History.

New Mills is in the area formerly known as Bowden Middlecale which was a grouping of ten hamlets. The name of New Mylne (New Mills) was given to it from a corn-mill, erected in 1391, near to the present Salem Mill on the River Sett in the hamlet of Ollersett. This was adjacent to a convenient bridge over the Sett. By the late sixteenth century the name was applied to the group of houses that grew up round it. Coal mining was the first industry of the area, with up to 40 small pits and mines exploiting the Yard Seam. The climate, good construction stone and the availability of stable land by fast-flowing water was ideal for cotton spinning. Cotton mills and print-works were built in the Torrs Gorge from 1788. Dwellings were built on the sides of the gorge, sometimes with one home built on top of another, both being entered at their respective street levels. Examples still exist on Station Road and Meal Street.  By 1810, New Mills had nine cotton mills, plus three weaving mills and at least three printworks.  Pigot's Directory 1835 describes New Mills:  A second group of 'later' mills formed by the newly opened Peak Forest Canal in Newtown, a hamlet 800 m away on the other side of the Goyt in what was then the parish of Disley in Cheshire. Increasingly these mills and houses merged into New Mills. The soft iron-free water was suitable for bleaching and finishing and printing. With the advent of steam, and the growth of the canal network to transport raw cotton, coal and the finished product, bigger mills were built and the smaller isolated rural mills were no longer competitive. By 1846, most of New Mills' mills had stopped spinning. The small mills moved out of cotton; the larger mills along the canal moved into finishing. Torr Vale Mill had added a weaving shed in 1836, and moved into producing towelling.  The commercial method of calico printing using engraved rollers was invented in 1821 in New Mills. John Potts of Potts, Oliver and Potts used a copper-engraved master to produce rollers to transfer the inks. Before the construction of the high-level bridges the Torrs was a major obstacle; traffic had to descend to cross the Goyt and then climb the same height on the other bank. The first bridge to be constructed was the Queens Bridge on Church Road. The Union Road bridge was built in 1884; obtaining the land was difficult, as the arches needed to pass close to Torr Mill and properties on the Cheshire (south) bank, and Torr Top Hall had to be demolished. The new road was named after the 'union' of the two halves of the town. The first station in New Mills was at Newtown, on the Stockport, Disley and Whaley Bridge Railway; this opened 9 June 1855. This followed the line of the Peak Forest Canal staying safely away from the Torrs. The Sheffield and Midland Railway Companies' Committee company built two viaducts across the Goyt: one for a line to New Mills Central that opened in 1864, and one for the fast line through the Disley Tunnel which opened in 1904.  Cotton continued to be worked at Torr Vale Mill until 2000, giving the mill over two hundred years of service.  In the great storm of June 1872, Grove Mill and Torr Vale weir were destroyed; at Rock Mill, then being used to make paper, two blocks of buildings and considerable stock and some machinery were lost, but the only fatalities were two cows. The River Goyt at about two o’clock a.m. on Wednesday was from 12ft to 14ft above its usual height...At New Mills, where the Goyt is joined by the River Kinder, extensive damage was done to property. The paper works of Messrs. Schlosser and Co. were damaged upwards of £1,500 as two blocks of buildings were completely washed away – one portion contained a large quantity of paper. The works of Mr. W.S. Lowe also sufferd severely, the damage being estimated at £300. Two strong stone weirs were washed away and two bridges; many acres of land were flooded. This was minor compared with events at Whaley Bridge, where Toddbrook Reservoir was overtopped and another reservoir known as Adsheads Pools breached completely, the waters sweeping through the centre of the village of Hurdsfield. The June 1930 flood was more serious for New Mills. Heavy rain over the area culminating in a cloudburst over Rowarth caused the River Sett to rise rapidly by up to. Many properties on Brookside were flooded and destroyed and one rescuer was drowned. Hyde Bank Road was engulfed and buildings collapsed at Arnfield's foundry. At Rowarth, the remains of the Little Mill and the landlord of the Little Mill Inn were swept away. At Watford Bridge the river took away part of the printworks, and at Bate Mill gouged a new channel taking with it the sewage plant, 250 tons of coal, most of the road and the gas main. At Birch Vale, the problem was caused by the waters cascading down from Lantern Pike; the culvert being inadequate, the roadways became rivers washing away sections of walling. Much livestock perished.  A model of the town under construction in 1884 can be found in New Mills Heritage And Information Centre, which is run and managed by volunteers and funded and managed by New Mills Town Council.

Government.

Now almost entirely in Derbyshire, New Mills straddled the historic county boundaries of Derbyshire and Cheshire. The traditional boundary was the River Goyt: Low Leighton, Torr Top and Hide Bank were always in Derbyshire, but Torr Vale Road and all of Newtown were in Cheshire. Indeed, today, all the housing to the west of the traffic lights on the A6 remains in the civil parish of Disley in Cheshire.  The area was part of the Royal Forest of the Peak which passed into the hands of the Duchy of Lancaster in 1372. The ten hamlets, in three groups:  made up Bowden Middlecale. The new manorial mill or the "New Mylne" of 1391 was at Beard. In 1713 the hamlets of Beard, Ollersett, Thornsett and Whitle were formed into a township and a new corn mill was built at Ollersett. This was superseded by the New Mills Urban Sanitary Authority in 1876. The New Mills Urban District Council operated from 1894 until 1974, when it was abolished. The town now has a town council, and is part of High Peak Council, and Derbyshire County Council. On the County Council, New Mills is in the New Mills division along with Hayfield and Sett. The seat is held by Beth Atkins for the Liberal Democrats. On High Peak Council, Sett has one councillor, New Mills East elects two councillors and New Mills West elects two councillors. New Mills Town Council is the local level of elected governance.  Robert Largan, a Conservative Party member, is the member of parliament for the High Peak constituency.

Geography.

New Mills is approximately NNW of London and 8 miles (13 km) south-east of Stockport. It borders on Disley, in Cheshire, and Marple, in the Stockport Metropolitan Borough in Greater Manchester. The town is on the north-western edge of the Peak District, but only the eastern part of the parish is within the official boundaries of the National Park. The town includes the hamlets of Thornsett, Hague Bar, Rowarth, Brookbottom, Gowhole, and most of Birch Vale. Various parts of the town are given local names: Eaves Knoll (north-western part between Brook Bottom Road and Castle Edge Road); High Lee (northern part between Castle Edge Road and the River Sett); Hidebank (the area on the eastern side of the River Sett and north and west of the A6015); Low Leighton (the area south and east of the A6015); and Torr Top (the area around the confluence of the rivers).  At its lowest point the parish is about 120m above sea level, but the valley sides rise to 370m at the highest points above Rowarth. The watercourses to the north, particularly the Rowarth Brook, drain the southward slopes of Mellor Moor, Cown Edge and Lantern Pike. The Sett and its tributary the Kinder drain much of the plateau of Kinder Scout; the Sett flows through Hayfield before passing through Birch Vale to the Torrs and the River Goyt. The Goyt rises on the moors of Axe Edge, near the River Dane and the Cat and Fiddle Inn between Buxton and Macclesfield. It passes through Whaley Bridge, where it is joined by the Todd Brook and the Black Brook from Chapel-en-le-Frith. The sides of the Goyt valley have been used to carry two railway lines, the Peak Forest Canal and the A6 trunk road from London to Carlisle via Manchester; these all pass through New Mills.  Geologically speaking, New Mills lies in the north–south-orientated syncline known as the Goyt Trough. The base rocks are from the Carboniferous period, with underlying Namurian gritstone sandstones, from 333 M a.to 313 M a. Above there are coal measures present (Langsettian from 312 M a.). This was folded in the Variscan orogeny into the Goyt Trough syncline. Coal has been mined at over 30 locations in the area, including Pingot Pit. There are three narrow seams of coal present: the Red Ash, Little Mine and the Yard Seam. The Yard Coal is so named because that is the average thickness of the seam; it is the lowest seam and rests on Woodhead Hill Sandstone. In these seams lead ore has also been extracted. Beardmoor Colliery, Ollersett or Burnt Edge Colliery and Lee or New Mills Colliery all worked the seam. of coal weighs about half an imperial ton, and the Yard Seam would produce 4500 tons per acre. Bigrave Edge or Broadmoor Edge Colliery worked the Red Ash seam, which was only thick.  The syncline was buried in younger rocks of the Tertiary Period. These were eroded, not least by the scouring of the ice age ice sheets and the pressures of the meltwaters when temperatures rose. New Mills was on the margins of glaciation, and the meltwaters sought additional routes under the ice for run off. They exploited faults and crevices in the underlying rock. In the Torrs Gorge, the Rivers Goyt and Sett cut a new channel into the strata of the Woodhead Hill Sandstone which forms the centre of New Mills. A mantle of glacial sediment, principally gravels, covered the whole of the braided valleys. In the Pleistocene period, of 12.9 k a to 11.6 k a, the rivers re-formed into single channels, and meanders were formed. These became very distorted above the constrictions of the gorges. Down cutting occurred, exposing previous layers, creating terraces that were covered with silty clay alluvium.

Economy.

New Mills' economy was originally built on agriculture, then coal mining and then cotton spinning and bleaching. There was a little weaving but cotton bleaching and calico printing continued into the second half of the twentieth century. The mills have now all closed. Today Swizzels Matlow, who make children's sweets, is a large employer. The company transferred to New Mills from London during the Blitz and has remained ever since. Well-known brands include 'Parma Violets', 'Refreshers', 'Drumstick' lollies and – perhaps most famously – Love Hearts. Folk memory relates that children from local schools were often asked to test new sweet flavours that were created..  There is also a history of iron working, though this has ceased. Ironstone was also found in shales of the lower coal measures, and early water-powered charcoal furnaces were located at Gow-Hole furnace towards Furness Vale. In the nineteenth century, the Midland Iron Works occupied Barnes Mill in the Torrs; the Victoria Foundry was on Hyde Bank Road (among their products were gas lamp posts for the town council) as was the other small foundry in Wilde's scrapyard. On Albion Road in Newtown is John Hawthorn's foundry. There was also a brass foundry, on the site of the current Heritage Centre.  Tourism was boosted in 1984 when the Torrs was reopened as a riverside park, and further when the Millennium Walkway opened in 1999, joining the two ends of the gorge.  The Plain English Campaign has its headquarters in the town.  Since 2015, New Mills has had a commercial microbrewery, Torrside Brewing, located within an industrial unit at New Mills Marina.

Landmarks.

