History.

In the Middle Ages, the area of what is now Borjomi was part of the Tori province. It was populated by a series of forts guarding the strategic crossroad of routes leading to the western, eastern, and southern provinces of Georgia. Three important forts – those of “Gogia”, “Petra”, and “Sali” – still overlook the town from nearby hills. From the 16th century into the 19th, the area belonged to the noble family of Avalishvili, but was largely depopulated as a result of Ottoman inroads.  After the Russian annexation of Georgia, the Borjomi area began to revitalize. The toponym "Borjomi" is first recorded in the 1810s. The town and its surroundings were placed under the Russian military authorities. Borjomi began receiving soldiers in the 1820s. Buildings and baths began going up in the 1830s. Early in the 1840s, when the Russian Viceroy of the Caucasus Yevgeny Golovin brought his daughter down to partake of the cure, he expedited the official transfer of the waters from the military to civil authorities. The viceroy Mikhail Vorontsov, fascinated by local landscape and mineral waters, made Borjomi his summer residence and refurnished it with new parks. Its warm climate, mineral water springs, and forests made Borjomi a favorite summer resort for the aristocracy, and gave it its popular name of "the pearl of Caucasus". In the 1860s, new hotels were built, and an administration for mineral waters was established. In 1871, Borjomi was bestowed upon the royal family member, Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolayvich, then the viceroy of the Caucasus. In the 1890s, Mikhail’s son, Nikolay, built a park and a chateau at Likani, at the western end of Borjomi. The bottled mineral waters began to be extensively exported. The town grew significantly at the expanse of Russian migrants and, in 1901, the number of ethnic Russian inhabitants (2,031) outstripped the native Georgians (1,424) for the first time.  Following the Red Army invasion of Georgia in 1921, the Soviet regime confiscated all aristocratic mansions and turned them into sanatoria, frequented by the Communist party elite. Despite significant damage caused by a flood on April 18, 1968, Borjomi continued to grow throughout the Soviet era. The post-Soviet years of political and economic crisis hindered development of the area, but it remained a popular destination for internal tourism. In the 2000s, a growing government and private investment into tourism and municipal infrastructure helped Borjomi recover from a decade of decay.  Borjomi, together with Bakuriani, was named by Georgia as an applicant city for the 2014 Winter Olympics on June 22, 2005, but it was eliminated as a candidate by the International Olympic Committee on June 22, 2006.

Resort.

Borjomi is a balneological and climatic resort. During the Soviet times it had the status of a union resort. According to the relief and microclimate peculiarities Borjomi has several districts, of which Likani, Papa and Plateau are particularly favorable for treatment. The main treatment of the resort is mineral water used for drinking and balneological procedures.  Other treatment factors in Borjomi are climatotherapy, mud treatment and more. The best time for climatotherapy is June-October. Medical indications: chronic diseases of the gastrointestinal tract, liver and biliary tract, alteration of substances, some diseases of the cardiovascular system. The season lasts all year.

Borjomi-Kharagauli National Park.

The Borjomi-Kharagauli National Park administration, with offices, small hotel and visitors communication center are located at 23 Meskheti st, in Borjomi. The total area occupies 85,083 ha, which is more than 1% of the territory of Georgia. Borjomi-Kharagauli Protected Areas includes 6 districts - Borjomi, Kharagauli, Akhaltsikhe, Adigeni, Khashuri and Baghdati. There are administrative and visitors centers of the national park in Borjomi and Kharagauli. Borjomi Strict Nature Reserve, Borjomi-Kharagauli National Park, Nedzvi Managed Reserve and Goderdzi Petrified Forest Natural Monument are the protected areas and managed by the park administration.  Hiking, horse riding, biking, snow shoes, cultural and educational tours are also available in Borjomi-Kharagauli National Park tourist route network. The network amounts to 400-2,642 meters. The routes are provided with tourist shelters, picnic spots and camping sites.

Borjomi () is a resort town in south-central Georgia with a population of 10,546. It is one of the districts of the Samtskhe-Javakheti region and is situated in the northwestern part of the region in the picturesque Borjomi Gorge on the eastern edge of the Borjomi-Kharagauli National Park. The town is noted for its mineral water industry (which is the number one export of Georgia), the Romanov summer palace in Likani, and the World Wide Fund for Nature-site Borjomi-Kharagauli National Park. Borjomi mineral water is particularly well known in those countries which were part of the former Soviet Union; the bottling of mineral water is a major source of income for the area. Because of the supposed curative powers of the area's mineral springs, it is a frequent destination for people with health problems. Borjomi is also home to the most extensive ecologically-themed amusement park in the Caucasus.

