deferential to the state on criminal procedure and law-and-order issues. Beginning with "Betts v. Brady", 316 U.S. 455 (1942), the Supreme Court had ruled in a wide range of cases that except in cases of illiteracy, mental incapacity, or especially complicated cases, defendants did not have an absolute right to be informed of their right to counsel or to have counsel appointed for them by the state. The Court had opportunity to revisit "Betts" in "Bute v. Illinois", 333 U.S. 640 (1948), where a felon appealed his conviction because the trial court had not advised him

Antitrust.

Burton's greatest contribution to Supreme Court jurisprudence came in the area of antitrust law. In "American Tobacco Co. v. United States", 328 U.S. 781 (1946), Burton wrote for a near-unanimous court (Justice Rutledge, concurring) that the Sherman Antitrust Act barred the mere existence of combinations or conspiracies which created monopolistic or oligopolistic market power, regardless of whether that power was actually used. Legal scholar Eugene V. Rostow declared Burton's decision would usher in a new era of swift, effective antitrust enforcement. But Burton's analysis cut both ways. In "United States

Racial segregation.

Burton's other major contribution to Supreme Court jurisprudence came in the area of racial segregation. Burton had been a member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People from 1941 to 1945, and was a dependable vote for civil rights on the high court. One of the exceptions was his first civil rights case on the court, "Morgan v. Virginia", 328 U.S. 373 (1946). Burton was the lone dissenter in the case, which involved the racial segregation of interstate buses with curtains. Burton argued that, in the absence of a federal statute, each state should be free to establish its own laws on racial segregation.  After his vote in "Morgan", Court observers believed that Burton could not be counted on to vote to expand or protect civil rights. It surprised legal analysts, then, when Burton joined the unanimous majority in "Shelley v. Kraemer", 334 US 1 (1948), a landmark case that held courts could not enforce covenants in real estate which were racially discriminating.  In a string of votes over the next three years, Burton voted to undermine the "separate but equal" doctrine in "Plessy v. Ferguson", 163 US 537 (1896). He joined the unanimous majority in "Sweatt v. Painter", 339 U.S. 629, in 1950, which held that "separate but equal" professional legal education was unconstitutional. Heman Marion Sweatt, an African American man, was refused admission to the all-white University of Texas School of Law. One of the first cases to find that "separate but equal" was not equal, the case deeply influenced the Court's opinion in "Brown v. Board of Education" four years later. During

Resignation.

By June 1957, Burton began suffering from significant shaking in his hands. As the 1957-1958 term began, his handwriting became difficult to read, and he began taking longer afternoon naps. He was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease. The shaking in his left arm had become so severe by the start of 1958 that he decided to retire from the Supreme Court. He informed President Dwight D. Eisenhower of his decision in March. Worried about other domestic and international events, Eisenhower asked Burton to consider staying one more

Retirement.

Following his retirement from the Supreme Court, Burton sat by designation for several years on panels of the United States Court of Appeals for

Legacy.

Cleveland's Main Avenue Bridge was renamed in his honor in 1986.  His papers and other memorabilia are primarily in four collections. Bowdoin College has 750 items including documents concerning 47 judicial opinions; The Hiram College Archives collection holds 69 items. The Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress has 187 ft. (120,000 items) consisting mainly of correspondence and legal files. The Western Reserve Historical Society has 10 linear ft. relating mainly to his tenure as mayor of Cleveland; the collection contains correspondence, reports, speeches, proclamations, and newspaper clippings relating to routine administrative matters and topics of special interest during Burton's mayoralty. Other papers repose at various institutions around the country, as part of other collections.

Harold Hitz Burton (June 22, 1888 – October 28, 1964) was an American politician and lawyer. He served as the 45th mayor of Cleveland, Ohio, as a U.S. Senator from Ohio, and as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States.


Background.