New Mills sits above The Torrs, a dramatic gorge through which the Rivers Goyt and Sett flow. In a bend of the Goyt is Torr Vale Mill, a Grade II* listed building. The Torrs Millennium Walkway, overlooking the mill, was built at a cost of £525,000 (with almost half provided by the Millennium Commission) by Derbyshire County Council's in-house engineers. The walkway spans the otherwise inaccessible cliff wall above the River Goyt. Part rises from the riverbed on stilts and part is cantilevered off the railway retaining wall. It provided the final link in the Midshires Way (here following the Goyt Way) and was opened in April 2000. Torrs Hydro is a 2.4-metre-diameter Screw turbine at the Torr Weir on the Goyt. The "Reverse Archimedean Screw" micro hydroelectric scheme generates 50 kW of electricity. Nicknamed "Archie", it is owned by the community. The electricity is supplied to the local Co-operative supermarket and any excess is fed back into the national grid.

Religious sites.

The area around Mellor and New Mills has a strong Methodist tradition. John Wesley first preached in the area in 1740, at a sheepfold at the Bongs in neighbouring Mellor. He visited again on 28 April 1745, 12 May 1747 and 31 August 1748. The Wesleyan Methodists were established in 1748. At first, meetings were held in people's homes; then land was bought on the High Street for a Wesleyan chapel in 1766. This was the first place of worship in the town. Wesley visited again in 1768, 1772, 1774, 1776, 1779, 1782 and 1788. By 1808 that chapel was too small, and a larger one was built in St Georges Road, Brookside (Low Leighton).The church was influential and many of the millowners were members: Samuel Schofield, of Warksmoor House and of Torr Mill, the Armstrongs of Torr Vale Mill, the Hibbert family, including Robert Hibbert, of Warksmoor who built the first cotton mill in Newtown, the Barnes, Thatchers, Arnfields, Bridges, Willans and Bennetts, all industrialists, are buried in the chapel except Robert Hibbert who is buried at St Mary's Slough. The larger chapel was closed and demolished in the 1960s and the Methodists have reverted to the High Street Chapel. The Association Methodists' stone chapel was erected in 1838, and the Primitive Methodists built one in 1827. The Friends Meeting House dating from 1717 is in Low Leighton, and the independents, the Congregational (Independent) church, "Providence", was built on Mellor Road, Whitle, in 1823. The hamlets of Bowden Middlecale and Mellor were originally in the ancient parish of Glossop. Chapelries were established at Mellor and Hayfield, and New Mills was split between the two. The Church of England parish church of St George's was built in 1829–30 to a simple renaissance plan with galleries; it has 7 bays, decorated with simple Gothic-style lancet windows. It 1844 the hamlets of Beard, Ollersett, Thornsett and Whitle became a parish. The Anglican church of St James the Less was designed by William Swinden Barber in 1880. It became redundant, was restored in 2012, and became Spring Bank Arts Centre.  The Church of the Annunciation, St. Mary's Road is the Roman Catholic church. It is in the parish of St Mary'ś, Marple Bridge and New Mills in the Diocese of Nottingham. The building was built in the Decorated Gothic style in 1846; its spire is high.

Transport.

Rail.

New Mills is served by two railway stations: New Mills Central on the Hope Valley Line, on the north bank of the River Goyt, and New Mills Newtown on the Buxton Line, which runs on the south bank on the 175m contour. The main Manchester to Sheffield 'fast' line passes through between the town centre and Newtown, by-passing both stations. It emerges from the Disley Tunnel on a lower (150m) contour than the canal on the south bank, crosses the Goyt on a viaduct and is joined by the Hope Valley Line at New Mills South Junction. A short branch of the Midland Railway once led to the village of Hayfield. This was dismantled in 1970 and is now the Sett Valley Trail, which is a path that stretches for 21⁄2 miles to the north-east out of the town.

Bus.

New Mills town centre and bus station is served by several bus services operated by High Peak and Stagecoach Manchester. High Peak operate the 60 to Macclesfield, the 61 north to Glossop or south to Buxton, 62/62A services east to Chapel-en-le-Frith via Hayfield or west to Marple and the 64 between Macclesfield and Glossop. The company also operates the 389, which serves various points in and around the town. Stagecoach operates one service in the town, the 358, which runs from Stockport to Hayfield via Marple.  Two further services serve Newtown, but not the town centre: the 199 runs from Buxton to Manchester Airport via Stockport, while the TransPeak (TP) service runs from Manchester to Derby via Buxton and Matlock.

Road.

The A6 passes through Newtown, running close to the Buxton railway line; it travels north towards Stockport and Manchester, and south towards Chapel-en-le-Frith and Buxton. The main road running through New Mills is the A6015, which connects it the A6, and to Hayfield. The B6101 also connects the town to neighbouring Marple.

Canal.

The Peak Forest Canal was watered in 1796. It passes through Newtown, where there is a marina. It follows the 155m contour.

Culture and community.

New Mills Town Council hosts a free bonfire and fireworks display in High Lea Park during November, which in 2013 attracted an estimated 3,000 people. New Mills also plays host to the One World Festival every year, also in High Lea Park. The biggest event in the town's cultural calendar is New Mills Festival. Held during the last two weeks of September, it is two weeks of talks, walks, gigs, concerts, exhibitions, sport, competitions with a lantern procession and street party on the last Saturday.

Education.

The principal secondary school is New Mills School. This comprehensive school occupies the buildings of the former New Mills Grammar School and educates children from 11 to 16 years of age; its sixth-form closed in 2018. There are six primary schools: St. George's School (CE), St. Mary's (RC), New Mills County Primary, Newtown, Hague Bar and Thornsett.

Conservation Area.

New Mills town centre has been designated a Conservation Area. The Conservation Area was originally established in 1985, although has been extended several times since then. Currently, the Conservation Area extends to encompass the Jodrell Street, Spring Bank and High Lea areas of the town.  High Peak Borough Council have produced a Conservation Area Character Appraisal document, outlining the reasons that the Conservation Area has been designated as such. In justifying the reasons for designation, this document states of the town: “New Mills is a town of dramatic topography and origins that date back to the 14th century. Its topography and the supply of fast flowing waters led to its development as a thriving mill town and important centre for the textile industry. Its impressive landscape developed much of its developed form and the townscape that we still see today.”

Sport and leisure.

New Mills A.F.C. ('The Millers') are the local football team and play in the Northern Premier League Division One North. The football ground at Church Lane boasts two pitches — one 'all weather' — and floodlights. New Mills Cricket Club, with their ground on Church Road, play in the Derbyshire and Cheshire League. There is a leisure centre, including a swimming pool, which opened in 1980. Until the early 1980s, the town held an annual cycle race.  New Mills Golf Club is a members' club set on the top of the northerly hill overlooking the town, with views of Kinder Scout, the city of Manchester and the Welsh mountains. The course was formed in 1907 and extended to its current 18-hole, 5604-yard par 69 course in 2002 before the clubhouse extension and centenary celebration in 2007.

Notable residents.

A working man, a teetotaler for ten years, who was formerly a notorious drinker and a notorious poacher has recently invested his sober earnings in the purchase of the town prison which he has converted into a comfortable dwelling house. Frequently an inmate of the prison whilst a drunkard and poacher, he is now owner of the whole and occupier of the premises. Thomas Handford 1854.

New Mills is a small town in Derbyshire, England. It is approximately south-east of Stockport and from Manchester, at the confluence of the rivers Goyt and Sett, close to the border of Cheshire. The town stands above the Torrs, a deep gorge, cut through Woodhead Hill Sandstone of the Carboniferous period. It is on the north-western edge of the Peak District, England's first national park.

New Mills je město v hrabství Derbyshire v regionu East Midlands. Leží na soutoku řek Sett a Goyt asi 13 kilometrů jihovýchodně od města Stockport a 24 kilometrů od centra Manchesteru. V těsném sousedství města leží hranice Peak District, prvního národního parku na území Anglie. Poblíž soutoku se nachází asi největší turistická atrakce města, 21 metrů hluboká roklina Torrs, hojně využívaná horolezci.


Background.

Perry first announced the tour in November 2008, following the 2008 MTV Europe Music Awards, which she hosted. The concert tour's name is inspired by the Sanrio character named "Hello Kitty". In an interview with "Billboard", Perry stated, "I have the guy who creates stages for Madonna working on this tour, I'm indulging my obsession with fruit and cats and designing all different outfits."

Concert synopsis.

The stage design featured a white picket fence, mailbox, oversized pink flamingos, inflatable plastic fruit, and a giant cat named Kitty Purry that glowed during the encore. Perry had two costumes during the show. During the encore, she would appear dressed as a cat.  Each show would begin with "California Girls" by The Beach Boys being played as Katy Perry entered the stage. Perry would then perform "Fingerprints", "One of the Boys", "Hot N Cold", "Self Inflicted", and a cover of The Outfield's song "Your Love". After the number, Perry would pick up her guitar and perform an acoustic version of "Mannequin" and "Thinking of You". The next songs performed were "Ur So Gay" and "Waking Up in Vegas", where confetti flew over to the audience. Perry continued her act with "Lost", "I'm Still Breathing", "I Think I'm Ready" and "If You Can Afford Me". At this point of the concert, Perry would exit the stage for a costume change and re-appear dressed as a cat. A stage prop of a massive cat head would glow as Perry covered Queen's song "Don't Stop Me Now". Perry would conclude the show with "I Kissed a Girl", and exit the stage after thanking the audience.

Critical reception.

"The Orange County Register" called the tour "a surprisingly strong performance" in a positive review. In a negative review, "Variety" called the tour "chilly" and "calculated". "Seventeen", impressed with the tour, posted a list of ten things they liked about it.

Set list.

Notes

Tour dates.

a This concert is a part of the South by Southwest Festival.
 b This concert is a part of the Dinah Shore Weekend.
 c This concert is a part of the Schaeffer Eye Center Crawfish Boil.
 d This concert is a part of the Grammy Celebration Concert Tour.
 e This concert is a part of the Pinkpop Festival.
 f This concert is a part of the Caribana Festival
 g This concert is a part of the Hurricane Festival
 h This concert is a part of the Southside Festival
 i This concert is a part of the U18 Festival
 j This concert is a part of the Nibe Festival
 k This concert is a part of the Rock Werchter
 l This concert is a part of the Main Square Festival
 m This concert is a part of the T in the Park
 n This concert is a part of the Oxegen
 o Katy opened for No Doubt at this concert. She later joined No Doubt on stage to perform a cover of Adam and the Ants' "Stand & Deliver".
 p These concerts are a part of the V Festival
 q This concert is a part of the Bumbershoot: Seattle's Music & Arts Festival
 r This concert is for the benefit of the Typhoon "Ondoy" victims that happened last 23-30 of September, 2009 in the Philippines. Originally scheduled last 3 of October, 2009 but cancelled after Typhoon Ondoy struck the Philippines on 26 of September, 2009, one week before the original scheduled concert.

The Hello Katy Tour was the debut concert tour by American singer Katy Perry, in support of her second studio album "One of the Boys" (2008). The tour visited North America, Europe, Asia, and Australia.