Bordžomi () je město a lázně v Samcche-Džavachetii na jihozápadě Gruzie. Leží asi 100 km Z od Tbilisi a 120 km V od pobřeží Černého moře. Je známé svou minerální vodou Bordžomi, jež zaujímá první místo v exportu Gruzie a je oblíbená v zemích bývalého Sovětského svazu. Město kandidovalo spolu s Bakuriani na uspořádání Zimních olympijských her v roce 2014. Právě s Bakuriani je město spojeno úzkorozchodnou dráhou Bordžomi – Bakuriani.


Heraldic description.

The arms were described in the Royal Warrant as consisting of:  The arms consist of a shield parted "per fess":  The castle has its roots in the heraldry of the Kingdom of Castile, the largest and most important medieval Spanish kingdom, of which Isabella was Queen. The preamble to the warrant granting the coat of arms to Gibraltar said: The idea of Gibraltar being the key to Spain or the Mediterranean originated well before the Spanish conquest. The followers of Tariq ibn Ziyad, who invaded Spain via Gibraltar in 711, are said to have adopted the symbol of the key when they settled in Granada. The coat of arms was accompanied by the inscription "Seal of the noble city of Gibraltar, the Key of Spain".

Use.

Today, the official coat of arms as used by the government of Gibraltar consists of the original coat of arms with the addition of the motto "Montis Insignia Calpe" ("Insignia of the Mountain of Calpe"; "Mons Calpe" was the Latin name of the Rock of Gibraltar), which was granted by the College of Arms in 1836 to commemorate the 1779–83 Great Siege of Gibraltar. It is the oldest coat of arms in use in an overseas territory of the United Kingdom and is unique in that it is the only armorial insignia that dates from before the period of British colonial administration.  The arms differ from the seal of Gibraltar, which is an image of the Rock of Gibraltar with a sailing ship in the forefront. There is no evidence available as to when this image was created. From 1982, a banner of the arms has been used as the flag of Gibraltar. The arms also appear in the flag of the governor of Gibraltar. The arms of the government of Gibraltar are the same as the royal coat of arms of the United Kingdom combined with a badge featuring the coat of arms of Gibraltar.

Variations.

A very similar coat of arms is in use by the nearby Spanish municipality of San Roque, using a slightly different version of the same main heraldic elements (the escutcheon with the castle and key), with the addition of the old Spanish Royal Crown above the escutcheon.  When Gibraltar was captured by an Anglo-Dutch force on behalf of the pretender to the Spanish Throne, the Archduke Charles, in 1704, the city council and much of the population established a new town near the existing chapel of Saint Roch to the west of Gibraltar, The Royal Warrant of 1502 which granted the coat of arms was taken by the city council to San Roque along with Gibraltar's standard and records, and is now in the San Roque municipal archives. The establishment became a new town in 1706, addressed by King Philip V of Spain as "My city of Gibraltar resident in its Campo", and becoming the "Spanish Gibraltar". Therefore, they kept the old coat of arms granted to Gibraltar in 1502.  In 2015, the Commonwealth of the Municipalities of the Campo de Gibraltar (Cádiz) adopted a coat of arms and a flag. This new coat of arms shows the elements of the coat of arms of Gibraltar with seven green stars that represent the municipalities of the Commonwealth, two equal horizontal stripes (green and purple) with the colors of this organisation, and a bordure "Or" with its motto "PRO GEOGRAPHIA, HISTORIA ET VOLUNTATE CONIVNCTI" (Latin: For geography, united history and will). The modern Spanish Royal Crown is used as heraldic crest.

The coat of arms of Gibraltar was first granted by a Royal Warrant passed in Toledo on 10 July 1502 by Isabella I of Castile during Gibraltar's Spanish period. The arms consists of an escutcheon and features a three-towered red castle under which hangs a golden key.

Znak Gibraltaru se používá již od 10. července 1502, kdy byl městu udělen Isabelou Kastilskou. Znak je tvořen červeno-bílým štítem, na kterém je červený hrad se třemi věžemi, z něhož visí zlatý klíč.


Early life.

Ernst Heinrich Weber was born on 24 June 1795 in Wittenberg, Saxony, Holy Roman Empire. He was son to Michael Weber, a professor of theology at the University of Wittenberg. At a young age, Weber became interested in physics and the sciences after being heavily influenced by Ernst Chladni, a physicist often referred to as the “father of acoustics”. Weber completed secondary school at Meissen and began studying medicine at the University of Wittenberg in 1811. He went on to receive his MD in 1815 from the University of Leipzig. The fighting and the aftermath of the Napoleonic wars forced Weber to relocate from Wittenberg. He became an assistant in J.C. Clarus’ medical clinic in Leipzig in 1817 and then a professor in comparative anatomy in 1818 at the University of Leipzig. He became chair of human anatomy at the university in 1821. Ernst Weber’s first direct contribution to psychology came in 1834 when trying to describe the sensation of touch.