The term "search neutrality" in context of the internet appears as early as March 2009 in an academic paper by Andrew Odlyzko titled, "Network Neutrality, Search Neutrality, and the Never-ending Conflict between Efficiency and Fairness in Markets". In this paper, Odlykzo predicts that if net neutrality were to be accepted as a legal or regulatory principle, then the questions surrounding search neutrality would be the next controversies. Indeed, in December 2009 the New York Times published an opinion letter by Foundem co-founder and lead complainant in an anti-trust complaint against Google, Adam Raff, which likely brought the term to the broader public. According to Raff in his opinion letter, search neutrality ought to be "the principle that search engines should have no editorial policies other than that their results be comprehensive, impartial and based solely on relevance". On October 11, 2009, Adam and his wife Shivaun launched SearchNeutrality.org, an initiative dedicated to promoting investigations against Google's search engine practices. There, the Raffs note that they chose to frame their issue with Google as "search neutrality" in order to benefit from the focus and interest on net neutrality.  In contrast to net neutrality, answers to such questions, as "what is search neutrality?" or "what are appropriate legislative or regulatory principles to protect search neutrality?", appear to have less consensus. The idea that neutrality means equal treatment, regardless of the content, comes from debates on net neutrality. Neutrality in search is complicated by the fact that search engines, by design and in implementation, are not intended to be neutral or impartial. Rather, search engines and other information retrieval applications are designed to collect and store information (indexing), receive a query from a user, search for and filter relevant information based on that query (searching/filtering), and then present the user with only a subset of those results, which are ranked from most relevant to least relevant (ranking). "Relevance" is a form of bias used to favor some results and rank those favored results. Relevance is defined in the search engine so that a user is satisfied with the results and is therefore subject to the user's preferences. And because relevance is so subjective, putting search neutrality into practice has been so contentious.  Search neutrality became a concern after search engines, most notably Google, were accused of search bias by other companies. Competitors and companies claim search engines systematically favor some sites (and some kind of sites) over others in their lists of results, disrupting the objective results users believe they are getting.  The call for search neutrality goes beyond traditional search engines. Sites like Amazon.com and Facebook are also accused of skewing results. Amazon's search results are influenced by companies that pay to rank higher in their search results while Facebook filters their newsfeed lists to conduct social experiments.

"Vertical search" spam penalties.

In order to find information on the Web, most users make use of search engines, which crawl the web, index it and show a list of results ordered by relevance. The use of search engines to access information through the web has become a key factor for online businesses, which depend on the flow of users visiting their pages. One of these companies is Foundem. Foundem provides a "vertical search" service to compare products available on online markets for the U.K. Many people see these "vertical search" sites as spam. Beginning in 2006 and for three and a half years following, Foundem's traffic and business dropped significantly due to what they assert to be a penalty deliberately applied by Google. It is unclear, however, whether their claim of a penalty was self-imposed via their use of iframe HTML tags to embed the content from other websites. At the time at which Foundem claims the penalties were imposed, it was unclear whether web crawlers crawled beyond the main page of a website using iframe tags without some extra modifications. The former SEO director OMD UK, Jaamit Durrani, among others, offered this alternative explanation, stating that “Two of the major issues that Foundem had in summer was content in iFrames and content requiring javascript to load – both of which I looked at in August, and they were definitely in place. Both are huge barriers to search visibility in my book. They have been fixed somewhere between then and the lifting of the supposed ‘penalty’. I don't think that's a coincidence.”  Most of Foundem’s accusations claim that Google deliberately applies penalties to other vertical search engines because they represent competition. Foundem is backed by a Microsoft proxy group, the 'Initiative for Competitive Online Marketplace'.

The Foundem’s case chronology.

The following table details Foundem's chronology of events as found on their website:

Other cases.

Google's large market share (85%) has made them a target for search neutrality litigation via antitrust laws. In February 2010, Google released an article on the Google Public Policy blog expressing their concern for fair competition, when other companies at the UK joined Foundem's cause (eJustice.fr, and Microsoft's Ciao! from Bing) also claiming being unfairly penalized by Google.

The FTC’s Investigation into Allegations of Search Bias.

