Early investigations.

Historically, questions regarding the "functional architecture" of the mind have been divided into two different theories of the nature of the faculties. The first can be characterized as a horizontal view because it refers to mental processes as if they are interactions between faculties such as memory, imagination, judgement, and perception, which are not domain specific (e.g., a judgement remains a judgement whether it refers to a perceptual experience or to the conceptualization/comprehension process). The second can be characterized as a vertical view because it claims that the mental faculties are differentiated on the basis of domain specificity, are genetically determined, are associated with distinct neurological structures, and are computationally autonomous.  The vertical vision goes back to the 19th century movement called phrenology and its founder Franz Joseph Gall. Gall claimed that the individual mental faculties could be associated precisely, in a one-to-one correspondence, with specific physical areas of the brain. For example, someone's level of intelligence could be literally "read off" from the size of a particular bump on his posterior parietal lobe. Phrenology's practice was debunked scientifically by Pierre Flourens in the 19th century. He destroyed parts of pigeons' and dogs' brains, called lesions, and studied the organisms' resulting dysfunction. He was able to conclude that while the brain localizes in some functions, it also works as a unit and is not as localized as earlier phrenologists thought. Before the early 20th century, Edward Bradford Titchener studied the modules of the mind through introspection. He tried to determine the original, raw perspective experiences of his subjects. For example, if he wanted his subjects to perceive an apple, they would need to talk about spatial characteristics of the apple and the different hues that they saw without mentioning the apple.

Fodor's "Modularity of Mind".

In the 1980s, however, Jerry Fodor revived the idea of the modularity of mind, although without the notion of precise physical localizability. Drawing from Noam Chomsky's idea of the language acquisition device and other work in linguistics as well as from the philosophy of mind and the implications of optical illusions, he became a major proponent of the idea with the 1983 publication of "Modularity of Mind".  According to Fodor, a module falls somewhere between the behaviorist and cognitivist views of lower-level processes.  Behaviorists tried to replace the mind with reflexes, which are, according to Fodor, encapsulated (cognitively impenetrable or unaffected by other cognitive domains) and non-inferential (straight pathways with no information added). Low level processes are unlike reflexes in that they can be inferential. This can be demonstrated by poverty of the stimulus argument, which posits that children do not only learn language from their environment, but are innately programmed with low-level processes that help them seek and learn language. The proximate stimulus, that which is initially received by the brain (such as the 2D image received by the retina), cannot account for the resulting output (for example, our 3D perception of the world), thus necessitating some form of computation.  In contrast, cognitivists saw lower level processes as continuous with higher level processes, being inferential and cognitively penetrable (influenced by other cognitive domains, such as beliefs). The latter has been shown to be untrue in some cases, such as the Müller-Lyer illusion, which can persist despite a person's awareness of their existence. This is taken to indicate that other domains, including one's beliefs, cannot influence such processes.  Fodor arrives at the conclusion that such processes are inferential like higher order processes and encapsulated in the same sense as reflexes.  Although he argued for the modularity of "lower level" cognitive processes in "Modularity of Mind" he also argued that higher level cognitive processes are not modular since they have dissimilar properties. "The Mind Doesn't Work That Way", a reaction to Steven Pinker's "How the Mind Works", is devoted to this subject.  Fodor (1983) states that modular systems must—at least to "some interesting extent"—fulfill certain properties:  Pylyshyn (1999) has argued that while these properties tend to occur with modules, one—information encapsulation—stands out as being the real signature of a module; that is the encapsulation of the processes inside the module from both cognitive influence and from cognitive access. One example is that conscious awareness that the Müller-Lyer illusion is an illusion does not correct visual processing.

Evolutionary psychology and massive modularity.

The definition of "module" has caused confusion and dispute. In J.A. Fodor's views, modules can be found in peripheral and low-level visual processing, but not in central processing. Later, he narrowed the two essential features to "domain-specificity" and "information encapsulation". According to Frankenhuis and Ploeger, domain-specificity means that "a given cognitive mechanism accepts, or is specialized to operate on, only a specific class of information". Information encapsulation means that information processing in the module cannot be affected by information in the rest of the brain. One example is that the effects of an optical illusion, created by low-level processes, persist despite high-level processing caused by conscious awareness of the illusion itself.  Other perspectives on modularity come from evolutionary psychology. Evolutionary psychologists propose that the mind is made up of genetically influenced and domain-specific mental algorithms or computational modules, designed to solve specific evolutionary problems of the past. Modules are also used for central processing. This theory is sometimes referred to as "massive modularity." Leda Cosmides and John Tooby claimed that modules are units of mental processing that evolved in response to selection pressures. To them, each module was a complex computer that innately processed distinct parts of the world, like facial recognition, recognizing human emotions, and problem solving. On this view, much modern human psychological activity is rooted in adaptations that occurred earlier in human evolution, when natural selection was forming the modern human species.  A 2010 review by evolutionary psychologists Confer et al. suggested that domain general theories, such as for "rationality," has several problems: 1. Evolutionary theories using the idea of numerous domain-specific adaptions have produced testable predictions that have been empirically confirmed; the theory of domain-general rational thought has produced no such predictions or confirmations. 2. The rapidity of responses such as jealousy due to infidelity indicates a domain-specific dedicated module rather than a general, deliberate, rational calculation of consequences. 3. Reactions may occur instinctively (consistent with innate knowledge) even if a person has not learned such knowledge. One example being that in the ancestral environment it is unlikely that males during development learn that infidelity (usually secret) may cause paternal uncertainty (from observing the phenotypes of children born many months later and making a statistical conclusion from the phenotype dissimilarity to the cuckolded fathers). With respect to general purpose problem solvers, Barkow, Cosmides, and Tooby (1992) have suggested in "The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and The Generation of Culture" that a purely general problem solving mechanism is impossible to build due to the frame problem. Clune et al. (2013) have argued that computer simulations of the evolution of neural nets suggest that modularity evolves because, compared to non-modular networks, connection costs are lower.  Several groups of critics, including psychologists working within evolutionary frameworks, argue that the massively modular theory of mind does little to explain adaptive psychological traits. Proponents of other models of the mind argue that the computational theory of mind is no better at explaining human behavior than a theory with mind entirely a product of the environment. Even within evolutionary psychology there is discussion about the degree of modularity, either as a few generalist modules or as many highly specific modules. Other critics suggest that there is little empirical support in favor of the domain-specific theory beyond performance on the Wason selection task, a task critics state is too limited in scope to test all relevant aspects of reasoning. Moreover, critics argue that Cosmides and Tooby's conclusions contain several inferential errors and that the authors use untested evolutionary assumptions to eliminate rival reasoning theories.  Wallace (2010) observes that the evolutionary psychologists' definition of "mind" has been heavily influenced by cognitivism and/or information processing definitions of the mind. Critics point out that these assumptions underlying evolutionary psychologists' hypotheses are controversial and have been contested by some psychologists, philosophers, and neuroscientists. For example, Jaak Panksepp, an affective neuroscientist, point to the "remarkable degree of neocortical plasticity within the human brain, especially during development" and states that "the developmental interactions among ancient special-purpose circuits and more recent general-purpose brain mechanisms can generate many of the "modularized" human abilities that evolutionary psychology has entertained."  Philosopher David Buller agrees with the general argument that the human mind has evolved over time but disagrees with the specific claims evolutionary psychologists make. He has argued that the contention that the mind consists of thousands of modules, including sexually dimorphic jealousy and parental investment modules, are unsupported by the available empirical evidence. He has suggested that the "modules" result from the brain's developmental plasticity and that they are adaptive responses to local conditions, not past evolutionary environments. However, Buller has also stated that even if massive modularity is false this does not necessarily have broad implications for evolutionary psychology. Evolution may create innate motives even without innate knowledge.  In contrast to modular mental structure, some theories posit domain-general processing, in which mental activity is distributed across the brain and cannot be decomposed, even abstractly, into independent units. A staunch defender of this view is William Uttal, who argues in "The New Phrenology" (2003) that there are serious philosophical, theoretical, and methodological problems with the entire enterprise of trying to localise cognitive processes in the brain. Part of this argument is that a successful taxonomy of mental processes has yet to be developed.  Merlin Donald argues that over evolutionary time the mind has gained adaptive advantage from being a general problem solver. The mind, as described by Donald, includes module-like "central" mechanisms, in addition to more recently evolved "domain-general" mechanisms.

Modularity of mind is the notion that a mind may, at least in part, be composed of innate neural structures or mental modules which have distinct, established, and evolutionarily developed functions. However, different definitions of "module" have been proposed by different authors. According to Fodor, the author of "Modularity of Mind", a system can be considered'modular' if its functions are made of multiple dimensions or units to some degree. One example of modularity in the mind is 'binding.' When one perceives an object, they take in not only the features of an object, but the integrated features that create a whole. Instead of just seeing'red,' 'round,' 'plastic,' and'moving,' the subject may experience a rolling, red ball. Binding may suggest that the mind is modular because it takes multiple cognitive processes to perceive one thing.

Modularita (psychologie a neurovědy) Vyskytující se v nezávislých jednotkách určitých oddělených procesů nebo oblastí, nikoli v integrované podobě napříč procesy či oblastmi.


History.