Hello Katy Tour bylo debutové turné zpěvačky Katy Perry na podporu jejího druhého studiového alba One of the Boys. Turné začalo 23. ledna, 2009 v Seattle, USA a skončilo 28. listopadu, 2009 v Ischgl, Rakousko.


History.

The order was established on 7 September 1951 by the decree of the then Federal President Theodor Heuss. The decree, which was co-signed by the President Heuss together with Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and the Minister of the Interior, Robert Lehr, signed, states:

Classes.

The Order comprises four groups with seven regular and two special classes, hereafter the official denominations in English:  The President of the Federal Republic holds the "Grand Cross special class" ex officio. It is awarded to him in a ceremony by the President of the Bundestag, attended by the Chancellor of Germany, the President of the Bundesrat, and the Supreme Court President. Other than the German president, only a foreign head of state and their spouse can be awarded with this highest class. There is also the provision of awarding the "Grand Cross" in a "special issue" with laurel wreath design ("Großkreuz in besonderer Ausführung"), in which the central medallion with the black eagle is surrounded by a stylized laurel wreath in relief. This "Grand Cross special issue" has been awarded so far only twice, to former German chancellors Konrad Adenauer and Helmut Kohl.

Insignia.

Except for the lowest class, the badge is the same for all classes, but with slightly different versions for men and women (slightly smaller badge and ribbon for women):  The "badge" is a golden cross enamelled in red, with a central disc bearing a black eagle.  The "star" is a golden star with straight rays, its size and points vary according to class, with the badge superimposed upon it.  The "riband" is red with gold-black-gold stripes.

The Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany (German: "Verdienstorden der Bundesrepublik Deutschland", or "Bundesverdienstorden", BVO) is the only federal decoration of Germany. It was created by the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany, Theodor Heuss, on 7 September 1951, and has been awarded to over 200,000 individuals in total, both Germans and foreigners. Since the 1990s, the number of annual awards has declined from over 4,000, first to around 2,300–2,500 per year, and now under 2,000, with a low of 1752 in 2011. In recent years, women have made up a steady 30–31% of recipients. Colloquially, the decorations of the different classes of the Order are also known as the Federal Cross of Merit ("Bundesverdienstkreuz").

Záslužný řád Spolkové republiky Německo () je jediné německé spolkové vyznamenání. Je propůjčován za významné činy v politické, hospodářské, kulturní, duchovní nebo veřejně prospěšné činnosti. V současnosti je udělován v devíti třídách. Všechny spolkové země vyjma Brém a Hamburku udělují také své záslužné kříže. Řád byl založen v roce 1951 výnosem tehdejšího spolkového prezidenta Theodora Heusse; výnos kontrasignovali kancléř Konrad Adenauer a spolkový ministr vnitra Robert Lehr.


History.

The archdiocese was established on 22 November 1886 as the "Mission sui iuris" of the Belgian Congo, from territory taken from both the Apostolic Prefecture of Lower Congo (in Cubango, Angola) and the Apostolic Vicariate of Two Guineas (in Gabon). It was promoted on 11 May 1888 as the Apostolic Vicariate of Belgian Congo. Over time, it lost territory repeatedly: to establish the "Mission sui juris" of Kwango on 18 April 1892, the Apostolic Prefecture of Uélé on 12 May 1898, the "Mission sui juris" of Kasaï Supérieur on 26 July 1901, the Apostolic Prefecture of Stanley Falls on 3 August 1904, the Apostolic Prefecture of Ubangui Belge on 7 April 1911, and the Apostolic Prefecture of Matadi and the Apostolic Prefecture of Northern Katanga on 1 July 1911.  On 3 April 1919, it was renamed the Apostolic Vicariate of Léopoldville. It lost territory several times more: to establish the "Mission sui juris" of Bikoro on 3 January 1931, the Apostolic Vicariate of Boma on 26 February 1934, the Apostolic Prefecture of Kole on 14 June 1951, and the Apostolic Vicariate of Inongo on 29 June 1953. It was elevated on 10 November 1959 as the Archdiocese of Léopoldville, when the city was soon to become the national capital of the newly-independent Republic of the Congo. It was renamed the Archdiocese of Kinshasa on 30 May 1966, when the city's name was changed from Léopoldville to Kinshasa. The archdiocese was visited by Pope John Paul II in May 1980 and again in August 1985.

Suffragan dioceses.

The Archdiocese of Kinshasa is the metropolitan archdiocese of the Ecclesiastical Province of Kinshasa, which includes the following suffragan dioceses:

The Archdiocese of Kinshasa (Latin: "Archidioecesis Kinshasana"; French: "Archidiocèse de Kinshasa") is an archdiocese of the Roman Catholic Church in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Its ecclesiastic territory includes the capital city of Kinshasa and surrounding districts. The archdiocese is the metropolitan see for the Ecclesiastical Province of Kinshasa. The current archbishop is Fridolin Ambongo Besungu.

Arcidiecéze Kinshasa (latinsky "Archidioecesis Kinshasana") je římskokatolická metropolitní arcidiecéze na území Demokratické republiky Kongo se sídlem v jejím hlavním městě Kinshase a katedrálou Panny Marie Konžské. Byla založena v roce 1886 jako missio sui iuris v belgickém Kongu, roku 1888 byla povýšena na apoštolský vikariát, a v roce 1959 ji papež Jan XXIII. zřídil jako metropolitní arcidiecézi. Od roku 1966, kdy hlavní město změnilo jméno z Léopoldville na Kinshasa, nese současné jméno.


History.

The first reliable reference to the town is in 1403.  In 1508, Tel Keppe was sacked by Mongols.  In 1743, Tel Keppe was looted and burned by the armies of the Persian leader Nader Shah. This event took place within the context of the Siege of Mosul, in which the Persian army suffered heavy casualties and resorted to looting the surrounding towns to have some semblance of victory.  In 1833, the town was once again sacked, this time by the Kurdish Governor of Rawandiz. He also sacked the nearby town of Alqosh.

Occupation by ISIL.

On 6 August 2014, the town was taken over by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), along with nearby Assyrian towns Bakhdida, Bartella and Karamlish. Upon entering the town, ISIS looted the homes, and removed the crosses and other religious objects from the churches. The Christian cemetery in the town was also later destroyed.  Soon after the beginning of the Battle of Mosul Iraqi troops advanced on Tel Keppe, but the fighting continued into 2017. Iraqi forces recaptured the town from ISIL on the 19th of January 2017. By 2018 a few of the Christian residents have returned and rebuilt their churches.

Climate.

Tel Keppe has a semi-arid climate ("BSh") with extremely hot summers and cool, damp winters, typical to the Nineveh Plains.

Demographics.

In 1768, the town had a recorded population of 2500. Due to plague and other disasters, the population was around 1,500 in 1882, rising to 2,500 again by 1891. In 1923, the population was recorded as 14,000. In 1933, the population numbered around 10,000. As a result of emigration from the town to Baghdad and the United States, the population shrunk to 7,108 by 1968.  The district of Tel Keppe was approximately 50% Christian in the mid 1900s, the town of Tel Keppe remaining almost exclusively Christian with a population of 6,600 inhabitants. Throughout the late 20th century, the town experienced non-native population growth from the arrival of Sunni Arabs, who established residence outside the historic city core. By the turn of the century, the population had swelled to close to 30,000.  Some families who settled in Tel-Keppe are:

Tel Kepnayeh today.

Starting in the 1980s and especially after the 1991 Gulf War and 2003 Invasion of Iraq, many Chaldean Catholic Assyrians from Tel Keppe fled to many countries, but primarily the United States. They set up their lives there with new churches and business for their families. By 2001 many from Tel Keppe had moved to major cities in Iraq such as Baghdad or Mosul.

In the United States.

Many of the Chaldean Catholic Assyrians in the Detroit metropolitan area trace their origins to Tel Keppe. According to the estimates of a priest of Tel Keppe's Sacred Heart Chaldean Rite Catholic Church, there were 10,000 worshippers in the late 1950s and this decreased to 2,000 around 2004. He said that "Many people don’t want to go from here; they cry that they have to go... But you almost have to leave these days because your family probably already is in Detroit."  San Diego, CA is the second most populated area of Chaldean Catholic Assyrians from Iraq, typically Tel Keppe. The community was largely led by Fr. Michael Bazzi and built through his pastoral duties. As the generations grow, Detroit and San Diego have accumulated more Chaldean Catholic Assyrians than the native land of Iraq.

Elsewhere.

Tel Keppniyeh also fled to the neighboring countries of Syria and Iran. Many others also left to other countries including Sweden, America, France, other European countries and Australia.

Culture.

Tel Keppe historically was the center of the Chaldean Catholic community of Iraq. Each family residing in Tel Keppe had one or more plots of farming land located outside Tel Keppe. The land produced barley and wheat, and animals raised there included goats and sheep. Natalie Jill Smith, author of "Ethnicity, Reciprocity, Reputation and Punishment: An Ethnoexperimental Study of Cooperation among the Chaldeans and Hmong of Detroit (Michigan)", wrote that in the reports of the village "everyone was related" and that marriage tended to occur between two people from the same village.

Tel Keppe (also spelled Tel Kaif) ( ', '), is an Assyrian town in northern Iraq. Its name means "Hill of Stones" in Syriac. It is located in the Nineveh Governorate, less than 8 miles north east of Mosul. The town is a historic farming town consisting of a densely populated core, surrounded by farm land outside the city.

Tel Keppe je asyrské město v severním Iráku. V syrštině jeho jméno znamená „kopec kamení“. Město leží v Guvernorátu Ninive 9 kilometrů severovýchodně od Mosulu. Město je historickým rolnickým sídlem složeným z hustě obydleného centra, obklopeného zemědělskou zemí. Všichni asyrští obyvatelé uprchli do iráckého Kurdistánu a dalších částí Iráku jako je Bagdád, poté co město v srpnu 2014 obsadil Islámský stát. Irácké ozbrojené síly obnovily kontrolu nad městem 19. ledna 2017. Město je historickým centrem Chaldejské katolické komunity v Iráku.


History.

The multiplication sign, although often attributed to William Oughtred (who first used it in an appendix to the 1618 edition of John Napier's ), apparently had been in occasional use since the mid 16th century.

Uses.

In mathematics, the symbol × has a number of uses, including  In biology, the multiplication sign is used in a botanical hybrid name, for instance "Ceanothus papillosus" × "impressus" (a hybrid between "C. papillosus" and "C. impressus") or "Crocosmia × crocosmiiflora" (a hybrid between two other species of "Crocosmia"). However, the communication of these hybrid names with a Latin letter "x" is common when the actual "×" symbol is not readily available.  The multiplication sign is also used by historians for an event between two dates. When employed between two dates for example 1225 and 1232 the expression "1225×1232" means "no earlier than 1225 and no later than 1232".  A monadic symbol is used by the APL programming language to denote the sign function.

