Overview.

GameMaker is primarily intended for making games with 2D graphics, allowing out-of-box use of raster graphics, vector graphics (via SWF), and 2D skeletal animations (via Esoteric Software's Spine) along with a large standard library for drawing graphics and 2D primitives. While the software allows for limited use of 3D graphics, this is in form of vertex buffer and matrix functions, and as such not intended for novice users.  The engine uses Direct3D on Windows, UWP, and Xbox One; OpenGL on macOS and Linux; OpenGL ES on Android and iOS, WebGL or 2d canvas on HTML5, and proprietary APIs on consoles.  The engine's primary element is an IDE with built-in editors for raster graphics, level design, scripting, paths, and shaders (GLSL or HLSL). Additional functionality can be implemented in software's scripting language or platform-specific native extensions. In GameMaker Studio 2, you can choose whether to export the game as an NSIS installer, or a.zip file containing the game, the data.win file, and any files added under the "Included Files" tab in the editor.

Supported platforms.

GameMaker supports building for Microsoft Windows, macOS, Ubuntu, HTML5, Android, iOS, Amazon Fire TV, Android TV, Microsoft UWP, PlayStation 4, and Xbox One; support for the Nintendo Switch was announced in March 2018, with "Undertale" to be the first such title to be brought to the Switch.  In past, GameMaker supported building for Windows Phone (deprecated in favor of UWP), Tizen, PlayStation 3, and PlayStation Vita (not supported in GMS2 "largely for business reasons").  PlayStation Portable support was demonstrated in May 2010, but never made publicly available (with only a small selection of titles using it).  Raspberry Pi support was demonstrated in February 2016, but as of May 2018 not released.  Between 2007 and 2011, YoYo Games maintained a custom web player plugin for GameMaker games before releasing it as open-source mid-2011 and finally deprecating in favor of HTML5 export.

Drag and Drop.

Drag and Drop (DnD) is GameMaker's visual scripting tool.  DnD allows developers to perform common tasks (like instantiating objects, calling functions, or working with files and data structures) without having to write a single line of code. It remains to be largely aimed at novice users.  While historically DnD remained fairly limited in what can be comfortably done with it, GameMaker Studio 2 had seen an overhaul to the system, allowing more tasks to be done with DnD, and having it translate directly to code (with an in-IDE preview for users interested in migrating to code).

GameMaker Language.

GameMaker Language is GameMaker's scripting language. It is an imperative, dynamically typed language commonly likened to JavaScript and C-like languages.  The language's default mode of operation on native platforms is via a stack machine; it can also be source-to-source compiled to C++ via LLVM for higher performance. On HTML5, GML is source-to-source compiled to JavaScript with optimizations and minification applied in non-debug builds.

History.

GameMaker was originally developed by Mark Overmars. The program was first released on 15 November 1999 under the name of Animo (at the time, it was just a graphics tool with limited visual scripting capabilities). The first versions of the program were being developed in Delphi.  Subsequent releases saw the name changed to Game Maker and software moving towards more general-purpose 2D game development.  Versions 5.0 and below have been freeware; version 5.1 introduced an optional registration fee; version 5.3 (January 2004) introduced a number of new features for registered users, including particle systems, networking, and possibility to extend games using DLLs.  Version 6.0 (October 2004) introduced limited functionality for use of 3D graphics, as well as migrating the runtime's drawing pipeline from VCL to DirectX.  Growing public interest led Overmars to seek help in expanding the program, which led to partnership with YoYo Games in 2007. From this point onward, development was handled by YoYo Games while Overmars retained a position as one of company's directors. Version 7.0 was the first to emerge under this partnership.  The first macOS compatible version of program was released in 2009, allowing games to be made for two operating systems with minimal changes.  Version 8.1 (April 2011) sees the name changed to GameMaker (lacking a space) to avoid any confusion with the 1991 software "Game-Maker". This version also had the runtime rewritten in C++ to address performance concerns with previous versions.  September 2011 sees the initial release of "GameMaker: HTML5" - a new version of software with capability to export games for web browsers along with desktop.  GameMaker: Studio entered public beta in March 2012 and enjoyed a full release in May 2012. Initial supported platforms included Windows, Mac, HTML5, Android, and iOS. Additional platforms and features were introduced over the years following; Late 2012 there was an accident with anti-piracy measures misfiring for some legitimate users.  In February 2015, GameMaker was acquired by Playtech together with YoYo Games. Announcement reassured that GameMaker will be further improved and states plans to appeal to broader demographic, including more advanced developers.  November 2016 saw the initial release of GameMaker Studio 2 beta, with full release in March 2017. This version spots a completely redesigned IDE (rewritten in C#) and a number of new editor and runtime features.

Digital rights management.

In early 2013, a version of GameMaker: Studio was that would import games and destroy all image resources for some customers of the software by superimposing a pirate symbol on top of the image. This was due to a fault in its digital rights management implementation that was used to combat infringing copies of the software. YoYo Games publicly stated they would remove the DRM at a later point in time, but that other less-invasive DRM techniques would remain.

Reception.

The program currently holds a rating of 8.5/10 on Mod DB based on 223 user reviews; many cite its flexibility and ease of use as positives and instability, crashes, project corruption and outdated features as negatives. Douglas Clements of "Indie Game Magazine" wrote that the program "[s]implifies and streamlines game development" and is "easy for beginners yet powerful enough to grow as you develop", though noting that "resource objects have to be gathered if unable to create" and that licensing between Steam and the YoYo Games website is "convoluted".

GameMaker (originally Animo and later Game Maker until 2011) is a series of cross-platform game engines created by Mark Overmars in 1999 and developed by YoYo Games since 2007. The latest iteration is GameMaker Studio 2, first released in 2017.

GameMaker Studio (do roku 1999 Animo, Game Maker do roku 2011, GameMaker do roku 2012 a GameMaker: Studio do roku 2017) je multiplatformový herní engine vyvinutý společností YoYo Games.


History.

Vatnajökull National Park was established on 7 June 2008. When established, the park covered an area of 12,000 km, but with recent additions of Lakagígar, Langisjór, Krepputunga and Jökulsárlón (including its surrounding areas) it now covers 14,141 km or approximately 14% of Iceland, making it Europe's second largest national park in terms of area after Yugyd Va in Russia.

Geography/geology.

Vatnajökull is Europe's largest glacier outside the arctic, with a surface area of 8,100 km. Generally measuring 400–600 m in thickness and at the most 950 m, the glacial ice conceals a number of mountains, valleys and plateaus. It even hides some active central volcanoes, of which Bárðarbunga is the largest and Grímsvötn the most active. While the icecap rises at its highest to over 2,000 m above sea level, the glacier base reaches its lowest point 300 m below sea level. Nowhere in Iceland, with the exception of Mýrdalsjökull glacier, does more precipitation fall or more water drain to the sea than on the south side of Vatnajökull. In fact, so much water is currently stored in Vatnajökull that the Icelandic river with the greatest flow, Ölfusá, would need over 200 years to carry this quantity of water to sea.  The scenery encircling the glacier is extremely varied. Towards the north, the highland plateau is divided by glacial rivers, with powerful flows in summer. The volcanoes of Askja, Kverkfjöll and Snæfell tower over this region, together with the volcanic table mountain Herðubreið. Long ago, huge glacial floods carved out the canyon of Jökulsárgljúfur in the northern reaches of this plateau. The mighty Dettifoss waterfall still thunders into the upper end of this canyon, while the scenic formations at Hljóðaklettar and the horseshoe-curved cliffs of Ásbyrgi are found farther north.  The south side of Vatnajökull is characterised by many high, majestic mountain ridges, with outlet glaciers descending between them onto the lowlands. The southernmost part of the glacier envelops the central volcano Öræfajökull and Iceland's highest peak, Hvannadalshnjúkur. Sheltered by the high ice, the vegetated oasis of Skaftafell overlooks the black sands deposited to its west by the river Skeiðará. These sands are mostly composed of ash which stems from the frequent eruptions at Grímsvötn and is brought to the coast by "jökulhlaups", or glacial floods.  Substantial volcanic activity also characterises the landscape west of Vatnajökull, where two of the world's greatest fissure and lava eruptions of historical times occurred, at Eldgjá in 934 and Lakagígar 1783-1784. Vonarskarð, northwest of the glacier, is a colourful high-temperature area and a watershed between North and South Iceland.

Climate.

The weather can vary considerably in an area as extensive as that covered by the National Park with its wide range of elevations. Precipitation in low-lying areas south of the Vatnajökull ice cap is considerable, ranging from 1,000 mm a year to 3,000 mm per year. Temperatures range between 10 °C and 20 °C in summer, while winters are rather mild (the thermometer rarely falls below -10 °C and the temperature is often well above freezing point).  In the mountains and on the ice cap itself, annual precipitation can reach to between 4,000 and 5,000 mm, for the most part in the form of snow. The depth of snow on Öræfajökull after a high-precipitation winter is between 10 and 15 m. Some of the snow will melt, while the rest forms glacial ice. This process happens everywhere above the snowline on the Vatnajökull ice cap.  Temperatures on the southern part of the ice cap are almost always below zero in winter and can reach -20 °C or -30 °C. High winds and storms are common, and therefore wind-chill has to be taken into account as the wind can have a substantial effect on outdoor comfort, even when the ambient temperature is relatively high.  Further north beyond the ice cap, annual precipitation decreases. North-east of the ice cap it drops to between 350 and 450 mm per year, the lowest in Iceland. Precipitation increases closer to the north coast and in parts of the highlands such as at Askja. Temperatures can fall quite low in clear and calm weather during winter.  Southerly winds generally mean little or no precipitation in the north, along with higher temperatures. Northerly winds bring clouds, with cool and possibly wet weather in the north of the country, while the south is brighter and milder. The same applies to westerly or south westerly winds, which bring warmer weather in the east. The reverse is true of easterly winds, which bring coolness and precipitation in the east and dry, better weather in the west of Iceland. This is the result of the phenomenon of foehn wind. Humid, rather cool air rises as it nears the highlands; condensation then falls in the highlands as rain while warmer, drier air flows down to lower ground on the other side. The difference in temperature can be 10 °C or greater.

Operations and services.