It is unclear when the first settlers occupied the territory of Castelo de Vide, although archaeologists suggest that the decision to occupy the land, came from the morphology of the soil and from a territorial strategy to occupy and conquered lands. The establishment of a fortification helped to fix a new population to the territory and, at the same, defend the nascent colony.  Writing in 1299, Rui de Pina stated that Castelo de Vide remained a weak stronghold, as he wrote ""lugar etã mais chão q forte"" ("the locality is more place then strong"). Afonso Sanches, son of king Afonso III, began to rebuild the walls, and his brother, king Denis continued the task, but it was ultimately completed during the reign of Afonso IV, sometime in the 14th century. These changes improved the defensive conditions of the stronghold, including moving a well into the interior and a new line of walls to protect the citadel and the houses outside the original walls. A tower keep was, also, constructed that was even with the southern walls, in order to better defend the southern passage. All these improvements came to ahead with the conflicts with Castille, when siege machine were used. A strategic border fortress, it was acquired in 1276 when Castelo de Vide became its own municipality. Until this time, the territory's settlements were part of Marvão.  Slowly, throughout the 14th century, the settlement expanded outside the castle walls. The southern flanks, with good southerly exposure and gentle slope, allowed easy settlement, while the northern and western exposures were expanded later, due to wind and steep cliff faces. The growth of the settlement occurred along the main road leading to the castle, and followed the expansion of religious buildings outside the walls. This road bisected two sides of the hill and one was occupied by a Jewish Quarter, inhabited by Jews expelled from Castile and Aragon.  Many of the perceptions of the town came from the 16th century drawings of Duarte d'Armas, who drew representations of the town. At that time, the settlement was dedicated to agriculture (cultivating vineyard, cotton, olives, fruits and cereals) and raising cattle, while watermills were constructed to mill along the ravines in Vide and Nisa. At the end of the 15th century, and beginning of the 16th century, the wool industry obtained an importance in the region, at the end of King John III reign. This importance resulted in its inhabitants began to be referred to as the "Cardadores"; there were 885 inhabitants in 1527, but rose to 1400 by 1572 and 1600 by 1603. This growth was based in the growth in agricultural production, the textile industry and commerce with Spain.  The new "foral" ("charter"), issued by King Manuel I in 1512, established new laws for public spaces and organized the towns specific limits.

Geography.

The municipality is located by the Serra de São Mamede in Portalegre District. Administratively, the municipality is divided into 4 civil parishes ("freguesias"):

Castelo de Vide () is a municipality in Portugal, with a population of 3,407 inhabitants in 2011, in an area of.

Castelo de Vide je historické městečko v Portugalsku, které se nachází v pohoří Serra de São Mamede v distriktu Portalegre. Nalézá se jen několik kilometrů od hranic se Španělskem.


History.

The Spasskaya Tower was built in 1491 by the Italian architect Pietro Antonio Solari. Initially, it was named the Frolovskaya Tower after the Church of Frol and Lavr in the Kremlin, which is no longer there. The tower's modern name comes from the icon of 'Spas Nerukotvorny' () translated as 'The Saviour Not Made by Hands', which was placed above the gates on the inside wall in 1658 and removed in 1917. The tower is also named for the wall-painted icon of 'Spas Smolensky' () translated as 'Smolensky Saviour', which was created in the 16th century on the outside wall of tower, plastered over in 1937, but reopened and restored in 2010.  The Spasskaya Tower was the first tower of the many Moscow Kremlin Towers to be crowned with the hipped roof in 1624–1625 by architects Bazhen Ogurtsov and Christopher Galloway (a Scottish architect and clock maker). According to a number of historical accounts, the clock on the Spasskaya Tower appeared between 1491 and 1585. It is usually referred to as the Kremlin chimes (Кремлёвские куранты) and designates official Moscow Time. The clock face has a diameter of 20 feet. The gate of Spasskaya Tower was used to greet dignitaries, and was also used during formal ceremonies or processions.

Reverence and respect for the Tsar.

The tower gate was once the main entrance into the Kremlin. In tsarist times, anyone passing through the gates had to remove their headgear, crossing themselves and dismount their horses. This practice was revived after the Icon of the Saviour was restored in 2010, but ceremonially.  "The Russians have always regarded the Spasskaya Tower with great reverence. According to old legends, the tower was possessed with miraculous powers and was reputed to protect the Kremlin from enemy invasion. People passing through the gates would always observe the custom of crossing themselves and doffing their hats to show their respect, and horses passing under the gates of the tower were said to shy. In fact, legend has it that Napoleon himself could not prevent his horse from taking fright as he rode through the gates, having failed to show his respect, and the French Emperor's hat was said to have fallen from his head."  The Spasskaya Tower was commissioned to be built by Ivan III, or Ivan the Great, the leader of the Grand Duchy of Moscow, and the grandfather of Ivan the Terrible.

Inscription on Spasskaya Gate.

On top of the gates of Spasskaya Tower, there appears the following inscription (it is inscribed in Latin):  In Latin: IOANNES VASILII DEI GRATIA MAGNUS DUX VOLODIMERIÆ, MOSCOVIÆ, NOVOGARDIÆ, TFERIÆ, PLESCOVIÆ, VETICIÆ, ONGARIÆ, PERMIÆ, BUOLGARIÆ ET ALIAS TOTIUSQUE RAXIE DOMINUS, ANNO 30 IMPERII SUI HAS TURRES CONDERE FECIT ET STATUIT PETRUS ANTONIUS SOLARIUS MEDIOLANENSIS ANNO NATIVIT ATIS DOMINI 1491 KALENDIS MARTIIS IUSSIT PONERE.  In English: Ivan Vasiliyevich, by the grace of God the Grand Duke of Vladimir, Moscow, Novgorod, Tver, Pskov,, Yugra, Perm, Bulghar, and for other reasons that of all of Raxis, the year of 30 their government, these towers he did [commission] a Pietro Antonio Solari of Milan in the first of March, in the year of the Lord 1491.

Soviet Union and modern day uses.

After the rise of the Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin replaced the two-headed eagle on top of the Spasskaya Tower with a red star because he wanted to remove all evidence of the former Tsarist time, the star is rotating in 360°. The height of the tower with the star is 71 meters.  The tradition of dismounting your horse and removing your hat ended during the Soviet reign. Cars approached the gate head on from the Lobnoye Mesto and the road beside the GUM department store. All other traffic was routed through the Borovitsky gate.  Various cathedrals were demolished throughout the years to make room for other government buildings. It was not until 1955 during the rule of Nikita Khrushchev that the Kremlin was reopened to foreign visitors; the Kremlin was turned into a museum in 1961 and added to the World Heritage List in 1990. The daughter of Soviet cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin is the current director of the Kremlin Museums, Elena Gagarina. There are many cathedrals inside the Kremlin walls, and many of them hold church services, however irregularly because the cathedrals are still operated as museums.  The Spasskaya Gate posed an issue following the collapse of communism. In the new capitalist and market-based economy, the passage of vehicles disrupted the flow of pedestrians to GUM and other shopping centers, even though few vehicles actually passed through the gate each day. In 1999, the decision was made to finally close the gate to all traffic. The signal lights and guard platforms still remain. The gate is used occasionally when repairs must be made to the Borovissky Gate. However, in that case, all traffic is routed from Vasilyevsky Spusk. Nowadays, the gate opens to receive the presidential motorcades on inauguration day, for the victory parades, and to receive the new years tree.  Russia's President Vladimir Putin discussed building two monasteries and a church with the city's mayor, Sergey Sobyanin. Gromov would like to get the approval for demolition on one of the administration buildings. This administration building is not an "UNESCO World Heritage Site or an object that has any historical or cultural significance".  Spasskaya Tower is also home to the International Military Music Festival "Spasskaya Tower".  In August 2010 the icon of Smolensk Saviour was uncovered and restored above the gate (see picture below). This begins the tradition of the parade inspector to remove his headgear and cross himself before the inspection of troops every Victory Day Parades.

The Spasskaya Tower (), translated as 'Saviour Tower', is the main tower on the eastern wall of the Moscow Kremlin which overlooks Red Square.

Spasská věž () je jednou z dvaceti věží v areálu Moskevského Kremlu. 71 metrů vysoká věž je pojmenovaná podle ikony Krista Spasitele, která je v současnosti umístěna nad hlavním vchodem věže. Věž byla postavena v roce 1491 za vlády Ivana III. podle italského architekta Pietra Antonia Solariho.


Features.

DirectSound is a user mode API that provides an interface between applications and the sound card driver, enabling applications to produce sounds and play back music.  DirectSound was considered revolutionary when it was introduced in 1995, as it featured multiple simultaneous audio streams and allowed several applications to access the sound card simultaneously. Before that, the game developers were required to implement their own audio rendering engine in software.  DirectSound provides sample rate conversion and sound mixing (volume and pan) for an unlimited number of audio sources; however, the practical limits are the number of hardware audio sources and the performance of software mixers.  The DirectSound architecture features a concept of the "ring buffer" which would be continuously played in a cycle. The application programmer creates the sound buffer then continuously queries its state through the "read cursor" and updates it with the "write cursor". There are two types of buffers - a "streaming" buffer, which holds continuous sounds such as background music, and a "static" buffer which holds short sounds.  On supported sound cards, DirectSound would try to use "hardware accelerated" buffers, i.e. the ones which either can be placed in local sound card memory, or can be accessed by the sound card from the system memory. If hardware acceleration is not available, DirectSound would create audio buffers in the system memory and use purely software mixing.  Some late DOS-era "wavetable" sound cards such as Sound Blaster AWE32 and Gravis Ultrasound featured dedicated DSPs, which were borrowed from the digital music instruments. These cards featured local memory which could be used for buffering multiple audio streams and mixing them on board, thus offloading the CPU and greatly improving the sound quality. However, this was only possible in DOS by directly programming the hardware, and full-featured "hardware acceleration" from the local memory was never implemented on these cards, due to complexities of double buffering. Later cards such as Sound Blaster Live!, Audigy and X-Fi are capable of accessing the system memory buffers directly.

DirectSound3D.

DirectSound3D (DS3D) is an extension to DirectSound introduced with DirectX 3 in 1996 with the intention to standardize 3D audio in Windows. DirectSound3D allows software developers to utilize audio by writing once for a single audio API instead of rewriting code numerous times to work for each audio card vendor.  In DirectX 5, DirectSound3D gained the support for sound cards that use third party 3D audio algorithms in order to accelerate DirectSound3D properly, through methods approved by Microsoft.  In DirectX 8, DirectSound and DirectSound3D (DS3D) were officially merged and given the name DirectX Audio, however the API is still commonly referred to as DirectSound.

EAX.

EAX is an extension to DirectSound and DirectSound3D which provides sound effects processing to the hardware-accelerated buffers.

OS Support.

Windows 95.