After two years of looking into claims that Google “manipulated its search algorithms to harm vertical websites and unfairly promote its own competing vertical properties,” the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) voted unanimously to end the antitrust portion of its investigation without filing a formal complaint against Google. The FTC concluded that Google's “practice of favoring its own content in the presentation of search results” did not violate U.S. antitrust laws. The FTC further determined that even though competitors might be negatively impacted by Google's changing algorithms, Google did not change its algorithms to hurt competitors, but as a product improvement to benefit consumers.

Arguments.

There are a number of arguments for and against search neutrality.

Related issues.

According to the Net Neutrality Institute, as of 2018, Google’s "Universal Search" system uses, by far the least neutral search engine practices, and following the implementation of Universal Search websites, such as MapQuest, the company experienced a massive decline in web traffic. This decline has been attributed to Google linking to its own services rather than the services offered at external websites. Despite these claims, Google actually displays Google content on the first page, while rival search engines do not considerably less often than Microsoft's Bing which displays Microsoft content when rivals do not. Bing displays Microsoft content in first place more than twice as often as Google shows Google content in first place. This indicates that as far as there is any 'bias', Google is less biased than its principal competitor.

Search neutrality is a principle that search engines should have no editorial policies other than that their results be comprehensive, impartial and based solely on relevance. This means that when a user types in a search engine query, the engine should return the most relevant results found in the provider's domain (those sites which the engine has knowledge of), without manipulating the order of the results (except to rank them by relevance), excluding results, or in any other way manipulating the results to a certain bias. Search neutrality is related to network neutrality in that they both aim to keep any one organization from limiting or altering a user's access to services on the Internet. Search neutrality aims to keep the organic search results (results returned because of their relevance to the search terms, as opposed to results sponsored by advertising) of a search engine free from any manipulation, while network neutrality aims to keep those who provide and govern access to the Internet from limiting the availability of resources to access any given content.


Life.

Lyon studied at Oriel College, Oxford, publishing a number of lyrics in "Oxford Poetry" between 1910 and 1914.  He interrupted his studies during the First World War, serving as a lieutenant in the Durham Light Infantry and earning the Military Cross. Taken prisoner, he was in Graudenz at the end of hostilities.  Upon returning to Oxford after the war, Lyon won the Newdigate Prize in 1919 with his poem "France", although he was better known for his peace poem, "Now to be Still and Rest". In 1919 he also had a number of poems accepted for publication in "Oxford Poetry": "The Secret Playroom (Graudenz, 1918)", "The Song of Strength" and "The Deserted Garden". He went on to publish poetry in periodicals that included the "London Mercury", "The Oxford Magazine", "The Spectator", and the "Westminster Gazette".  Lyon was father to three daughters, Jill, Barbara and the children's writer Elinor Lyon.  From 1926 to 1931 he was the rector of the Edinburgh Academy. Within a month of taking up the post, he proposed a redesign of the school cap and during his five years of his rectorship, he set up the Edinburgh Academy Stockbridge Club, a social club for boys in the district, persuaded the directors to install electric lighting throughout the school and himself directed the school's first Shakespeare production, "Hamlet".  From 1931 to 1948 he was headmaster of Rugby School. While Headmaster, he was mentor and friend to John Gillespie Magee, Jr., author of the famous poem "High Flight". Magee also fell in love with Lyon's daughter Elinor. After serving as headmaster, Lyon opened the Public Schools Appointment Bureau to find jobs for ex-public school boys.

Publications.

Collections.

In 1918 he published a volume of poetry, "Songs of Youth & War", and in 1923 "Turn Fortune". In 1931 a selection of his verse was published as "P. H. B. Lyon" in the Augustan Books of Poetry series.

Anthologized.

Poems by Lyon were anthologized in the following collections:

Percy Hugh Beverley Lyon MC (1893–1986) was a 20th-century British poet and educator, a winner of the Newdigate Prize and headmaster of Rugby School from 1931 to 1948.


History.

Hastings Street.

