History.

The beginning of carpet weaving remains unknown, as carpets are subject to use, deterioration, and destruction by insects and rodents. Woven rugs probably developed from earlier floor coverings, made of felt, or a technique known as "flat weaving". Flat-woven rugs are made by tightly interweaving the warp and weft strands of the weave to produce a flat surface with no pile. The technique of weaving carpets further developed into a technique known as loop weaving. Loop weaving is done by pulling the weft strings over a gauge rod, creating loops of thread facing the weaver. The rod is then either removed, leaving the loops closed, or the loops are cut over the protecting rod, resulting in a rug very similar to a genuine pile rug. Hand-woven pile rugs are produced by knotting strings of thread individually into the warps, cutting the thread after each single knot.

The Pazyryk carpet: Earliest pile-woven carpet.

The Pazyryk carpet was excavated in 1949 from the grave of a Scythian nobleman in the Pazyryk Valley of the Altai Mountains in Siberia. Radiocarbon testing indicated that the Pazyryk carpet was woven in the 5th century BC. This carpet is and has 36 symmetrical knots per cm2 (232 per inch2). The advanced technique used in the Pazyryk carpet indicates a long history of evolution and experience in weaving. It is considered the oldest known carpet in the world. Its central field is a deep red color and it has two animal frieze borders proceeding in opposite directions accompanied by guard stripes. The inner main

Early fragments.

There are documentary records of carpets being used by the ancient Greeks. Homer, assumed to have lived around 850 BC, writes in Ilias XVII,350 that the body of Patroklos is covered with a "splendid carpet". In Odyssey Book VII and X "carpets" are mentioned. Pliny the Elder wrote (nat. VIII, 48) that carpets ("polymita") were invented in Alexandria. It is unknown whether these were flatweaves or pile weaves, as no detailed technical information is provided in the Greek and Latin texts.  Flat-woven kilims

Early history: circa 500 BC – 200 AD.

Persian carpets were first mentioned around 400 BC, by the Greek author Xenophon in his book "Anabasis":  "αὖθις δὲ Τιμασίωνι τῷ Δαρδανεῖ προσελθών, ἐπεὶ ἤκουσεν αὐτῷ εἶναι καὶ ἐκπώματα καὶ τάπιδας βαρβαρικάς", (Xen. anab. VII.3.18) "καὶ Τιμασίων προπίνων ἐδωρήσατο φιάλην τε ἀργυρᾶν καὶ τάπιδα ἀξίαν δέκα μνῶν." [Xen. anab. VII.3.27]  Xenophon describes Persian

The Sasanian Empire: 224–651.

The Sasanian Empire, which succeeded the Parthian Empire, was recognized as one of the leading powers of its time, alongside its neighbouring Byzantine Empire, for a period of more than 400 years. The Sasanids established their empire roughly within the borders set by the Achaemenids, with the capital at Ctesiphon. This last Persian dynasty before the arrival of Islam adopted Zoroastrianism as the state religion.  When and how exactly the Persians started weaving pile carpets is currently unknown, but the knowledge of carpet weaving, and of suitable designs for floor coverings, was certainly available in the area covering Byzance, Anatolia, and Persia: Anatolia, located between Byzance and Persia, was ruled by the Roman Empire since 133 BCE. Geographically and politically, by changing alliances and warfare as well as by trade, Anatolia connected the East Roman with the Persian Empire. Artistically, both empires have developed similar styles and decorative vocabulary, as exemplified by mosaics and architecture of Roman Antioch. A Turkish carpet pattern depicted on Jan van Eyck's "Paele Madonna" painting was traced back to late Roman origins and related to early Islamic floor mosaics found in the Umayyad palace of Khirbat al-Mafjar.  Flat weaving and embroidery were known

The advent of Islam and the Caliphates: 651–1258.

The Muslim conquest of Persia led to the end of the Sasanian Empire in 651 and the eventual decline of the Zoroastrian religion in Persia. Persia became a part of the Islamic world, ruled by Muslim Caliphates.  Arabian geographers and historians visiting Persia provide, for the first time, references to the use of carpets on the floor. The unknown author of the Hudud al-'Alam states that rugs were woven in Fārs. 100 years later, Al-Muqaddasi refers to carpets in the Qaināt. Yaqut al-Hamawi tells us that carpets

Seljuq invasion and Turko-Persian tradition: 1040–1118.

Beginning at latest with the Seljuq invasions of Anatolia and northwestern Persia, a distinct Turko-Persian tradition emerged. Fragments of woven carpets were found in the Alâeddin Mosque in the Turkish town of Konya and the Eşrefoğlu Mosque in Beyşehir, and were dated to the Anatolian Seljuq Period (1243–1302). More fragments were found in Fostat, today a suburb of the city of Cairo.

The Mongol Ilkhanate (1256–1335) and Timurid Empire (1370–1507).

Between 1219 and 1221, Persia was raided by the Mongols. After 1260, the title "Ilkhan" was borne by the descendants of Hulagu Khan and later other Borjigin princes in Persia. At the end of the thirteenth century, Ghazan Khan built a new capital at Shãm, near Tabriz. He ordered the floors of his residence to be covered with carpets from Fārs.  With the death of Ilkhan Abu Said Bahatur in 1335, Mongol rule faltered and Persia fell into political anarchy. In 1381, Timur invaded Iran and became the founder of the Timurid Empire. His successors, the Timurids, maintained a hold on most of Iran until they had to submit

The Safavid Period (1501–1732).

In 1499, a new dynasty arose in Persia. Shah Ismail I, its founder, was related to Uzun Hassan. He is regarded as the first national sovereign of Persia since the Arab conquest, and established Shi'a Islam as the state religion of Persia. He and his successors, Shah Tahmasp I and Shah Abbas I became patrons of the Persian Safavid art. Court manufactories were probably established by Shah Tahmasp in Tabriz, but definitely by Shah Abbas when he moved his capital from Tabriz in northwestern to Isfahan in central Persia, in the wake of the Ottoman–Safavid War (1603–18). For the art of carpet weaving in Persia, this meant, as Edwards wrote: "that in a short time it rose

The "design revolution".

By the late fifteenth century, the design of the carpets depicted in miniatures changed considerably. Large-format medaillons appeared, ornaments began to show elaborate curvilinear designs. Large spirals and tendrils, floral ornaments, depictions of flowers and animals, were often mirrored along the long or short axis of the carpet to obtain harmony and rhythm. The earlier "kufic" border design was replaced by tendrils and arabesques. All these patterns required a more elaborate system of weaving, as compared to weaving straight, rectilinear lines. Likewise, they require artists to create the design, weavers to execute them on

Masterpieces of Safavid carpet weaving.

A. C. Edwards opens his book on Persian

Safavid "Vase technique" carpets from Kirmān.

A distinct group of Safavid carpets can be attributed to the region of Kirmān in southern Persia. May H. Beattie identified these carpets by their common structure: Seven different types of carpets were identified: Garden carpets (depicting formal gardens and water channels); carpets with centralized designs, characterized by a large medallion; multiple-medaillon designs with offset medaillons and compartment repeats; directional designs with the arrangements of little scenes used as individual motifs; sickle-leaf designs where long, curved, serrated and sometimes compound leaves dominate the field; arabesque; and lattice designs. Their distinctive structure consists of asymmetric knots; the cotton warps are depressed, and there are three wefts. The first and third weft are made of wool, and lie hidden in the center of the carpet. The middle weft is of silk or cotton, and passes from the back to the front. When the carpets are worn, this third weft evokes a characteristic, "tram line" effect.  The best known "vase technique" carpets from Kirmān are those of the so-called "Sanguszko group", named after the House of Sanguszko, whose collection has the most outstanding example. The medallion-and-corner design is similar to other 16th century Safavid carpets, but the colours and style of drawing are distinct. In the central medallion, pairs of human

The Afsharid (1736–1796) and Zand (1750–1796) dynasties.

Iran's territorial integrity was restored by a native Iranian Turkic Afshar warlord from Khorasan, Nader Shah. He defeated the Afghans, and Ottomans, reinstalled the Safavids on the throne, and

The Qajãr dynasty (1789–1925).

In 1789, Mohammad Khan Qajar was crowned king of Persia, the founder of the Qajar dynasty, which provided Persia with a long period of order and comparative peace, and the industry had an

The Pahlavi dynasty (1925–1979).

In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution, Persia had become a battleground. In 1917, Britain used Iran as the springboard for an attack into Russia in an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the Revolution. The Soviet Union responded by annexing portions of northern Persia, creating the Persian Soviet Socialist Republic. By 1920, the Iranian government had lost virtually all power outside its capital: British and Soviet forces exercised control over most of the Iranian mainland.  In 1925 Rezā Shāh, supported by the British government, deposed Ahmad Shah Qajar, the last Shah of the Qajar dynasty, and founded the Pahlavi dynasty. He established a constitutional monarchy that lasted until the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Reza Shah introduced social, economic, and political reforms, ultimately laying the foundation of the modern Iranian state. In order to stabilize and legitimate their reign, Rezā Shāh and his son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi aimed at reviving ancient Persian traditions. The revival of carpet weaving,

Modern times.

After the Iranian Revolution, little information could at first be obtained about carpet weaving in Iran. In the 1970s and 1980s, a new interest arose in Europe in Gabbeh rugs, which were initially woven by nomadic tribes for their own use. Their coarse weaving and simple, abstract designs appealed to Western customers.  In 1992, the first Grand Persian Conference and Exhibition in Tehran presented for the first time modern Persian carpet designs. Persian master weavers like Razam Arabzadeh displayed carpets woven in the traditional technique, but with unusual, modern designs. As the Grand Conferences continue to take place at regular intervals, two trends can be observed in Iranian carpet weaving today. On the one hand, modern and innovative artistic designs are invented and developed by Iranian manufacturers, who thus take the ancient design tradition forward towards

Materials.

Wool.