In Windows 95, 98 and Me, the DirectSound mixer component and the sound card drivers were both implemented as a kernel-mode VxD driver (Dsound.vxd), allowing direct access to the primary buffer used by the audio hardware and thus, providing the lowest possible latency between the user-mode API and the underlying hardware, but in some cases causing instability and blue screen errors.  Windows 98 introduced WDM Audio and the "Kernel Audio Mixer" driver (KMixer), which enabled digital mixing, routing and processing of simultaneous audio streams with a higher quality sample rate conversion as well as kernel streaming. Under WDM, DirectSound sends data to the software-based KMixer. Windows 98 Second Edition improved WDM audio support by adding DirectSound hardware buffering, DirectSound3D hardware abstraction, KMixer sample-rate conversion (SRC) for capture streams, multichannel audio support and introduction of DirectMusic. If the audio hardware supports hardware mixing (also known as hardware buffering or DirectSound hardware acceleration), DirectSound buffers directly to the rendering device. If DirectSound streams use hardware mixing, KMixer and its latency delay are bypassed. On Windows 98 and Windows Me, WDM audio drivers were preferred but compatibility with VxD driver model was preserved.  Although Windows Driver Model (WDM) was available starting with Windows 98, few audio card manufacturers used it. Due to internal buffering, KMixer introduced significant processing latency (30 ms on then-current systems). Windows 98 also includes a WDM streaming class driver (Stream.sys) to address these real time multimedia data stream processing requirements. When the sound card uses a custom driver for use with the system supplied port class driver "PortCls.sys" or implements a mini-driver for use with the streaming class driver, applications can bypass the KMixer completely and use the kernel streaming interfaces instead to reduce latency.

Windows 2000/XP.

In Windows 2000, Microsoft also implemented the same WDM-based audio stack on Windows NT by introducing the WDM audio drivers and the kernel mixer component (KMixer). In Windows XP, Microsoft introduced another improved kernel streaming class driver, "AVStream". Beginning with Windows XP, hardware acceleration was also added for DirectSound capture effects processing such as Acoustic Echo Cancellation for USB microphones, noise suppression and array microphone support.

Windows Vista/Windows 7.

Windows Vista features a completely re-written audio stack based on the "Universal Audio Architecture". Because of the architectural changes in the redesigned audio stack, a direct path from DirectSound to the audio drivers does not exist. DirectSound, DirectMusic and other APIs such as MME are emulated as WASAPI Session instances. DirectSound runs in emulation mode on the Microsoft software mixer. The emulator does not have hardware abstraction, so there is no hardware DirectSound acceleration, meaning hardware and software relying on DirectSound acceleration may have degraded performance. It's likely a supposed performance hit might not be noticeable, depending on the application and actual system hardware. In the case of hardware 3D audio effects played using DirectSound3D, they will not be playable; this also breaks compatibility with EAX extensions.  Third-party APIs such as ASIO and OpenAL are not affected by these architectural changes in Windows Vista, as they use IOCtl to interface directly with the audio driver. A solution for applications that wish to take advantage of hardware accelerated high-quality 3D positional audio is to use OpenAL. However, this only works if the manufacturer provides an OpenAL driver for their hardware.  As of 2007, a solution to re-enable hardware acceleration of DirectSound3D and Audio Effects, such as EAX, called "Creative ALchemy" was launched. Creative ALchemy intercepts calls to DirectSound3D and translates them into OpenAL calls to be processed by supported hardware such as Sound Blaster X-Fi and Sound Blaster Audigy. For software-based Creative audio solutions, ALchemy utilizes its built-in 3D audio engine without using OpenAL at all.  Realtek, a manufacturer of integrated HD audio codecs, has a product similar to ALchemy called 3D SoundBack. C-Media, a manufacturer of PC sound card chipsets, also has a solution called Xear3D EX, although it works instead by intercepting DirectSound3D calls transparently in the background without any user intervention.

Windows 8.

WASAPI audio stack in Windows 8 introduces support for "hardware offloading" of multiple audio streams to the audio card for mixing and effect processing, in addition to the software processing introduced in Vista, however the functionality is only exposed for Windows Runtime apps. DirectSound's and DirectMusic's hardware interfaces to sound card drivers are not implemented.

Windows CE.

Although DirectSound support was available in Windows CE versions up to 4.2, it was removed starting 5.0. Windows CE 6.0 also does not support DirectSound, instead favoring that applications be rewritten to use the Waveform Audio API.

DirectSound is a deprecated software component of the Microsoft DirectX library for the Windows operating system. It provides a low-latency interface to sound card drivers written for Windows 95 through Windows XP and can handle the mixing and recording of multiple audio streams. DirectSound was originally written for Microsoft by John Miles.

DirectSound je v informatice název softwarové součásti DirectX knihoven od firmy Microsoft pro operační systémy Microsoft Windows. DirectSound poskytuje nízkoodezvové rozhraní pro ovladač zvukové karty a dokáže zvládnout mixování (slučování/směšování) a nahrávání více zvukových kanálů současně.


Uprising.

The Prince of Anhua had long thought himself a suitable candidate to become the Ming Emperor. He shared his views with several military commanders, officials, local scholars and shamans, and also recruited a handful of soldiers.  In 1510, the court official Liu Jin was dispatched to Shaanxi in order to implement the new rate of taxation on military areas. He punished corrupt tax officials; all of them were the Prince of Anhua's men. The Prince of Anhua seized this opportunity and stirred up his supporters to rebel.  On 12 May 1510, all the high officials of the region were invited to a banquet held at the prince's residence. During the banquet, his soldiers rushed in and slaughtered several officers, officials, and eunuchs. Soldiers also were sent to kill officials who had refused to attend the banquet. Then their offices were wrecked and burned.  Anhua proclaimed that he rebelled to get rid of Liu Jin and asked for support from the regional commanders, hoping for reinforcement. But the commanders were too afraid of Liu Jin's power, and refused to respond. Liu Jin failed to put down the rebellion and quickly fled.  Soon this news reached the court. The Zhengde Emperor send the imperial army in order to punish the prince. General Yang Yiqing was in charge as supreme commander, and the eunuch Zhang Yong was appointed as inspector of the army. However, before they reached Shaanxi, the uprising was already put down. On 30 May 1510, a cavalry commander who feigned to join the uprising, had already seized the Prince of Anhua.

Death.

After the seizure of Anhua, Zhang Yong escorted the prince to Beijing. Anhua was soon executed in the same year.

Zhu Zhifan (; died 1510) was a member of the Ming Dynasty's royal family. He held the title "Prince of Anhua" from 1492 until 1510; his major power was in central Shaanxi.

Ču Č’-fan (, † 14. března 1511) byl člen dynastie Ming. Patřil k vedlejší větvi rodu Ču Čana, šestnáctého syna Chung-wua, zakladatele a prvního císaře říše Ming. Roku 1492 zdědil titul knížete z An-chua, sídlil v Ning-sia, centru jednoho z pohraničních regionálních velitelství podél hranic říše Ming s Mongolskem. V květnu 1510 využil nespokojenosti důstojníků a vojáků tamní posádky s důsledným vymáháním daní a vzbouřil se. Vzpouru ospravedlňoval snahou o odstranění eunucha Liou Ťina, tehdy fakticky stojícího v čele mingské vlády. Povstání trvalo pouze několik týdnů, už koncem května 1510 se zhroutilo, když Čchiou Jüe, loajalista, který se naoko přidal k rebelům, zajal Ču Č’-fana a vládní oddíly pak ovládly město Ning-sia. Vzbouřenci byli potrestáni přiměřeně své vině, Ču Č’-fanovi císař Čeng-te dovolil spáchat sebevraždu.


Biography.

Oeser worked and studied in Pressburg (student of Georg Raphael Donner in sculpture) and Vienna at the Vienna Academy (student of Jacob van Schuppen and Daniel Grau in painting). He went to Dresden in Saxony in 1739, where he studied with Mengs and Dietrich, and created portraits and scenes for the Royal Opera, and mural paintings in Schloss Hubertusburg (1749). In 1756 Count Heinrich von Bünau commissioned him to decorate the newly built Schloss Dahlen. Oeser moved to Leipzig in 1759. Appointed director of the newly founded Academy there in 1764, he zealously opposed mannerism in art. He was a stout champion of Winckelmann's advocacy of reform on antique lines. He also befriended Winckelmann, who lived with him and his family in 1754/55. Oeser's chief importance was as a teacher. He was the drawing teacher of Johann Wolfgang Goethe, with whom he kept up friendly relations afterwards at Weimar. Besides a number of decorative works, mostly ceilings, he painted mythological and religious canvases and portraits, among the best being: "The Artist's Children" (1766, Dresden Gallery), "Marriage at Cana" (1777) and four others in Leipzig Museum, and "The Painter's Studio" (Weimar Museum). His best effort in sculpture is the monument of Elector Frederick Augustus (1780) on the Königsplatz in Leipzig, which he created together with his student and architect Johann Carl Friedrich Dauthe.  In 1766 Oeser became a member of the Masonic Lodge "Minerva zu den drei Palmen", Leipzig. In 1776 he became a member of the "Balduin" Lodge, Leipzig.  He resided in Germany. Among his pupils was Sophie Dinglinger.

Adam Friedrich Oeser (17 February 1717 in Pressburg – 18 March 1799 in Leipzig) was a German etcher, painter and sculptor.

Adam Friedrich Oeser (17. února 1717 Bratislava − 18. března 1799 Lipsko) byl německý malíř a sochař. Pracoval a studoval v Bratislavě (student Georga Raphaela Donnera) a ve Vídni na Vídeňské akademii malířství. V roce 1739 odešel do Drážďan, kde maloval portréty, scény pro královskou operu a nástěnné malby na hradě Hubertsburg (1749). Následně v roce 1759 odešel do Lipska a v roce 1764 se stal ředitelem tamní nově založené akademie.


Origins.