Hastings Street was the center of black culture in Detroit between the 1920s and 1950s.. Located at the southern edge of the future Brewster-Douglass Homes, the street was the home of innumerable salons and entertainment venues. With the addition of the high-rises and an influx of people moving into the housing, Hastings Street was billed as the place you could fulfill any conceivable need. Hastings Street was most famously referenced in the John Lee Hooker song "Boogie Chillen'".  The I-75 corridor is now in place of this important African American landmark. The (Walter P.) Chrysler Freeway was constructed between 1963 and 1968.

Brewster-Douglass Homes.

The Brewster Project and Frederick Douglass Apartments were built between 1935 and 1955, and were designed by Harley, Ellington & Day of Detroit. The Brewster Project began construction in 1935, when First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt broke ground for the 701-unit development; the first phase, consisting of low-rise apartment blocks, was completed in 1938. An expansion of the project completed in 1941 brought the total number of housing units to 941. The Frederick Douglass Apartments, built immediately to the south of the Brewster Project, began construction in 1942 with the completion of apartment rows, two 6-story low-rises, and finally six 14-story high rises completed between 1952 and 1955. The combined Brewster-Douglass Project was five city blocks long, and three city blocks wide, and housed anywhere between 8,000 and 10,000 residents, at its peak capacity.  The Brewster-Douglass Project were built for the "working poor"; the Detroit Housing Commission required an employed parent for each family before establishing tenancy. As the Commission became less selective, crime became a problem in the 1960s and 1970s, and the projects eventually fell into disrepair. The Frederick Douglass Apartment towers were converted to senior housing.  In 1991, the low-rise apartment blocks north of Wilkins Street (the original Brewster Project) were demolished, and by 1994 were replaced with 250 townhomes. This new public housing, administratively distinct from the Fredrick Douglass Homes project, was dubbed the "Brewster Homes", and still exists today.  In the meantime, the remaining housing on the project site continued to deteriorate. Two of the six 14-story Frederick Douglas Apartments towers, 303 and 304, were demolished in 2003, in an effort to consolidate living space and reduce maintenance costs. By 2008, only 280 families remained in the Frederick Douglass Homes complex, and the decision was made to shut down the housing entirely. The buildings south of Wilkins street were left abandoned after that date.  On July 29, 2013, 23-year-old French artist Bilal Berreni was found dead from a gunshot wound on the property of Brewster-Douglass, having last been seen the day before. Found without identification, Berreni's body was not identified for 7 months. Jasin Curtis and Drequone Rich each pled guilty to second degree murder and received 25-30 year prison sentences in 2015; Dionte Travis received a 60-year prison sentence in January 2016.  Demolition of the remaining buildings of the Frederick Douglass Homes began on September 4, 2013. Demolition was substantially complete by the end of August, 2014.  From historic marker on the site of Brewster Homes  Between 1910 and 1940 Detroit, Michigan's African American population increased dramatically. In 1935, First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt broke ground for the Brewster Homes, the nation’s first federally funded public housing development for African Americans. The homes opened in 1938 with 701 units. When completed in 1941 there were 941 units bounded by Beaubien, Hastings, Mack and Wilkins Streets. Residents were required to be employed and there were limits on what they could earn. Former residents described Brewster as 'community filled with families that displayed love, respect and concern for everyone in a beautiful, clean and secure neighborhood.' The original Brewster Homes were demolished in 1991 and replaced by 250 townhouses.

Future.

On March 9, 2012, Mayor of Detroit Dave Bing announced that the Detroit Housing Commission planned to request funding from the Department of Housing and Urban Development to demolish all remaining housing on the Frederick Douglass Homes site, but redevelop the abandoned Brewster-Wheeler Recreation Center. The vacant land would then be developed as affordable housing and commercial space. The demolition was announced on November 15, 2012.

Constituent buildings.

The six concrete-framed towers were designed in the Modern movement architectural style and faced in brick. They are virtually identical in look and each rise to the height of 15 floors.

Schools.