Vatnajökull National Park is divided into four territories, each of them locally managed.  The Northern Territory consists of north-western Vatnajökull, Askja caldera and its surroundings, Jökulsárgljúfur canyon and some of Jökulsá á Fjöllum riverbed. A visitor centre and a campsite are located in Ásbyrgi, along with a campsite in Vesturdalur.  The Eastern Territory includes Kverkfjöll mountains and north-eastern Vatnajökull, as well as the expanses of Snæfellsöræfi. A visitor centre is located at Skriðuklaustur.  The Southern Territory extends throughout the south-eastern part of Vatnajökull, or from Lómagnúpur mountain in the west to Lón and Lónsöræfi in the east. A visitor centre and a campsite are located in Skaftafell. Information centres in co-operation with the national park are run in Höfn, Hoffell, Hólmur and Skálafell.  The Western Territory extends over the south-western part of Vatnajökull and a large area outside the glacier, including Lakagígar craters and Langisjór. An information centre is located in Kirkjubæjarklaustur, jointly run by the national park and the local community.  The visitor centre in Skaftafell is open all year round. The visitor centres in Ásbyrgi and Skriðuklaustur are open from the beginning of May throughout September, but can be opened during winter on appointment. Most of the national park's highland area is however inaccessible during the winter.  National park rangers conduct patrols and provide educational services in the park's highland areas. The opening times of the stations vary from area to area, with the first rangers arriving when the relevant highland roads are opened, soon after the middle of June, and the last rangers leaving at the end of September.  During the summer, national park rangers offer short walks with an emphasis on nature interpretation. From mid-June to mid-August, rangers guide daily interpretive walks at Ásbyrgi and Skaftafell. In the highlands, most ranger stations offer daily interpretive walks from early July until mid-August.

Vatnajökull National Park (Icelandic: "Vatnajökulsþjóðgarður") is one of three national parks in Iceland. It encompasses all of Vatnajökull glacier and extensive surrounding areas. These include the national parks previously existing at Skaftafell in the southwest and Jökulsárgljúfur in the north.

Národní park Vatnajökull je rozlehlé chráněné území v jižní části Islandu. Kromě samotného stejnojmenného ledovce Vatnajökull je součástí parku i okolní sopečná krajina. Vznikl v roce 2008 sloučením dvou národních parků (Skaftafell a Jökulsárgljúfur) a dalších přilehlých území. Zdejší jedinečná krajina je utvářena řekami, ledovci, ale i vulkanickou a geotermální činností. V době svého vyhlášení měl rozlohu 12 000 km2, následně byl rozšiřován o další území. Je druhým největším národním parkem v Evropě po ruském parku Yugyd Va. Národní park byl 5. července 2019 na zasedání v Baku zapsán na seznam světového dědictví UNESCO.


Early life and family.

Taylor was born and raised in Bray, County Wicklow and is the daughter of an Irish mother Bridget ("née" Cranley) and English father Peter Taylor. Her father was born near Leeds and grew up in Birmingham and he first visited Bray to work with his father in the amusement arcades on Bray seafront. After meeting and marrying Bridget, Peter Taylor decided to settle in Ireland. In 1986, he was an Irish senior light heavyweight champion boxer. Originally an electrician by trade, Peter eventually became Katie's full–time boxing coach. He also coached Adam Nolan who, like Katie, also represented Ireland at the 2012 Summer Olympics. Bridget also developed an interest in boxing and became one of the earliest female referees and judges in Ireland.  Taylor has three older siblings – Lee, Sarah and Peter, the latter a professor of maths at Trinity College Dublin. Together with members of her family, Taylor attends St. Mark's Church, Dublin, which is an Assemblies of God Ireland Church, itself a denomination which ascribes to Pentecostalist doctrines.

Education.

Between 1999 and 2005 Taylor attended St. Kilian's Community School in Bray. Her three older siblings all attended the same school. As well as boxing and playing association football, as a schoolgirl Taylor also played ladies' Gaelic football and camogie with her local GAA clubs, Bray Emmets and Fergal Ógs. She was also a member of Bray Runners, a local athletics club. Several American colleges reportedly offered her sports scholarships while she was still a pupil at St Killian's. However, she opted instead to attend UCD. Although UCD is well known for sports scholarships, Taylor qualified via her Leaving Cert results. However, as Taylor's sporting career began to take off, she chose not to complete her studies at UCD.

Amateur boxing career.

Taylor first began boxing in 1998, aged 11. Her father coached her and her two older brothers, Lee and Peter, at St Fergal's Boxing Club, which operated out of a former boathouse in Bray. At 15, she fought the first officially sanctioned female boxing match in Ireland at the National Stadium and defeated Alanna Audley from Belfast.  Taylor's first noteworthy success was at the 2005 European Amateur Championships, in Tønsberg, Norway. She won the gold medal, defeating Eva Wahlström of Finland in the final of the 60 kg lightweight class.  Later in 2005, at the World Amateur Championships in Podolsk, Russia, Taylor advanced to the quarter-finals in the 60 kg weight class. Here she lost against Kang Kum-Hui, who remains the only boxer to have defeated Taylor at the World Championships.  At the 2006 European Amateur Championships in Warsaw, Poland, Taylor won her second successive gold medal by stopping reigning world champion Tatiana Chalaya of Russia, also collecting the tournament's Best Boxer award.  At the 2006 World Women's Boxing Championship, contested in New Delhi, India, Taylor became Ireland's first World Champion, defeating Chalaya again in the semi-final and then Erica Farias of Argentina in the 60 kg final.  In 2007, she won her third successive European Championship title in Denmark.  2008 saw Taylor win her first European Union gold medal, contested in August in Liverpool, England. Here she defeated Cindy Orain of France.  Taylor went on to claim her second World title at the 2008 AIBA Women's World Boxing Championship, contested in November at Ningbo, China. In the 60 kg weight class, she defeated China's Cheng Dong in the final match which was her 100th bout.  On 21 March 2009 at The Dublin O2, Taylor won a 27–3 win over three-time Pan-American champion Caroline Barry of the United States on the undercard of a pro WBA super bantamweight world title fight between Bernard Dunne of Ireland and Ricardo Cordoba of Panama. Speaking after the fight, Taylor, who had stopped Barry in the final of the 2006 World Championships in New Delhi, said she was stunned by the welcome she received from Irish boxing fans. She said: "I couldn't believe the reception I got – it was an amazing experience for me. I knew it was going to be a tough fight and well done to her for never backing off."  Taylor defended her European Union title in 2009. She beat home favourite, Bulgaria's Denitsa Elisayeva, in the July tournament hosted in Pazardzhik.  On 18 September 2010, Taylor went on to claim her third successive World title at the 2010 AIBA Women's World Boxing Championship, in Barbados. In the 60 kg weight class, she again defeated China's Cheng Dong in the final match. This was Taylor's 100th career win.  Taylor won the Gold Medal at the EU Women Boxing Championships in Katowice, Poland in 2011.  On 19 May 2012, Taylor won her fourth successive World title at the 2012 AIBA Women's World Boxing Championship, in Qinhuangdao China. In the 60 kg weight class, she defeated Russian southpaw Sofya Ochigava.  Taylor qualified for the 2012 Summer Olympics in London, the first time women's boxing had been considered for inclusion. Crowds gathered on the streets of her hometown Bray to watch her progress on giant screens erected especially for the occasion. Coddle released a single called "Katie Taylor Ireland's Boxing Legend". The song reaches number 42 in the Irish Charts.

List of title fights.

Taylor's first appearance at the 2012 Summer Olympics came on 6 August, after a first round bye. She achieved an impressive 26–15 victory (R1: 5–2, R2: 5–5, R3: 9–4, R4: 7–4) over Great Britain's Natasha Jonas, booking her place in the semi final and guaranteeing her, at least, an Olympic bronze medal. Fans of Taylor produced record noise levels at the Olympics.  In the semi-final on 8 August 2012, she proved far too good for Tajikistan's Mavzuna Chorieva and won in a 17–9 victory (R1: 3–1, R2: 4–2, R3: 6–3, R4: 4–3), booking her place in the final and guaranteeing her, at least, an Olympic silver medal.  Taylor defeated Russia's Sofya Ochigava in the final bout by 10–8 (R1: 2–2, R2: 1–2, R3: 4–1, R4: 3–3) on 9 August 2012, winning an Olympic gold medal, and becoming the first ever Olympic female lightweight champion.  On her return to Dublin with the rest of the Olympic squad she got into the cockpit of the plane and leaned out the window waving an Irish flag.  On 24 November 2014, Taylor won her fifth straight lightweight title in South Korea at the 2014 AIBA Women's World Boxing Championships, defeating Yana Allekseevna of Azerbaijan. The final scoreline was 40–36, 39–37, and 39–37 in her favour.  On 27 June 2015, Taylor won the lightweight title in Azerbaijan at the inaugural European Games, defeating Estelle Mosely of France. The final scoreline was 40–36, 40–36, and 39–37 in her favour.  On 24 May 2016, Taylor qualified for the 2016 Summer Olympics after defeating Victoria Torres in the quarter-finals of the lightweight division at the 2016 AIBA Women's World Boxing Championships. Two days later, Taylor lost to Estelle Mossely in the semi-finals which ended her quest for a sixth World title in a row.  On 15 August 2016, Taylor lost 2–1 in the quarter-finals to Mira Potkonen of Finland and did not advance.

Professional boxing career.

Taylor made her professional debut on 26 November 2016, at Wembley Arena in London, stopping Karina Kopinska in three rounds.  WBA Lightweight Title and First Title defense On 28 October 2017, Taylor won her first professional world title, the vacant WBA female lightweight title after defeating Anahi Sanchez at the Principality Stadium. On 13 December 2017, Taylor retained her lightweight world title after defeating Jessica McCaskill in a ten-round contest at York Hall..  On the 28 April 2018 she added the IBF title to her winnings and since then she has gone on to retain both her titles another three times, most recently on the 15 December 2018, against Eva Wahlström at New York's Madison Square Garden in New York City.  On 15 March 2019 she added the World Boxing Organisation title and retain both her titles stopping Rose Volante in a unification bout. Taylor baffled her opponent with blinding combinations and fluid in-and-out movement, dropping Volante in the opening round. The popular Irish champion nearly ended it in the fifth, hurting Volante badly with a punishing left hook before pouring on the punishment only for her opponent to be saved by the bell. Volante showed great heart but proved no match for Taylor’s pinpoint combinations, which broke her down over the second half of the fight. It ended in the ninth when what appeared to be an accidental clash of heads opened a large gash on the bridge of Volante’s nose, prompting referee Benjy Esteves to wave off the action.

Taylor vs. Persoon.