The origins of the dynasty, especially the ethnic background of the three Asen brothers (Teodor I Peter IV, Ivan Asen I and Kaloyan) are still a source of much controversy, debated among historians. There are three main hypothesis regarding their origins:  In their own administrative documents and correspondence, the three rulers viewed themselves as descendants and successors of the Bulgarian Tsars Samuil, Peter I and Simeon I, and the state they founded as a continuation of the First Bulgarian Empire. However, this could be just a way to proclaim their legitimacy for the throne of the Empire.  In a correspondence, of 1199, the Pope talks about the "Roman descent" of Kaloyan. However, considering the actual text says "Nos autem audito quod de nobili urbis Romae prosapia progenitores tui originem traxerint" ("We heard that your forefathers come from a noble family from the city of Rome"), it is usually dismissed as simply a hidden compliment of the Pope to Kaloyan.  Pope Innocent III in his letter to the Bulgarian King Kaloyan (Calojoannes) in 1204 addressed him "King of Bulgarians and Vlachs" ("rex Bulgarorum et Blachorum"); in answering the Pope, John called himself "imperator omnium Bulgarorum et Blachorum" ("Emperor of all Bulgarians and Vlachs'), but signed himself "imperator Bulgariae Calojoannes" ("Emperor Kaloyan of Bulgaria"); besides, the archbishop of Veliko Tarnovo called himself "totius Bulgariae et Blaciae Primas" ("Primate of all Bulgaria and Vlachia").  The Bulgarian historiography negate, while the Romanian highlight the role of the Vlachs in the uprising. However, the scientific debate reflects the nationalistic rivality from the 19-20th century, which did not exist in the 12-13th century. Vlachs and Bulgarian Slavs jointly inhabited Bulgaria, and both groups in sufferance were united against the common cause under a leader, regardless of the leader "race". The Asen brothers were associated with the Vlach population of the mountainous regions around Trnovo, Niketas Choniates recorded Vlach shamans during revolt exhibition, but nevertheless of their ethnicity, it was a joint venture of the Bulgarians, Vlachs and Cumans.

Etymology.

The name of the dynasty comes from one of the brothers, namely Asen I. The etymology is most likely of Cuman Turkic origin, derived from "esen" which meant "safe, sound, healthy" and the Belgun nickname seems to be derived from Turkic "bilgün", which meant "wise". Further support to this connection can be found in the charters of the Great Lavra of Mt. Athos from the end of the 12th century, which mention the monastery's problems with some of the Cuman stratiotes, where "Asen" is listed as the name of one of those Cumans.  Other study shows that the only name that makes sense is "änish" (descent) and the word can be found almost exclusively in the languages of the Kıpçak Turks

Byzantine branch.

The Asens in Byzantium largely descend from Ivan Asen III, who ruled briefly as Emperor of Bulgaria before fleeing to Constantinople as Ivaylo's uprising was gaining momentum in 1280. A "despotes" under Michael VIII Palaiologos, Ivan Asen III had already been married to the Byzantine Emperor's eldest daughter, Irene Palaiologina. The couple's five sons and two daughters were the progenitors of one of the highest-regarded Byzantine noble families of their time, along with the Palaiologoi. Among the Byzantine Asens, three bore the title of "despotes", three that of "sebastokrator", two "panhypersebastos", one was a "megas doux" and two were titled "megas primikerios". In Greek, the male form of the family name is rendered as Ἀσάνης ("Asanis") and the female as Ασανίνα ("Asanina").  A smaller branch descends from Elena Asenina of Bulgaria, wife of Nicaean Emperor Theodore II Laskaris.  The Asens of Byzantium intermarried with other prominent noble dynasties, including the Kantakouzenos, Doukas, Laskaris, Tornikios and Raoul families. Notable members of the Asen family in the Byzantine Empire include:

Byzantine Asens elsewhere.

From Byzantium, the Asens spread as far as Frankish Greece, the Principality of Theodoro, the Principality of Moldavia, the Kingdom of Naples and the Kingdom of Aragon.

The Asen dynasty (, "Asenevtsi") founded and ruled a medieval Bulgarian state, called in modern historiography the Second Bulgarian Empire, between 1187 and 1256.

Asenovci (bulharsky: Асеневци, "Asenevtsi") byli panovníci středověkého bulharského státu, dnešními historiky nazývaného Druhá bulharská říše, mezi lety 1187 a 1280.


Studies as a priest.

Boff was born in Concórdia, Santa Catarina, Brazil, he entered the Franciscan Order in 1959 and was ordained a Catholic priest in 1964. He spent the following years studying for a doctorate in theology and philosophy at the University of Munich, which he received in 1970. Boff's doctoral thesis studied in what measure the Church can be a sign of the sacred and the divine in the secular world and in the process of liberation of the oppressed. He has since published his thesis as a book available in German, entitled "Die Kirche als Sakrament im Horizont der Welterfahrung".  His brother is the theologian Clodovis Boff.

Liberation theology.

Boff became one of the best-known supporters (along with Gustavo Gutiérrez, Juan Luis Segundo and Jon Sobrino) of the early liberation theologians. He was present in the first reflections that sought to articulate indignation against poverty and marginalization with a promissory discourse on faith, leading to liberation theology. He continues to be a controversial figure in the Catholic Church, primarily for his sharp criticism of the church's hierarchy, which he sees as "fundamentalist", but also for his political positions.

Political views.

Boff is critical of secular power as well of American foreign policy. He opposed the Iraq War and considered George W. Bush and Ariel Sharon's leadership to be similar to that of "fundamentalist terrorist states." He also criticizes despotic rulers in the Middle East: "Those [emirs and kings] are despotic, they do not even have a constitution. Though extremely rich, they maintain the people in poverty."  Boff has voiced his supported for the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reform in the United Nations, and the creation of a more accountable international political system.

Secularization.

Authorities in the Roman Catholic Church did not consider Boff's views of the Church's leadership acceptable. They also saw his support of liberation theology as having "politicized everything" and reproached his proximity to Marxism. In 1985, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, directed at that time by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger (later Pope Benedict XVI), silenced him for a year for his book "Church: Charism and Power". He later accused Ratzinger of "religious terrorism".  Boff was almost silenced again in 1992 by Rome, this time to prevent him from participating in the Eco-92 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, which finally led him to leave the Franciscan religious order and the priestly ministry.  Boff joined the international group of Catholic Scholars who in 2012 issued the Jubilee Declaration on reform of authority in the Catholic Church.  For most of his life Boff has worked as a professor in the academic fields of theology, ethics and philosophy throughout Brazil and also as lecturer in many universities abroad such as University of Lisbon, University of Barcelona, University of Lund, University of Oslo, University of Torino and others.  Boff commented on the election of Pope Francis in March 2013: "I am encouraged by this choice, viewing it as a pledge for a church of simplicity and of ecological ideals." He said the new pope was conservative in many respects but had liberal views on some subjects as well.

Leonardo Boff (, born December 14, 1938), born as Genézio Darci Boff (), is a Brazilian theologian, philosopher and writer, known for his active support for liberation theology. He currently serves as Professor Emeritus of Ethics, Philosophy of Religion, and Ecology at the Rio de Janeiro State University. In 2001, he received the Right Livelihood Award for "his inspiring insights and practical work to help people realise the links between human spirituality, social justice and environmental stewardship."

Leonardo Boff (nar. jako Genézio Darci Boff, * 14. prosince 1938, Concórdia, Santa Catarina, Brazílie) je brazilský teolog a spisovatel. Je jedním z nejznámějších představitelů teologie osvobození a také kritikem církevní hierarchie.


Plot.

The New Lay of the Völsungs.

Upphaf.

After the creation of the Nine Worlds by the Aesir, the walls of Asgard are besieged by an army of jötunns and trolls. Wielding the hammer Mjöllnir, Thor succeeds in driving these "foes immortal" back to Jotunheim. However, there are new perils to come.  A female seer prophesies the apocalyptic battle of Ragnarök and speaks of how Odin shall be slain

Andvari's gold.

Ages later, Odin, Loki, and Hoenir arrive at the cave of the dwarf Andvari. There, they encountered the demon Hreidmar's son Ótr and, thinking him to be merely a fishing otter, Loki slays him with a stone, removes his pelt, and steals his catch of salmon. Enraged, Hreidmar and his other sons, Fafnir and Regin, bind the three gods in unbreakable chains

Signý.

On the coasts of the North, Rerir the sea lord, grandson of Odin, conducts raids in Viking longships. He is succeeded as king by his son Völsung. The latter, whom Odin favours, has been given a valkyrie as his wife. She bears twins, Sigmund and Signý, during her husband's reign.  Years later, Siggeir, King of the Gauts sends an emissary and demands Signý's hand in marriage as the price of peace. Sigmund counsels his father to arrange the marriage, suggesting that the Gauts will prove valuable allies.  At the wedding feast, Odin enters the hall under the veil of a hoary bearded elder under the name Grímnir. He drives a sword into the oak at the center of the hall and dares the men present to pull it out. After all others try and

The Death of Sinfjötli.

Laden with the pillaged loot of Siggeir's hall, Sigmund and Sinfjötli return by ship to the land of the Völsungs. Together they rule for many years, slaying seven kings and sacking cities far and near. Although he will live to regret it, Sigmund takes a queen from among the war captives.  Loathing the man who slew her father, the Queen brews a poisoned

Sigurd born.

As the years pass, Sigmund grows old, having lost both his son and his treacherous Queen. Eventually, however, he learns of the beauteous Princess Sigrlinn. Although seven young sons of kings are also asking for her hand, Sigrlinn marries Sigmund, preferring to be the mother of a mighty hero.  Enraged at this slight, the seven sons of kings invade the land of Völsung. Sigmund vows that they will be greeted by the sword of Grímnir and slays

Regin.

Years later, Otr's ransom remains in the keeping of Regin's brother Fafnir, who has been transformed into a dragon. Coveting the gold hoard, Regin goads Sigurd into fighting Fafnir by accusing him of cowardice. When an enraged Sigurd demands to know the reason, Regin relates the story of Otr's murder by Loki and the weregild paid by the Aesir in recompense. According to Regin, Hreidmar refused to share the gold with his sons and was subsequently slain by Fafnir. Unimpressed, Sigurd asks Regin whether he desires his brother's death for justice or the gold hoard. Regin claims that he desires only to avenge his father. The gold and the glory, he adds, are for Sigurd to keep.  Twice Regin attempts to forge a sword for Sigurd, only to see the latter effortlessly break them. At last, Sigurd goes to his mother Sigrlinn and requests the broken pieces of Grímnir. Regin takes these and forges the sword Gram. Although Sigurd wishes to slay Fafnir then and there, Regin tells him he

Brynhildr.

After much riding on the back of Grani, Sigurd arrives at heights of Hindarfell. As they climb the mountainside, Grani leaps the ring of lightning and fire which surrounds Brynhild. As he reaches her side, Sigurd slices her corslet with Gram and awakens the sleeping valkyrie.  Addressing Sigurd, Brynhild explains how Odin doomed her to mate a mortal man. Impetuously, Brynhild had vowed to wed

Gudrun.