In most Persian rugs, the pile is of sheep's wool. Its characteristics and quality vary from each area to the next, depending on the breed of sheep, climatic conditions, pasturage, and the particular customs relating to when and how the wool is shorn and processed. Different areas of a sheep's fleece yield different qualities of wool, depending on the ratio between the thicker and stiffer sheep hair and the finer fibers of the wool. Usually, sheep are shorn in spring and fall. The spring shear produces wool of finer quality. The lowest grade

Cotton.

Cotton forms the foundation of warps and wefts of the majority of modern rugs. Nomads who cannot afford to buy cotton on the market use wool for warps and wefts, which are also traditionally made of wool in areas where cotton was not a local product.

Silk.

Silk is an expensive material, and has been used for representative carpets. Its tensile strength has been used in silk warps, but silk also appears in the carpet pile. Silk pile can be used

Spinning.

The fibers of wool, cotton, and silk are spun either by hand or mechanically by using spinning wheels or industrial spinning machines to produce the yarn. The direction in which the yarn is spun is called "twist". Yarns are characterized as S-twist or

Dyeing.

The dyeing process involves the preparation of the yarn in order to make it susceptible for the proper dyes by immersion in a mordant. Dyestuffs are then added to the yarn which remains in the dyeing solution for a defined time. The dyed yarn is then left to dry, exposed to air and sunlight. Some colours, especially dark brown, require iron mordants, which can damage or fade the fabric. This often results in faster pile wear in areas dyed in dark brown colours, and may create a relief effect in antique oriental carpets.

Plants.

Traditional dyes used in Persian rugs are obtained from plants and insects. In 1856, the English chemist William Henry Perkin invented the first aniline dye, mauveine. A variety of other synthetic dyes were invented thereafter. Cheap, readily prepared and easy to use as they were compared to natural dyes, their use is documented since the mid 1860s. The tradition of natural dyeing was revived in Turkey in the early 1980s. Chemical analyses led to the identification of natural dyes from antique

Insect reds.

Carmine dyes are obtained from resinous secretions of scale insects such as the Cochineal scale Coccus cacti, and certain Porphyrophora species (Armenian and Polish cochineal). Cochineal

Synthetic dyes.

With modern synthetic dyes, nearly every colour and shade can be obtained so that without chemical analysis it is nearly

Abrash.

The appearance of slight deviations within the same colour is called abrash (from Turkish "abraş", literally, “speckled, piebald”). Abrash is seen in traditionally dyed oriental rugs. Its occurrence suggests that a single weaver has likely woven the carpet, who did not have enough time or resources to prepare a sufficient quantity of dyed yarn to complete the rug. Only small batches of wool were dyed from time to time. When one string of wool was used up, the weaver continued with the newly dyed batch. Because the exact hue of colour is rarely met again when a new batch is dyed, the colour of the pile changes when a new row of knots is woven in. As such, the colour variation suggests a village or tribal woven rug, and is appreciated as a sign of quality and authenticity. Abrash can also be introduced on purpose into a newly planned carpet design.

Techniques and structures.

The process of weaving a rug.

The weaving of pile rugs is a time-consuming process which, depending on the quality and size of the rug, may take anywhere from a few months to several years to complete.  To begin making a rug, one needs a foundation consisting of warps and wefts: Warps are strong, thick threads of cotton, wool or silk which run through the length of the rug. Similar threads which pass under and over the warps from one side to the other are called wefts. The warps on either side of the rug are normally plied into one or more strings of varying thickness that are overcast to form the

Looms.

Looms do not vary greatly in essential details, but they do vary in size and sophistication. The main technical requirement of the loom is to provide the

Horizontal looms.

The simplest form of loom is a horizontal; one that can be staked to the ground or supported by sidepieces on the ground. The necessary tension can be obtained through the

Vertical looms.

The technically more advanced, stationary vertical looms are used in villages and town manufactures. The more advanced types of vertical looms are more comfortable, as they allow for the weavers to retain their position throughout the entire weaving process. The Tabriz type of vertical loom allows for weaving of carpets up to

Tools.

The weaver needs a number of essential tools: a knife for cutting the yarn as the knots are tied; a heavy comb-like instrument with a handle for packing down the wefts; and a pair of shears for trimming the pile after a row of knots, or a small number of rows, have been woven. In Tabriz the knife is combined with a hook to tie the knots, which speeds up work. A small steel comb is sometimes used to comb out the yarn after each row of knots is completed.  A variety of additional instruments are used for packing the weft. Some weaving areas in Iran known for producing

Knots.

Persian carpets are mainly woven with two different knots: The symmetrical Turkish or "Giordes" knot, also used in Turkey, the Caucasus, East Turkmenistan, and some Turkish and Kurdish areas of Iran, and the asymmetrical Persian, or Senneh knot, also used in India, Turkey, Pakistan, China, and Egypt. The term "Senneh knot" is somewhat misleading, as rugs are woven with symmetric knots in the town of Senneh.  To tie a symmetric knot, the yarn is passed between two adjacent warps, brought back under one, wrapped around both forming a collar, then pulled through the center so that both ends emerge between the warps.  The asymmetric knot is tied by wrapping the yarn around only one warp,

Flat-woven carpets.

Flat woven carpets are given their colour and pattern from the weft which is tightly intertwined with the warp. Rather than an actual pile, the foundation of these rugs gives them their design. The weft is woven between the warp until a new colour is

Design.

In 2016 Iran had 40 carpet designs that each belong to a different geographical region including 29 designs internationally registered with the World Intellectual Property Organization.

Formats and special types.

Nomadic carpets are also known as Gelim (; including "Zilou", meaning "rough

Field design, medallions and borders.

Rug design can be described by the way the ornaments are arranged within the pile. One basic design may dominate the entire field, or the surface may be covered by a pattern of repeating figures.  In areas with traditional, time-honoured local designs, such as the Persian nomad tribes, the weaver is able to work from memory, as the specific patterns are part of the family or tribal tradition. This is usually sufficient for less elaborate, mostly rectilinear designs. For more elaborate, especially curvilinear designs, the patterns are carefully drawn to scale in the proper colours on graph paper. The resulting design plan is termed a "cartoon". The weaver weaves a knot for each square

Smaller and composite design elements.

The field, or sections of it, can also be covered with smaller design elements. The overall impression may be homogeneous, although the design of the elements themselves can be highly complicated. Amongst the repeating figures, the boteh is used throughout the "carpet belt". Boteh can be depicted

Classification.

Persian carpets are best classified by the social context of their weavers. Carpets were produced simultaneously by nomadic tribes, in villages, town and court manufactures, for home use, local sale, or export.

Nomadic/tribal carpets.

Nomadic, or tribal carpets are produced by different ethnic groups with distinct histories and traditions. As the nomadic tribes originally wove carpets mainly for their own use, their designs have maintained much of the tribal traditions. However, during the twentieth century, the nomadic lifestyle was changed to a more sedentary way either voluntarily, or by the forced settlement policy of the last Persian emperors of the Pahlavi dynasty. By 1970, it was observed that traditional weaving had almost ceased among major nomadic tribes, but in recent years, the tradition has been revived.  Technical characteristics of Persian nomadic carpets

Kurds.

The Kurds are an ethnic group, mostly inhabiting the area spanning adjacent parts of southeastern (Turkey), western (Iran), northern (Iraq), and northern (Syria). The large population and the wide geographical distribution of the Kurds account for a varied production spanning a spectre from coarse and naïve nomadic weavings to the most elaborate town manufacture carpets, finely woven like Senneh, or heavy fabrics like Bijar carpets. Although Kurdish rugs represent a traditional part of Persian rug production, they merit separate consideration.

Qashqai.

The early history of the Qashqai people remains obscure. They speak a Turkic dialect similar to that of Azerbaijan, and may have migrated to the Fars province from the north during the thirteenth century, possibly driven by the Mongol invasion. Karim Khan Zand appointed the chief of the Chahilu clan as the first Il-Khan of the Qashqai. The most important subtribes are the Qashguli, Shishbuluki, Darashuri, Farsimadan, and Amaleh. The Gallanzan, Rahimi, and Ikdir produce rugs of intermediate quality. The rugs woven by the

Khamseh federation.

The Khamseh ("lit.": "five tribes") federation was established by the Persian Qajar government in the nineteenth century, to rival the dominant Qashqai power. Five tribal groups of Arab, Persian and Turkic origin were combined, including the Arab tribe, the Basseri, Baharlu, Ainalu, and Nafar tribes. It is difficult to attribute a specific rug to the Khamseh production, and the label "Khamseh" is

Luri.

The Lurs live mainly in western and south-western Iran. They are of Indo-European origin. Their dialect is closely related to the Bakhtiari dialect and to the dialect of the southern

Afshari.

The Afshar people are a semi-nomadic group of Turkic origin, principally located in the mountainous areas surrounding the modern city of Kirman in southeastern Iran. They

Beluch.

The Baloch people live in eastern Iran. They weave small-format rugs and a variety of bags with dark red and blue colours, often combined with dark brown and white. Camel hair is also used.

Village carpets.

Carpets produced in villages are usually brought to a regional market center, and carry the name of the market center as a label. Sometimes, as in the case of the "Serapi" rug, the name of the village serves as a label for a special quality. Village carpets can be identified by their less elaborate, more highly stylized designs.  Criteria suggesting village production include:  Village rugs are more apt to have warps of wool rather than of cotton. Their designs are not as elaborate and ornate than

Northwestern Iran.

Tabriz is the market center for the Iranian Northwest. Carpets woven in this region mainly use the symmetric knot. Heriz is a local center of production for mainly room-size carpets. Warps and weft are of cotton, the weaving is rather coarse, with high-quality wool. Prominent central medaillons are frequently seen with rectilinear outlines highlighted in white. The ornaments of the field are in

Western Iran.

Major production centers in the West are Hamadan, Saruk with its neighbouring

Southern Iran.

Since the mid-twentieth century, commercial production started in the villages of Abadeh and Yalameh. Abadeh rugs adopted traditional Qashqai designs, but

Eastern Iran.

The village of Doroksh is known for its carpet production in Eastern Persia. They are characterized by their use of orange dyes, the boteh motif is often seen. Usually, there is only one border. The knots are asymmetric.