In December 2018, Irish journalist Evanne Ní Chuilinn stated that Katie Taylor accused Delfine Persoon of turning down a "life-changing" amount of money to fight her. Later Persoon claimed to have offered $100,000 to Taylor for a fight. Taylor's manager stated that Taylor wouldn't even get out of bed for this sum. On 15 April 2019, Taylor and Persoon agreed to a lightweight title unification bout, to take place on June 1 at Madison Square Garden as undercard for the Anthony Joshua vs. Andy Ruiz Jr. heavyweight title fight. In addition to all four sanctioning body's titles being on the line, "The Ring" magazine belt was also at stake.  Persoon's management labelled Taylor's team "totally disrespectful" and claimed "psychological warfare" after a series of demands late in the fight week. This included a claim of forcing Persoon to switch hotels on the grounds that Taylor was staying in the same hotel, and demands for an additional blood test and to prove Persoon has exercise asthma. Taylor's team denied expelling Persoon's team from the hotel, but claimed that there was a clause in the contract allowing them to do so which Persoon's manager should have been aware of. Although, in a different interview Taylor's team stated it was not done by them, but by the organizers and that they had no idea about this forced move out of the hotel. Taylor's team accused Persoon's manager of purposefully attempting to stir controversy by booking his fighter into the hotel Taylor was staying at.  Taylor won a majority decision to become the undisputed lightweight champion. There was a lot of controversy surrounding the decision, and some ringside media outlets felt that Persoon should have won.

Taylor vs. Linardatou.

On 2 November 2019, Taylor became a two-weight world champion after defeating Christina Linardatou by unanimous decision for the WBO junior-welterweight title at the Manchester Arena. Two judges scored the bout 97–93 while the third scored it 96–94.

Association football.

Club career.

As a schoolgirl, Taylor played association football for St Fergal's and Newtown Juniors in the Wicklow and District Schoolboys League. Taylor played in teams with boys. She also represented the league in the Kennedy Cup, an inter–league competition, and won the league's Player of the Year award. At senior club level, Taylor played in the Dublin Women's Soccer League for Lourdes Celtic, St James's Gate, St Catherine's and Peamount United. Taylor played for St James's Gate in the 2003 DWSL Premier Cup final against Dundalk City. Gate lost 3–2 after extra time. Taylor also played for Peamount United in the 2005 FAI Women's Cup final. However Peamount lost 1–0 to Dundalk City. In 2009 Taylor was a member of the St Catherine's squad that reached the FAI Women's Cup final. However, her boxing commitments saw her miss out on the final itself. In 2010, together with Nicola Sinnott, Áine O'Gorman, Sara Lawlor and Louise Quinn, Taylor was a member of the Peamount United squad that won a treble, winning the Dublin Women's Soccer League, the DWSL Premier Cup and the FAI Women's Cup.

International.

Taylor represented the Republic of Ireland women's national football team at under–17, under–19 and senior levels. She was 14 when she played for the under–17s and 15 when she started playing for the under–19s. According to Taylor, her boxing training helped her football career because it made her physically strong enough to bridge the age gaps. On 25 September 2003, Taylor scored four goals for the Republic of Ireland under–19s in a 2004 UEFA Women's Under-19 Championship qualifier against Macedonia. Between 2006 and 2009, Taylor made 11 appearances and scored 2 goals for the senior team. She made her senior international debut on 22 April 2006 against Switzerland in a 2007 FIFA Women's World Cup qualifier at Richmond Park. The Republic of Ireland won 2–0. In 2006 Taylor also played for the Republic of Ireland in a prestige away friendly against the United States. Taylor scored her first senior international goal on 1 April 2007 in a UEFA Women's Euro 2009 qualifier against Hungary at Tolka Park. Taylor's goal helped the Republic of Ireland win 2–1. She scored her second goal in the same qualifying campaign in a 4–1 defeat against in Italy on 16 February 2008. She was also sent-off in the same game. She made her final international appearance on 24 September 2009 when she came on as substitute in a 2011 FIFA Women's World Cup qualifier against Kazakhstan.

Television.

In 2002, at the age of 15, she appeared on RTÉ's "Sport Stream" and discussed her dream of one day appearing at the Olympics.  She was a coach on RTÉ's "Charity Lords of the Ring" in 2009.  Taylor appeared in a Lucozade Sport advertisement in 2011 alongside English rapper Tinie Tempah and American musician Travis Barker.  Taylor also has a fondness for the Irish language and appeared on Bernard Dunne's TV program "Bród Club", promoting Irish.  Taylor is now the new brand ambassador for the company "Its4women", an online women's insurance company. Katie appeared in advertisements for this company on both television and YouTube.  In 2018, the documentary "Katie" was released, chronicling her early life to her first title shot.

Memoir.

Taylor's "illustrated memoir", with which she was helped by "The Irish Times" sports-writer, Johnny Watterson and titled "My Olympic Dream", was published by Simon & Schuster for the 2012 Christmas market.

Katie Taylor (; born 2 July 1986) is an Irish professional boxer and former footballer. She is a two-weight world champion and the current undisputed lightweight champion, having held the WBA title since 2017; the IBF title since 2018; and the WBC, WBO, and "Ring" magazine titles since 2019, as well as having held the WBO junior-welterweight title in 2019. Following her victory over Delfine Persoon in 2019, she became one of only seven boxers in history, female or male, to hold all four major world titles in boxing—WBA, WBC, IBF and WBO—simultaneously, along with Bernard Hopkins (2004–2005), Jermain Taylor (2005), Cecilia Brækhus (2014–), Terence Crawford (2017), Oleksandr Usyk (2018–2019), and Claressa Shields (2019–).

Katie Taylorová (* 2. července 1986 Bray) je irská boxerka. Získala zlatou olympijskou medaili v lehké váze na hrách v Londýně roku 2012. Krom toho je pětinásobnou amatérskou mistryní světa (2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014). V současnosti boxuje v profesionálním ringu a drží titul mistryně světa ve všech čtyřech hlavních asociacích: WBA, IBF, WBO i WBC. Na olympijských hrách v Londýně byla vlajkonoškou irské výpravy na slavnostním zahájení.


Life.

Biel's studies were pursued at Heidelberg, Erfurt and Cologne. During the early 1460s, he became a preacher in the Cathedral of Mainz, of which he was vicar. It was while at the Cathedral of Mainz that he took to the defense of Adolf von Nassau, and wrote "Defensorium obediente apostolice". Later, he became a superior of the canons at Butzbach, and lived in the House of the Brethren on the Rheingau until 1468. He was invited by Duke Eberhard I to become the first provost of the new Brethren House at St. Mark's, where he served for nine years, furthering the Brethren movement by bringing about a General Chapter of the Brethren on the upper Rhine in Mainz and integrating Brethren piety into the curricula of the school there. In 1479 he was appointed provost of the canonry in Urach.  At this period Biel cooperated with Duke Eberhard in the founding the University of Tübingen. Appointed in 1484 as the first professor of theology in the new faculty, he continued to be one of the most celebrated members of its faculty until his death, even serving as Rector in 1484 and 1489. There, he opposed the appointment of the Realist Johann Heynlin to the faculty.  Though he was almost sixty years of age when he began to teach, Biel's work, both as professor and as writer, reflected the highest honour on the young university. His work consists in the systematic development of the views of his master, William of Ockham. In later years, he was known as the "last of the Scholastics". He retired to the newly founded Brethren House of St. Peter's at the Einsiedel near Tübingen, where he died.

Works.

Biel's first publication, on the Canon of the Mass, is of permanent interest and value. His second and most important work is a commentary on the "Sentences" of Peter Lombard, which would come to play a major influence on Martin Luther during the coming Reformation. In this he calls William of Ockham his master, but the last three books show him more Scotist than Nominalist. Matthias Scheeben describes him as "one of the best of the Nominalists, clear, exact, and more positive as well as more loyal to the Church than any of the others" ("Dogmatik", no. 1073). The historian Janssen declares that he was one of the few Nominalists who erected a theological system without incurring the charge of unorthodoxy. (Cf. "Geschichte des deutschen Volkes", I, 127, 15th ed.)  Biel was neither narrow nor excessively speculative. Though a Nominalist, he was tolerant of Realism, which also flourished at Tübingen under the leadership of Konrad Summenhart. A Scholastic, he was, to quote Janssen, "free from empty speculations and ingenious intellectual juggling, being concerned with questions and needs of actual life" (ibid.), was interested in the social movements of his time, and maintained friendly relations with the Humanists. One of the latter, Heinrich Bebel, gave him the title of "monarch among theologians". His theological writings were repeatedly brought into the discussions of the Council of Trent.  Living as he did in a transition period, Biel exhibits characteristics of two intellectual eras. According to some, he was a Scholastic who expounded Aristotle rather than the Scriptures; according to others, he defended freer theological teaching.  In May 1459, a controversy arose when Diether von Isenburg was elected as Archbishop of Mainz, yet failed to pay the required annates, and so, Adolph von Nassau was given the position. When Diether began appealing to antipapal sentiments present throughout the Holy Roman Empire, escalating the conflict, Biel became involved. He campaigned unequivocally for Adolph, and was forced to flee Mainz. While in hiding, he wrote the "Defensorium obediente apostolice", an ecclesiastical treatise on the extent of papal authority (and the Church authority) and the role that scripture has on these. In it, he takes a position similar to Bernard of Clairvaux's "plenitudo potestatis". As a matter of fact, he acknowledged the primacy and supreme power of the Roman Pontiff, but, in common with many other theologians of his time, maintained the superiority of general Councils, at least to the extent that they could compel the pope's resignation. And he displayed no more theological freedom than has been claimed and exercised by some of the strictest theologians.  Because of Biel's insistence on maintaining the precarious balancing act between his scholastic and modern views of theology, it is often the case that "His philosophical thought is not straightforwardly innovative, but has more of a synthetic nature; his generally recognized clarity of expression if often achieved by contrasting diverse positions with each other (Gracia, "A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle Ages)".  Among the opinions defended by Biel concerning matters controversial in his day, the following are worthy of mention: (a) That all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, even that of bishops, is derived either immediately or mediately from the pope. His defence of the episcopal claims of Adolph von Nassau won him the thanks of Pope Pius II. (b) That the power of absolving is inherent in sacerdotal orders, and that only the matter, i.e., the persons to be absolved, can be conceded or withheld by the ordinary. (c) That the minister of baptism need have no more specific intention than that of doing what the faithful, that is, the Church, intends. (d) That the State may not compel Jews, or s, or their children to receive baptism. (e) And that the "contractum trinius" is morally lawful. All of these opinions have since become the prevailing theological doctrine.  Biel's other works include: "Sacri canonis Missae expositio resolutissima literalis et mystica" (Brixen, 1576); an abridgment of this work, entitled "Epitome expositionis canonis Missae" (Antwerp, 1565); "Sermones" (Brixen, 1585), on the Sundays and festivals of the Christian year, with a disquisition on the plague and a defence of the authority of the pope; "Collectorium sive epitome in magistri sententiarum libros IV" (Brixen, 1574); and "Tractatus de potestate et utilitate monetarum".