One morning, Princess Gudrun of the Niflungs approaches her mother, the witch-hearted Queen Grimhild, with a disturbing dream. The Niflungs were hunting a stag with a golden coat and towering horns which evaded their grasp. It was Gudrun who caught him, only to see him stung with a shaft by a spiteful woman. Her mother then gave Gudrun a wolf to ease her grief and the former bathed her in the blood of her brothers. Her mother counsels her that evil dreams are often a good omen.  As they converse, Gudrun catches sight of a warrior riding toward the court arrayed for war. A short time later, Sigurd enters the court of the Niflungs, riding upon Grani. When her father Gjuki asks his name and parentage, he is overjoyed to learn that a Völsung warrior

Brynhild betrayed.

Brynhild continues to await the coming of Sigurd, slaying almost every suitor who dares to call. Eventually, Odin arrives on horseback and armoured as an ancient king. He prophesies that she shall wed a mortal king before two winters pass. As he departs, a ring of fire surrounds her hall and Brynhild ponders that one man only can reach her now.  Meanwhile, a radiantly happy Sigurd weds Gudrun in a feast which lasts many days and nights in the mead hall of Worms. In addition, Sigurd and his in-laws swear a blood oath of eternal brotherhood. Although he and Gudrun are deeply happy in their marriage, a shadow remains in Sigurd's heart.  As time passes, the news of Brynhild and

Strife.

During the nuptial feast after Brynhild's wedding to Gunnar, the bride catches sight of Sigurd seated next to Gudrun. As the blood drains from her horrified face, Grimhild's spell dissipates and Sigurd at last recalls the solemn oaths he swore to Brynhild. Realizing he can no longer honourably fulfill them, he stands as cold and unsmiling as a carven stone.  During a subsequent stag hunt, Brynhild and Gudrun bathe together in the Rhine River. Hautily, Brynhild comments that the water washing Gudrun will soon wash one far lovelier. Bristling, Gudrun snaps that she is far more queenly and is married to a better man, citing Sigurd's slaying of Fafnir. Unimpressed, Brynhild boasts of Gunnar's ride through the fire and lightning to claim her. With an icy laugh, Gudrun reveals that Sigurd rode through the fire and shows the ring of Brynhild on her own hand. Shocked and horrified, Brynhild departs the river and return to her bower, where she curses the Norns for framing her fate.  As days pass, Brynhild refuses to eat, drink, or depart her bed. When Gunnar approaches her, she call him a coward and curses him for causing her to break her oath to marry Sigurd. Reluctantly, Sigurd agrees to speak with her and, raising her coverlet, awakens her as he once did on the heights of Hindarfell. Seething with hatred, Brynhild addresses him as "cruel forswearer," and curses both him and Gudrun to an early death.  Stunned, Sigurd speaks lovingly to her of the spell that was cast upon him and admits that his only comfort has been to see her in Gunnar's hall. Although deeply touched, Brynhild states that it is too late to avert the evil of her curse. The one comfort which she can offer is that Sigurd shall die an honourable death at the point of a sword. Deeply grieved, Sigurd and Brynhild prepare for their respective fates.  Upon returning to Gudrun, Sigurd sadly tells her of the curse, saying, "Woe worth the words by women spoken!" When Gunnar later seeks his advice, Sigurd informs him that Brynhild's only doctor should be her husband. In response, Gunnar approaches his wife, offering her a hoard of gold and silver. Unmoved, Brynhild taunts him as "a Völsung's squire, a vassal's servant." She

The New Lay of Gudrun.

As the flames of the funeral pyre sink down and the ashes turn cold, a devastated Gudrun wanders through the forest witless. Despite loathing every moment of her life, she cannot bring herself to commit suicide.  Meanwhile, King Atli's Hunnic Empire grows ever stronger. Although Atli has overthrown the Goths and seized many treasures, the gold hoard of Fafnir and the beauty of Gudrun have caught his interest. Determined to claim both as his own, Atli's Huns hasten westward.  As the news reaches the Niflung court at Worms, Gunnar asks Högni whether Atli should be met with violent resistance or appeased with tribute. Högni comments that now they have further reason to mourn the passing of Sigurd, as Atli would never have grown so bold if the serpent slayer still lived. Despite the dangers, he advises Gunnar to meet Atli on the field of battle.  Grimhild, however, has another idea and counsels that Atli's friendship can be bought via Gudrun's hand in marriage. It is this advice which the Niflungs choose to take.  Gudrun they find in a forest hut where she has been weaving a tapestry which depicts the story of the gold hoard, the Völsungs, and the arrival of Sigurd into the court at Worms. Although they offer her a large payment of gold as weregild for her husband's death, Gudrun refuses to forgive her brothers or even acknowledge their presence. Only Grimhild is able to gain a response from the widow.  Grimhild advises her daughter to mourn no longer, commenting that Brynhild is dead and that Gudrun is still beautiful. She explains that King Atli wishes her hand in marriage and speaks of the great respect which the Queen of Hunland will command. Gudrun, however, is unmoved.  The widow speaks longingly of the days before Sigurd came, saying that then only nightmares vexed her. She speaks again of the dream she had before Sigurd's arrival, commenting that one half of it has already been fulfilled in Sigurd's death. Gudrun further declares that, although she now has little

Origin.

According to Christopher Tolkien, it is no longer possible to trace the exact date of composition of the two poems in "The Legend of Sigurd and Gudrun", though circumstantial evidence suggests that they date from the 1930s. In his foreword, Christopher Tolkien writes: "He scarely ever (to my knowledge) referred to them. For my part, I cannot recall any conversation with him on the subject until very near

Commentary.

In a prefatory text, "Introduction to the "Elder Edda"", based partly on one of his lectures, Tolkien draws a sharp distinction between epic poems and the Skaldic and eddic poems of the Nordic countries: "...epic poetry never developed in those lands"; "verse developed its local brief, pithy, strophic, often dramatic form, not into epic, but into the astonishing and euphonious but formal elaborations of scaldic verse." He also draws a distinction, although not as sharply, between the later elaborate skaldic verse and the simpler forms used in the poems of the "Elder Edda". The poems in "The Legend of Sigurd and Gudrún"

Audiobook.

Brian Cox collaborated with HarperCollins to produce a dramatic reading of "The Legend of Sigurd and Gudrún", released in August 2009.

The Legend of Sigurd and Gudrún is a book containing two narrative poems and related texts composed by J. R. R. Tolkien. It was published by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt and HarperCollins on 5 May 2009.

Legenda o Sigurdovi a Gudrún je epická poezie sepsaná J. R. R. Tolkienem, vydaná posmrtně jeho synem Christopherem. Jedná se o dosud nezveřejněné převyprávění staroseverské Ságy o Völsunzích. Originál je z větší části sepsán anglicky v osmiveršových strofách "fornyrðislag".


History.

The New Pornographers' name was chosen by Carl Newman, who has said that he came up with it after watching a Japanese film called "The Pornographers". Many writers have assumed that the name was a reference to Jimmy Swaggart's claim that rock and roll was "the new pornography." The band has released eight albums to date: "Mass Romantic" (2000), "Electric Version" (2003), "Twin Cinema" (2005), "Challengers" (2007), "Together" (2010), "Brill Bruisers" (2014), "Whiteout Conditions" (2017), and "In the Morse Code of Brake Lights" (2019). A live album recorded on their 2006 tour is available only at concerts and on the band's website. In 2005, the band was the subject of Reginald Harkema's documentary film "Better Off in Bed".  The New Pornographers' first four albums each placed in the top 40 on "The Village Voice"s Pazz & Jop year-end poll of hundreds of music reviewers. From 2000 to 2006, either a New Pornographers' album or a solo album from one of the band's members ranked in the top 40 on the list each year. In 2007, "Blender" magazine ranked the New Pornographers' first album, "Mass Romantic", the 24th best indie album of all time. In 2009, "Rolling Stone" magazine ranked the band's second studio album, "Electric Version", No. 79 in the "100 Best Albums of the Decade".  All of the New Pornographer's original members were prominent within the Vancouver music scene prior to forming the band. Kathryn Calder, who is also Newman's niece, joined the band in 2005 largely as a live replacement for Neko Case, whose solo career often left her unavailable to perform with the band. Calder's first lead vocals for the band were on 2007's "Challengers", singing the lead on "Failsafe" and sharing the lead with Newman on "Adventures in Solitude".  In 2009, the New Pornographers contributed a cover of the Destroyer song "Hey, Snow White" to the AIDS benefit album "Dark Was the Night", produced by the Red Hot Organization. The band released their fifth album, "Together", on May 4, 2010, on Matador Records. The album includes collaborations from St. Vincent, Beirut's Zach Condon, and Okkervil River's Will Sheff.  In 2012, the New Pornographers contributed a cover of the song "Think About Me" for the Fleetwood Mac tribute CD called "Just Tell Me That You Want Me" released by Hear Music. The band's sixth album, "Brill Bruisers", was released on August 26, 2014. The album was their highest charting to date in the United States, peaking at #13 on the "Billboard" 200.  On January 26, 2017, the New Pornographers announced their seventh album, "Whiteout Conditions," would be released on April 7. The album was preceded by the single "High Ticket Attractions". The album is the first to feature drummer Joe Seiders as a full-time member after replacing drummer Kurt Dahle in mid-2014. It is also the first New Pornographers album to not feature Dan Bejar. Newman, however, went on the record to note that Bejar's absence did not mean he had left the band entirely; telling Stereogum:  On November 29, 2018, A.C. Newman announced via Twitter that he had begun work on a future New Pornographers album. On August 2, 2019, the band announced via Twitter that it would release its new album, "In the Morse Code of Brake Lights", on September 27, and released its first single from the album, "Falling Down the Stairs of Your Smile". In a press release for the album, Dan Bejar is described as a "former (and possibly future) member" of the band. The new press photos for the band include vocalist/violinist Simi Stone, officially inducting her into the band after being an auxiliary touring member since 2015.  "Members' other projects in brackets"

Members.

Former members  Former touring members

The New Pornographers are a Canadian indie rock band, formed in 1997 in Vancouver, British Columbia. Presented as a musical collective of singer-songwriters and musicians from multiple projects, the band has released eight studio albums to critical acclaim for their use of multiple vocalists and elements of power pop incorporated into their music.