Similar notations.

The lower-case Latin letter is sometimes used in place of the multiplication sign. This is considered incorrect in mathematical writing.  In algebraic notation, widely used in mathematics, a multiplication symbol is usually omitted wherever it would not cause confusion: " multiplied by " can be written as or.  Other symbols can also be used to denote multiplication, often to reduce confusion between the multiplication sign × and the common variable. In many non-Anglophone countries the primary symbol for multiplication is (the "dot operator") as in "". This symbol is also used in algebraic notation to resolve ambiguity, for instance "b times 2" may be written to avoid being confused with a value called. This notation is used wherever multiplication should be written explicitly, such as in " for "; this usage is also seen in English-language texts. In some languages, the use of full stop as a multiplication symbol, such as, is common.  Historically, computer language syntax was restricted to the ASCII character set and the asterisk became the de facto symbol for the multiplication operator. This selection is reflected in the standard numeric keypad, where the arithmetic operations of addition, subtraction, multiplication and division are represented by the keys,, and, respectively.

Unicode and HTML entities.

Other variants and related characters:

The multiplication sign, also known as the times sign or the dimension sign, is the symbol. While similar to a lowercase X (), the form is properly a rotationally symmetric saltire.

Krát je symbol codice_1 nebo codice_2 (v programovacím jazyce také jako codice_3), který v matematice určuje operaci násobení pro dvě proměnné (binární operaci).


Legality of same-sex sexual acts.

Penal Code and Islamic Law.

The Penal Code of the Maldives further criminalises homosexuality in several ways. Criminal sexual contact is defined under section 131 of the Maldives Penal Code and refers to the prohibition of sexual contact without any reason permitted under Islamic Law. Same-sex intercourse is illegal under Islamic Law. Same-sex sexual intercourse is explicitly named as an offense within section 411(2) of the Penal Code and is defined under section 411(f).

Punishment and enforcement mechanisms.

The maximum penalties for homosexual acts prohibited under the Maldives Penal Code include; imprisonment of up to one year for unlawful marriage under s410(a)(8), imprisonment of up to eight years for criminal conduct under s411(a)(2) and 411(d) with allowance for a supplementary 100 lashes punishment under Islamic Sharia Law, and imprisonment for up to four years for unlawful sexual conduct under s412.  According to the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA) the Maldives Penal Code (prior to amendment in 2015) left matters concerning sexual conduct uncodified and to be regulated by Islamic Law, applicable to Muslims only. However, since the amended Penal Code came into effect the laws concerning LGBT rights have tightened.  Homosexual acts can "no longer" be punished with death under Maldivian law. Section 92 (k) of the new Maldivian Penal Code explicates that death penalty is available only for egregious purposeful killing. Some point to section 1205 which states that "if an offender is found guilty of committing an offence for which punishments are predetermined in the Holy Quran, that person shall be punished according to Islamic law and as prescribed "by this Act" "and" the Holy Quran". The Quran does specify a punishment for homosexuality. So, the punishment under Maldivian law are those specified in Sections 410 to 412.

Recognition of same-sex relationships.

Same-sex relationships, including same-sex marriages, civil unions, and domestic partnerships, are not recognised in the Maldives.  Section 410(a)(8) of the Maldives Penal Code (In force since 16 July 2015) criminalises same-sex marriage by stating that it is an offence if "two persons of the same sex enter into a marriage".

Discrimination protections.

There is no legal protection against discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity.

Constitutional framework.

In 2009 the Maldives enacted a new Constitution that included a chapter on rights and freedoms, demonstrating the desire to embrace a new culture of human rights. However, this did not include any resolutions regarding LGBT human rights issues.

United Nations developments.

United Nations resolutions.

In 2008, a European-drafted statement called for the decriminalisation of homosexuality and recommended that states "take all the necessary measures, in particular legislative or administrative, to ensure that sexual orientation or gender identity may under no circumstances be the basis for criminal penalties, in particular executions, arrests or detention". The Maldives was one of the initial 57 members (now 54 members) which signed an opposing document, read by the Syrian representative, that divided the United Nations General Assembly on the issue of LGBT Rights.  As a country under Islamic Sharia Law, the Maldives followed the documents beliefs on several matters. The document stated that the European-drafted statement interfered with matters that should be within the domestic jurisdiction of individual states. Furthermore, the document also stated a desire to avoid the social normalisation of what were considered to be 'disgraceful acts' by setting new rights and standards that were not agreed upon by entering into membership and following the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It also claimed that the declaration was a threat to the international framework of human rights.  In June 2011 the Maldives rejected a resolution submitted by the Republic of South Africa at the United Nations which sought to affirm the rights of the LGBT community. A second resolution was adopted by the United Nations Human Rights Council in September 2014 which related to sexual orientation and gender identity, however, this was again rejected by the Maldives.

Universal Periodic Review.

In September 2014, in the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM) submission to the Universal Periodic Review of the Maldives, a number of human rights issues were highlighted, however no LGBT rights issues were discussed. 'Freedom of Expression' was highlighted as an area of concern where it was noted, "there are no laws which guarantee freedom of expression in the Maldives". Reference was made to the numerous death threats and other violent behaviour received by human rights activists and the Commission did note the need to "take measures to address issues of threats and intimidation directed to parliamentarians, journalists and civil society activists to ensure their safety".  This may or may not extend to the same persecution suffered by LGBT rights activists. The objectives of the Maldives Human Rights Commission are set out in the Human Rights Commission Act and explain why LGBT Rights were not included in the submission. The objectives of the Commission include protecting, promoting and sustaining human rights in the Maldives "in accordance with Islamic Sharia and the Constitution of the Maldives"  In the United Nation's 2016 report of the Human Rights Council on its thirtieth session, it was noted that the Maldives accepted 198 recommendations made out of 258, leaving 60 recommendations rejected. These 60 recommendations included matters that were said to contradict the Islamic Faith and the Constitution of the Maldives; such as those "relating to freedom of religion, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender and non-traditional forms of the family". Here, Action Canada for Population and Development responded by noting their concern over the Maldives rejection of "adopting a law against discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation".  The Human Rights Council, in 2015, recommended that the Maldives accelerate their work towards enacting anti-discrimination legislation and to "ensure it includes a prohibition of discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation; and combat the stigmatization and marginalization of homosexuals in society" It was reported that those perceived as homosexual or transgender in the Maldives were the target of hate crimes and other human rights violations and so the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) recommended the Maldives seek to ensure the protection of LGBT individuals from this through law reform. The Committee also recommended that the Maldives "decriminalize sexual relations between consenting adults of the same sex". These recommendations were noted by the Maldives but not accepted.  In the Human Rights Council's National Report for the Maldives in 2015, it was noted that since the review of the Maldives in 2010 there have been many important developments in terms of human rights as the country transitioned to a democratic society. The report does not, however, include any detailing of LGBT human rights issues or developments.  In May 2015, in a briefing paper submitted to the Maldives second cycle Universal Periodic Review, the International Service for Human Rights (ISHR) said "[u]ncodified Muslim Sharia Law criminalises homosexual conduct, thus making the Maldives a very insecure place to advocate for the rights of persons who identify themselves as LGBT"

Living conditions.

Public opinion.

In 2013, a blogger named Hilath Rasheed was nearly killed in a violent attack outside his home in the Maldives due to his open homosexuality and push for religious freedom. Freedom of religion, which heavily interweaves with freedom of expression and sexuality in the Maldives, remains heavily restricted in the country, both legally and through public opinion. A 2014 article in New Zealand spoke of Abraham Naim who was granted asylum due to the persecution he faced being gay in the Maldives.The Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment said to have granted refugee status because Naim was "at risk of serious harm from state agents" and would likely face further persecution for being openly gay on returning to the Maldives.  This was affirmed by Ibrahim Muaz, a spokesman at the President's Office, who commented that those seeking asylum abroad for reasons of sexual orientation discrimination would face prosecution upon return. While discrimination is apparent in the Maldives it remains a popular holiday destination for LGBT couples who rarely experience the reality of the country's Islamic based law due to the income from tourism.  Rainbow Warriors stated that the local Maldives LGBT movement is mostly limited to the virtual world, operating on the internet, due to the uncertainty and the intensity of homophobia in the country. 2015 saw two local men arrested in their private home on one of the islands in the Maldives with charges of homosexuality following a complaint by a member of the public.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons in Maldives face legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBT residents. The Maldives law criminalises homosexuality and prescribes criminal penalties for same-sex sexual conduct and relationships. The Penal Code of the Maldives works with Islamic Shariah Law to punish any acts relating to homosexuality through prison sentences, fines, and lashings. Despite this, homosexuality is rarely prosecuted but remains a social taboo where sexual orientation discrimination occurs frequently and those in the LGBT community are subject to hate crimes and other human rights violations.

Homosexuální vztahy jsou na Maledivách trestné podle šaríi, tedy nikoli podle státních zákonů. Maledivy jsou jedním z 57 (nyní 54) signatářských států odmítavého postoje k Deklaraci OSN o ochraně jiných sexuálních orientací a genderových identit předložené ve Valném shromádění v r. 2008 a stále otevřené k podpisu. Země taktéž zaujímá negativní stanovisko k rozvoji LGBT práv v poslední době a rezoluci Rady pro lidská práva předloženou Jihoafrickou republikou za podpory mnoha vyspělých zemí, které ji v r. 2011 přijaly.


Legality of same-sex sexual activity.

Same-sex sexual activity is legal in Laos, and is not believed to have ever being criminalized. Having been a colony of France, Laos never inherited anti-gay laws, unlike former British colonies. The age of consent is 15, regardless of sex or sexual orientation.

Recognition of same-sex relationships.

Laos does not recognize same-sex marriages, nor any other form of same-sex unions. There are no known debates surrounding the legalization of such unions.

Discrimination protections.

Currently, there are no laws prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation, and the national Constitution of Laos does not expressly address sexual orientation or gender identity issues.

Living conditions.

In 2013, the United States Department of State reported that "societal discrimination based on sexual orientation and against persons with HIV/AIDS" was prevalent. LGBT life in Laos has been described as "invisible", though has seen increased visibility in recent years. The Government of Laos has also taken steps in recent years to include gay men and transgender people in its National Strategy And Action Plan for HIV/AIDS prevention.  Theravada Buddhism is the most predominant religion in Laos. LGBT activist Anan Bouapha has stated, "Many people might think that Laos is conservative and extremely close-minded when it comes to LGBT issues. Realistically, our culture and mentality seem to be quite open-minded to people from all walks of life. I have seen many transgender people wearing traditional costumes to temples, attending traditional ceremonies and some gay students expressing [their] identity among [their] peers and teachers."