Town carpets.

Tabriz in the West, Kerman in the South, and Mashhad in the Northeast of

Commercial aspects.

Iran exported $517 million worth of hand-woven carpets in 2002. Iran's carpet exports amounted to US$635 million in 2004, according to the figures from the state-owned Iran Carpet Company. In October 2006, National Iranian Carpet Center revealed that hand-woven carpets have ranked first in country's non-oil exports and hold the third position among overall exports. Nearly five million workers are engaged in the Iranian carpet industry, making it one of the biggest enterprises in the country.  In recent times Iranian carpets have come under fierce competition from other countries producing fakes of the original Persian designs as well as genuine cheaper substitutes. Another threat to the industry are machine-made products. Most of the problems facing this traditional art is due to absence of patenting and branding the products as well as reduced quality of raw materials in the local market and the consistent loss of original design patterns. The absence of modern R&D is causing rapid decline in the size as well as market value of this art.  In 2008, Iran’s exports of hand-woven carpets was $420 million or 30% of the world's market. There are an estimated 1.2 million weavers in Iran producing carpets for domestic markets and international export. Iran exports carpets to more than 100 countries, as hand-woven rugs are one of its main non-oil export items. The United States is the single largest importer of Persian hand woven carpets. In 2011, President Obama signed into law an act that greatly enhanced restrictions on Iranian-origin imports, causing the imports of Iranian carpets to be halted. After certain sanctions were lifted on implementation day on January 16, 2016, Iran's exports of carpets in the first quarter amounted to $60 million. The country produces about five million square metres of carpets annually—79 percent of which are sold on international markets. In 2017, Iran exported $24.3 million worth of hand-woven carpets but was far from the top producer Turkey, which exported $1.77 billion worth of hand-woven carpets in the same year.

A Persian carpet ( ) or Persian rug ( ), also known as Iranian carpet, is a heavy textile made for a wide variety of utilitarian and symbolic purposes and produced in Iran (historically known as Persia), for home use, local sale, and export. Carpet weaving is an essential part of Persian culture and Iranian art. Within the group of Oriental rugs produced by the countries of the "rug belt", the Persian carpet stands out by the variety and elaborateness of its manifold designs.

Perský koberec je ručně vázaný koberec vyrobený v Íránu. Vlas koberce je vázaný z vlněné nebo hedvábné příze na tkaném podkladě. Pro výrobek je charakteristické bohaté vzorování se složitými, často květinovými motivy s jemnými odstíny mnoha různých barev.


History.

Beginning around 1910 industrial countries built networks of powerful transoceanic longwave radiotelegraphy stations to communicate telegraphically with other countries. During the First World War radio became a strategic technology when it was realized that a nation without long distance radio capability could be isolated from the rest of the world by an enemy cutting its submarine telegraph cables. In 1921, Sweden's geographical dependence on other countries' underwater cable networks, and the temporary loss of those vital connections during the war, motivated a decision by the Swedish Parliament to build a radiotelegraphy station in Sweden to transmit telegram traffic across the Atlantic.  At the time, there were several different technologies used for high power radio transmission, each owned by a different giant industrial company. Bids were requested from Telefunken in Berlin, The Marconi Company in London, Radio Corporation of America (RCA) in New York and Société Française Radio-Electrique in Paris. The transmitter chosen was the Alexanderson alternator, invented around 1906 by Swedish-American Ernst Alexanderson and manufactured by RCA. This consisted of a huge rotating electromechanical AC generator (alternator) turned by an electric motor at a fast enough speed that it generated radio frequency alternating current, which was applied to the antenna. It was one of the first transmitters to generate sinusoidal continuous waves, which could communicate at longer range than the damped waves which were used by the earlier spark gap transmitters. After careful calculations, the station was located in Grimeton, on the southwest coast of Sweden, which allowed good radio wave propagation conditions over the North Atlantic to North America. To achieve daytime communication over such long distances, transoceanic stations took advantage of an earth-ionosphere waveguide mechanism which required them to transmit at frequencies in the very low frequency (VLF) range below 30 kHz. Radio transmitters required extremely large antennas to radiate these long waves efficiently. The Grimeton station had a huge flattop antenna 1.9 km (1.2 miles) long consisting of twelve (later reduced to eight) wires supported on six 127 m (380 foot) high steel towers. The station started operation in 1924, transmitting radiotelegraphy traffic with the callsign SAQ at 200 kW on a frequency of 16.5 kilohertz, later changed to 17.2 kHz, to RCA's Radio Central receivers on Long Island, New York.  The Alexanderson alternator technology was becoming obsolete even as it was installed. Vacuum tube electronic oscillator transmitters, which used the triode vacuum tube invented by Lee De Forest in 1907, replaced most pre-electronic transmitters in the early 1920s. However the large capital investment in an alternator transmitter caused owners to keep these huge behemoths in use long after they were technologically obsolete. By the 1930s transatlantic communication had switched to short waves, and vacuum tube shortwave transmitters were installed in the main building, and a log periodic shortwave antenna on the roof. The Alexanderson alternator found a second use as a naval transmitter to communicate with submarines, as VLF frequencies can penetrate a short distance into seawater.  During the Second World War 1939-1945, the station experienced a heyday, when it was Scandinavia's gateway to the outside world. Underwater communication cable connections had once again been quickly severed by nations at war and the radiotelegraphy transmissions were a link to the outside world. It continued to be used for naval transmissions until 1960.  Grimeton Radio Station is now the only station left in the transatlantic network of nine long wave stations that were built during the years 1918-1924, all equipped with Alexanderson alternators. In 2004 it was added to the UNESCO World Heritage List. The Grimeton transmitter is the last surviving example of an Alexanderson alternator, the only radio station left from the pre-vacuum tube era, and is still in working condition. Each year, on a day called Alexanderson Day, either on the last Sunday in June, or on the first Sunday in July, whichever comes closer to 2 July, the site holds an open house during which the transmitter is started up and transmits test messages on 17.2 kHz using its call sign SAQ, which can be received all over Europe.

Working principle.

The principle used is that of a generator (also called alternator) with an exact large number of poles is driven to an exact speed matching the number of pole changes with the desired output frequency (f = poles/2 * revolutions). The switch on and off of the transmitter with the signalling morse key makes the driver motor to change frequency just a bit, so the frequency is outside the narrow band of the antenna and thus transmitted with much less power. In fact this forms an early and clever form of frequency shift keying (FSK). In the days of construction this was the only way known how to output very high power at radio frequencies. Like turning the dynamo of a bike: a dynamo has for instance four poles and by turning this at 100 revolutions (turns) per second the output will be 200 Hertz. If the number of poles in the dynamo are increased to 80 the same driving speed will give us a 4 kHz signal. Increasing both the number of poles and the turning speed makes higher frequencies possible.

Schematic diagram of principle.

Between points a and b there will be a signal of 15 (because of 30 poles) times the number of revolutions. The turning rod with electrical windings creating a coil will undergo a sequence of North and South magnetic poles. This induces an alternating current that presents itself on the points a and b. This presented model has fixed (stator) magnets and a rotating (rotor) coil. The places of the two can be exchanged so the magnets are turning in the centre and the coils are in a ring around it. This makes transfer of the coil signal to the next stages (tuning network and antenna) easier.

Antenna system.

The antenna system, consisting of high voltage power lines-like antenna towers with antenna wires, has a very low efficiency due to the fact that the length of the antenna is still relatively small compared to the output wavelength.

Technical details.

To achieve maximum range, like other transoceanic radiotelegraphy stations of this era it transmitted in the VLF band, at a frequency of 17.2 kilohertz and so the wavelength is approximately 17,442 meters. Even though the antenna is approximately 2 km long, it is short compared with the wavelength and so it is not very efficient. The six antenna masts each have a 46m cross-arm at the top and are 127m high. Today they carry 8 antenna conductors although originally there were 12.  There are 64 windings on the stator of the alternator/generator, and each provides 100 V at up to 30 A, i.e. approximately 3 kW. Thus the peak RF output power is approximately 64 x 3 kW or 200 kW, although these days it is usually limited to about 80 kW. The rotor is a steel disc measuring 1.6 m in diameter and approximately 7.5 cm thick at the periphery. Around its circumference it has 488 brass filled slots. The air gap between the stator and rotor is 1 mm or less. The motor to drive the generator is capable of delivering 500 HP (approximately 370 kW). It is supplied by a 2,200V supply from a transformer-derived 2 phase supply, and turns at 711.3 rpm to obtain the specified frequency of operation. The complete transmitter set weighs about 50 tons. Further details can be found here.

Grimeton Radio Station () in southern Sweden, close to Varberg in Halland, is an early longwave transatlantic wireless telegraphy station built in 1922-1924, that has been preserved as a historical site. From the 1920s through the 1940s it was used to transmit telegram traffic by Morse code to North America and other countries, and during World War 2 was Sweden's only telecommunication link with the rest of the world. It is the only remaining example of an early pre-electronic radio transmitter technology called an Alexanderson alternator. It was added to the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2004, with the statement: "Grimeton Radio Station, Varberg is an outstanding monument representing the process of development of communication technology in the period following the First World War." The radio station is also an anchor site for the European Route of Industrial Heritage. The transmitter is still in operational condition, and each year on a day called Alexanderson Day is started up and transmits brief Morse code test transmissions, which can be received all over Europe.

Rádiová stanice Grimeton je technická stavba v jihozápadním Švédsku zapsaná mezi památky světového kulturního dědictví UNESCO. Nachází se u obce Grimeton, komuna Varberg, kraj Halland. Je to zachovalá rádiová stanice, která byla vystavěna mezi roku 1922 a 1924 a která bezdrátově přenášela informace pomocí dlouhých vln z/do Severní Ameriky (především komunikovala se stanicí na Long Island). Mezi dvacátými a čtyřicátými léty 20. století přenášela telegramy s využitím Morseovy abecedy. Dnes je technickou památkou se zachovalým tzv. Andersonovým alternátorem – předelektronickým rádiovým vysílačem. Stroje jsou stále provozuschopné a jednou za rok se provádí jejich zkouška. V areálu stanice se nachází šest vysílacích věží v rozponu 380 m, každá o výšce 127 m.