The New Pornographers je kanadská rocková skupina, založená v roce 1997. Skupinu tvoří Dan Bejar, Kathryn Calder, Neko Case, John Collins, Kurt Dahle, Todd Fancey, A. C. Newman a Blaine Thurier. Své první album nazvané "Mass Romantic" skupina vydala v roce 2000 a do roku 2017 vydala dalších šest. Roku 2009 přispěli písní „Hey, Snow White“ na charitativní album "Dark Was the Night" vydané organizací Red Hot Organization. V roce 2012 skupina přispěla písní „Think About Me“ na tribute album věnované skupině Fleetwood Mac s názvem "Just Tell Me That You Want Me".


Education.

London received a B.A. in Afro-American music from the New England Conservatory in 1980. He is on the music faculty of SUNY Purchase.

Projects.

London is best known for his role as trumpeter in the New York City-based klezmer band The Klezmatics. He is also a member of Hasidic New Wave and leads Frank London's Klezmer Brass Allstars. He was a co-founder of both Les Misérables Brass Band and the Klezmer Conservatory Band.  In addition to his work in klezmer music, he is in demand as a sideman, and has performed or recorded with such diverse artists and groups as John Zorn, John Cale, Itzhak Perlman, Allen Ginsberg, LL Cool J, Mel Tormé, David Murray, Lester Bowie's Brass Fantasy, La Monte Young, Natalie Merchant, They Might Be Giants, Jane Siberry, Ben Folds Five, Marc Ribot, Reggie Workman, Chava Alberstein, Anne LeBaron, Jon Spencer Blues Explosion, Luna, Maurice El Medioni, Gal Costa, Ljova (Lev Zhurbin), Aaron Alexander's Midrash Mish Mosh, Avraham Fried, Iggy Pop, and countless others. He played at Carnegie Hall with Angelique Kidjo, Youssou N'Dour, and Omara Portuando. He played the trumpet solo on LL Cool J's "Goin' Back to Cali."  He served as conductor and music director for David Byrne and Robert Wilson's "The Knee Plays", and has collaborated with the Palestinian American violinist Simon Shaheen.

Recordings.

London is featured on over 400 CDs. His own recordings include the following:  Frank London: Frank London with Lorin Sklamberg (Klezmatics singer): Frank London's Klezmer Brass Allstars:  The Shekhina Big Band: Film and theater music: Soundtracks: Hasidic New Wave:  With Jon Madof's Zion80

Compositions.

London has composed numerous works for theater, dance, and film, and is the recipient of several Meet the Composer grants. Some of his major works include the folk opera "A Night in the Old Marketplace" (based on Y. L. Peretz's "Bay nakht oyfn altn mark"); "Davenen", a dance for the Pilobolus Dance Theatre and the Klezmatics; Great Small Works' "The Memoirs of Gluckel of Hameln", and Min Tanaka's "Romance". In 2011, A Night in the Old Marketplace was workshopped and premiered at MassMOCA.  He has also composed music for films, including John Sayles' "The Brother from Another Planet" (1984) and "Men With Guns" (1997), Yvonne Rainer's "Murder and Murder", the Czech-American Marionette Theater's "Golem", and Tamar Rogoff's "Ivye Project".

Other activities.

He has been featured on HBO's "Sex and the City" soundtrack, at the North Sea Jazz Festival, and at the Lincoln Center Summer Festival. He attends various workshops throughout the year, including KlezKanada of Montreal, where he teaches aspiring musicians the art of klezmer music. He has taught Jewish music in Canada, Crimea, and the Catskills and is Artistic Director of KlezFest London in London, England.  Yiddish theatre actress Jenny Romaine has the following to say about London:

Frank London is a New York City-based trumpeter, bandleader, and composer active in klezmer and world music. He also plays various other wind instruments and keyboards, and occasionally sings backup vocals. With The Klezmatics, he won a Grammy award in Contemporary World Music for "Wonder Wheel (lyrics by Woody Guthrie)". He was knighted in 2016, receiving the Hungarian Order of Merit Knight's Cross for his far-reaching influence on the Klezmer music as well as his significant contributions to the preservation of Hungarian-Jewish music and culture.

Frank London (* 1958) je americký trumpetista a hudební skladatel. V roce 1980 úspěšně dokončil bostonskou školu New England Conservatory v oboru afroamerické hudby. Od osmdesátých let vystupuje se skupinou The Klezmatics a na přelomu tisíciletí byl členem souboru Hasidic New Wave. Během své kariéry spolupracoval s řadou dalších hudebníků, mezi které patří John Zorn, Jon Madof, Marc Ribot nebo skupiny Luna a They Might Be Giants. Dále také vydal několik alb pod svým jménem u vydavatelství Tzadik Records.


Early life.

Yalom was born in Washington, D.C. About fifteen years prior to his birth in the United States, Yalom's Jewish parents emigrated from Russia (though their country of origin was Poland) and eventually opened a Washington DC grocery store. Yalom spent much of his childhood reading books in the family home above the grocery store and in a local library. After graduating from high school, he attended George Washington University and then Boston University School of Medicine.

Career.

After graduating with a BA from George Washington University in 1952 and a Doctor of Medicine from Boston University School of Medicine in 1956 he went on to complete his internship at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York and his residency at the Phipps Clinic of Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore and completed his training in 1960. After two years of Army service at Tripler General Hospital in Honolulu, Yalom began his academic career at Stanford University. He was appointed to the faculty in 1963 and promoted over the following years, being granted tenure in 1968. Soon after this period he made some of his most lasting contributions by teaching about group psychotherapy and developing his model of existential psychotherapy.  His writing on existential psychology centers on what he refers to as the four "givens" of the human condition: isolation, meaninglessness, mortality and freedom, and discusses ways in which the human person can respond to these concerns either in a functional or dysfunctional fashion.  In 1970, Yalom published The Theory and Practice of Group Psychotherapy, speaking about the research literature around group psychotherapy and the social psychology of small group behavior. This work explores how individuals function in a group context, and how members of group therapy gain from his participation group.  In addition to his scholarly, non-fiction writing, Yalom has produced a number of novels and also experimented with writing techniques. In "Every Day Gets a Little Closer" Yalom invited a patient to co-write about the experience of therapy. The book has two distinct voices which are looking at the same experience in alternating sections. Yalom's works have been used as collegiate textbooks and standard reading for psychology students. His new and unique view of the patient/client relationship has been added to curriculum in psychology programs at such schools as John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York City.  Yalom has continued to maintain a part-time private practice and has authored a number of video documentaries on therapeutic techniques. Yalom is also featured in the 2003 documentary "Flight from Death", a film that investigates the relationship of human violence to fear of death, as related to subconscious influences. The Irvin D. Yalom Institute of Psychotherapy, which he co-directs with Professor Ruthellen Josselson, works to advance Yalom's approach to psychotherapy. This unique combination of integrating more philosophy into the psychotherapy can be considered as psychosophy.  He was married to author and historian Marilyn Yalom, who died in November, 2019. They had four children: Eve, a gynecologist, Reid, a photographer, Victor, a psychologist and entrepreneur and Ben, a theater director.  You can find following text in Dr. Yalom’s Facebook about the music:

External links.

An eminent Iranian composer, Pezhman Mosleh, has honored me with this gift: a musical composition and video arrangement.

Irvin David Yalom (; born 13 June 1931) is an American existential psychiatrist who is emeritus professor of psychiatry at Stanford University, as well as author of both fiction and nonfiction.

Irvin David Yalom (* 13. června 1931, Washington) je americký psycholog a spisovatel. Profesor psychiatrie na Stanfordově univerzitě. Je představitelem tzv. existenciální psychoterapie. Krom knih o ní napsal i řadu beletristických bestsellerů.


Definition.

Most definitions of gender mainstreaming conform to the UN Economic and Social Council formally defined concept: There are different approaches to gender mainstreaming:  "Institutional perspective:" The ways in which specific organizations adopt and implement mainstreaming policies. This will often involve an analysis of how national politics intersects with international norms and practices.  "Discursive" "perspective:" Queries the ways in which mainstreaming reproduces power relations through language and issue-framing. This approach will often involve looking at documents, resolutions and peace agreements to see how they reproduce the narratives of gender in a political context.  These approaches are not necessarily competing, and can be seen as complementary.  The ways in which approaches are used, however, can also reflect differing feminist theories. For example, "liberal feminism" is strongly invoked by mainstreaming through the binary approach of gender in strict relation to the public sphere of policymaking. "Poststructuralist feminism" can be seen in mainstreaming thought which seeks to displace gender difference as the sole axis of difference and to highlight the diversity of policy its ramifications.

Principles.

Prioritizing gender equality.

Gender mainstreaming tries, among others, to ascertain a gender equality perspective across all policy areas. According to Jacqui True, a Professor of politics and international relations, "[e]very policy or piece of legislation should be evaluated from the perspective of whether or not it reduces or increases gender inequalities." This concept of gender equality is not limited to formal equality, it includes as well equality de facto, which is a more holistic approach to gender policy in order to tackle the interconnected causes that create an unequal relation between the sexes in all areas of life (work, politics, sexuality, culture, and violence).  Lombardo notes that "[t]here should be evidence that gender equality objective and policies of special concern for women (for example, social policy) have been prioritized in the organization among competing objectives (in terms of financial and human resources, type of measures adopted, voting systems used, and so forth)."

Incorporating gender into politics and decision making.

Puechguirbal takes a discursive approach to argue that in order to successfully mainstream a gendered perspective in politics, language needs to be reevaluated and used to change the parameters of how women are perceived.  Historically, documents concerning international agreements, peacekeeping arrangements and legal resolutions have perpetuated stereotypes that disempower women. This can be seen through the use of language, even as simply as in the UN Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration program's (DDR) motto: 'One man, on weapon'.  Reference of gender issues should be found in all policy areas. "There must be evidence that the mainstream political agenda has been reoriented by rethinking and rearticulating policy ends and means from a gender perspective," Lombardo says, referencing Rounaq Jahan, a political scientists, feminist leader and author. As the Beijing Platform for Action states, "women's equal participation in political life plays a pivotal role in the general process of the advancement of women."  Further, according to the Beijing Platform for Action "[w]ithout the active participation of women and the incorporation of women's perspective at all levels of decision-making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved." Therefore, Lombardo claims that women and men should be equally represented in any decision-making institution. Charlesworth agrees and believes that every effort should be made to broaden women's participation at all levels of decision-making.