Economic thought.

The subject on which Biel held the most progressive views is political economy. Wilhelm Roscher, who with Gustav Schmoller introduced him to modern students of economics, declares that Biel's grasp of economics enabled him not only to understand the work of his predecessors, but to advance beyond them. (Cf. "Geschichte der Nationalökonomik in Deutschland", 21 sqq.) According to Biel, the just price of a commodity is determined chiefly by human needs, by its scarcity, and by the difficulty of producing it.  Biel's enumeration includes all the factors that govern market price, and is more complete and reasonable than any made by his predecessors. (Cf. Garnier, "L'idée du just prix", 77.) The same author maintains that concerning the occupation of the merchant or trader, Biel is more advanced than St. Thomas, since he attaches no stigma to it, but holds it to be good in itself, and the merchant entitled to remuneration because of his labour, risks, and expense. Biel's discussion of these subjects is contained in Book IV of his commentary on the "Sentences". He wrote a special work on currency, "Ein wahrhaft goldenes Buch", in which he stigmatizes the debasing of coinage by princes as dishonest exploitation of the people. In the same work he severely condemns those rulers who curtailed the popular rights of forest, meadow, and water, and who imposed arbitrary burdens of taxation, as well as the rich sportsmen who encroached upon the lands of the peasantry.

Legacy.

In Biel's "Expositio Canonis Missae", he had an earlier version of "You get what you pay for": "Pro tali numismate tales merces".

Gabriel Biel (; 1420 to 1425 – 7 December 1495), was a German scholastic philosopher and member of the Canons Regular of the Congregation of Windesheim, who were the clerical counterpart to the Brethren of the Common Life.

Gabriel Biel (první čtvrtina 15. století Špýr – 1495 Einsiedel u Tübingenu) byl německý katolický teolog a filozof, proslulý kazatel, stoupenec Occamova nominalismu. Bývá označován jako „poslední scholastik".


Same-sex marriage by province/territory.

Same-sex marriage was legally recognized in the provinces and territories as of the following dates:  Note that in some of these cases, some marriages were in fact legal at an earlier date (for example, an Ontario ruling held that marriages performed in January 2001 were legal when

Overview.

Same-sex marriage was originally recognized by law as a result of cases in which courts in eight out of ten of Canada's provinces, and in one of its three territories, ruled existing bans on same-sex marriage unconstitutional. Thereafter, many same-sex couples obtained marriage licences in those provinces; like opposite-sex couples, they did not need to be residents of any of those provinces to marry there.  The legal status of same-sex marriages in these jurisdictions created an unusual jurisdictional issue. According to the Constitution of Canada, the definition of marriage is the exclusive responsibility of the federal government; this interpretation was upheld by a December 9, 2004, opinion of the Supreme Court of Canada ("Reference Re Same-Sex Marriage"). Until July 20, 2005, the federal government had not yet passed a law redefining marriage to conform to recent court decisions. Until the passage of "Bill C-38", the previous definition of marriage remained binding in the four jurisdictions (two provinces, two territories) where courts had not yet ruled it unconstitutional, but void in the nine jurisdictions (eight provinces, one territory) where it had been successfully challenged before the courts. Before the enactment of federal legislation recognizing same-sex marriage, therefore, the application of federal marriage law differed depending on the province or territory.  Given the Supreme Court ruling, the role of precedent in Canadian law, and the overall legal climate, it was very likely that any challenges to legalize same-sex marriage in the remaining four jurisdictions would be successful as well. Federal lawyers had ceased to contest such cases, and

History.

Court rulings.

Background.

In 1999, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled in "M. v. H." [1999] 2 S.C.R. 3 that same-sex couples in Canada were entitled to receive many of the financial and legal benefits commonly associated with marriage. However, this decision stopped short of giving them the right to full legal marriage. Most laws which affect couples are within provincial rather than federal jurisdiction. As a result, rights varied somewhat from province to province.  On January 14, 2001, Reverend Brent Hawkes forced the issue by performing two same-sex marriages, taking advantage of the fact that Ontario law authorizes him to perform marriages without a previous license, via the issuance of banns of marriage. The registrar refused to accept the records of marriage, and a lawsuit was commenced over whether the marriages were legally performed. In other provinces, lawsuits were launched seeking permission to marry.  In 2002 and 2003, decisions in the superior trial courts of Ontario

Ontario decision.

In 2003, the couples in "Halpern v. Canada" appealed the decision, requesting that the decision take effect immediately instead of after a delay. On June 10, 2003, the Court of Appeal for Ontario confirmed that current Canadian law on marriage violated the equality provisions in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in being restricted to heterosexual couples. The court did not allow the province any grace time to bring its laws in line with the ruling, making Ontario the first jurisdiction in North America to recognize same-sex marriage. The city of Toronto announced that the city

British Columbia decision.

A ruling, quite similar to the Ontario ruling, was issued by the B.C. Court of Appeal on July 8, 2003. Another decision in B.C. in May of that year had required the federal government to change

Quebec decision.

On March 19, 2004, the Quebec Court of Appeals ruled similarly to the Ontario and B.C. courts, upholding "Hendricks and Leboeuf v. Quebec" and ordering that it take effect immediately. The couple who brought the suit, Michael Hendricks

Yukon decision.

On July 14, 2004, in "Dunbar & Edge v. Yukon (Government of) & Canada (A.G.)", 2004 YKSC 54, the Yukon Territorial Supreme Court issued another similar ruling with immediate effect. Rather than reproducing the Charter equality arguments used by the other courts, the Court ruled that since the provincial courts of appeal had ruled that the heterosexual

Manitoba decision.

On September 16, 2004, Justice Douglas Yard of the Manitoba Court of Queen's Bench declared the then-current definition of marriage unconstitutional. The judge said that his decision had been influenced by the previous decisions in B.C., Ontario and Quebec. This

Nova Scotia decision.

In August 2004, three couples in Nova Scotia brought suit in "Boutilier v. Canada (A.G) and Nova Scotia (A.G)" against the provincial government

Saskatchewan decision.

Five couples brought suit in Saskatchewan for the recognition of their marriage in a case that was heard by the Saskatchewan Court of Queen's Bench

Newfoundland and Labrador decision.

Two lesbian couples brought suit on November 4, 2004, to have Newfoundland and Labrador recognize same-sex marriage. As with the previous decisions, the provincial government did not oppose the suit;

New Brunswick decision.

Two same-sex couples brought suit in April 2005 to request an order requiring the Government of New Brunswick to issue same-sex marriage licences. This

Proceedings in the Northwest Territories.

On May 20, 2005, a gay male couple with a daughter brought suit in the Northwest Territories for the right to marry. Territorial Justice Minister Charles Dent had previously said that the government would not contest such a lawsuit. The case was to be heard on May 27 but ended when the federal government legalized same-sex marriage.

Discussion in Parliament, 1995–2003.

The shift in Canadian attitudes towards acceptance of same-sex marriage and recent court rulings caused the Parliament of Canada to reverse its position on the issue.  On September 18, 1995, the House of Commons voted 124-52 to reject a motion introduced by openly gay Réal Ménard calling for the legal recognition of same-sex relationships.  A 2006 study by Mark W. Lehman suggests that between 1997 and 2004, Canadian public opinion on legalizing same-sex marriage underwent a dramatic shift: moving from minority support to majority support and

Supreme Court "Reference Re Same-Sex Marriage".

In 2003, the Liberal government referred a draft bill on same-sex marriage to the Supreme Court of Canada, essentially asking it to review the bill's constitutionality before it was introduced. The reference as originally posed by Prime Minister Chrétien asked three questions:  Prime Minister Paul Martin later added a fourth in January 2004: The addition of a fourth question considerably delayed the opening of the court reference until well after the June 2004 general election, raising accusations of stalling. The consultative process was held in the autumn of 2004.  In its hearings that began in October 2004, the Supreme Court of Canada accused the government of using the court for other

Debate prior to C-38's introduction.

On December 9, 2004, Prime Minister Paul Martin indicated that the federal government would introduce legislation expanding marriage to same-sex couples. The government's decision was announced immediately following the court's answer in the "Reference Re Same-Sex Marriage" reference question.  The parliamentary bill caused rifts in the House of Commons, especially among the governing Liberals. Many Liberal MPs indicated that they would oppose the government's position in favour of same-sex marriage at a free vote. The majority of each of the Liberal Party, the New Democratic Party and the Bloc Québécois voted in favour

Legislative progress of the "Civil Marriage Act".

"Bill C-38", the "Civil Marriage Act" (), was introduced to Parliament for its first reading in the House on February 1, 2005. Prime Minister Martin launched the debate on February 16. The bill passed second reading on May 4 and third reading on June 28, with votes of 164-137 and 158-133, respectively. It then moved to the Senate, and received

Same-sex marriage in the 39th Parliament.

The Conservative Party, led by Stephen Harper, won a minority government in the federal election on January 23, 2006. Harper had campaigned on the promise of holding a free vote on a motion to re-open the debate on same-sex marriage. The motion would re-open the same-sex marriage debate, but did not prescribe restoring the "traditional" definition of marriage.  A news report from CTV on May 31, 2006 showed that a growing number of Conservatives were wary about re-opening the debate on same-sex marriage. One cabinet minister stated he just wanted

Recognition of foreign legal unions.

In, the Ontario Superior Court of Justice decided that same-sex partners

Marriage statistics.

From June 2003 (date of the first same-sex marriages in Ontario) to October 2006, 12,438 same-sex marriages were contracted in Canada. By 2011, 21,015 same-sex marriages had been celebrated in Canada. Additionally, there were

Other same-sex partner benefits in Canada.

Other kinds of partnership.

As mentioned above, Canadian cohabiting same-sex couples are entitled to many of the same legal and financial benefits as married opposite-sex couples. In 1999, after the court case "M. v. H.", the Supreme Court of Canada declared that same-sex partners must also be extended the rights

Recognition in other provinces and territories.