Design and development.

As an improvement to the F11F-1 (F-11A) fighter, Grumman proposed a more advanced version of the airframe known as the F11F-1F Super Tiger. This was the result of a 1955 study to fit the new General Electric J79 engine into the F11F airframe. The Navy was sufficiently interested to authorize modification of two production F11F-1s with enlarged air intakes and YJ79-GE-3 turbojets, with the result being designated the F11F-1F, indicating a production F11F-1 with a special engine fit.  The aircraft first flew on 25 May 1956, reaching Mach 1.44 in one of the flights. After the addition of 60° wing root fillets, a 13.5 in (35 cm) fuselage extension, and an uprated J79 engine, the F11F-1F reached an impressive Mach 2.04 in 1957, thus becoming the first naval aircraft in the world to exceed Mach 2 (two years before the F4H, F8U-3, and A3J). This was a surprise even to Grumman, which had expected a top speed of only Mach 1.4 at altitude. By comparison, the F11F-1 with the Wright J65 had had difficulty exceeding Mach 1.1. However, the U.S. Navy did not order the Super Tiger into production. Although the service ceiling of the aircraft was nominally 59,000 feet, a test flight on 18 April 1958 at Edwards AFB set a world altitude record of 76,939 feet.

Operational history.

Marketing efforts.

Having failed to secure the Navy contract, Grumman marketed the Super Tiger to foreign customers. The Super Tiger outperformed the Saab Draken, Lockheed F-104 Starfighter, Dassault Mirage III, and Fiat G.91 in a tender to equip the Swiss Air Force. The Mirage III was finally chosen as a cheaper and more secure alternative, yet a close second in terms of performance. In order to interest the Germans, Grumman proposed a 10,500 lbf Rolls-Royce Avon installation instead of the J79.  The German "Luftwaffe", Japan Air Self Defense Force, and Royal Canadian Air Force showed considerable interest but eventually the Lockheed F-104 Starfighter was chosen. This outcome, however, was marred by the Lockheed bribery scandals, in which huge sums were paid by Lockheed to influential politicians in those countries to ensure the adoption of the Starfighter.

Aircraft on display.

The first F11F-1F (BuNo 138646) was used for fire-fighting practice and destroyed in the 1980s. The second prototype (BuNo 138647) was retired on 10 January 1961 and used as a ground training aircraft. It is preserved on outdoor display at the China Lake Museum on loan from the Naval Air Weapons Station China Lake, California.

The Grumman F11F-1F Super Tiger (company designation G-98J) is a single-seat fighter aircraft originally developed for the United States Navy (USN). Based on the USN's F-11 Tiger, the F11F-1F did not proceed beyond the two F11F-1F prototypes.

Grumman F11F-1F Super Tiger (označením výrobce G-98J) byl jednomístný stíhací letoun vyvinutý pro Námořnictvo Spojených států amerických na základě typu F11F Tiger. Projekt byl skončen po vyrobení pouhých dvou prototypů.


Architecture.

Layout.

Le Vau's designs for the Hôtel Hesselin were reproduced in six engravings by Jean Marot, which were published in the "Grand Marot" in 1686. The house shows Le Vau's skill at adapting plans to unique and unusual sites. Since the plot was located on a quiet quai, where street noise was minimal, he moved the entrance courtyard, which typically kept the main part of the house, the "corps de logis", far away from the street, to behind the wings used for living, so the latter were near the River Seine and provided vistas across the river toward the University and upriver toward the Salpêtrière. The courtyard was reached from the quai via a carriage entryway ("porte cochère") and passageway. The impressive doors of the carriage entryway were sculpted by Étienne Le Hongre and have been preserved. The courtyard led directly to the garden at the rear, and the stables were east of the garden, along the rue Poulletier. On the right side of the courtyard a short flight of steps led to a highly decorated vestibule with a grand staircase on its south side leading to the main floor above, where there was a grand gallery ("grande galerie") running parallel to the quai, with four windows overlooking the river to the south and three, the courtyard to the north.

Elevations.

Another imaginative feature of the house was the arrangement of the facades along the river. Le Vau was also responsible for the design and construction of the house to the left, the Hôtel Sainctot, the river side of which was nearly complete by 1640. He combined the elevations of the two houses so they formed a nearly symmetrical ensemble.

Demolition.

By the 1930s the Hôtel Hesselin had deteriorated and had reached a dilapidated state. It was demolished in 1935 at the request of the rich American cosmetics magnate, Helena Rubinstein, and a new building was erected to the designs of the architect Louis Sue. The new building incorporated elements from the original, including Le Hongre's doors from the carriage entryway and an iron balcony, which had been declared a "monument historique" in 1927.

The Hôtel Hesselin, later known as the Hôtel d'Ambrun, was a Parisian town house ("hôtel particulier"), erected around 1639 to 1642 for to the designs of the French architect Louis Le Vau. It was located on the Île Saint-Louis, on the west side of the rue Poulletier at its intersection with the quai du Dauphin (now 24 quai de Béthune, 4th arrondissement of Paris).

Hôtel d'Hesselin byl městský palác v Paříži, který ležel na ostrově sv. Ludvíka. Budova byla od roku 1927 chráněna jako historická památka, přesto byla v roce 1934 stržena.


Life and career.

Christopher Markus.

Markus was born on January 2, 1970, in Buffalo, New York. He is the son of Budapest, Hungary-born physician Dr. Gabor Markus and registered nurse Rosemary Golebiewski Markus. He has two siblings, sisters Jennifer and Elizabeth. Markus earned a B.A. in creative writing from Rutgers University in 1991. His Father is Jewish but his Mother is Catholic.

Stephen McFeely.

McFeely was born on November 12, 1969, in Contra Costa County, California, and grew up in the San Francisco Bay Area. He earned a B.A. in English from the University of Notre Dame in 1991.

Encountering.

They both met on the graduate program for creative writing at the University of California, Davis in 1994 and they were inspired to become novelists. The two "couldn't see how we could make [book] writing our full-time day job," McFeely said in 2011, and they turned to screenwriting instead. After earning their master's degrees in 1996, they moved to Los Angeles to pursue that career, working at such jobs as receptionist at movie production companies. After acquiring an agent, they became professional screenwriters in 1998 with an eventually unproduced script about a real-life Los Angeles murder. Interest generated from the purchased script led HBO Films to commission them to write a biographical drama about actor Peter Sellers. For "The Life and Death of Peter Sellers" in 2004, they won a Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Writing for a Miniseries, Movie or a Dramatic Special. Subsequent work on "The Chronicles of Narnia" film franchise set them up for the Marvel Cinematic Universe.  As of at least April 2012, Markus is married to Claire Saunders.

Christopher Markus (born January 2, 1970) and Stephen McFeely (born November 12, 1969) are American screenwriters and producers. McFeely and Markus were the second and the third most successful screenwriters of all time in terms of U.S. box office receipts with a shared total gross of over $3.1 billion. However, in overall, they are the highest grossing screenwriters altogether in terms of worldwide box office with the total gross of $9.3 billion.

Christopher Markus a Stephen McFeely jsou američtí scenáristé a producenti. Mezi jejich nejvýznamnější práci patří filmová série "Letopisy Narnie" a filmy Marvel Cinematic Universe: "", "", a dále "", "", "" a "", na nichž pracovali s režiséry bratry Russoovými; také psali seriál "Agent Carter" televize ABC.


Political career.

Parliamentary Term 2006 - 2010  Pavol Pavlis was nominated for the 15th position on the SMER-SD candidate list in the 2006 Parliamentary Elections In the National Council of the Slovak Republic (the NR SR) he worked in the Committee on Economic Policy, and in the National Security Authority Oversight Special Committee as verifier.  Parliamentary Term 2010 - 2012  In the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic in March 2010 he was nominated to 27th candidate position for the SMER-SD. He was engaged in the NR SR Committee for Agriculture and Environment  Ministry of Economy of the Slovak Republic 2012 - 2015  During the Second Cabinet of Robert Fico he served as State Secretary at the Ministry of Economy of the Slovak Republic, and of 2014 as Minister of Economy of the Slovak Republic. At the same time he was a Member of the Board at the Export-Import Bank of the Slovak Republic.  Parliamentary Term 2012 - 2016  After leaving the position of Minister of Economy of the Slovak Republic he served as the Member of the National Council of the Slovak Republic within the 6th Parliamentary Term, to which position he was elected as the 25th candidate for the SMER-SD in 2012.  Parliamentary Term 2016 - 2020  In the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic in March 2016, he stood as the 32nd candidate for the SMER-SD. He worked in the NR SR Committee for Economic Affairs.  Office for Standardization, Metrology and Testing SR 2016–Present  On 1 October 2016, the Prime Minister of the Slovak Republic appointed Pavol Pavlis as the President of the Slovak Office of Standards Metrology and Testing.

Pavol Pavlis (born 12 January 1961 in Bratislava) is a Slovak politician, member of the Direction - Social Democracy (SMER- SD). His political career dates from 2006 with an alternate work in the Slovak legislature and in the state administration of the Slovak Republic.

Pavol Pavlis (* 12. ledna 1961 Bratislava) je slovenský politik, člen strany SMER-SD. Od roku 2006 do roku 2012 byl poslancem Národní rady SR. Později byl jmenován do funkce státního tajemníka Ministerstva hospodářství SR. 3. července 2014 byl po rezignaci Tomáše Malatinského (SMER-SD) jmenován do funkce ministra hospodářství SR. Dne 21. dubna 2015 oznámil po rozhovoru s předsedou vlády SR Robertem Ficem demisi pro medializování konfliktu zájmů. 6. května ho ve funkci jako pověřený ministr hospodářství nahradil Peter Kažimír. Pavol Pavlis následně působil jako poslanec Národní rady SR a od 1. října 2016 vykonává funkci Předsedy Úřadu pro normalizaci, metrologii a zkušebnictví SR.