Post-conflict peace-building (PCPB).

An area of policy and decision making that will particularly benefit from gender mainstreaming is post-conflict peace-building, also known as PCPB. Various feminist research has concluded that men and women experience violent conflict differently and moreover, the current policies surrounding PCPB are insufficient in addressing the disadvantaged position of women in male-dominated power structures that are further reinforced by peace-building efforts, both from the domestic and international communities. Gender mainstreaming in PCPB would emphasize the importance of gendered considerations of particular issues that disproportionally affect women in post-conflict settings. This would mean that policy reflected an acknowledgment of the many instances of wartime sexualized violence perpetrated on women, among other issues that (primarily) women face during conflict. A major focus of the effort towards gender mainstreaming in post-conflict peace-building policy is to lessen the international community's inclination towards building a return to 'normal' for the post-conflict region. Much of feminist research has found that returning to 'normal' is of little comfort for women, who were burdened by the patriarchal systems that were in place before conflict broke out. As Handrahan notes, the international community involved in much of PCPB "tolerates high levels of violence against women in their own societies." Policy that prioritized gender in its applications and goals would seek to build a society where women are better off than they were before conflict broke out.

Shifts in institutional culture.

Gender mainstreaming can be seen as a process of organizational change. Gender mainstreaming must be institutionalized through concrete steps, mechanisms, and processes in all parts of the organization. According to Lombardo, this change involves three aspects: policy process, policy mechanisms; and policy actors. She explains as follows:  "1. A shift in policy process means that the process "is reorganized so that ordinary actors know how to incorporate a gender perspective" or that gender expertise is included "as normal requirement for policy-makers" (Council of Europe 1998, 165).  2. A shift in policy mechanism involves (a) the adoption of horizontal cooperation on gender issues across all policy areas, levels, and departments; and (b) the use of appropriate policy tools and techniques to integrate the gender variable in all policies and to monitor and evaluate all policies from a gender perspective.  3. The range of policy actors participating in the policy-making process is broadened to include, apart from policy-makers and civil servants, gender experts and civil society."

Gender budgeting.

Gender budgeting encompasses activities and initiatives aiming at the preparation of budgets or the analysis of policies and budgets from a gender perspective. It can also be referred to as gender-sensitive budgeting or gender-responsive budgeting. Gender budgeting does not aim at creating separate budgets for women, or only increasing spending on women’s programmes. It is rather concerned with addressing budgetary gender inequality concerns, as for instance, how gender hierarchies influence budgets, and gender-based unpaid or low paid work.

Examples.

As Jacqui True says, "[m]ainstreaming was established as a global strategy for achieving gender equality, and in turn for achieving sustainable economic development in the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action ratified by all United Nations member states. It is now incumbent upon nation-states and international organizations to carry out gender mainstreaming. As such, mainstreaming has achieved widespread endorsement by individual governments, regional supra-state bodies." What follows is a non-exhaustive list of examples of these endorsements.

Nicaragua.

The election of 1990 in Nicaragua brought to office the first female president in the Americas. On April 25, 1990, Violeta Chamorro became the first and only woman to defeat a male incumbent presentment. This helped to change and mobilize mainstream gender structure within Nicaragua. In 1993 the existing outdated Sandinista Women's organization, the Nicaraguan Institute for Research on Women, was revitalized and renamed by the Chamorro government as the Nicaraguan Institute for Woman (INIM). This was to encourage the involvement of Nicaraguan women in the country's economic, social, cultural, and political development and to promote a change in mainstream gender constructs. More specifically, the INIM aims to institute in all sectors a system of gender-focus indicators and to achieve equal opportunity in all State body programming. In 1994, the INIM with 62 women's groups held discussions to mobilize their initiatives and form a bill of action. The discussions formed a plan, which defined patriarchy, sexism, and gender stereotypes to reduce inequality in education, employment, and violence.  Although the Nicaraguan Institute for Women claimed to "have been instrumental in mainstreaming gender equality principles and strategies into agriculture, socio-economic development, higher education, and sexual and domestic violence prevention," the United Nations General Assembly on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in 2007 raised several concerns, such as the backlog of important women's rights legislation in the country, the lack of studies on abortion, and the available funds of the Institute.

Taiwan.

Under the influence of the UN community, the usage of the term increased in Taiwan since 2000. Local feminist organizations have different views on gender mainstreaming. Some groups considered that the Commission on Women Rights Promotion under Executive Yuan should be expanded, while other groups, including the National Alliance of Taiwan Women's Associations, considered that gender mainstreaming is not promotion of women's rights but an assessment of all policies and requires a specific organization.  Foundation of Women's Rights Promotion and Development (FWRPD) has conducted research on gender mainstreaming and gender equality development, produced gender resources kits for training and education, networked women groups and entrepreneurs, participated in international exchange in UN, APEC gender related meetings.

Vienna, Austria.

In late 2006, the city council of Vienna, capital of Austria, ordered several gender mainstreaming measures for public facilities and areas. Pictograms and information display charts will feature a male silhouette holding a baby in his arms to advise passengers on the underground railway to offer seating to parents with children.  Emergency escape paths will be marked by a square table featuring a long-haired lady running in her high heel boots.  A pilot kindergarten now uses a flexible open play area instead of separate "playing corners" with toy cars and LEGO for boys or dolls and faux fireplaces for girls. In some pilot kindergartens, traditional fairy tales were rewritten, and a songbook featuring active women was created.  Infrastructure changes have included "unisex" playgrounds for city parks, which encourage young boys and girls to mix and redesigned streetlights to make parks and sidewalks safer for late night joggers.

UN Peacekeeping Operations.

The United Nations began acknowledging the importance of gender mainstreaming as a tool towards achieving gender equality in the mid-1990s, as outlined in the Beijing Platform for Action and the Report from the Secretary General to the Economic and Social Council.  In October 2000, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1325, a resolution that called for an enhanced female participation in the prevention, management and resolution of conflict. Peacekeeping was an area of particular concern, and the Security Council recognized "the urgent need to mainstream a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations." The Council requested "the Secretary-General, where appropriate, to include in his reporting to the Security Council, progress on gender mainstreaming throughout peacekeeping missions and all other aspects relating to women and girls." As a result, there has been an increase in female peacekeeping personnel. As of 2012, in peacekeeping operations and special political missions, 29 percent of international and 17 percent of national staff were women. If we compare these figures with the 48 percent representation of women at the UN Headquarters, the participation of women in the United Nations Peacekeeping operations still faces challenges.

European Union.

The equality policy of the European Union consists of three pillars: (1) anti-discrimination, (2) affirmative action policies, and (3) gender mainstreaming.  In the 1990s the European Union officially put gender mainstreaming on their agenda, "fixing the principle in treaty articles, action programs and communications, and setting up institutional bodies and mechanisms to promote the incorporation of a gender perspective into policymaking." More specifically, gender mainstreaming was introduced in 1991 in the European Community as an element of the Third Action Programme on Equal Opportunities. Currently, the legal basis for gender mainstreaming in European law is Article 8 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). This article states the following: "In all its activities, the Union shall aim to eliminate inequalities, and to promote equality, between men and women".  What follows is a non-exhaustive overview of current gender governance initiatives in the European Union that encourages gender mainstreaming.  For instance, since 1997 gender mainstreaming has been part of the European Employment Strategy, a concept launched by the European Council. The European Employment Strategy requires governments to adopt an approach that complies with the concept of gender mainstreaming, while deciding on employment policies. Some concrete examples: new equal opportunities acts requiring mainstreaming (e.g., in France social partners are required to promote gender equality through collective bargaining); mainstreaming or gender assessment in individual ministries or areas of public services (e.g., in Finland and Sweden); and gender assessment of all new pieces of legislation. According to Jill Rubery, a Professor of comparative employment system at Manchester School of Management, so far "the experience has been mixed: though the argument that increasing women's employment is critical to the achievement of Europe's aspirations for a higher employment rate has been widely accepted, there is a much weaker and more fragile commitment to improving the quality of work available to women."  A second example is the Transnational Women's Networks. As such we can cite the European Women's Lobby (EWL) as an important women's organization at EU level that was created in 1990. About 2,500 NGOs of 30 European countries are part of the EWL. The European Women's Lobby encourages "coordination of women's civic groups on the EU stages." The EWL lobbied for increasing the involvement of women's organizations in the process of gender governance. In addition the EWL has been pushing for "an EU Strategy to promote, implement and facilitate civil society and specifically women's organizations input into the European debate as an essential part of the European social model." Another important organization is Women in Development Europe (WIDE). This network, created in 1985, consists of NGOs, women's organizations, gender experts, and activists active in development. Women in Development Europe monitors European economic and developmental policies and practices and is involved at many phases in policy-making activities as knowledge source.  Another gender governance actor is the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), established in May 2007. The EIGE has as mandate to "provide expertise, improve knowledge and raise visibility of equality between men and women".  Obviously there are many more initiatives on EU level, to name a few: Advisory Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, High Level Group on Gender Mainstreaming, Inter-Service Group on Gender Equality, Informal Group of Experts on Gender Equality in Development Cooperation, Women in Europe for our Common Future.

Criticism.

Ineffective results.