The buildings were zoned to the following Detroit Public Schools facilities:

The Brewster-Douglass Housing Projects (officially named the Frederick Douglass Homes, and alternately named Frederick Douglass Projects, Frederick Douglass Apartments, Brewster-Douglass Homes, and Brewster-Douglass Projects) were the largest residential housing project owned by the city of Detroit, located in the Brush Park section on the east side of Detroit, Michigan, near the Chrysler Freeway, Mack Avenue and St. Antoine Street. The housing project is named after Frederick Douglass, African American abolitionist, author, and reformer.


Life and career.

Le Sueur, the daughter of William Winston Wharton and Marian "Mary Del" Lucy, was born into a family of social and political activists. Her grandfather was a supporter of the Protestant fundamentalist temperance movement, and she "grew up among the radical farmer and labor groups... like the Populists, the Farmers' Alliance and the Wobblies, the Industrial Workers of the World." Le Sueur was heavily influenced by poems and stories that she heard from Native American women.  "After a year studying dance and physical fitness at the American College of Physical Education in Chicago, Illinois, Meridel moved to New York City, where she lived in an anarchist commune with Emma Goldman and studied at the American Academy of Dramatic Arts." Her acting career primarily took place in California, where she worked in Hollywood as an extra in The Perils of Pauline and Last of the Mohicans, as a stuntwoman in silent movies, and as a writer and journalist.  Starting in her late teens, she wrote for liberal newspapers about unemployment, migrant workers, and the Native American fight for autonomy. By 1925, she had become a member of the Communist Party.  Like other writers of the period such as John Steinbeck, Nelson Algren, and Jack Conroy, Le Sueur wrote about the struggles of the working class during the Great Depression. She published articles in the "New Masses" and "The American Mercury." She wrote several popular children’s books, including the biographies, "Nancy Hanks of Wilderness Road", "The Story of Davy Crockett", and "The Story of Johnny Appleseed", and "Sparrow Hawk", among others.  Her best known books are "North Star Country" (1945), a people’s history of Minnesota, "Salute to Spring", and the novel "The Girl", which was written in the 1930s but not published until 1978. In the 1950s, Le Sueur was blacklisted as a communist, but her reputation was revived in the 1970s, when she was hailed as a proto-feminist for her writings in support of women’s rights. She also wrote on Goddess spirituality in a poetry volume titled "Rites of Ancient Ripening," which was illustrated by her daughter.  In the late 1940s and early 1950s, she taught writing classes in her mother's home on Dupont Avenue near Douglas Avenue in Minneapolis. She was something of a magnet for aspiring writers, drawing students from as far as New York City. She lived in the Twin Cities for some time.  During the 1960s, she traveled around the country, attending campus protests and conducting interviews.  In the 1970s, she spent much time living among the Navajo people in Arizona, returning to Minnesota in the summers to visit her growing extended family and friends. Late in her life, she lived with family in Minnesota.

"Women on the Breadlines".

The short 1932 piece "Women on the Breadlines" is one of Le Sueur's most recognized proletarian works. Here, LeSueur wrote of the struggles that women faced during the Depression Era and how they were confined to limiting roles. While most of the characters presented in this work are struggling women searching for work, some are depicted as having nowhere to go but to "work in the streets." Through this and other works, Le Sueur opened the door for future female artists that wanted to write confrontational poetry, mediating the personal and the political.

Legacy.

She is commemorated in Minneapolis, Minnesota, in the Meridel Le Sueur building in the Cedar-Riverside neighborhood.  The 1999 song "Go" on the album Come On Now Social, by the Indigo Girls has a spoken passage inspired by Le Seur's "I Was Marching".  A play based on LeSueur's life, "Hard Times Come Again No More," written by her friend, Martha Boesing, was performed at the Hennepin Center for the Arts' Illusion Theater in Minneapolis in 1994.

Meridel Le Sueur (February 22, 1900, Murray, Iowa – November 14, 1996, Hudson, Wisconsin) was an American writer associated with the proletarian literature movement of the 1930s and 1940s. Born as Meridel Wharton, she assumed the name of her mother's second husband, Arthur Le Sueur, the former Socialist mayor of Minot, North Dakota.