History.

During the time of the Austro-Hungarian Empire the villages of Šolta still have their Italian names also "Villa Grohote". In 1867, the vicar Michael Vuskovič von Grohote received from the Austrian emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria the Order "Goldene Verdienstkreuz mit der Krone" (Golden Cross of Merit with the Crown). This was a tribute to his many years of service in the field of church and popular education and his charitable work.  The Telegraph arrived late at Šolta. In 1874, the k.k. State telegraph station Grohote handed over to the operation at "limited daily services". That was at the same time as in other smaller places of the monarchy as for example in the Carinthian Sankt Paul im Lavanttal or in Pontafel Pontafel.

Stone Buildings.

In the past people from Grohote used to build their homes mostly by using stone, the material from their natural environment. The skills of materfull stone processing, learned over centuries, has been adapted to various construction purposes. Islanders have built stone walls around fields, vineyards, roads and olive fields, as well as field shelters, storage huts and farm sheds. Stone, as the principle building material, was also used to build private houses, public buildings and religious objects. Many of the people on the island built using their dry stone method (joining stone without any adhesive material, called "suhozid"), while other village-stonemasons were building used the "uživo" technique, masterfully joining stone with mortar. All of the buildings were adapted to the needs of everyday life, especially to agriculture since it was the prevailing economic activity on the island.  Only a small number of family houses are single-storey buildings. The walls built using the "uživo" method were decorated by chiseled door-posts and window frames; the window shutters ("škure") were made of wood. Gable roofs, with a mild slope, were covered with chiseled limestone boards ("škrilje"), and only recently have cylindrical roof tiles been introduced. Protruding roof windows ("luminariji"), like the chimney ("fumar") with a variety of crownings, contributed to the picturesqueness. On the ground floor there was the wine cellar ("konoba") in which wine, oil and other goods were stored. In some of the wine cellars there was also a hand mill ("žrna") for the everyday grounding of grain. Access to the upper floors was through an external stone staircase ("skale"), which led to a wide-stone paved terrace in front of the door ("balatura"), which was laid on the vaulted ceiling ("volat"). In the 19th century the wealthy households had water tanks for collecting rainwater, which also served as terraces ("balatura"), and on them was placed the stone top of the well ("grlo gustirne"), which was also chiseled.  The kitchen ("kužina") was on the first floor in the majority of houses, but in some it was in a separate single-storey building adjacent to house. The central place of any home was the open hearth ("komin"), which sat along the rear wall of the kitchen. The smoke from the open hearth was directed towards the fireplace hood ("napa") where, on the transversal beam; there was an attached chain ("komoštra") with a hook to suspend pots while preparing food. People sat on the benches, located at the sidewalls of the hearth for all of the family gatherings. The rooms were scantly furnished with plain beds and wooden chest boxes ("škrinje") for clothes and bed linen. In the paved courtyard there were usually other smaller buildings necessary for life on the farm as well as the olive press ("toć"). The courtyard was encircled by a high fence with a wooden door over which there was a stone arch.

Grohote is a village in Croatia on the island of Šolta. It is connected by the D111 highway. Grohote is the oldest and largest village of the island. It is the economic center of Šolta. It is the seat of the administration and school location. There is a farmers market, two supermarkets, a pharmacy, post office, a permanently staffed fire station and an island hospital doctor and helicopter landing pad.

Grohote je osada v občině Šolta na ostrově Šolta v Chorvatsku. Grohote je nejstarší a největší osada ostrova. Je to ekonomické centrum Šolty a sídlo správy. Nachází se zde farmářský trh, dva supermarkety, lékárna, pošta, škola, protipožární stanice a přistávací plocha pro helikoptéru.


History.

Statistics.

The first electronic screen was the cathode ray tube (CRT), which was invented in 1897 and commercialized in 1922. CRT's were the most popular choice for display screens until the rise of liquid crystal displays (LCDs) in the early 2000s. Screens are now an essential part of entertainment, advertising, and information technologies.  Since their popularization in 2007, smartphones have become ubiquitous in daily life. In 2015, 64% of all American adults reported owning a smartphone, including 85% of individuals between 18 and 29 years old. An American survey found a median of 3.7 minutes per hour of screen time over a 30-day period.  All forms of screens are most frequently used by younger age brackets, particularly young children. 98.5% of surveyed children aged 12–15 reported daily TV use and 91.1% reported daily computer use over a period of 30 days.

Race, socioeconomic class, and screen time.

Research has shown that race and socioeconomic class are associated with overall screen time. Younger demographics and individuals who self-identified as Black and "Other" were associated with above average screen use. Additionally, Black and Latino Americans had longer screen times because of less access to desktop computers, which thus leads to more time on phones. In children, the divide is much larger. One average white children spend 8.5 hours a day with digital media, and Black and Latino children spend about 13 hours a day on screens. Black and Latino children are also more likely to have TVs in their rooms, which contributes to their increased use of screen time.  The discrepancy in the amount of screen time can also be attributed to a difference in income. In more affluent private schools, there has been a larger push to remove screens from education in order to limit the negative impacts that have been found from screen time. However, in public schools there is more push for the use of technology with some public schools advertising free iPads and laptops to students. Additionally, affluent families are able to afford nannies and extracurriculars that can limit the need for entertainment from screens.

Physical health effects.

Adults.

More screen-time has been linked with shorter sleep duration, decreased sleep efficiency, and longer sleep onset delay. When using any screen before bedtime, the blue light emitted disrupts the body's natural melatonin hormone production. Melatonin is produced by the brain's pineal gland and controls the body's internal clock. This clock is what is referred to as the body's circadian rhythm and it naturally is responsive to light. Melatonin levels increase as the sun sets and remain at that increased state for the remainder of the night. As the sun rises, melatonin levels start to drop. This hormone reduction is what helps the body's natural rhythm wake up due to the bursts of natural sunlight. The light screens emit are in a similar spectrum of sunlight, but the blue light emission is what human circadian rhythms are most sensitive to. Studies have shown that the blue wavelengths are closely correlated to those from sunlight, which is what helps the body keep in sync with the sunrise and sunset. Therefore, using any screen prior to bedtime disrupts the body's production of natural bedtime hormones which can trick your brain to believe it is still daytime making it harder to fall asleep.  Many apps promise to improve sleep by filtering out blue light produced by media devices; there have been no large studies to assess whether such apps work. Some users express dissatisfaction with the resultant orange tint of screens. Some people use blue-blocking glasses, for the purpose of attempting to block out blue light both from electronic media and from other artificial light sources.  As well as negatively impacting the adult sleep cycle, using screens can also affect one's physical health. Obesity is a common result of spending great amounts on screens like a television, video games, or a computer screen. Studies have shown that if the amount of screen time adolescents spend was limited, the likelihood of obesity can be reduced. This sedentary behavior is largely due to the nature of most electronic activities. Sitting to watch television, playing computer games or scrolling on your phone takes time away from physical activities which leads to an increased risk of weight gain.

Children.

Increased use of screens in children has led to an increase in sedentary activity because most screen usage occurs while sitting. TV and video games were once largest contributors to screen time, but the past decade has seen a shift towards smart phones and tablets. It has also been found that children who watch more than 2 hours of television a day are more likely to be overweight or obese. Additionally, one study showed that the increased use of video games and other forms of media consumption led to more back pain among Norwegian teens. It has been reported that screen time negatively affects health in children independently of their physical activity and eating habits.  One possible explanation for the link between TV and obesity is the amount of commercials for sugary and unhealthy foods. This advertising can have an effect on what gets purchased and consumed in a household. The effect of advertising was demonstrated in a study where children were shown cartoons with and without food commercials. The children who watched the food commercials along with the cartoons ate 45% more unhealthy snacks than the group who watched the cartoons without food ads.  Increased use of screens in children has also been shown to have a negative impact on the sleep of children. This correlation is because much of the time spent on screens for children is at night, which can cause them to go to sleep later in addition to the blue light from the screens making it more difficult to sleep. In teens, it was found that those who had spent more time on their screens were more likely to wake in the night from notifications on their phone, or experience disruptive sleep. In adolescents, the screen content impacts sleep as well. Content that stirs emotions has been linked with a delay in the onset of sleep.  A 2010 review concluded that "the use of electronic media by children and adolescents does have a negative impact on their sleep, although the precise effects and mechanisms remain unclear", with the most consistent results associating excessive media use with shorter sleep duration and delayed bed times. A 2016 meta-analysis found that "Bedtime access and use of media devices was significantly associated with inadequate sleep quantity; poor sleep quality; and excessive daytime sleepiness".  The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends screen time for children be limited for multiple reasons, among them that "Too much screen time can also harm the amount and quality of sleep".

Mental health effects.

Adults.

As previously discussed, sleep and screen time are heavily impacted by the other and can lead to affecting one's behavior as well. If someone does not get an adequate amount of sleep, it can affect their behavior and performance for the day. High amounts of screen time also can significantly affect a person's mental health. With screen usage increasing as time progresses, adults have begun spending more and more time focusing their attention of screens. This time spent sitting and viewing a screen has been linked to mental health effects such as anxiety and depression. Adults who spend six hours or greater using screen time are more likely to suffer from moderate to severe depression. This increased use in screen time has been shown to be directly correlated with an increased chance of depression in adults. With this added risk, lack of sleep plays a major role in a healthy mindset, but without proper rest, mental health can degrade at a higher risk.

Brain development.

An increase in screen time has been associated with negative cognitive outcomes for children between 0 and 4. A study on Korean children aged 24–30 months old found that toddlers with 3 hours of TV viewing per day were three times as likely to experience a language delay. Toddlers with higher TV time also scored lower on school readiness tests, which measured vocabulary, number knowledge, and classroom engagement. The same outcomes are not present in children older than 4. Children who watched more TV were found to have less brain connectivity between language, visual and cognitive control regions of the brain than their peers who watched less TV.  The American Academy of Pediatrics recommend for children in age 3 - 5, a screen time not longer than 1 hour per day. According to study published in November 2019, children who have a longer screen time, have slower brain development, what hurt "skills like imagery, mental control and self-regulation". The scientists add that: "This is important because the brain is developing the most rapidly in the first five years," "That's when brains are very plastic and soaking up everything, forming these strong connections that last for life." They also stated that screens changed childhood rapidly. The over exposure also hurts skills of literacy, cognition and language.