Maria Stratigaki, Assistant Professor at the Department of Social Policy of Panteion University, claims that the transformative effect of gender mainstreaming was minimal and its application has led to contradictory results. It opened important opportunities for specific policies in new policy areas, whereas in some other it diluted positive action. She also claims that, at least as of 2003, gender mainstreaming has failed to affect core policy areas or radically transform policy processes within the European Institutions.  Some say that gender mainstreaming has not increased women's participation in decision making. As Charlesworth notes, "[i]n the most readily measurable area, the United Nations' employment of women in professional and managerial posts, progress has been glacial. In 2004, women held 37.4 percent of these positions. The annual growth rate toward the 50 percent target [...] is predicted to be 0.4 percent. On top of this slow growth, there is a considerable hierarchy based on sex. On June 30, 2004, women held 83.3 percent of positions at the lowest professional level, P-1, but just 16.7 percent at the highest staff level, Under-Secretary-General." In a similar vein, concerning the European Union, Lombardo reports that as of 2003 women represented only 20 percent of the representatives of the head of state or government the member states, 10 percent of the representatives of national parliaments, 31.25 percent of the representatives of the European Parliament and so forth.  True claims that mainstreaming gender does not end in simply increasing the number of women within a specific institution. It is about changing social consciousness, so that the effects of a policy for both women and men are truly analyzed before they are implemented. While it is necessary for feminists to engage with mainstream institutions, the ability of gender mainstreaming to deconstruct the embedded masculinization of institutions varies depending on the characteristics of the policy, the political nature of the institution, and the depth of the institution's consultation with civil society and other members of the women's rights movement. The danger of gender mainstreaming is that large compromises can be made for small gains and can lead to what feminist and sociology professor Carol Dines calls "trickle-down feminism"—i.e., "working to increase the ranks of women in elite jobs without a strategy for wider economic and social change represents a kind of "trickle-down feminism."

Poor implementation.

Charlesworth remarks that "[a]lthough it has not been difficult to encourage the adoption of the vocabulary of mainstreaming, there is little evidence of monitoring or follow-up. A consistent problem for all the organizations that adopted gender mainstreaming is the translation of the commitment into action." She continues: "A review of gender mainstreaming policies implemented under the United Nations Development Programme, World Bank, and ILO found inadequate budgeting for the gender components of projects, insufficient development of analytical skills, poor supervision of the implementation of gender components and a general lack of political commitment both within the organization and at the country level."

Hindering progress.

Stratigaki claims that positive action was sidelined after the launch of gender mainstreaming as a result of the specific way gender mainstreaming was used by the opponents of gender equality. According to Stratigaki, "[a]lmost all analyses of [gender mainstreaming] agree that it is a strategy which complements but does not replace previous gender specific equality policies like equal treatment legislation and positive action." However, she states too that "in a hostile gender equality policy environments (i.e. patriarchal structures of institutional organisations or the prevalence of policy objectives contrary to gender equality etc.), [gender mainstreaming] may be conceived and applied as an alternative to positive action and used to downplay the final overall objective of gender equality.  True is of the opinion that in practice, attempts to mainstream gender within international institutions have led to the marginalization and increasing invisibility of gender in each policy area. Anne-Marie Goetz, a Clinical Professor at NYU, and Joanne Sandler, a consultant for gender equality and organizational development, argue that ironically, mainstreaming gender runs the risk of becoming everyone's responsibility, yet nobody's at the same time. Gender mainstreaming can allow those in power who are not genuinely interested in the women's movement to adopt the language of women's rights, a reflection of power politics that becomes more of a tool used to legitimize the actions of governments. Gender mainstreaming then becomes more about advising governments than advancing gender equality.

Other criticism.

As differences are silenced, the kind of feminism that is likely to be mainstreamed could be a western or middle class brand of feminism. When mainstreaming decisions within international organizations are made by elites can undermine the input of local women's groups.  When gender mainstreaming policies are drafted without consulting sections of the women's movement (i.e., women's rights civil society groups), they lack ground level-expertise. Policy decisions related to gender that are made without consulting sections of the women's movement do not demonstrate a clear political willingness to addressing gender inequality. When institutions reach out to the women's rights movement, it demonstrates transparency, inclusiveness, accountability and the implementation process is more likely to be monitored with diligence. For example, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), as an attempt at mainstreaming gender into development, were formed with minimal consultation with women's groups. The MDGs have led to a considerable amount of theoretically discourse about the goals but less analysis about how they will be implemented.  True highlights the tendency for gender mainstreaming to become a guise under which women are used as economic subjects. Women are framed in terms of advancing economic growth, as opposed to the inherent normative ideal for women and men to hold equal positions of power in society.

Gender mainstreaming is the public policy concept of assessing the different implications for people of different genders of any planned policy action, including legislation and programmes, in all areas and levels. Mainstreaming essentially offers a pluralistic approach that values the diversity among people of different genders.

Gender mainstreaming je strategie, jejímž cílem je dosažení rovného postavení žen a mužů. Tento pojem byl celosvětově poprvé použit v roce 1985, konkrétně na 3. světové konferenci o ženách konané v Nairobi. Od roku 1999, kdy byl ustanoven v Amsterodamské smlouvě, je jako závazný princip platný pro všechny členské státy Evropské unie. Evropská rada umocnila závazek týkající se gender mainstreamingu v roce 2006 přijetím Evropského paktu pro rovnost žen a mužů.


Life and career.

Ince was born in Arima. Somewhat unusually, he began his footballing career as a defender before converting to become a goalkeeper. As back-up to Michael McComie he played in goal against the then Soviet Union when Trinidad and Tobago qualified for the 1991 FIFA World Youth Championship held in Portugal, although the tournament did not go too well for his team which conceded a total of 12 goals in three group matches.  Ince began his playing career with the Chaguaramas-based club Defence Force, where he quickly established himself as one of the top goalkeepers in the Caribbean. In 1997, he was named as the Trinidad and Tobago Football Federation's Player of the Year, he has also twice been named as the Best Goalkeeper at the bi-annual Caribbean Cup.  In 1999, he went on trial to the Welsh club Wrexham (who play in the English Football League). Although he played well whilst on trial, the club could not afford to offer him a contract. However, in September of the same year he was offered a contract by Crewe Alexandra, which was accepted by Ince.  Ince spent most of his first two seasons at Crewe as understudy to Jason Kearton, the exception being a one-month loan spell at Dundee, during which time he did not actually play. After returning to Crewe in November 2000 he was placed on the transfer list, the only club who actively tried to sign him was Wrexham, whose bid failed due to a lack of funds. He was removed from the transfer list in the summer of 2001 when Kearton left the club, Ince went on to establish himself as Crewe's first-choice goalkeeper during the 2000–01 season.  After playing in over 200 games for the club, Ince left Crewe in the summer of 2005 following the expiry of his contract. He signed for fellow Championship side Coventry City on a Bosman transfer. He failed to establish himself as a first-choice with the club, serving as understudy to successive loan signings Stephen Bywater and Márton Fülöp.  Following Trinidad and Tobago's qualification for the 2006 World Cup, Ince made it publicly known that he wanted to leave Coventry on loan to play first-team football. He has stated that without this his place in the Trinidad and Tobago squad for the tournament would be jeopardised; although he was no longer his country's first choice goalkeeper, the tournament perhaps represented his last realistic chance of appearing at the World Cup.  In July 2006, Ince signed for Walsall following a successful trial spell. Ince received a 10-day ban from FIFA in October 2006 after Walsall withdrew him from the Trinidad & Tobago squad without permission. He became Walsall's first choice goalkeeper and received the League One player of the Month award in November. In an interview with Walsall's official website, Ince stated that he saw the move to Walsall as the springboard to win further international caps, and had indeed regained his spot as Trinidad and Tobago's first-choice goalkeeper following the retirement of Shaka Hislop and the unavailability of injury-prone Kelvin Jack, who were ahead of him in the pecking order at the World Cup. But following Trinidad & Tobago's failure to qualify for the 2010 FIFA World Cup, Ince had since been considering retiring from international football, stating that it wouldn't be practical to continue playing friendlies and that he wouldn't realistically be around for the 2014 campaign.  Ince was named in the PFA League Two Team of the Year for the 2006–07 season, and also named Walsall's Player of the Season for the 2008–09 season. Ince had become a favourite with the Walsall fans for his numerous displays that have saved the team from losing.  On 6 May 2010, Ince had formally announced his retirement from professional football and also stated his intention to return to Trinidad to work with younger goalkeepers, but returned to professional football with Trinidadian outfit Ma Pau SC and even spoke about a possible return to International football with Trinidad and Tobago.  After a successful stint with Ma Pau as Player/Assistant Coach where he won the Toyota Classic and was named Player of the Tournament, Ince signed a two-year deal with Pro League side T&TEC FC as Player/Goalkeeping coach.

Clayton Ince CM (born 12 July 1972) is a Trinidadian football goalkeeper who had lengthy spells in the English Football League at Crewe Alexandra and Walsall. He is his country's most capped goalkeeper with 79 caps for Trinidad and Tobago to date, his debut coming on 17 April 1994 against Martinique (the game ended in a 7–2 win for Trinidad and Tobago).

Clayton Ince (* 13. července 1972) je bývalý trinidadsko-tobažský fotbalový brankář, naposledy hrající za trinidadský klub T&TEC SC. Zúčastnil se fotbalového MS 2006 v Německu.


Description.

A young woman is found in the center of the picture. She is opening a window with her right hand, while she holds a water jug with her left hand. This jug rests on a larger platter. Both of these, among other objects, are upon on a table. This is decorated with a predominantly red rug of Asian origin. Behind the table stands a chair upon which lies a blue material. The woman gazes out the window. The clothing of the woman consists of a dark blue dress with a black and gold bodice. A white cloth serves as her headpiece. A map hangs in the background on the wall.  This painting is one of a closely related group painted in the early to mid-1660s as the artist was not using linear perspective and geometric order, and the light was his only source of emphasis. The work suggests that Vermeer was aware that light is composed of colours, and the effect of colours on one another. For instance, the blue drape is reflected as dark blue on the side of the metallic pitcher, and the red fabric modifies the gold hue of the basin's underside.

Provenance.

"Young Woman with a Water Pitcher" was purchased by Henry Gurdon Marquand in 1887 at a Paris gallery for $800. When Marquand brought it to the United States, it was the first Vermeer in America. Marquand donated the artwork along with other pieces in his collection to the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City.

Woman with a Water Jug (Dutch: "Vrouw met waterkan"), also known as Young Woman with a Water Pitcher, is a painting finished between 1660–1662 by the Dutch painter Johannes Vermeer in the Baroque style. It is oil on canvas, 45.7cm x 40.6 cm, and is on display at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Žena s konvicí vody nebo Žena u okna (nizozemsky "Vrouw met waterkan") je obraz (olej na plátně) nizozemského barokního malíře Jana Vermeera datovaný do let 1658-1662. Plátno není signováno. V současnosti je součástí sbírek Metropolitan Museum of Art v New Yorku.