Groups and organisations.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are permitted to organize and campaign in Laos, but are under constant state-supervision. Phil Robertson, deputy director for Asia at Human Rights Watch, has said, "The Laotian government has never really been very friendly towards NGOs, and has forced them as well as other development partners sent by the UN to cooperate with state-controlled organizations. The Laotian leadership does place much value on transparency or dialogue with civil society." Nevertheless, "Proud to be Us" () was founded in 2012 as the country's first LGBT association. Founded by Anan Bouapha (ອານັນ ບົວພາ), then aged 25, the group organized the first LGBT Pride in Laos in June 2012. The group has begun to receive governmental support over the years, as several officials and government members have attended their events.

Culture, events and media.

Gay foreigners visiting Laos in the 1990s sometimes reported the existence of a taboo associated with foreigners, that made it hard to interact with Laotians, except discreetly at night. The Government of Laos has blocked access to LGBT themed webpages in the past and discussions about LGBT issues in the media are rare, beyond transsexuals who are quite visible in the culture as entertainment. However, it does generally tolerate, or simply ignore, LGBT people unless they campaign for LGBT rights or are judged to be too publicly "immodest or indecent". Tolerance for LGBT people is, as is often the case, stronger in the urban cities than in the rural neighborhoods. In 2014, a decree was issued prohibiting criticism of all government policies.  The Communist Government has allowed certain public health non-governmental organizations to work with the LGBT community. Lao Positive Health Association (), founded in 1999, promotes HIV/AIDS education to many different segments of Lao society, including men who have sex with men.  The first public LGBT Pride in Laos was held in June 2012 on the sports field of the U.S. embassy in Vientiane, with 100 participants; the guests of honor were U.S. Ambassador to Laos Karen Stewart and Dr. Bounpheng Philavong, director of the Center for HIV/AIDS/STI (CHAS) at the Lao Ministry of Health. The event was organized by Laotian and intergovernmental organizations, including the Purple Sky Network, Lao Positive Health Association, Population Services International, the Burnet Institute, Family Health International, the Vientiane Youth Center for Health and Development, and UNFPA.  In 2015, Proud to be Us Laos marked the first International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia (IDAHOT) in Laos with support from the European Union. Lattavanh Sengdala became the first transgender advocate to appear on national television speaking of her experience as a transwoman in Laos. The IDAHOT celebration was also reported on Lao National Television, a governmental TV channel. In 2016, the European Union again supported the organising of the second IDAHOT celebration, where more diplomatic and civil society partners participated. Proud to be Us Laos also partnered with one of the UK's leading LGBT rights organisation, Stonewall.  In 2017, the British, Australian, American and Canadian embassies, in partnership with Proud to be Us Laos, hosted a reception in Vientiane. Chargé d'Affairs of the Canadian Embassy Lee-Anne Hermann said, "Today, let us unite in this global celebration of diversity and community. A coming together to share experiences and stories to deepen our understanding and appreciation of LGBTI persons and their contributions to society." The event was also attended by some representatives from the Lao Ministry of Foreign Affairs.  In 2018, 4 more embassies participated in the advocacy campaign, namely France, Germany, Switzerland and Luxembourg. The Australian embassy wrote a Facebook post about LGBT issues in Laos. The U.S embassy organised a small panel discussion with partners and Lao audience at the American Centre.  IDAHOT 2019 was organised at the Australian embassy in Vientiane on 17 May. The event was attended by 15 embassies, staff from local Lao civil society organizations, international NGOs, and many others.  On 19 December 2019, "Being LGBT At Work (A STUDY OF LGBTI PERSONS IN THE WORKPLACE IN LAO PDR)", conducted by the Faculty of Law and Political Science at the National University of Laos, the Law and Development Partnership and Proud to Be Us Laos, was officially presented at the Annual Legal Research Forum 2019. Proud to Be Us Laos said in a statement: "Civil society could refer [to it] as data evidence on related laws and policy. It also can be used as [an] advocacy tool with partners from both [the] government, [NGOs] and internationally appropriately." Additionally, the "Pride At Work" Poster Project, a Canada funded project implemented by Proud To Be Us Laos in collaboration with the Faculty of Law and Political Science, was also launched that same day. Several Lao celebrities have expressed support for the project, including Aluna Thavonsouk (well-known Lao singer and former goodwill ambassador of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO)), Kai Nangpaya (host of the popular Pineapple Chit-Chat), Inthy Deuansavanh (businessman and founder of the Inthira Group of hotels and restaurants), Dr. Ponsinh Phithavong Boutkaska "Toto" (model and coach for Miss World Laos), Souliyan Lounchantha (head of the Clinical Legal Education Program in Lao PDR at the Faculty of Law and Political Science), and Olam Rasaphonh (prominent transgender activist). The Pride At Work ambassadors participated in a poster shooting and short video project with their personal messages to encourage Lao society "to open their heart and mind to ensure that employment in Laos focuses on people's abilities, competence and merits regardless of their gender, sexual orientation, disability, ethnicity or race."

Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights in Laos go unreported and unnoticed. While homosexuality is legal in Laos, it is very difficult to assess the current state of acceptance and violence that LGBT people face because of government interference. Numerous claims have suggested that Laos is one of the most tolerant communist states at the current time, with a growing acceptance of homosexuality. Despite such claims, discrimination still exists. Households headed by same-sex couples are not eligible for any of the rights that opposite-sex married couples enjoy, as neither same-sex marriage nor civil unions are legal.

Přestože je homosexualita v Laosu legální, nelze objektivně posoudit, jaký je přístup státu k akceptaci leseb, gayů, bisexuálů a translidí (LGBT) a násilí, s nímž se potýkají, neboť zdejší vláda neuznává kohokoli, kdo se protiví jejímu vlastnímu pojetí lidských práv. Nicméně existuje celospolečnská shoda na tom, že je Laos v současné době jedním z nejliberálnějších komunistických států s rostoucí akceptací homosexuality. Navzdory těmto procesům diskriminace stále existuje.


Band history.

1970s: Formation and immediate rise to fame.

Riblja Čorba leader, Bora Đorđević, started performing and composing as a teenager. In his early bands he usually sang and played rhythm guitar. One of them, Poslednji Ostatak Romantičnog Sveta ("The Last Remain of the Romantic World") featured Radomir "Točak" Mihajlović, who would later become the leader of Smak, on guitar. In the early 1970s, Đorđević played in Belgrade's Atelje 212 production of "Jesus Christ Superstar" and started his studies of theatre organization on the Belgrade Faculty of Dramatic Arts. At the same time, he formed the acoustic rock band Zajedno ("Together"), with which he recorded two 7" singles, the single "Vizija" ("Vision") bringing them certain media attention, and started contributing to Radio Belgrade show "Veče uz radio" ("Evening by the Radio") and music magazine "Džuboks", usually with reports on acoustic rock scene. In 1975, he left Zajedno, forming the acoustic band Suncokret, which soon gained media attention and popularity with their humorous folk rock-oriented songs. Đorđević spent three years in Suncokret, releasing the album "Moje bube" ("My Bugs") and five 7" singles with the band. He decided to leave Suncokret in 1978, after the band refused to perform his new song, "Lutka sa naslovne strane" ("Doll from the Front Cover"), a ballad about a fame-hungry model, claiming the song does not fit into the band's style. Another Suncokret member, Biljana Krstić, decided to leave the band with Đorđević, and the two joined the pop rock band Rani Mraz, led by Đorđe Balašević. Đorđević, Balašević, Krstić and Verica Todorović would

Early 1980s: Nationwide popularity, Zagreb Ice Hall incident, political scandals.

At the end of July 1980, Đorđević and Kojić, both still serving the army, appeared in Belgrade to record the song "Nazad u veliki prljavi grad" ("Back to the Big Dirty City") with Bajagić and Milatović. Đorđević was on a leave, and Kojić smuggled himself out of Sarajevo barracks. As Aleksić did not manage to get a leave, bass guitar on the song was played by Bajagić. After his return to Sarajevo, Kojić was sent to army jail for two weeks; although he managed to smuggle himself back into the barracks, his superior saw a photograph of the band sitting in kafana Šumatovac in a newspaper. "Nazad u veliki prljavi grad", recorded in one night, was released as a single on September 1, 1980. The B-side featured the original, uncensored version of "Mirno spavaj". After Đorđević and Aleksić returned from the army, the band held their comeback concert in Dadov Theater. They were announced as Zlatni Valovi Dunava ("The Golden Waves of Danube"), a lounge band which has been trying to sign a record contract for seven years. On the concert, the band performed new songs, written by Đorđević during his army service. In December, they were joined by Kojić, and on December 31 and January 1, they held two concerts with the hard rock band Atomsko Sklonište ("Atomic Shelter"). The concerts were held in Belgrade's Pionir Hall and were advertised as "Atomska Čorba" ("Atomic Stew").  In February 1981, Riblja Čorba released its second album, "Pokvarena mašta i prljave strasti" ("Perverted Imagination and Sordid Passions"). The album was produced by Enco Lesić, who also played keyboards on the album recording and composed the song "Rekla je" ("She Said"). The songs "Nemoj, srećo, nemoj danas" ("Don't, Honey, Not Today"), "Dva dinara, druže" ("Two Dinars, Comrade") and "Evo ti za taksi" ("Here's Some for the Cab") were composed by Bajagić; while in the army, Đorđević sent Bajagić the songs' lyrics, and was surprised to discover, upon his return, that Bajagić had written music on the lyrics. The

Mid 1980s: The crisis and decline in popularity, lineup change and comeback.

At the end of 1983, Riblja Čorba represented Yugoslavia on an international youth festival in Bulgaria. The title of the festival was "The Balkans - A Zone without Nuclear Weapons". The band held four concerts, the first one, in Plovdiv, attended only by young socialist activists with special invitations, forced by security to remain on their seats throughout the whole concert. On the closing ceremony, the band performed after Greek folk dancers, Bulgarian rhythm dancers and Romanian youth theatre, which performed the play "Specter of Capitalism Attacks the Youth of the East". Prior to the concert, the band was asked by the organizers not to perform the song "Kako je lepo biti glup".  Riblja Čorba's fifth studio album, "Večeras vas zabavljaju muzičari koji piju" ("Tonight You Will Be Entertained by Musicians Who Drink"), was released in 1984. As Riblja Čorba's record label PGP-RTB refused to pay for the recording in London, the band signed a contract with PGP-RTB's main competitor, Jugoton. However, the album ended up being recorded in Ljubljana and mixed in London. It was produced by Kornelije Kovač. Immediately after the album was released, state's censors declared songs "Mangupi vam kvare dete" ("Bad Boys Are

Late 1980s: New successes and political scandals.