Behavioral impact.

Screen use has been implicated with a slew of behavioral effects, especially in children. The primary effect is an increase in sedentary activity. Approximately 47% of American children spend 2 or more hours per day on screen-based sedentary activities. This is in contrast with the 25.5% who reported at least 20 minutes of physical per day for a week. Additionally, the likelihood of a child participating in physical activity has been shown to decrease with increasing screen use. Screen use can also affect interpersonal skills. UCLA researchers reported that sixth-graders who went five days without screen use were significantly better at reading human emotions than sixth-graders with average screen use.

Academic performance.

Academic performance can be improved by screen time depending on the length and content of exposure. Toddlers after the age of 18 months can be exposed to high-quality programming such as Sesame Street or PBS that provide educational television. The right content can prove beneficial, but too much screen time distracts students from studying. It is important for parents to establish a limit to how much screen time their children can use per day. Limiting and monitoring children's screen usage can increase cognitive development, but further research is required to get a better understanding of how screen time positively affects academic performance. On the other hand, increased screen use has been associated with missing school assignments. Students who used screens for more than two hours a day are twice as likely to not turn in homework on a regular basis. It is yet to be proven that screen time can significantly enhance academic performance, but it is known that increased use in screen time distracts students from focusing on class assignments.

Limitations on screen time.

Generally, scientists recommend the next limitation of screen time:

Adults.

There is no consensus on the safe amount of screen time for adults. Ideally, adults should limit their screen time similar to children and only use screens for about two hours a day. However, many adults spend up to 11 hours a day looking at a screen. Adults many times work jobs that require viewing screens which leads to the high screen time usage. Adults obligated to view screens for a means of work may not be able to use screen time less than two hours, but there are other recommendations that help mitigate negative health effects. For example, breaking up continuous blocks of screen time usage by stretching, maintaining good posture, and intermittently focusing on a distant object for 20 seconds. Furthermore, to mitigate the behavioral effects, adults are encouraged not to eat in front of a screen to avoid habit formation and to keep track of their screen use every day. Specialists also recommend that adults analyze their daily screen time usage and replace some of the unnecessary usage with a physical activity or social event.

Children.

Screen time has been shown to affect children more than adults. Extensive screen time can have a lasting effect on children whose brains and bodies are still developing. The American Academy of Pediatrics breaks down limitations for children by age. They suggest that infants younger than 18 months should not be exposed to any screens (apart from video chats). Kids around 18–24 months old should furthermore be limited to high-quality media sources and supervised by adults while doing so. Once kids reach ages 2–5, the amount of screen time increases to up to an hour a day on any device total. There is no formal recommendation beyond the age of 5. The American Academy of Pediatrics emphasizes the role of parents in controlling screen time after the age of 5.  An ongoing study reported from the National Institutes of Health concluded that preteens who spent over 7 hours on screens a day and children who spend less than 7 hours a day had noticeably different development of their cerebral cortex. This part of the brain usually thins as people mature but the accelerated decrease could potentially be linked to amounts spent on screens. Long-lasting effects like this should be considered when trying to implement limitations for children. Parents should be involved in monitoring their child's screen usage and try to implement better and healthier practices by encouraging better bedtime routines, educating youth about the lasting effects, and limiting the number of available screens in the environment.  Spending too much time on your screen can be a problem. Screens are everywhere and advise people to stop spending too much time on them. This essay will discuss how too much time on screens can be bad for us, what screens are used for, and what is meant by screen time.  Screen time is the amount of time that is spent using a device such as a smartphone, computer, television, tablet, iPhone, laptop, or video game console. The concept is continually being researched and is often looked in relation to digital media use and mental health. (Wikipedia, 2007.)  Screens are used for working and playing video games and for researching. Engineers use computers and screens and many other devices all the time. Screens can also be used for creating or posting things or watching videos or cartoons and films/movies. People can also use screens for coding or computer programming. (wiki, 2016.)  Too much screen time can impair the brain structure and function. It can cause obesity, insomnia, mood swings, and even problems at school. This can happen because children’s brains undergo so much change during their formative years, and excess screen time can be more damaging. It can cause obesity because a large body of research has demonstrated relationships between greater amounts of screen media use such as television, and playing video games. Obesity in children and adolescents, the evidence to date suggests that screen media exposure leads to obesity in children and adolescents. The three main mechanisms increased eating while using screens, leading to greater calorie intake.  This essay has discussed the effects of too much screen time, what they are used for, and what screen time means. →It can cause obesity, insomnia, mood swings, and even problems at school. →Screen time is the amount of time that is spent using a device such as a smartphone, computer, television, tablet, iPhone, laptop, or video game console. →Screens are used for working and playing video games and for researching.

Screen time is the amount of time spent using a device with a screen such as a smartphone, computer, television, or video game console. The concept is under significant research with related concepts in digital media use and mental health. Studies show that screen time directly impacts child development, and mental and physical health. The positive or negative health effects or screen time are influenced by levels and content of exposure. To prevent harmful exposure to screen time, some governments have placed regulations on its usage.

Čas u obrazovky je množství času člověkem strávené u obrazovky digitálního zařízení jako chytrý telefon, počítač, televize či herní konzole. Může být součástí sedavého životního stylu. Čas u obrazovky se u většiny populace zvýšil v 21. století a díky velkému rozšíření internetu na konci 20. století.


Design and development.

Prior to the opening of World War II, the Luftwaffe bomber force included three major types, the Dornier Do 17 and Ju 88, both classed as "schnellbomber", and the slower but somewhat larger Heinkel He 111. Although the Ju 88 outperformed the other designs in service, it however possessed adverse characteristics, including its very small internal bomb bay that forced it to carry some of its load externally, degrading performance.  Junkers had been outlining a variety of improved models of the Ju 88 since 1937, powered by the planned Jumo 222 multibank engine, or Jumo 223 inline multibank diesel of greatly increased power meant to achieve a output level, a serious challenge for Germany's aviation engine industry of the time. The EF 074 was essentially a scaled-up Ju 88, sharing its general layout and most of its fuselage and wings with extensions in various places. The nose was redesigned with a more streamlined "stepless cockpit", having no separate windscreen panels for the pilot and co-pilot. This layout allowed cabin pressurization to be more easily implemented. This design approach had been growing in favour, subsequently appearing in various German types, notably the He 111P and -H's.  All of the defensive armament was meant to be remotely controlled – in one proposal, comprising a remotely operated rear-facing dorsal turret at the rearmost end of the cockpit glazing, and two remotely operated "flank" turrets on the rearwards sides of the fuselage just forward of the empennage, otherwise each resembling the FDSL 131 units of the Me 210. The exclusive use of remotely operated turrets for the Ju 288's defensive firepower allowed them to be positioned more efficiently, as well as eliminating "breaks" in the fuselage pressurization.  The fuselage was expanded along its length to allow for a much longer bomb bay – somewhat as had been done with the Dornier Do 217 then in development itself – that would allow for a 3,630 kg (8,000 lb) payload to be carried internally, eliminating the need to carry ordnance on outside hardpoints.  No serious work was undertaken on these versions, but after Heinrich Hertel left Heinkel and joined Junkers in 1939, the EF 074 design was submitted to the RLM in May 1939. Accordingly, the RLM sent out the specifications for the Bomber B design competition in July, the Ju 88 retroactively becoming the second aircraft to be designated Bomber A, as the 3 June 1936 specification for the He 177 also had that name. The Bomber B program aimed at replacing all of the medium bombers in the "Luftwaffe" inventory with a new design based on the EF.74 or something with equal performance. Bomber B was intended to have even better speed than the Ju 88, high-altitude cruising with a pressurized cockpit, heavier defensive armament, range allowing it to cover any point in the British Isles, and a 4,000 kg (8,820 lb) warload, double that of the earlier generation bombers. A number of companies returned proposals, but these were to some extent a formality, the EF.74 had already been selected as the winner, and of the rest of the designs submitted, only the Focke-Wulf Fw 191 and Dornier Do 317 progressed even as far as prototypes, and the Henschel Hs 130 coming under consideration as a late entrant.  Work began on building prototypes soon after, and the first example was completed by mid-1940. Power was supposed to be supplied by two 24-cylinder Jumo 222 six-bank, four cylinders per bank, over-1,500 kW output class powerplants, but problems with the Jumo 222's development – as with almost every new concept for over-1,500 kW output, reciprocating aircraft engines then underway in the Third Reich – meant the first prototypes flew with BMW 801 radial engines, instead. The first flight-quality 222s did not arrive until October 1941, and even at this point it was clear they were nowhere near ready for full-scale production. When it became apparent the 222 was not likely to become a viable powerplant, in May 1942, Junkers proposed replacing them, for their projected Ju 288C version, with the much heavier Daimler Benz DB 606s instead; the same 1.5 tonne, twin-crankcase "welded-together engines" that "Reichsmarschall" Hermann Göring complained about some three months later, regarding the He 177's own endless powerplant troubles.

Undercarriage difficulties.