The legal status of same-sex marriages in provinces and territories that did not perform them was uncertain prior to the passage of the "Civil Marriage Act". One of the couples that brought suit in Nova Scotia acted so that their Ontario marriage would be recognized.  The Premier of Alberta, Ralph Klein,

Immigration.

The Department of Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) acknowledges same-sex marriages contracted in Canada between immigration applicants and Canadian citizens or permanent residents. Canadians may also sponsor their same-sex common-law or civil union partners for family-class immigration, provided they meet various requirements, including proof of legitimacy, and cohabitation for at least one year.  After the enactment of the "Civil Marriage Act", CIC adopted an interim immigration policy which did not recognize same-sex marriages which took place outside Canada. For example, a Canadian citizen, legally married in the Netherlands to his or her same-sex Dutch partner, might not sponsor his or her

Military.

Since September 2003, military chaplains have been allowed

Survivor benefits.

On December 19, 2003, an Ontario court ruled that survivor benefits for Canadians whose same-sex partners died should be retroactive to April 1985, the date the Charter of Rights came into effect. The federal government appealed.

Same-sex divorce in Canada.

On September 13, 2004, a lesbian couple known as "M.M." and "J.H." (the initials of their respective lawyers) in Ontario were granted Canada's first same-sex divorce. Their initial divorce application had been denied based on the fact that the federal "Divorce Act" () defines spouse as "either of a man or a woman who are married to each other". However, Madam Justice Ruth Mesbur of the Ontario Superior Court of Justice ruled in "M.M. v J.H". that the definition of "spouse" in the "Divorce Act" was unconstitutional.  In June 2005, a lesbian couple residing in British Columbia obtained a similar ruling.  The "Civil Marriage Act" in 2005 amended the "Divorce Act" to permit same-sex divorce. However, prior to 2013, a married couple

Church and state.

Based on the 2001 census, 80% of the Canadian population have been initiated into one of the three main Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Islam, and Christianity). All three have texts that have sections interpreted by some to declare sexual relations between people of the same sex as forbidden and sinful. For example, the Qur'an (7:80-81, 26:165) and the Bible (Leviticus 18:22, Romans 1:26-27, I Timothy 1:9-10, etc.) are frequently interpreted to explicitly forbid homosexuality. (See related article, "Homosexuality and religion")  However, some major religious groups spoke in favour of legalizing same-sex marriage. The largest Protestant denomination in the country, the United Church of Canada, offers church weddings to same-sex couples and supports same-sex marriages, testifying to this effect during the cross-country Justice Committee hearings. Unitarian Universalist congregations also solemnize same-sex marriages, as do the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers), the Metropolitan Community Church and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Canada. Some progressive Jewish congregations have also supported same-sex marriage.  The General Synod of the Anglican Church of Canada passed an initial motion in July 2016 to perform same-sex marriages in their churches. The measure had to be approved a second time at the next General Synod in 2019 to come into force. The Anglican Church of Canada does not specifically prohibit same-sex marriage. On July 12, 2019, its general assembly did not approve the motion at its second reading. In spite of support by the laity and clergy, the motion did not pass because

Public opinion.

A 1996 Angus Reid Institute/Southam News opinion poll, conducted across Canada, found that 49% of Canadians supported same-sex marriage. 47% were opposed. Support was highest in Quebec (58%) and among 18- to 34-year-olds (67%), and lowest in Alberta (38%) and people over the age of 54 (25%). In 1999, the group found support at 53% with 44% opposed.  An April 2001 Environics Rsearch Group survey showed that 45% of Canadians supported same-sex marriage (29% "strongly" and 16% "somewhat"), while 41% opposed (30% "strongly" and 11% "somewhat").  A June 2002 survey conducted by Focus on the Family Canada found that 46% of Canadians agreed that same-sex marriage should be legalised, whereas 44% disagreed.  According to an October 2002 Centre for Research and Information on Canada poll, 53% of Canadians supported same-sex marriage, while 41% opposed it.  A November 2002 Ekos/CBC poll asked respondents if they would vote "yes" or "no" in a referendum on the issue of same-sex marriage. 47% answered "no" and 45% answered "yes". 8% didn't know.  A 2005 opinion poll, taken shortly before the Parliament voted on the "Civil Marriage Act", found that 42% of Canadians favoured the nationwide legalisation of same-sex marriage, while 40% were opposed. 18% did not respond or were undecided.  A June 2006 poll, conducted by Ekos, asked respondents if the debate on same-sex marriage should be reopened. 62% considered same-sex marriage settled, 27% wanted to reopen the issue, and 11% either had no opinion or did not respond.  In 2012, a poll by Forum Research showed that 66.4% of Canadians approved of legalized same-sex marriage, while 33.6% were opposed. Support for same-sex marriage was highest in Quebec (72%) and British Columbia (70.2%), while lowest in Alberta (45.6%).  A May 2013 Ipsos poll of residents of 16 countries found that 63% of respondents in Canada were in favour of same-sex marriage and another 13% supported other forms of recognition for same-sex couples.  After same-sex marriage was legalized in the United States by their Supreme Court in June 2015, a poll by Forum Research showed that 70% of Canadians approved of same-sex marriage, while 22% disapproved.  In May 2016, members of the Conservative Party of Canada voted 1,036–462 to change the party's political platform from defining marriage as "a union between one man and one woman" to a neutral stance. As a compromise, the party did not elect to support the right to same-sex marriage, allowing members "the freedom to hold personal opinions against same-sex marriage."  A 2017 CROP poll showed that 74% of Canadians found it "great that in Canada, two people of the same sex can get married". 26% disagreed. Support for same-sex marriage was higher among women (79%) than among men (70%) and higher among French speakers (82%) than English speakers (73%). Those with a higher income, a university degree or who were born in Canada were also more likely to support same-sex marriage. When divided by age, young people were overwhelmingly in support (82% among 18-24-year-olds and 86% among 25-34-year-olds) and, while people over 65 were less likely to be in favour, same-sex marriage still enjoyed 66% popular support among people of that age group. The most supportive province was Quebec (80%), followed by 78% in the four Atlantic provinces, 75% in British Columbia, 73% in Ontario, 70% in Manitoba and Saskatchewan and 68% in Alberta.  The 2017 AmericasBarometer showed that 76% of Canadians supported same-sex marriage.

Same-sex marriage in Canada was progressively introduced in several provinces by court decisions beginning in 2003 before being legally recognized nationwide with the enactment of the "Civil Marriage Act" on July 20, 2005. On June 10, 2003, the Court of Appeal for Ontario issued a decision immediately legalizing same-sex marriage in Ontario, thereby becoming the first province where it was legal. The introduction of a federal gender-neutral marriage definition made Canada the fourth country in the world, and the first country outside Europe, to legally recognize same-sex marriage throughout its borders. Before the federal recognition of same-sex marriage, court decisions had already introduced it in eight out of ten provinces and one of three territories, whose residents collectively made up about 90% of Canada's population. More than 3,000 same-sex couples had already married in those areas before the "Civil Marriage Act" was passed. Most legal benefits commonly associated with marriage had been extended to cohabiting same-sex couples since 1999.

Stejnopohlavní manželství je v Kanadě legální od 20. července 2005 po přijetí federálního zákona o občanských sňatcích ("Civil Marriage Act"). Do té doby je od r. 2003 zaváděly jednotlivé kanadské provincie prostřednictvím soudů. První takovou jurisdikcí se 10. června 2003 stala kanadská provincie Ontario poté, co tamní odvolací soud vydal průlomový verdikt potvrzující legálnost stejnopohlavního manželství. Kanada se tou dobou stala čtvrtou světovou a první mimoevropskou zemí, která rozšířila institut manželství i na homosexuální páry. Do té doby mohly kanadské homosexuální páry uzavírat sňatky v osmi z deseti provincií a jednom ze třetí teritorií, což odpovídá přibližně 90 % kanadského obyvatelstva. Více než 3000 homosexuálních párů proto uzavřelo manželství ještě před jeho legalizací na federální úrovni. Od r. 1999 měly nesezdané páry většinu práv a povinností vyplývajících z manželství.


Background.

Nursultan Nazarbayev was elected for a 5th term as president in the 2015 elections. He was widely expected to run again in 2020, but resigned in March 2019, stating that Senate Chair Kassym-Jomart Tokayev would take over as president for the remainder of his term. However, on 9 April, Tokayev announced that a snap election would be held on 9 June to avoid "political uncertainty". Some talks arose that Nazarbayev's daughter, Dariga, who succeeded Tokayev as the Chair of the Senate, was expected to run in the election as a way to ensure her father's legacy. However, Dariga stated that she had no plans in joining the race. On 23 April, backed by former President Nazarbayev himself, Tokayev was nominated by the ruling party Nur Otan to be its candidate for the election and became registered on 3 May, putting the rumors of Dariga's possible candidacy aside.

Electoral system.

The President of Kazakhstan is elected using the two-round system; if no candidate receives a majority of the vote in the first round, a second round is held between the top two candidates.

Candidates.

Nine candidates applied to the Central Electoral Commission to contest the elections. A record seven were registered to run, whilst one candidate withdrew and one was disqualified for not possessing sufficient knowledge of the Kazakh language.

Campaign.

Kassym-Jomart Tokayev.

Tokayev became an acting president after Nazarbayev resigned from office on 20 March 2019. As a result, early elections were announced on 9 April. He was nominated by the Nur Otan on 23 April to be a presidential candidate and became registered on 3 May. Tokayev sought for continuation of Nazarbayev's policies in strengthening the nation, continuing peace, improving lives of citizens, and entering Kazakhstan into the top 30 most developed nations.  Tokayev was mocked on social media for the overuse of modification of his official photos, erasing his wrinkles and double chin.

Amirjan Qosanov.

Qosanov became a registered candidate on 6 May 2019 of the Ult Tagdyry party, existing since 2005. He ran on a platform in fighting against corruption, reducing the powers of a president, allowing direct elections of akims, making Kazakh economy less dependent on raw resources, and prohibiting the construction of nuclear power plants.

Dania Espaeva.

On 24 April 2019, Espaeva was nominated to be a presidential candidate for the Ak Zhol party. She became registered on 3 May, making her the first female in Kazakhstan's history to be on a ballot.

Debates.