In February 1986, the band released their eight studio album, "Osmi nervni slom" ("Eighth Nervous Breakdown"). The album was produced by Kornelije Kovač. It featured British reggae musician Eddy Grant on vocals in the song "Amsterdam". Grant was, after his concert in Belgrade, persuaded by Riblja Čorba members to come to the studio and sing two strophes of the song. Other guests included saxophonist Jova Maljoković, on the song "Jedan čovek" ("One Man"), and actress and Bastion vocalist Ana Kostovska, on the song "Prokleto sam" ("So Damn Alone"). The album's biggest hits were "Amsterdam" and "Nemoj da ideš mojom ulicom" ("Don't Walk Along My Street"). The political songs "Tu nema Boga, nema pravde" ("There's no God, There's no Justice") and "Južna Afrika '85. (Ja ću da pevam)" ("South Africa '85 ("I'm Gonna Sing)"), although no more explicit than songs from previous Riblja Čorba albums, had a hard time finding the way to the listeners because of the radio editors' self-censorship. At the beginning of

1990s: Riblja Čorba during war years and Milošević's regime.

After the outbreak of the Yugoslav wars in 1991, Riblja Čorba members decided to record their farewell album. "Labudova pesma" ("Swan Song") was recorded in Vienna at the end of 1991. Oliver Mandić, a highly successful pop rock singer and composer, cooperated with the band on the recording. The idea was for Mandić to become a full-time member of the band, but, due to disagreements between him and Đorđević, the cooperation was ended, and three songs composed by him did not appear on the album. "Labudova pesma", which did not turn out to be Riblja Čorba's last album, as they eventually changed their decision to disband, featured only one hit, "Kad sam bio mlad" ("When I Was Young", cover of Eric Burdon's "When I Was Young"), and was generally disliked by the critics, starting the series of Riblja Čorba albums with little critical acclaim. During 1992, Zoran Ilić formed the comedy rock supergroup Babe

2000s.

In 2000, Đorđević took an active role in Democratic Opposition of Serbia rallies preceding the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević. The band's first album after political changes was "Pišanje uz vetar" ("Pissing Against the Wind"), produced by Aleksić and Milan Popović and released in 2001. "Crno-beli svet" ("Black and White World") was a duet sung by Đorđević and Eyesburn frontman Hornsman Coyote, who also played the trombone on the song. The other guests on the album included Dejan Cukić on backing vocals, Vidoja Božinović's brother Zoran Božinović on guitar, actor Josif Tatić, who recited in the song "Čekajući čoveka" ("Waiting for a Man"), Boban Marković Trumpet Orchestra, and others. In 2002,

2010s.

In August 2011, PGP-RTS released Riblja Čorba box set, which featured twelve CDs: the first ten studio albums, the first live album, and the singles released in the 1978—1990 period and rarities on the twelfth CD. In January 2012, the band released the live album "Koncert za brigadire" ("Concert for the Brigadiers"). The album features a recording of the band's performance on the 1985 youth work action "Đerdap 1985". The album was released through RTV Stara Pazova, on CD and, in a limited number of 1000 copies, on vinyl record. In 2012, Zorić started a side project, the band Kontrast ("Contrast"), with which he released the album "Trenutni hir" ("Momentary Caprice"). During the same year, Đorđević stated that the band is likely to perform in Zagreb, for the first time since the end of the war.  On November 15, 2012, the band released their latest studio album entitled "Uzbuna!" ("Alarm!"). The album was released both on CD, through City Records, and on vinyl, through

Legacy.

Riblja Čorba is one of the most popular, best-selling and most influential acts of the Yugoslav rock scene, and Bora Đorđević is widely considered one of the most notable and influential authors in the history of Yugoslav rock. Riblja Čorba's and Bora Đorđević's work has been praised by singer-songwriter Arsen Dedić, singer-songwriter Đorđe Balašević, Vatreni Poljubac leader Milić Vukašinović, Prljavo Kazalište guitarist and leader Jasenko Houra, former Azra leader Branimir "Džoni" Štulić, singer-songwriter and former Lačni Franz leader Zoran Predin, former Doktor Spira i Ljudska Bića leader Dušan Mihajlović "Spira", and others. Riblja Čorba's work has been cited as influence by the members of Hladno Pivo, Bjesovi and others. Riblja Čorba songs were covered by acts such are Prljavi Inspektor Blaža i Kljunovi, Zaklonišče Prepeva, Sick Mother Fakers, Six Pack, Alogia, Bjesovi, Del Arno Band and others. Riblja Čorba remains one of the top mainstream acts on the Serbian rock scene, however, Bora Đorđević's support for Serbian nationalism during Yugoslav wars has caused a large decline in the band's popularity, especially in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.  The book "" ("YU 100: The Best albums of Yugoslav pop and rock music"), published in 1998, features eight Riblja Čorba albums: "Kost u grlu" (polled No. 16), "Mrtva priroda" (polled No. 19), "Pokvarena mašta i prljave strasti" (polled No. 23), "Istina" (polled No. 43), "Buvlja pijaca" (polled No. 64), "Večeras vas zabavljaju muzičari koji piju" (polled No. 80), "Osmi nervni slom" (polled No. 83), and "U ime naroda" (polled No. 85). The list of 100 greatest Yugoslav album, published by Croatian edition of "Rolling Stone" in 2015, features two Riblja Čorba albums, "Pokvarena mašta i prljave strasti" (ranked No. 13) and "Mrtva priroda" (ranked No. 22). In 1987, in "YU legende uživo" ("YU Legends Live"), a special publication by "Rock" magazine, "U ime naroda" was pronounced one of 12 best Yugoslav live albums.  The song "Pogledaj dom svoj, anđele" was voted Hit of the Year in 1985 by the listeners of Radio Beograd 202 and Song of the Decade in 1990. In 2009, the song was voted the Greatest Domestic Song by the readers of the "Standard" magazine. The Rock Express Top 100 Yugoslav Rock Songs of All Times list, published in 2000, featured six songs by Riblja Čorba: "Pogledaj dom svoj, anđele" (polled No.1), "Dva dinara, druže" (polled No.2), "Ostani đubre do kraja" (polled No.25), "Lutka sa naslovne strane" (polled No.35), "Rock 'n' roll za kućni savet" (polled No. 64) and "Kad padne noć (Upomoć)" (polled No.76). The B92 Top 100 Yugoslav songs list features two songs by Riblja Čorba: "Kad hodaš" (ranked No.4) and "Lutka sa naslovne strane" (ranked No.12). In 2011, "Pogledaj dom svoj, anđele" and "Lutka sa naslovne strane" were polled, by the listeners of Radio Beograd 202, two of 60 greatest songs released by PGP-RTB/PGP-RTS during the sixty years of the label's existence.  The lyrics of 12 Riblja Čorba songs (11 written by Đorđević and 1 written by Bajagić) were featured in Petar Janjatović's book "" ("Songs of Brotherhood, Childhood & Offspring: Anthology of Ex YU Rock Poetry 1967 - 2007").  In 2016, Serbian weekly news magazine "Nedeljnik" pronounced Bora Đorđević one of 100 people that changed Serbia forever.  In 2009, Pošta Slovenije released the postage stamp which featured Riblja Čorba logo. In 2013, Radio Television of Serbia broadcast a four-part documentary about Đorđević and the band, entitled "Uporno dozivanje anđela" ("Persistent Invocation of Angels"), written by and directed by Slobodan Simojlović.

Riblja Čorba (, pronounced ; translation: litr. "Fish Stew") is a Serbian and Yugoslav rock band from Belgrade. The band was one of the most popular and most influential acts of the Yugoslav rock scene.

Riblja Čorba je srbská hardrocková skupina. Byla založena 15. srpna 1978 v Bělehradě poté, co zpěvák Bora Đorđević opustil skupinu Suncokvet, dalšími členy byli kytarista Rajko Kojić, baskytarista Miša Aleksić a bubeník Vicko Milatović. Název znamená doslova „rybí polévka“, v tehdejším mládežnickém slangu to ale bylo také označení menstruace. Zpočátku skupina hrála coververze skladeb od The Rolling Stones, Deep Purple, Humble Pie a dalších, postupně začala budovat vlastní repertoár a v prosinci 1978 vydala první singl „Lutka sa naslovne strane“/„On i njegov BMW“. Balada na A straně se stala hitem a v roce 2006 se umístila na dvanáctém místě v anketě rozhlasových posluchačů o nejlepší píseň v dějinách jugoslávské populární hudby. Na seznamu stovky nejlepších jugoslávských rockových alb, který sestavili odborníci v roce 1998, má Riblja Čorba osm desek, nejlépe se umístil debut "Kost u grlu" na šestnáctém místě.


Origins and nomenclature.

The origins and prehistory of the Oromo people prior to the 16th century are based on Oromo oral tradition. Older and subsequent colonial era documents mention the Oromo people as "Galla", which has now developed derogatory connotations, but these documents were generally written by members of other ethnic groups. The first verifiable record mentioning the Oromo people by a European cartographer is in the map made by the Italian Fra Mauro in 1460, which uses the term "Galla".  Fra Mauro's term Galla is the most used term, however, until the early 20th century. The term, stated Juxon Barton in 1924, was in use for Oromo people by Abyssinians and Arabs. It was a term for a river and a forest, as well as for the pastoral people established in the highlands of southern Ethiopia. This historical information, according to Mohammed Hassen, is consistent with the written and oral traditions of the Somalis. A journal published by International African Institute suggests it is an Oromo word (adopted by neighbours) for there is a word galla "wandering" or "to go home" in their language.  The Oromo never called themselves "Galla" and resist its use because the term is considered derogatory. They traditionally identified themselves by one of their clans ("gosas") and now use the common umbrella term of Oromo which connotes "free born people". The word Oromo is derived from "Ilm Orma" meaning "children of Oromo", or "sons of Men", or "person, stranger". The first known use of the word "Oromo" to refer to the ethnic group is traceable to 1893. After Fra Mauro's mention, there is a profusion of literature about the peoples of this region including the Oromo, particularly mentioning their wars and resistance to religious conversion, primarily by European explorers, Catholic Christians missionaries. The earliest primary account of Oromo ethnography is the 16th-century ""History of Galla"" by Christian monk Bahrey who comes from the Sidama country of Gammo, written in the Ge'ez language. According to an 1861 book by D'Abbadie.  Historical linguistics and comparative ethnology studies suggest that the Oromo people probably originated around the lakes Lake Chew Bahir and Lake Chamo. They are a Cushitic people who have inhabited the East and Northeast Africa since at least the early 1st millennium. The aftermath of the sixteenth century Abyssinian–Adal war led to Oromos to move to the north. The Harla were assimilated by the Oromo in Ethiopia.  The historical evidence, suggests that the Oromo people were already established in the southern highlands in or before the 15th century and that at least some Oromo people were interacting with other Ethiopian ethnic groups. While Oromo people have lived in the region for a long time, the ethnic mixture of peoples who have lived here is unclear. According to Alessandro Triulzi, the interactions and encounters between Oromo people and Nilo-Saharan groups likely began early. The Oromos increased their numbers through Oromization ("Meedhicca", "Mogasa" and "Gudifacha") of mixed peoples ("Gabbaro"). The native ancient names of the territories were replaced by the name of the Oromo clans who conquered it while the people were made Gabbaros.