The Ju 288's intricate main landing gear system's design proved to be troublesome, possessing twin vertical members comprising the main "Y-shaped" retraction strut unit, directly behind a single oleo strut, for each pair of twinned wheels mounted through a forward-projecting lever-action arm, to the lower end of the uniquely attached main oleo strut unit. This single-tube oleo strut was pivoted off the lower end of the twin-member, "Y-shaped" retraction strut unit, and was rotated in the vertical plane about this single attachment in a rearwards direction during retraction of the main-gear unit, separate from the twin-member unit to help "shorten" its stowed length within the engine nacelle. This distinctive type of design required the oleo strut's freely moving top end to physically rotate downwards and aftwards during the rear-swinging retraction of the main "Y-shaped" member, operated by a lever and gear-sector system mounted on the portside of each main gear assembly, operated with a long lever that had its upper end pivoted from a fixed bracket, anchored to the firewall's rear surface. The lever/sector gear system swiveled the oleo strut about its attachment point during the retract cycle, through an arc of roughly 180o from its position when the main gear was fully extended. The stowed position of the oleo strut ended up orienting it aftwards within the rear of the engine nacelle, and placing the wheels' axle location just ahead of and above the oleo strut's pivot point when fully retracted. Such a complex main gear design, with only the single pivoting retraction point for its oleo struts taking the primary stress of touchdown, was likely only one of the many potential sources of trouble causing the Ju 288's main gear units to repeatedly collapse on touchdown.

Operational history.

Although the 288 never even reached production status, let alone official operational service, the aircraft did see limited combat duty. In 1944, following the cancellation of the 288 program, the surviving A and C series prototypes were hurriedly fitted with defensive armament and equipment and deployed as reconnaissance bombers on the Western Front. Very few missions were flown, owing to the scarcity of aviation fuel and spare parts, and the unresolved problems with the aircraft's powerplant and undercarriage. It is believed that the 288s were attached to the same unit operating the small number of Ju 388 reconnaissance planes that saw service.

The Junkers Ju 288, originally known within the Junkers firm as the EF 074, was a German bomber project designed during World War II, which only ever flew in prototype form. The first of an eventual 22 development aircraft flew on 29 November 1940.

Junkers Ju 288, původně známý pod firemním označení jako EF 074, byl projekt druhoválečného německého bombardéru, který však vznikl jen v prototypech. První z 22 vývojových letounů vzlétl 29. listopadu 1940.


In scripture.

Besides Bushyasta's stock epithet as "the long-handed," (e.g. "Vendidad" 11.9, 11.12, 18.16; "Yasht" 10.97), she is also described to be "gaunt" ("Vendidad" 11.9 and 11.12), and in "Yasht" 18.2, she is said to be "zairi", "yellow, golden, green."  In verse 1 and 2 of "Yasht" 18, which is nominally dedicated to Arshtat "Justice", "khwarenah" is said to vanquish Angra Mainyu, Aeshma of "Wrath", the Freezing Cold, Apaosha of "Drought", and Bushyasta.  Towards dawn, before the demons are forced back into the darkness, Bushyasta rushes from the north murmering "Sleep on, O men! Sleep on, O sinners! Sleep on and live in sin" ("Hadhokht Nask" 41-42). Bushyasta is named among the demons who flee at the sight of Mithra's mace. ("Yasht" 10.97, 10.134)

In tradition.

In the "Bundahishn", a Zoroastrian account of creation completed in the 12th century, Bushasp is one of the "hamkar"s (co-operators) of the six Archdemon. (here "GBd" XXVII.32) This hierarchy mirrors that of the six Amesha Spentas and their helpers, the "yazata"s. In a fragment of the "lesser" "Bundahishn", Bushasp brings an "unnatural lethargy" upon a hero, who then at that moment fails to defend the world against the fiendish deeds of Aži Dahaka. But the hero is protected by the "divine glory of the heavens", so he eventually wakes rested and kills Dahaka. ("IBd" 29.7)  In the numerology of the "Shayest na Shayest", Bushasp "will twice come to the material world" (13.43), perhaps reflecting the hour of waking and the onset of sleep, or perhaps - as in "Dadestan-i Denig" 23.3 - being an allusion to birth and death.  In the "Dadestan-i Denig" 37.44, Bushasp is one of the few explicitly named entities amongst the "hordes" of demons created by Ahriman (Angra Mainyu). In strophe 51 of the same chapter, Ahriman charges the demon with "the weakening of the breath."

Bushyasta (Avesta, "būšyāsta", "būšiiąstā") is the Zoroastrian demon ("daeva") of sloth. Her stock epithet is "the long-handed". In scripture as well as in later tradition, Bushyasta (Middle Persian: "Bushasp") is the hypostasis of laziness and idleness. She is the cause of procrastination as she strives to keep the righteous ("ashavan") from performing productive tasks. She lulls the world back to sleep and "makes the faithful forget in slumber the hour of prayer."

Avestánská Búšjastá, středoperská Búšasp, je zarathuštrická daéví – démonka lenosti a odkládání práce. Její jméno vychází z avestánského "búšjant", které lze přeložit jako „co bude, to bude“. Búšjastá zdržuje počátek každého dne tím že pod jejím vlivem lidé zůstávají v posteli, vše odkládají a váhají, čemuž zabraňuje kohout Paródaras svým kokrháním, Mithra svým kyjem či Chvarena tím že ji zničí.


Early life.

Comensoli studied at St Paul's (now Holy Spirit) College, Bellambi, New South Wales, and studied commerce at the University of Wollongong while working for four years in the banking sector before switching to theology.

Priesthood.

Comensoli entered St Patrick's Seminary in 1986 and obtained a Bachelor of Theology degree in 1989 and a Bachelor of Sacred Theology degree in 1991 from the Catholic Institute of Sydney. He was ordained a priest of the Diocese of Wollongong in 1992 by William Edward Murray. Comensoli obtained a Licentiate in Sacred Theology from the Alphonsian Academy in Rome in 2000, a Master of Letters degree in moral philosophy from the University of St Andrews in 2007 and a Doctor of Philosophy degree in theological ethics from the University of Edinburgh in 2010.

Episcopacy.

Comensoli was appointed an auxiliary bishop of the Archdiocese of Sydney and titular bishop of Tigisis in Numidia by Pope Benedict XVI on 20 April 2011. He was consecrated as a bishop by Cardinal George Pell at St Mary's Cathedral in Sydney on 8 June 2011, becoming Australia's youngest Catholic bishop.  On 27 February 2014, Comensoli was appointed by Pope Francis as apostolic administrator of the Archdiocese of Sydney following Cardinal Pell's appointment as prefect of the newly formed Secretariat for the Economy. On 18 September 2014, Pope Francis appointed Anthony Fisher the new Archbishop of Sydney, and Comensoli remained the apostolic administrator until Fisher's installation on 12 November.  On 20 November 2014, Pope Francis appointed Comensoli as the Bishop of Broken Bay. His installation took place on 12 December.  On 29 June 2018, Comensoli was appointed Archbishop of Melbourne. He was installed on 1 August.  Comensoli personally vouched for Cardinal Pell by signing a letter of support in 2015 ahead of the Royal Commission into Institutional Child Sexual Abuse, describing him as a "man of integrity", and considers him as a personal friend.  Comensoli has stated that he would not break the seal of confession for confessions which include admissions of sexual abuse.

Peter Andrew Comensoli (born 25 March 1964) is an Australian prelate of the Catholic Church, who was named the ninth Archbishop of Melbourne on 29 June 2018. He had been serving as the third Bishop of Broken Bay in New South Wales from December 2014. From 2011 to 2014 he was an auxiliary bishop of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Sydney.

Mons. Peter Andrew Comensoli (* 25. března 1964, Bulli) je australský katolický kněz a biskup, od roku 2018 arcibiskup melbournský.


History.

Palermo is just south of a major active seismic zone, and is subject to frequent earthquakes and occasional inundations (tsunamis). The events of 1693, 1726 and 1823 were particularly destructive.  Pope Gregory I personally founded six monasteries in Sicily, including the monstery of S. Hermes at Palermo, according to Ugo Benigni in his article on Sicily in the Catholic Encyclopedia. He also founded the monastery of S. Hadrian and the Praetoritanum. Ugo Benigni attributes this interest to the numbers of bishops and monks who emigrated from Africa as a result of the policy of the Arian Vandals to the Orthodox Christians.  In 718 the Emperor Leo III the Isaurian (718–741) suppressed a revolt in Sicily, and then detached southern Italy and Sicily from the metropolitan jurisdiction of the Pope in Rome. In the ninth century, the Patriarch of Constantinople raised the See of Palermo to the rank of Metropolitan of all of Sicily. A protest against these actions was entered by Pope Nicholas I (858–867), in a letter of 25 September 860 to the Emperor Michael III.

Arab control over Palermo and its church.

Benigni states, "Concerning the state of the Sicilian Church during the Saracen domination we have no information: not the name of a single bishop is known." This is misleading. There were bishops, but they were part of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, not that of Rome, and Constantinople was in communion with Rome until the Great Schism of 1054. In 883, Pope Marinus I paid a ransom to the Emir of Palermo for the Archbishop of Syracuse and the bishop of Malta, who were being held in prison in Palermo. In 897, the Archbishop of Palermo was Sofronios (or Sonfronius). In 930, there was a seminary in operation under the direction of the Archbishop of Palermo; when Eustatius was about to pay the 12,000 'krus' per annum which was owed, the collector, who noticed the extreme poverty of the students, gave part of the funds to the Archbishop for the benefit of the seminary. In 957 an Archbishop named Arimattea was already occupying the See; in 964, Archbishop Arimattea was abused and imprisoned by the Grand Mufti of Palermo, from which he died. In 965, the Archbishop of Palermo was Andreas, who had been vicar of Archbishop Arimattea. In 976, according to Arabic sources, the Archbishop of Palermo died, and the priests and monks elected a new archbishop named Ananiah, who had been vicar of his predecessor. The Patriarch of Constantinople (Anthony the Studite) was requested by an embassy from Palermo to approve the election, which he did, expressing the wish that the archbishop-elect should come to Constantinople and be consecrated by him. The emperor did not approve of these patriarchal pretensions, and the Patriarch renounced them. The priests and monks told the Emir of Sicily that the custom had been for the bishops of Sicily to consecrate the archbishop. They asked permission to write to the pope, which was refused.  Arab invasions of Sicily had begun at the beginning of the eighth century with the capture of the island of Cossura (modern Pantelleria). Raids were launched in 730–731, 734–735, 740 and 752–753. Palermo was temporarily captured in 820, but the Arabs were driven out by pirates. The serious conquest of the island began in 827, from the Tunisian port of Susa, led by Asad Ibn Al-Furàt. Palermo fell in 831, Messina in 843, Leontini in 847, and Syracuse in 878. Taormina was captured in 902, completing the conquest of the entire island. From then until 1061, when the Norman conquests, began Sicily was an Arab land.  After the famine of 940, the Arabs deliberately drove Christians out of the western part of the island.