On 14 May 2019, a televised debate was announced between the candidates. It was held on 29 May and was broadcast live on the Khabar TV channel. The cost of the event amounted to 41 million tenge.  Four presidential candidates: Jambyl Ahmetbekov, Amirjan Qosanov, Amangeldy Taspihov and Sadybek Tugel participated in the debates and the rest of the three candidates were represented by Azat Peruashev for Dania Espaeva, Ali Bektaev for Toleutai Rahymbekov, and Mäulen Äşimbaev for Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. The debate was divided into three rounds. In the first round, all participants were asked about the development of the education system in Kazakhstan, in the second round about social modernization of Kazakhstan, and in the third round, the candidates were allowed to ask questions to two other participants in the debate.

Protests.

Protests broke out on 9–10 June in the cities of Nur-Sultan and Almaty. The protest itself was organized by a banned opposition group the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan which is led by a former, now-exiled Kazakh banker Mukhtar Ablyazov. The protesters claimed that the election was "not free and fair". It is estimated the around 5,000 demonstrators, journalists and activists were detained by the police. The event was the first time that Kazakhstan faced protests during the elections.  The election was criticized by the OSCE, saying there were no democratic standards, with peaceful protesters being detained and the reported cases of ballot box stuffing.

Early presidential elections were held in Kazakhstan on 9 June 2019 following the resignation of long-term president Nursultan Nazarbayev. Originally scheduled for 2020, seven candidates were registered to participate in the elections, including incumbent president Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who had assumed the presidency three months before the elections following the resignation of Nazarbayev. Tokayev was subsequently re-elected with 71% of the vote. His closest challenger, Amirjan Qosanov of the Ult Tagdyry party, received 16%.

V neděli 9. června 2019 se konaly volby prezidenta Kazachstánu, ke kterým vedlo odstoupení dosavadního prezidenta Nursultana Nazarbajeva, který vedl zemi od roku 1989. Jako vítěz vzešel z pečlivě kontrolovaného procesu úřadující prezident Kasym-Žomart Kemeluly Tokajev, kterého si vybral Nazarbajev jako nástupce. Podle předběžných výsledků získal kolem 70 procent hlasů.


Background.

Apoptosis is a form of programmed cell death that is used by the body to remove unwanted, damaged, or senescent cells from tissues. Removal of apoptotic cells is carried out via phagocytosis by white blood cells such as macrophages and dendritic cells. Phagocytic white blood cells recognize apoptotic cells by their exposure of negatively charged phospholipids (phosphatidylserine) on the cell surface.  In normal cells, the negative phospholipids reside on the inner side of the cellular membrane while the outer surface of the membrane is occupied by uncharged phospholipids. After a cell has entered apoptosis, the negatively charged phospholipids are transported to the outer cell surface by a hypothetical protein known as scramblase. Phagocytic white blood cells express a receptor that can bind to and detect the negatively charged phospholipids on the apoptotic cell surfaces. After detection the apoptotic cells are removed.

Detection of cell death with annexin A5.

Healthy individual apoptotic cells are rapidly removed by phagocytes. However, in pathological processes, the removal of apoptotic cells may be delayed or even absent. Dying cells in tissue can be detected with annexin A5. Labeling of annexin A5 with fluorescent or radioactive molecules makes it possible to detect binding of labeled annexin A5 to the cell surface of apoptotic cells. After binding to the phospholipid surface, annexin A5 assembles into a trimeric cluster. This trimer consists of three annexin A5 molecules that are bound to each other via non-covalent protein-protein interactions. The formation of annexin A5 trimers results in the formation of a two-dimensional crystal lattice on the phospholipid membrane. This clustering of annexin A5 on the membrane greatly increases the intensity of annexin A5 when labeled with a fluorescent or radioactive probe. Two-dimensional crystal formation is believed to cause internalization of annexin A5 through a novel process of endocytosis if it occurs on cells that are in the early phase of executing cell death. Internalization amplifies additionally the intensity of the annexin A5 stained cell.  Annexin A5 has been used to successively detect apoptotic cells "in vitro" and "in vivo". Pathological processes in which apoptosis occurs include inflammation, ischemia damage of the heart caused by myocardial infarction, apoptotic white blood cells and smooth muscle cells present in atherosclerotic plaques of blood vessels, transplanted organs in the donor patient that are rejected by the immune system or tumour cells that are exposed to cytostatic drugs during chemotherapy.  The non-invasive detection of diseased tissue with, for example, radioactively labeled annexin A5 is the goal of a recently developed line of research known as Molecular Imaging.  Molecular Imaging of cell death using radioactive annexin A5 can become of clinical significance to diagnose vulnerability of atherosclerotic plaques (unstable atherosclerosis), heart failure, transplant rejection, and to monitor efficacy of anti-cancer therapy.

In molecular biology, an annexin A5 affinity assay is a test to quantify the number of cells undergoing apoptosis. The assay uses the protein annexin A5 to tag apoptotic and dead cells, and the numbers are then counted using either flow cytometry or a fluorescence microscope.

Annexin A5 afinitní assay je metoda molekulární a buněčné biologie, kterou lze kvantifikovat množství apoptotických buněk ve vzorku buněčné populace. Využívá schopnosti proteinu annexin A5 (v literatuře také annexin V) vázat apoptotické a mrtvé buňky. Kvantifikace využívá průtokovou cytometrii nebo fluorescenční mikroskopii.


History.

Foundation.

The INLA was founded on 8 December 1974 in the Spa Hotel in Lucan, Dublin, by former members of the Official IRA. The group's political wing, the IRSP was founded on the same day. The IRSP's foundation was made public but the INLA's was kept a secret until the group could operate effectively. The group was formed due to dissatisfaction with the Official IRA ceasefire in 1972 and the supposed refusal to implement the democratic will of the members. Shortly after it was founded, the INLA came under attack from their former comrades in the OIRA, who wanted to destroy the new grouping before it could get off the ground.  On 20 February 1975, Hugh Ferguson, an INLA member and an Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) branch chairperson, was the first person to be killed in the feud. One of the first military operations of the INLA was the shooting of OIRA leader Sean Garland in Dublin on 1 March. Although shot six times, he survived. After several more shootings a truce was arranged, but fighting started again. The most prominent victim of the restarted feud was Billy McMillen, the commander of the OIRA in Belfast, shot by INLA member Gerard Steenson. His murder was unauthorised and was condemned by Costello. This was followed by several more assassinations on both sides, the most prominent victim being Seamus Costello, who was shot dead on the North Strand Road in Dublin on 5 October 1977. Costello's death was a severe blow to the INLA, as he was their most able political and military leader.  It has been claimed by some in the Republican Socialist Movement that one of their members killed in 1975, Brendan McNamee (who was involved in the killing of Billy McMillen), was actually killed by Provisional Irish Republican Army members. The Officials had denied involvement at the time of the killing and had instead blamed it on the Provisionals, who also denied involvement.

Armed campaign.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the INLA developed into a modest organisation in Northern Ireland, operating primarily from the Divis Flats in west Belfast, which, as a result, became colloquially known as "the planet of the Irps" (a reference to the IRSP and the film "Planet of the Apes"). They also had a large presence in Derry and the surrounding area, and all three of the INLA prisoners who died in the 1981 Irish hunger strike were from County Londonderry. During this period, the INLA competed with the Provisional IRA for members, with both groups in conflict with the British Army and the Royal Ulster Constabulary. The first action to bring the INLA to international notice was its assassination on 30 March 1979 of Airey Neave, the British Conservative Party's spokesman on Northern Ireland and one of Margaret Thatcher's closest political supporters.  The INLA lost another of its founding leadership in 1980, when Ronnie Bunting, a Protestant nationalist, was assassinated at his home. Noel Little, another Protestant member of the INLA, was killed in the same incident. The Ulster Defence Association, a Ulster Loyalist paramilitary, claimed responsibility for both killings. Another leading INLA member, Miriam Daly, was killed by Loyalist assassins in the same year. Although no group claimed responsibility, the INLA claimed that the Special Air Service (SAS) was involved in the killings of Bunting and Little. Offensive INLA actions at this time included the 1982 bombing of the Mount Gabriel radar station in County Cork, which the INLA believed was providing assistance to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in violation of Irish neutrality, although this was disputed by the Irish government. Their most bloody attack came on 6 December 1982 – the Ballykelly disco bombing of the Droppin' Well Bar in Ballykelly, County Londonderry, which catered to British military personnel, in which 11 soldiers on leave and 6 civilians were killed.  Members of the INLA participated in the 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes for the recognition of the political status of paramilitary prisoners. Three INLA members died during the latter hunger strike – Patsy O'Hara, Kevin Lynch, and Michael Devine, along with seven Provisional IRA members.  On 20 November 1983, three members of the congregation in the Mountain Lodge Pentecostal Church, Darkley, (near Keady, County Armagh) were shot dead during a Sunday service. The attack was claimed by the Catholic Reaction Force, a cover name for a small group of people, including one member of the INLA. The weapon used came from an INLA arms dump, but Tim Pat Coogan claims in his book "The IRA" that the weapon had been given to the INLA member to assassinate a known loyalist and the attack on the church was not sanctioned. The INLA's then-chief of staff, Dominic McGlinchey, came out of hiding to condemn the attack. In 1987 the INLA came under attack from the Irish People's Liberation Organisation (IPLO), a group made up of expelled or disaffected members of the INLA. This feud resulted in the death of 16 INLA and IPLO members. The feud mainly took place in cities, most notably in Belfast, Derry, and Dublin, but also took place in many other areas of Ireland. The feud ended in 1992 with the INLA surviving just barely, with the Provisional IRA stepping in and wiping out the main Belfast leadership of the IPLO because they were openly involved in drug dealing, while letting the rest of the organization dissolve outside of Belfast.  On 14 April 1992, the INLA carried out its first killing in England after the death of Airey Neave, when they shot dead a recruiting army sergeant in Derby while he was leaving a British Army recruiting office. In June 2010, Declan Duffy was charged with the killing, although he was released on March 2013, under the terms of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.  INLA gunmen opened fire on British soldiers in the Ardoyne area of North Belfast on 7 July 1997, when the Drumcree conflict triggered six days of fierce riots and widespread violence in several nationalist areas of Northern Ireland.

Supergrass.