History.

Pre-19th century.

Historically, Afaan Oromo-speaking people used their own "Gadaa" system of governance. Oromos also had a number of independent kingdoms, which they shared with the Sidama people. Among these were the Gibe region kingdoms of Kaffa, Gera, Gomma, Garo, Gumma, Jimma, Leeqa-Nekemte and Limmu-Ennarea.  The earliest known documented and detailed history of the Oromo people was by the Ethiopian monk Abba Bahrey who wrote "Zenahu le Galla" in 1593, though the synonymous term "Gallas" was mentioned in maps or elsewhere much earlier. After the 16th century, they are mentioned more often, such as in the records left by Abba Pawlos, Joao Bermudes, Jerorimo Lobo, Galawdewos, Sarsa Dengel and others. These records suggest that the Oromo were pastoral people in their history, who stayed together. Their animal herds began to expand rapidly and they needed more grazing lands. They began migrating, not together, but after separating. They lacked kings, and had elected leaders called "luba" based on a "gada" system of government instead. By the late 16th century, two major Oromo confederations emerged: "Afre" and "Sadaqa", which respectively refer to four and three in their language, with Afre emerging from four older clans, and Sadaqa out of three. These Oromo confederations were originally located in south-central Ethiopia, specifically the northwest of the Borena region near Lake Abaya, but started moving north in the 16th century in what is termed as the "Great Oromo Migration".  According to Richard Pankhurst, an Ethiopia historian, this migration is linked to the first incursions into inland Horn of Africa by Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrahim. According to historian Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst, the migration was one of the consequences of fierce wars of attrition between Christian and Muslim armies in the Horn of Africa region in the 15th and 16th century which killed a lot of people and depopulated the regions near the Galla lands, but also probably a result of droughts in their traditional homelands. Further, they acquired horses and their "gada" system helped coordinate well equipped Oromo warriors who enabled fellow Oromos to advance and settle into newer regions starting in the 1520s. This expansion continued through the 17th century.  Both peaceful integration and violent competition between Oromos and other neighboring ethnicities such as the Amhara, Sidama, Afar and the Somali affected politics within the Oromo community. Between 1500 and 1800, there were waves of wars and struggle between highland Christians, coastal Muslim and polytheist population in the Horn of Africa. This caused major redistribution of populations. The northern, eastern and western movement of the Oromos from the south around 1535 mirrored the large-scale expansion by Somalis inland. The 1500–1800 period also saw relocation of the Amhara people, and helped influence contemporary ethnic politics in Ethiopia.  According to oral and literary evidence, Borana Oromo clan and Garre Somali clan mutually victimized each other in seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, particularly near their eastern borders. There were also periods of relative peace. According to Günther Schlee, the Garre Somali clan replaced the Borana Oromo clan as the dominant ethnic group in this region. The Borana violence against their neighbors, states Schlee, was unusual and unlike their behavior inside their community where violence was considered deviant.

Demographics.

The Oromos are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia (34.5% of the population), numbering about 25 million. They are predominantly concentrated in Oromia Region in central Ethiopia, the largest region in the country by both population and area. They speak Afaan Oromo, the official language of Oromia. Oromos constitute the fifth most populous ethnic group among Africans as a whole and the most populous among Horners specifically.  Oromo also have a notable presence in northern Kenya in the Marsabit County, Isiolo County and Tana River County Totaling to about 470,700: 210,000 Borana 110,500 Gabra 85,000 Orma 45,200 Sakuye and 20,000 Waata. There are also Oromo in the former Wollo and Tigray provinces of Ethiopia.

Subgroups.

The Oromo are divided into two major branches that break down into an assortment of clan families. From west to east. The Borana Oromo, also called the Boran, are a pastoralist group living in southern Ethiopia (Oromia) and northern Kenya. The Boran inhabit the former provinces of Shewa, Welega, Illubabor, Kafa, Jimma, Sidamo, northern and northeastern Kenya, and a small refugee population in some parts of Somalia.  Barentu/Barentoo or (older) Baraytuma is the other moiety of the Oromo people. The Barentu Oromo inhabit the eastern parts of the Oromia Region in the Zones of Mirab Hararghe or West Hararghe, Arsi Zone, Bale Zone, Debub Mirab Shewa Zone or South West Shewa, Dire Dawa region, the Jijiga Zone of the Somali Region, Administrative Zone 3 of the Afar Region, Oromia Zone of the Amhara Region, and are also found in the Raya Azebo Aanaas in the Tigray Region.

Language.

The Oromo speak the Oromo language as a mother tongue. It belongs to the Cushitic branch of the Afroasiatic family. It is the most widely spoken language of the Cushitic languages and the fourth most widely spoken language of Africa after Arabic, Hausa, and Swahili. The Oromo language's main linguistic varieties are Borana-Arsi-Guji Oromo, Eastern Oromo, Orma and West Central Oromo.  Modern Oromo writing systems used to transcribe in Latin script. Additionally, the Sapalo script was historically used to write Oromo. It was invented by the Oromo scholar Sheikh Bakri Sapalo (also known by his birth name, Abubaker Usman Odaa) during the 1950s.

Religion.

The Oromo people followed their traditional religion Waaqeffanna and resistant to religious conversion before assimilation in the Christian kingdoms and sultanates. The influential 30-year war from 1529 to 1559 between the three parties – the Oromo, the Christians and the Muslims – dissipated the political strengths of all three. The religious beliefs of the Oromo people evolved in this socio-political environment. In the 19th century and first half of the 20th century, Protestant or Catholic missionaries efforts abled to create Oromo Protestant or Catholic followers.  In the late 19th century, Orthodox was endorsed by the state. Tewodros and Yohannes were known for their intolerance towards other religions. The religion hostile to that of Amhara race who lorded over them helped the expansion of Islam. The first to accept Islam as a resisistance ideology were the Wollo Oromo. The Arsi Oromo also accepted Islam in response to the war and massacre by the Christian state under Minilik. Although Minilik baptized by force the Oromo of Shewa, the emperor felt he had to tolerate the Islam in areas like Jimma and Harar after the use of force in the past turned out to be dangerous.  In the 2007 Ethiopian census for Oromia region, which included both Oromo and non-Oromo residents, there was a total of 13,107,963 followers of Christianity (8,204,908 Orthodox, 4,780,917 Protestant, 122,138 Catholic), 12,835,410 followers of Islam, 887,773 followers of traditional religions, and 162,787 followers of other religions. Accordingly, Oromo is 48.1% Christian (8,204,908 or 30.4% Orthodox, 4,780,917 or 17.7% Protestant, 122,138 Catholic), 47.6% Muslim and 3.3% followers of traditional religions  According to a 2009 publication of Association of Muslim Social Scientists and International Institute of Islamic Thought, "probably just over 60% of the Oromos follow Islam, over 30% follow Christianity and less than 3% follow traditional religion".  According to a 2016 estimate by James Minahan, about half of the Oromo people are Sunni Muslim, a third are Ethiopian Orthodox, and the rest are mostly Protestants or follow their traditional religious beliefs. The traditional religion is more common in southern Oromo populations and Christianity more common in and near the urban centers, while Muslims are more common near the Somalian border and in the north.

Society and culture.

Gadaa.

Oromo people governed themselves in accordance with Gadaa system long before the 16th century. The system regulates political, economic, social and religious activities of the community. Oromo were traditionally a culturally homogeneous society with genealogical ties. A male born in the Oromo clan went through five stages of eight years, where his life established his role and status for consideration to a "Gadaa" office. Every eight years, the Oromo would choose by consensus nine leaders for the office. A leader elected by the gadaa system remains in power only for 8 years, with an election taking place at the end of those 8 years.  There are three Gadaa Organs of Governance: Gadaa Council, Gadaa General Assembly(gumi gayo), and the Qallu Assembly. Gadaa Council is considered as it is the collective achievements the members of the Gadaa class. It is responsible in coordinating irreecha. Gadaa General Assembly is the legislative body of the Gadaa government, while Qallu Assembly is the religious institution.

Calendar.

The Oromo people developed a luni-solar calendar, which different geographically and religiously distinct Oromo communities use the same calendar. This calendar is sophisticated and similar to ones found among the Chinese, the Hindus and the Mayans. It was tied to the traditional religion of the Oromos, and used to schedule the "Gadda" system of elections and power transfer.  The Borana Oromo calendar system was once thought to be based upon an earlier Cushitic calendar developed around 300 BC found at Namoratunga. Reconsideration of the Namoratunga site led astronomer and archaeologist Clive Ruggles to conclude that there is no relationship. The new year of the Oromo people, according to this calendar, falls in the month of October. The calendar has no weeks but a name for each day of the month. It is a lunar-stellar calendar system.

Oromumma.

Some modern authors such as Gemetchu Megerssa have proposed the concept of "Oromumma", or "Oromoness" as a cultural common between Oromo people. The word is derived by combining "Oromo" with the Arabic term "Ummah" (community). However, according to Terje Østebø and other scholars this term is a neologism from the late 1990s and has been questioned to its link to Oromo ethno-nationalism and Salafi Islamic discourse, in their disagreement with Christian Amhara and other ethnic groups.  The Oromo people, depending on their geographical location and historical events, have variously converted to Islam, to Christianity, or remained with their traditional religion (Waaqeffanna). According to Gemetchu Megerssa, the subjective reality is that "neither traditional Oromo rituals nor traditional Oromo beliefs function any longer as a cohesive and integral symbol system" for the Oromo people, not just regionally but even locally. The cultural and ideological divergence within the Oromo people, in part from their religious differences, is apparent from the constant impetus for negotiations between broader Oromo spokespersons and those Oromo who are Ahl al-Sunna followers, states Terje Østebø. The internally evolving cultural differences within the Oromos have led some scholars such as Mario Aguilar and Abdullahi Shongolo to conclude that "that a common identity acknowledged by all Oromo in general does not exist".

Social stratification.