Norman control over the church of Palermo.

On Christmas Day, 1130, Count Roger II was crowned King of Sicily in the Cathedral in Palermo. It is uncertain who crowned the king. One source names Count Roger of Capua, another Archbishop Peter of Palermo. The Cathedral was rebuilt by Archbishop Walter between 1170 and 1190.  The Archdiocese of Palermo was united with the Archdiocese of Monreale on 7 July 1775. The union was dissolved on 12 March 1802. Monreale lost its metropolitan status in 2000, however, and it is now a suffragan of the Archdiocese of Palermo.  The Cathedral of Palermo is dedicated to the Bodily Assumption of the Virgin Mary into Heaven. The Chapter of the Cathedral had three dignities in 1677, and two dignities in 1775. In 1211 there were eighteen canons, but the number grew to twenty-four in 1431, when Pope Eugenius IV ordered their reduction to eighteen again. In 1523 the Emperor Charles V added six more canons, bringing the number back up to twenty-four. There were again twenty-four canons in 1677 and twenty-six canons in 1775. The chapter had the right to elect the archbishop.

The Roman Catholic Metropolitan Archdiocese of Palermo () was founded as the Diocese of Palermo in the first century and raised to the status of archdiocese in the 11th century. The Archbishop of Palermo is Corrado Lorefice.

Arcidiecéze palermská (latinsky "Archidioecesis Panormitana") je římskokatolická metropolitní arcidiecéze v Itálii, která je součástí církevní oblasti Sicílie. Její arcibiskup má titul ""Primas Sicílie"". Katedrálou je chrám Nanebevzetí Panny Marie v Palermu. Vznikla podle tradice již v 1. století, prvního biskupa prý vyslal sv. Petr. Jde o metropolitní arcidiecézi, jíž jsou podřízeny tyto sufragánní diecéze na Sicílii:


Early life and career.

Talon is of Fon origins and was born in Ouidah. He descends from slave traders. His father was from Ouidah while his mother came from a Guédégbé family in Abomey. He obtained a baccalaureate in Dakar, Senegal. After obtaining a "C" grade in his bachelor's degree in science studies at the University of Dakar, he was transferred to the National School of Civil Aviation in Paris. With dreams of becoming a pilot, Talon failed a medical test and this dream became an impossibility.  In 1983, he became involved in trade of packaging and agricultural inputs activities. In 1985, he returned to Benin and established the Intercontinental Distribution Company "(Société Distribution Intercontinentale"; "SDI)", which supplies agricultural inputs to cotton producers. Although in 1990, following recommendations by the World Bank to liberalize economies in West Africa countries, in which Benin was called upon to withdraw from the cotton production chain. He then won the chance to establish three cotton ginning factories in the country. He was also known as the "King of Cotton" for his involvement in the cotton industry, Talon built his empire due to connections with the Beninese political class.  He was one of the chief financial backers of President Thomas Boni Yayi, financing his campaigns for the 2006 and 2011 elections. His company, Benin Control acquired two nationally owned enterprises, Sodeco in 2009 and PVI in 2011. In 2011, Talon received management of Cotonou’s imports at the Port of Cotonou. In 2012, he fled to France after he was accused of embezzling more than 18 million euros in taxes. He fell out with Boni Yayi and was accused of involvement in a plot to kill him. He was subsequently pardoned in 2014. In 2015, US magazine "Forbes" listed him as the 15th richest person in sub-Saharan Africa with wealth valued at approximately US$400 million.

President.

Talon ran as an independent candidate in the March 2016 presidential election. Although he finished second to Prime Minister Lionel Zinsou of the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin in the first round of voting, he won the second round with 65% of the vote. His opponent, outgoing Prime Minister Lionel Zinsou recognized his defeat the night of the election. Speaking on 25 March 2016, Talon said that he would "first and foremost tackle constitutional reform", discussing his plan to limit presidents to a single term of five years in order to combat "complacency". He also said that he planned to slash the size of the government from 28 to 16 members.  He was sworn in on 6 April 2016. The composition of his government was announced later in the day. There was no prime minister, and two defeated presidential candidates who had backed Talon in the second round, Pascal Koupaki and Abdoulaye Bio-Tchane, were appointed to key posts; Koupaki as Secretary-General of the Presidency and Bio-Tchane as Minister of State for Planning and Development. Talon pledged to increase the fortunes of Benin in five years and improve its relationship with France. Some of his policy goals are reducing the power of the executive and reducing presidents to single terms of five years, an unheard of suggestion in Africa.  On 4 April 2017, the National Assembly failed to pass a bill that would have led to a referendum on Talon's proposal to limit presidents to a single six-year term. 63 votes in the 83-member National Assembly were required for passage, and the bill fell just short, with 60 votes. Talon said a few days later that he would not pursue the matter any further. He said that he was saddened by the outcome of the vote but that he respected it because of his commitment to democracy. He declined to say whether, in light of the failure of his single-term proposal, he would stand for re-election in 2021.

Personal life.

He is married to Claudine Gbènagnon from Porto-Novo and has two children.

Patrice Guillaume Athanase Talon (born 1 May 1958) is a Beninese politician and businessman who has been President of Benin since 6 April 2016.

Patrice Guillaume Athanase Talon (* 1. května 1958 Ouidah, Benin) je beninský podnikatel a od roku 2016 je také 8. prezident Beninu.


Early life and education.

Mokgweetsi Masisi is the son of Edison Masisi (1923–2003), the long-time MP for Moshupa and many-time cabinet member. The younger Masisi grew up in Gaborone, attending Thornhill Primary School and Maru A Pula School. One of his three brothers, Tshelang, was long-time MP for Francistown West, while another is a retired army general. He also has a sister, Phadi.  In school he competed in soccer and tennis, but ultimately found acting to be his calling. In 1984 he won acclaim for his portrayal of the lead role in a Gaborone production of "Cry the Beloved Country." He has taken part in several South African films.  During the 1980s Masisi became a high school social studies teacher for several years after graduating from the University of Botswana in 1984 in English and History. He then taught at Mmanaana Secondary School in 1984 in Moshupa village before moving on to the University of Botswana in 1987 as a curriculum development specialist.  In 1989 he went to Florida State University to obtain a Master's degree in social sciences education, after Masisi met some FSU faculty members working in Botswana for the Junior Secondary Education Improvement Project. Following graduation, he was employed by UNICEF in Botswana.

Career.

Masisi unsuccessfully sought the nomination of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) to stand in Moshupa constituency in the 2004 general election. However, he obtained the BDP nomination for the same seat prior to the 2009 general election and won the seat. He was promptly appointed as Assistant Minister for Presidential Affairs and Public Administration in October 2009. After a little more than a year as an assistant minister, he was appointed as Minister for Presidential Affairs and Public Administration in January 2011. Masisi became Minister of Education and Skills Development in an acting capacity in April 2014. He was re-elected to his seat in Parliament in October 2014, and he was appointed as Minister of Education and Skills Development on 28 October 2014. Masisi was appointed as Vice President of Botswana by President Ian Khama on 12 November 2014 while remaining in his post as Minister of Education.  President Khama appointed Masisi as the Chancellor of the University of Botswana on 5 July 2017. The appointment, which was in consonance with Section 7 of the University of Botswana Act of 2008, was for a period of five years. It followed the death of former President Quett Masire, who served as the Chancellor until he died on 22 June 2017.  On 1 April 2018, he was sworn in as the 5th President of Botswana. After he ascended to the presidency, former president Ian Khama left the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) to found the Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF). Khama criticized Masisi for lifting the ban on elephant hunting and called his decision to appoint Masisi as his successor a "mistake".  On October 13, 2018, Masisi received an honorary doctorate from the University of Botswana. Some commentators have criticized this decision, and claimed that the correct process was not followed.

2019 elections.

In October 2019, Masisi was re-elected as Botswana's president after the BDP faced the biggest threat to its unity in more than five decades, following Masisi's predecessor Ian Khama's move to the opposition and accusing Masisi of authoritarianism. In the 2019 Botswana general election, Masisi received an outright majority of 52.65% of the vote, and received a majority of seats in the National Assembly. Amongst his election pledges, he proposed lifting the ban on elephant hunting and decriminalising homosexuality.

Political opinions.

Masisi has been accused by some of having authoritarian views, and contributing to undermining democracy in Botswana. This includes former president, Ian Khama, who said that Masisi "stifled dissent". In an interview with the Financial Times, Khama said Botswana's reputation is being undermined locally and internationally, and that the democracy is in decline. When the COVID-19 Pandemic hit in 2020, emergency powers allowed Masisi to rule by decree for a period of six months.  Masisi is in support of elephant hunting in Botswana, and believes that allowing some ivory trading would allow more funding for conservation. In 2019, he presented stools made from elephant feet to the national leaders of Namibia, Zambia and Zimbabwe, a move that received some criticism from international media outlets. Masisi reversed the ban on elephant hunting put in place by his predecessor, and removed Botswana's "Shoot to Kill" anti-poaching policy.

Personal life.

In 2002 Masisi married Neo Maswabi, an accountant who later worked for the United Nations in New York City and in Addis Ababa. They have a daughter.  Masisi is colloquially referred to as "Sisiboy" among the population, a play of words on his family name.

Mokgweetsi Eric Keabetswe Masisi (born 21 July 1962) is the fifth and current President of Botswana, serving since 2018. He has also served as Minister of Education since 2014, and previously he was Minister of Presidential Affairs and Public Administration from 2011 to 2014. He was first elected to Parliament in 2009.

Mokgweetsi Eric Keabetswe Masisi (* 21. července 1961 Moshupa, Botswana) je botswanský politik a od roku 2018 také 5. prezidentem Botswany.