In the mid-1980s, the INLA was greatly weakened by splits and criminality within its own ranks, as well as the conviction of many of its members under the supergrass scheme. Harry Kirkpatrick, an INLA volunteer, was arrested in February 1983 on charges of five murders and subsequently agreed to give evidence against other INLA members.  The INLA kidnapped Kirkpatrick's wife Elizabeth, and later kidnapped his sister and his stepfather too. All were released physically unharmed. INLA Chief of Staff Dominic McGlinchey is alleged to have killed Kirkpatrick's lifelong friend Gerard 'Sparky' Barkley because he may have revealed the whereabouts of the Kirkpatrick family members to the police.  In May 1983, ten men were charged with various offences on the basis of evidence from Kirkpatrick. Those charged included IRSP vice-chairman Kevin McQuillan and former councillor Sean Flynn. IRSP chairman and INLA member James Brown was charged with the murder of a police officer. Others escaped; Jim Barr, an IRSP member named by Kirkpatrick as part of the INLA, fled to the US where, having spent 17 months in jail, he won political asylum in 1993.  In December 1985, 27 people were convicted on the basis of Kirkpatrick's statements. By December 1986, 24 of those convictions had been overturned. Gerard Steenson was given five life sentences for the deaths of the same five individuals that Kirkpatrick himself had been convicted of, these included Ulster Defence Regiment soldier Colin Quinn, shot in Belfast in December 1980.  The distrust and division that had been sowed was the last straw in splitting former comrades into warring factions and leading to the formation of the Irish People's Liberation Organisation by Jimmy Brown and Gerard Steenson, both of whom had been convicted under the supergrass scheme. This led to that organisation's feud with the INLA, in which 16 people were killed.

Killing of Seamus Ruddy.

Seamus Ruddy from Newry joined the INLA in Dublin in the 1970s. He was arrested in 1978 for smuggling arms but was acquitted. After dissension among local members, Ruddy drifted away from the main organisation and in 1983 went to Paris where he taught English. He disappeared in late May 1985, after a meeting with three leading members of the INLA. The three were searching for arms and believed that Ruddy knew where they could be found. At the time, the INLA denied that it was involved with his disappearance and resisted pressure from the Ruddy family to help it locate his whereabouts. In late 1993, a former high-ranking member of the INLA, Peter Stewart, finally admitted that the INLA had killed Ruddy in Paris. Ruddy's remains were found there in 2017.

Feuds and splits.

In 1987, the INLA and its political wing, the IRSP came under attack from the Irish People's Liberation Organisation (IPLO), an organisation founded by people who had resigned or been expelled from the INLA. The IPLO's initial aim was to destroy the INLA and replace it with their organisation. Five members of the INLA were killed by the IPLO, including leaders Ta Power and John O'Reilly. The INLA retaliated with several killings of their own. After the INLA killed the IPLO's leader, Gerard Steenson in 1987, a truce was reached. Although severely damaged by the IPLO's attacks, the INLA continued to exist. The IPLO, which was heavily involved in drug dealing, was put out of existence by the Provisional IRA in a large scale operation in 1992.  Directly after the feud in October 1987, the INLA received more damaging publicity when Dessie O'Hare, an erstwhile INLA volunteer, set up his own group called the "Irish Revolutionary Brigade" and kidnapped a Dublin dentist named John O'Grady. O'Hare cut off two of O'Grady's fingers and sent them to his family in order to secure a ransom. O'Grady was eventually rescued and O'Hare's group arrested after several shootouts with armed Gardaí. The INLA disassociated itself from the action, issuing a statement saying O'Hare "is not a member of the INLA". O'Hare later rejoined the INLA while in prison.  Dominic McGlinchey was killed in 1994 by an unknown group, weakening the operational capabilities of the organization.  In 1995, four members of the INLA, including chief of staff Hugh Torney, were arrested by Gardaí in Balbriggan while trying to smuggle weapons from Dublin to Belfast. Torney, with the support of two of his co-accused, called a ceasefire in exchange for favourable treatment by the Irish Government. Since Torney, who was chief of staff, under the INLA's rules lacked the authority to call a ceasefire (because he was incarcerated), he and the two men who supported him were expelled from the INLA.  Torney and one of those men, Dessie McCleery, as well as founder-member John Fennell, did not wish to surrender the leadership of the organisation. Their faction, known as the INLA/GHQ, assassinated the new INLA chief of staff, Gino Gallagher. After the INLA killed both McCleery and Torney in 1996, the rest of Torney's faction quietly disbanded.

Killing of Billy Wright.

Billy Wright was the founder and leader of the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF). Since July 1996, the group had launched a string of attacks on civilians (whom they identified as Catholics), killing at least five. In April 1997, Wright was sentenced to eight years in the Maze Prison. On the morning of 27 December 1997, he was assassinated by three INLA prisoners – Christopher "Crip" McWilliams, John "Sonny" Glennon and John Kennaway – who were armed with two pistols. He was shot as he travelled in a prison van (alongside another LVF prisoner, Norman Green and one prison officer) from one part of the prison to another. Kennaway held the driver hostage and Glennon gave cover with a.22 Derringer pistol while McWilliams opened the side door and fired seven shots at Wright with his PA63 semi-automatic. After killing Wright, the three volunteers handed themselves over to prison guards. They also handed over a statement, which read:  That night, LVF gunmen opened fire on a disco in a mainly nationalist area of Dungannon. Four civilians were wounded and a former Provisional IRA volunteer was killed in the attack.  The nature of Wright's killing led to speculation that prison authorities colluded with the INLA to have him killed, as he was a danger to the peace process. The INLA strongly denied these rumours, and published a detailed account of the assassination in the March/April 1999 issue of "The Starry Plough" newspaper.

Ceasefire.

The INLA declared a ceasefire on 22 August 1998. When calling its ceasefire, the INLA acknowledged the "faults and grievous errors in our prosecution of the war". The INLA admitted that innocent people had been killed and injured "and at times our actions as a liberation army fell far short of what they should have been". The INLA went on to accept the massive vote in favour of the Good Friday Agreement – which it had opposed during the 1998 referendum – by the people of Ireland. It said "The will of the Irish people is clear. It is now time to silence the guns and allow the working classes the time and the opportunity to advance their demands and their needs."  Although the INLA does not support the Good Friday Agreement, it does not call for a return to armed struggle on behalf of republicans either. An INLA statement released in 1999 declared, "we do not see a return to armed struggle as a viable option at the present time".

Post-ceasefire activities.

The INLA maintains a presence in parts of Northern Ireland and has carried out punishment beatings on alleged petty criminals.  The Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC), which monitors paramilitary activity in Northern Ireland, claimed in a November 2004 report that the INLA was heavily involved in criminality. In 1997, an INLA man named John Morris was shot dead by Garda Síochána (the Republic's police force) in Dublin during the attempted robbery of a newspaper distributor's depot in Inchicore. Three other INLA members were arrested in the incident. In 1999, the INLA in Dublin became involved in a feud with a criminal gang in the city. After a young INLA man named Patrick Campbell was killed by drug dealers, the INLA carried out several shootings in reprisal, including at least one killing. Republic of Ireland journalist Paul Williams has also claimed the INLA, especially in Dublin, is now primarily a front for organised crime. The IRSP and INLA deny these allegations, arguing that no one has been simultaneously convicted of membership in the INLA and of drug offences. The IRSP and the INLA have both strongly denied any involvement with drug dealing, stating that the INLA has threatened criminals which it claims have falsely used its name.  In 2006, the INLA claimed to have put at least two drugs gangs out of business in Northern Ireland. After their raid on a criminal organisation based in the northwest, they released a statement saying that "the Irish National Liberation Army will not allow the working class people of this city to be used as cannon fodder by these criminals whose only concern is profit by whatever means available to them."  The October 2006 IMC report stated that the INLA "was not capable of undertaking a sustained campaign [against the United Kingdom], nor does it aspire to".  In December 2007, disturbances broke out at an INLA parade in the Bogside in Derry between spectators and Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) officers attempting to arrest four of the marchers.  In the Seventeenth and Eighteenth IMC reports the INLA was said to remain a threat, with a desire to mount attacks that could well be more dangerous in the future, but was characterized as being largely a criminal enterprise at that time. The INLA killed Brian McGlynn on 3 June 2007 during the span of the first of these reports. This killing was said to have occurred because the victim used the INLA name in the drug trade. On 24 June 2008, the INLA was said to have committed the murder of Emmett Shiels, although the IMC report did indicate the investigation was continuing. It was also said to be partaking in "serious crimes" such as drug dealing, extortion, robbery, fuel laundering and smuggling. Furthermore, the INLA and Continuity IRA were stated to have co-operated.  On 15 February 2009 the INLA claimed responsibility for the shooting death of Derry drug dealer Jim McConnell.  In March 2009 it was reported that the INLA had stood down its Dublin Brigade in order to allow its army council to carry out an internal investigation into allegations of drug dealing and criminality. The INLA denied it as an organisation was involved in drug dealing and went on to say that "As a result of evidence presented to us, we are investigating the activities of people associated with us in [Dublin]. Pending that outcome, we have stood down several people." A short time later the INLA's Dublin Commander, Declan "Whacker" Duffy, publicly disassociated himself from the organisation. Duffy criticized the INLA leadership stating that "You would imagine if there was a thorough investigation being carried out by the INLA they would have at least came and spoke to me." He went on to state that: "I can't deny that I’m disappointed with the way the INLA has handled things but at the same time I'm not going to get into a sniping match with them."  On 19 August 2009 the INLA shot and wounded a man in Derry. The INLA claimed that the man was involved in drug dealing although the injured man and his family denied the allegation. However, in a newspaper article on 28 August the victim retracted his previous statement and admitted that he had been involved in small scale drug dealing but has since ceased these activities.

End of armed campaign.

On 11 October 2009, speaking at the graveside of its founder Seamus Costello in Bray, the INLA formally announced an end to its armed campaign, stating the current political framework allowed for the pursuit of its goals through peaceful, democratic means. Martin McMonagle from Derry said: "The Republican Socialist Movement has been informed by the INLA that following a process of serious debate... it has concluded that the armed struggle is over. The objective of a 32-county socialist republic will be best achieved through exclusively peaceful political struggle".  The governments of Britain and Ireland were informed before the announcement. Hillary Clinton of the United States was due to visit Belfast the following day. Sinn Féin's Gerry Adams was doubtful but added: "However, if it is followed by the actions that are necessary, this is a welcome development". On 6 February 2010, days before the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) was due to disband, the INLA revealed that it had decommissioned its weapons over the preceding few weeks. Had the INLA retained its weapons beyond 9 February, the date on which the legislation under which the IICD operated ended, then they would have been treated as belonging to common criminals rather than remnants from the Troubles.  The decommissioning was confirmed by General John de Chastelain of the IICD on 8 February 2010. On the same day INLA spokesman Martin McMonagle said that the INLA made "no apology for [its] part in the conflict" but they believed in the "primacy of politics" to "advance the working class struggle in Ireland".