Like other ethnic groups in the Horn of Africa and East Africa, Oromo people regionally developed social stratification consisting of four hierarchical strata. The highest strata were the nobles called the "Borana", below them were the "Gabbaro" (some 17th to 19th century Ethiopian texts refer them as the "dhalatta"). Below these two upper castes were the despised castes of artisans, and at the lowest level were the slaves.  In the Islamic Kingdom of Jimma, the Oromo society's caste strata predominantly consisted of endogamous, inherited artisanal occupations. Each caste group has specialized in a particular occupation such as iron working, carpentry, weapon making, pottery, weaving, leather working and hunting.  Each caste in the Oromo society had a designated name. For example, "Tumtu" were smiths, "Fuga" were potters, "Faqi" were tanners and leatherworkers, "Semmano" were weavers, "Gagurtu" were bee keepers and honey makers, and "Watta" were hunters and foragers. While slaves were a stratum within the society, many Oromos, regardless of caste, were sold into slavery elsewhere. By the 19th century, Oromo slaves were sought after and a major part of slaves sold in Gondar and Gallabat slave markets at Ethiopia-Sudan border, as well as the Massawa and Tajura markets on the Red Sea.

Livelihood.

The Oromo people are engaged in many occupations. The southern Oromo (specifically the Borana Oromo) are largely pastoralists who raise goats and cattle. Other Oromo groups have a more diverse economy which includes agriculture and work in urban centers. Some Oromo also sell many products and food items like coffee beans (coffee being a favorite beverage among the Oromo) at local markets.

Contemporary era.

Human rights issues.

In December 2009, a 96-page report titled "Human Rights in Ethiopia: Through the Eyes of the Oromo Diaspora", compiled by the Advocates for Human Rights, documented human rights violations against the Oromo in Ethiopia under three successive regimes: the Ethiopian Empire under Haile Selassie, the Marxist Derg and the current Ethiopian government of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), dominated by members of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and which was accused to have arrested approximately 20,000 suspected OLF members, to have driven most OLF leadership into exile, and to have effectively neutralized the OLF as a political force in Ethiopia.  According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Oromia Support Group (OSG) recorded 594 extrajudicial killings of Oromos by Ethiopian government security forces and 43 disappearances in custody between 2005 and August 2008.  Starting in November 2015, during a wave of mass protests, mainly by Oromos, over the expansion of the municipal boundary of the capital, Addis Ababa, into Oromia, over 500 people have been killed and many more have been injured, according to human-rights advocates and independent monitors. The protests have since spread to other ethnic groups and encompass wider social grievances. Ethiopia declared a state of emergency in response to Oromo and Amhara protests in October 2016.  With the rising political unrest, there was ethnic violence involving the Oromo such as the Oromo–Somali clashes between the Oromo and the ethnic Somalis, leading to up to 400,000 to be displaced in 2017. Gedeo–Oromo clashes between the Oromo and the Gedeo people in the south of the country, and continued violence in the Oromia-Somali border region led to Ethiopia having the largest number of people to flee their homes in the world in 2018, with 1.4 million newly displaced people. In September 2018 in the minorities protest that took place in Oromia near the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, 23 people were killed following 43 Oromos murder in the Addis Ababa neighborhood of Saris Abo. Some have blamed the rise in ethnic violence in the Oromia Special Zone Surrounding Finfinne on the Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed for giving space to groups formerly banned by previous Tigrayan led governments, such as the Oromo Liberation Front and Ginbot 7.

Political organizations.

Most Oromos do not have political unity today due to their historical roles in the Ethiopian state and the region, the spread-out movement of different Oromo clans, and the differing religions inside the Oromo nation. Accordingly, Oromos played major roles in all three main political movements in Ethiopia (centralist, federalist and secessionist) during the 19th and 20th century. In addition to holding high powers during the centralist government and the monarchy, the Raya Oromos in the Tigray regional state played a major role in the "Weyane" revolt, challenging Emperor Haile Selassie I's rule in the 1940s. Simultaneously, both federalist and secessionist political forces developed inside the Oromo community.  At present a number of ethnic-based political organizations have been formed to promote the interests of the Oromo. The first was the Mecha and Tulama Self-Help Association founded in January 1963, but disbanded by the government after several increasingly tense confrontations in November 1966. Later groups include the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM), the United Liberation Forces of Oromia (ULFO), the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromia (IFLO), the Oromia Liberation Council (OLC), the Oromo National Congress (ONC, recently changed to OPC) and others. Another group, the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), is one of the four parties that form the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. However, these Oromo groups do not act in unity: the ONC, for example, was part of the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces coalition that challenged the EPRDF in the Ethiopian general elections of 2005.  A number of these groups seek to create an independent Oromo nation, some using armed force. Meanwhile, the ruling OPDO and several opposition political parties in the Ethiopian parliament believe in the ethnic federalism. But most Oromo opposition parties in Ethiopia condemn the economic and political inequalities in the country. Progress has been very slow, with the Oromia International Bank just recently established in 2008, though Oromo-owned Awash International Bank started early in the 1990s.  Radio broadcasts began in Oromo language in Somalia in 1960 by Radio Mogadishu. Within Kenya there has been radio broadcasting in Oromo (in the Borana dialect) on the Voice of Kenya since at least the 1980s. Broadcasting in Oromo thought in Ethiopia as it would break radio until 1974 revolution in which Radio Harar began broadcasting.  Various human rights organizations have publicized the government persecution of Oromos in Ethiopia for decades. In 2008, OFDM opposition party condemned the government's indirect role in the death of hundreds of Oromos in western Ethiopia. According to Amnesty International, "between 2011 and 2014, at least 5000 Oromos have been arrested based on their actual or suspected peaceful opposition to the government. These include thousands of peaceful protestors and hundreds of opposition political party members. The government anticipates a high level of opposition in Oromia, and signs of dissent are sought out and regularly, sometimes pre-emptively, suppressed. In numerous cases, actual or suspected dissenters have been detained without charge or trial, killed by security services during protests, arrests and in detention."  According to Amnesty International, there is a sweeping repression in the Oromo region of Ethiopia. On 12 December 2015, the German broadcaster Deutsche Welle reported violent protests in the Oromo region of Ethiopia in which more than 20 students were killed. According to the report, the students were protesting against the government's re-zoning plan named 'Addis Ababa Master Plan'.  On 2 October 2016, between 55 and 300 festival goers were massacred at the most sacred and largest event among the Oromo, the Irreecha cultural thanksgiving festival. In just one day, dozens were killed and many more injured in what will go down in history as one of the darkest days for the Oromo people. Every year, millions of Oromos, the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, gather in Bishoftu for this annual celebration. However this year, the festive mood quickly turned chaotic after Ethiopian security forces responded to peaceful protests by firing tear gas and live bullets at over two million people surrounded by a lake and cliffs. In the week that followed, angry youth attacked government buildings and private businesses. On 8 October, the government responded by abusive and far-reaching state of emergency lifted in August 2017. During the state of emergency, security forces arbitrarily detained over 21,000 people.

The Oromo people ( ; Oromo: "Oromoo") are a Cushitic ethnic group and nation native to Ethiopia who speak the Oromo language. They are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and represent 34.5% of Ethiopia's population. Oromos speak the Oromo language as their mother tongue (also called "Afaan Oromoo" and "Oromiffa"), which is part of the Cushitic branch of the Afroasiatic language family. The word "Oromo" appeared in European literature for the first time in 1893 and slowly became common in the second half of the 20th century.

Oromové jsou nejpočetnějším národem Etiopie, jehož obyvatelstvo tvoří asi 80 odlišných etnických skupin. Žijí především na jihu Etiopie a také na severu Keni.


Geography.

Alservorstadt spans the south of Alsergrund and the north-east of Josefstadt. The street "Alser Straße" marks the border between the two districts. The name Alservorstadt (literal translation: suburb of the Als) derives from the river Als, whose which runs through the area and today is covered with concrete throughout the borough. Alservorstadt borders Thurygrund in the north, Roßau in the east, the Innere Stadt, Josefstadt and Breitenfeld in the south, as well as Währing and Michelbeuern in the west.

History.

Initially, the area was sparsely populated, but after the second siege of Vienna (1683), it was more densely settled, primarily along Alser Straße. At the end of the 17th century, the population of Slovenes, Croats and Slovaks previously residing in Spittelberg were forcibly moved to the so-called "Krowotendörfl" (literally: 'village of Croats') north of Alser Straße. In 1753, the "Alser Kaserne" barracks were erected (demolished in 1912). Traditionally, many poorhouses and hospitals were located in Alservorstadt, and their high mortality rate required many cemeteries, such as the "Neuer Schottenfriedhof" cemetery (documented up to 1784). 1784 also saw the inauguration of the Vienna General Hospital, a then public hospital regarded as modern with respect to contemporary standards. The same period also saw the establishment of the "Findelhaus", a bearing house, and the "k.k. Gewehrfabrik" which became a substantial rifle supplier for the Austrian Army. From 1821 to 1862, the municipality of Alservorstadt maintained a town hall in a two-storey, baroque building located at 8., Laudongasse 5. In 1850, Alservorstadt was officially integrated into the city of Vienna as part of the Alsergrund district. In 1861, the southern part was transferred to the smaller district of Josefstadt.

Sights.

The neo-Gothic Votive Church was constructed from 1856 to 1879 by architect Heinrich von Ferstel. The classicist building of the "Josephinum" by architect Isidore Carnevale was erected as an academy for military surgeons in the 18th century. From the "Schwarzspanierkirche" (a former military Lutheran church), only the front façade remains to this day. Moreover, the Strudlhofstiege is well known, immortalized in Heimito von Doderer's novel of the same name. Other sights include the fountains "Wachsamkeitsbrunnen" (at Schlesingplatz) and "Schubertbrunnen" at the border with Roßau. The "Palais Schönborn" houses the Austrian museum for ethnography while the Federal Pathologic-Anatomical Museum is located in the Narrenturm, Europe's oldest building dedicated to psychiatric patients. Moreover, the U.S. Embassy in Vienna is situated in the north of Alservorstadt.

Economy and transportation.

Alsergrund is well integrated into the Viennese public transit network, in particular with the U-Bahn stations "Alser Straße" in the west and "Schottentor" to the east. The headquarters of the Austrian central bank, the penitentiary "Justizanstalt Josefstadt" and the town hall of Josefstadt are located in the area. Although the Vienna General Hospital has moved to Michelbeuern, some medical institutions remain, in particular the pediatric hospital "St. Anna Kinderspital". Moreover, the borough comprises several important educational institutions, such as the campus of the University of Vienna, or the Lycée Français de Vienne.

Alservorstadt was an independent municipality until 1850 and is since then divided between Josefstadt and Alsergrund, the 8th and 9th districts of Vienna, respectively.

Alservorstadt (volně lze přeložit jako „alserské předměstí“) je část rakouského hlavního města Vídně, která leží v 9. okrsku (Alsergrund). Tato část byla pojmenována po řece Als, jejíž koryto vede v podzemí této městské části. Do roku 1850 se jednalo o samostatnou obec.