Deaths as a result of activity.

According to Malcolm Sutton's "Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland", part of the Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN), the INLA was responsible for at least 120 killings during the Troubles, between 1969 and 2001. This includes those claimed by the "People's Liberation Army" and "People's Republican Army". According to the book "Lost Lives" (2006 edition), it was responsible for 127 killings.  Of those killed by the INLA:  The CAIN database says there were 39 INLA members killed during the conflict, while "Lost Lives" says there were 44 killed.

The Irish National Liberation Army (INLA, ) is an Irish republican communist paramilitary group formed on 10 December 1974, during "the Troubles". It seeks to remove Northern Ireland from the United Kingdom and create a socialist republic encompassing all of Ireland. It is the paramilitary wing of the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP).

Irska národní osvobozenecká armáda (,, zkr. inlay) je irská republikánská socialistická polovojenská skupina. Vznikla v prosinci 1974 během "Problémů". Jejím cílem bylo ukončit kontrolu britského státu na severu Irska a vytvořit socialistickou republiku zahrnující celý irský ostrov.


Structure.

The structure of IL-24 has been found through crystallization by fusing a flexible linker with a ligand to its two receptors, IL-22R1 and IL-20R2. The structure revealed that there is a lack of disulfides, which is present in most cytokines, and is likely the reason why IL-24 is unstable compared to other interleukins.  IL-24 is a secreted protein that is highly conserved throughout evolution with sequence homology between species including yeast, dog, cat, monkey and cow. It is located on chromosome 1q32-33 in humans along with several other IL-10 cytokine family gene members. IL-24 encompasses seven exons and six introns. The cDNA of IL-24 is 1,718 base pairs in length and encodes a protein of 206 amino acid with a predicted molecular size of ̃24 kDa. IL-24 also contains an IL-10 signature motif at amino acids 101–121 shared by other IL-10 family member cytokines. IL-24 possibly can form functionally active dimers due to the presence of potential disulfide bonds. Researchers identified a number of splice variants of IL-24 lacking one or more exons. The signal peptide in IL-24 is two times the length as in other related human cytokines (51 amino acids), and the predicted molecular mass of IL-24 monomer is 18.3 kDa.

Function.

IL-24 functions as a cytokine (at low concentrations). Its normal physiological role is connected with wound healing (In normal skin cells, it suppress keratinocyte proliferation during wound healing), protection against diseases caused by bacteria (for example "Mycobacterim tuberculosis", "Salmonella typhimurium", "Pseudomonas aeruginosa"). It is also important in autoimmune diseases such as psoriasis, rheumatoid arthritis or spondyloarthropathy.

IL-24's Role in the Jak/STAT Pathway.

IL-24 carries its functions through two types of membrane receptors (IL-22R1/IL-20R2 and IL-20R1/IL-20R2) with simultaneous activation of the JAK/signal transducer and activator of transcription (STAT) pathway within their cytoplasmic domains. IL-24 is a type of cytokine that interacts frequently with class 2 cytokine receptors. IL-24 can form IL-20R1/IL-20R2 and IL-22R1/IL-20R2 which are shared with the other IL-20SFCs and IL-22. IL-20SFC is an IL-20 subfamily of cytokines which includes IL-19, IL-20, and IL-24. They all signal through the common chain that is IL-20R2. Through these two types of membrane receptors (IL-22R1/IL-20R2 and IL-20R1/IL-20R2), simultaneous activation of the JAK/signal transducer and activator of transcription (STAT) pathway within their cytoplasmic domains.  Although it belongs to the same group of cytokines as IL-10, it has different effect on the immune system. IL-10 is a suppressive cytokine that suppresses inflammation while also maintaining immunomodulatory functions. Beside the normal physiological roles, IL-24 inhibits tumor growth, invasion, metastasis and angiogenesis.

Production of IL-24 by Different Cells.

IL-24 can be produced by myeloid cells (in response to microbial products through TLRs), lymphoid cells, and epithelial cells in response to cytokine stimulation. IL-24 can also dampen the first rounds of CD8 cell expansion to prevent uncontrolled T cell responses. After the combination of anti-IgM and CD40-L stimulation, B lymphocytes can also induce IL-24 expression. In response to immune cells, non-lymphoid cells such as melanocytes can also produce IL-24.

Cancer.

IL-24 is an immunomodulatory cytokine which can also display broad cancer-specific suppressor effects. The tumor suppressor activities of IL-24 include inhibition of angiogenesis, sensitization to chemotherapy, and induction of cancer-specific apoptosis. Given its ubiquitous apoptotic effect on malignant cells, lack of an effect on normal cells, and absence of significant side effects, IL-24 is an important candidate for cancer therapy.  IL-24 is able to induce apoptosis via both intracellular and extracellular signaling mechanisms. Secreted IL-24 protein induces a robust expression of endogenous IL-24 and subsequent induction of tumor-specific killing through an ER stress-mediated pathway as well as by ROS production. The ER stress is the initial pathway in IL-24-induced apoptosis.  An important question, which remained unresolved, is why IL-24 has the abilities to selectively induce apoptosis in a large spectrum of human cancer-derived cell lines without harming normal cells. One possible reason for this differential killing effect involves inherent biochemical differences between normal and cancer cells (ER stress, ROS production and ceramide), another possibility is that IL-24 is able to target a molecule that only triggers apoptosis in cancer cells. The third option for this differential killing effect is that both of the above hypotheses are correct.  IL-24 is able to induce toxic autophagy in cancer cells in vitro and animal models in vivo. Past independent studies have also proven that the cytokine can play a role in inflammation for inflammatory bowel disease, psoriasis, cardiovascular disease, rheumatoid arthritis, tuberculosis, and viral infection.  Secondary cytokines that evoke antitumor immune responses are stimulated by IL-24. These secondary cytokines include TNF-α, IFN-gamma, and IL-1, which induce apoptosis. IL-24 also inhibits cancer by blocking VEGF and TGF-alpha activities through inhibition of Src, a proto-oncogene, within tumor cells and inhibiting epithelial cell differentiation. IL-24 also induces apoptosis By inducing more stress on the endoplasmic reticulum.

Interleukin 24 (IL-24) is a protein in the interleukin family, a type of cytokine signaling molecule in the immune system. In humans, this protein is encoded by the "IL24" gene.

Interleukin 24 (IL-24) je protein, který je u lidí kódován genem "IL24. G"en pro IL-24 se u lidí nachází na chromozomu 1.


Foundation.

The IPLO emerged from a split within the INLA. After the 1981 Irish hunger strike, in which three of its members died, the INLA began to break apart. The INLA virtually dissolved as a coherent force in the mid-1980's. Factions associated with Belfast and Dublin fell into dispute with each other. When INLA man Harry Kirkpatrick turned supergrass, he implicated many of his former comrades in various activities and many of them were convicted on his testimony.  Members both inside and out of prison broke away from the INLA and set up the IPLO. Some key players at the outset were Tom McAllister, Gerard Steenson, Jimmy Brown and Martin "Rook" O'Prey. Jimmy Brown formed a minor political group, known as the Republican Socialist Collective, which was to act as the political wing of the IPLO.  The IPLO's initial priority was to forcibly disband the Irish Republican Socialist Movement from which it had split, and most of its early attacks reflected this, being more frequently against former comrades than on the security forces. The feud with the INLA lasted from 1986 to 1987 and resulted in the deaths of 12 people including IPLO leader Gerard Steenson who was shot in March 1987.

Internal feud.

The IPLO was accused of becoming involved in the illegal drug trade, especially in ecstasy. Some of its Belfast members were also accused of the prolonged gang rape of a North Down woman in Divis Flats in 1990. Many of its recruits had fallen out of favour with the IRA and the portents for its future were not good. Sammy Ward, a low-level IPLO member, broke away from the main body of the organisation with a few supporters when the IPLO were severely depleted and weak in Belfast. His faction attacked the rest of the IPLO, culminating in the killing of Jimmy Brown. A full-scale feud followed between two factions terming themselves "Army Council" (led by Jimmy Brown) and "Belfast Brigade" (led by Ward), which led to the 3000th killing of the Troubles, Hugh McKibben, a 21-year-old "Army Council" man. Brown had been the previous victim when he was shot dead in West Belfast on 18 August 1992. This feud was described by the IPLO's critics as a lethal squabble over money and drugs.

Disbandment.

The Provisional IRA – by far the largest armed republican group in Ireland – decided this was an opportunity to attack and remove the IPLO given the IPLO's involvement in the drug trade. They mounted an operation to wipe out the IPLO. On Saturday 31 October 1992, in an event that was later dubbed "Night of the Long Knives" by locals in Belfast, the IRA attacked the two IPLO factions in Belfast, killing the breakaway Belfast Brigade leader Sammy Ward in Short Strand. There were also raids on pubs and clubs where IPLO members were kneecapped. On 2 November 1992 the second-in-command of the IPLO Belfast Brigade formally surrendered to the Provisional IRA Belfast Brigade adjutant, which brought an end to the group in Belfast.  Outside Belfast the IRA did not attack any IPLO units and issued statements absolving the IPLO units in Derry, Newry and Armagh from any involvement in the drugs trade that was alleged against those in Belfast. In Dublin the IRA reprieved the IPLO Chief of Staff in return for surrendering a small cache of arms held in Ballybough.

Casualties.

According to the Sutton database of deaths at the University of Ulster's CAIN project, the IPLO was responsible for 22 killings during the Troubles. Among its victims were twelve civilians, six INLA members, two loyalist paramilitary figures and two members of the British security forces, a Royal Navy reservist and a Royal Ulster Constabulary constable.

The Irish People's Liberation Organisation was a small Irish republican paramilitary organisation which was formed in 1986 by disaffected and expelled members of the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) whose factions coalesced in the aftermath of the supergrass trials. It developed a reputation for intra-republican and sectarian violence and criminality, before being forcibly disbanded by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) in 1992.

Irská lidová osvobozenecká organizace ( zkr. IPLO) byla malá republikánská polovojenská organizace, která byla založena v roce 1986 neloajálními a vyhnanými členy Irské národní osvobozenecké armády (inlay). Získala si pověst násilné a zločinné organizace ještě předtím, než ji v roce 1992 násilně rozpustila Dočasná irská republikánská armáda (PIRA).