Contributions.

Just-Noticeable Difference: Weber describes just-noticeable difference as the following, “in observing the disparity between things that are compared, we perceive not the difference between the things, but the ratio of this difference to the magnitude of things compared.” In other words, we are able to distinguish the relative difference, not the absolute difference between items. Or, we can discern between some constant ratio, not some constant difference. Weber’s first work with jnd had to do with differences in weight, in that jnd is the "minimum amount of difference between two weights necessary to tell them apart". For this, Weber found that the finest discrimination between weights was when they differed by 8–10%. For example, if you were holding a 100 g block, the second block would need to weigh at least 108 g in order to notice a difference. Weber also suspected that a constant fraction applied for all senses, but is different for each sense. When comparing the differences in line length, there must be at least 0.01 difference in order to distinguish the two. When comparing music pitch, there must be at least 0.006 vibrations per second difference. So for every sense, some increase in measurement is needed in order to tell a difference.  Weber's Law: Weber’s Law, as labeled by Gustav Theodor Fechner, established that sensory events can be related mathematically to measurable relative changes in physical stimulus values. Weber’s law is invalid as the stimulus approaches the upper or lower limits of a sensory modality. Fechner took inspiration from Weber’s Law and developed what we know today as Fechner’s Law. Fechner’s Law varied and was advanced in the fact that Fechner had developed new methods for measuring just-noticeable differences in different sense modalities, making the measured results more accurate.  Experimental Psychology: For most of his career, Weber worked with his brothers, Wilhelm and Eduard, and partner Gustav Theodor Fechner. Throughout these working relationships, Weber completed research on the central nervous system, auditory system, anatomy and function of brain, circulation, etc., and a large portion of research on sensory physiology and psychology. The following items are part of Weber’s contributions the experimental psychology: Experimental Wave Theory: studied flow and movement of waves in liquids and elastic tubes. Hydrodynamics: discovered laws and applied them to circulation. In 1821, Weber launched a series of experiments on the physics of fluids with his younger brother Wilhelm. This research was the first detailed account of hydrodynamic principles in the circulation of blood. Weber continued his research on blood and in 1827, he made another significant finding. Weber explained the elasticity of blood vessels in the movement of blood in the aorta in a continuous flow to the capillaries and arterioles. Two-point Threshold Technique: helped map sensitivity and touch acuity on the body using compass technique. Points of a compass would be set at varying distances in order to see at what distance are the points of the compass perceived as two separate points instead of one single point. Weber also wrote about and tested other ideas on sensation including a terminal threshold, which is the highest intensity an individual could sense before the sensation could not be detected any longer. Weber’s Illusion: an "experience of divergence of two points when stimulation is moved over insensitive areas and convergence of two points when moved over sensitive areas". Weber’s use of multivariate experiment, precise measurements, and research on sensory psychology and sensory physiology laid the groundwork for accepting experimental psychology as a field and providing new ideas for fellow 19th century psychologists to expand.

Later career.

In 1817, Weber was appointed as the Dozent of Psychology at Leipzig. He moved on to become Professor of Anatomy the following year (1818). He held the position for many years, finally moving to Professor of Psychology towards the end of his life. In his later life, Weber became less involved in testing and experimenting, although he was still interested in sensory physiology. Ernst Heinrich Weber retired from the University of Leipzig in 1871. He continued to work with his brother, Eduard and their work with nerve stimulation and muscle suppression lead to inhibitory responses as a popular therapy of the time. Ernst Weber died in 1878 in Leipzig, Germany.

Publications.

In "De Tactu", published in English as "On touch: anatomical and physiological notes", Weber proposed there was a threshold of sensation in each individual. The two-point threshold, the smallest distance between two points where a person determines that it is two points and not one, was Weber’s first discovery.  Weber’s work made a significant impact on the field of experimental psychology, as he was one of the first scientist to test his ideas on humans. His meticulous notes and new ideas of testing subjects described in his book "Der tastsinn und das gemeingefühl" (English: "The sense of touch and the common sensibility") led E. B. Titchener to call the work "the foundation stone of experimental psychology". The book that described blood circulation research, "Wellenlehre, auf Experimenten gegrϋndet" (English: "Wave Theory, Founded on Experiments") became instantly recognized as very important to physics and physiology. This research lead the way for future investigating, although it was not formally published until 1850 with the culmination of the rest of his research on blood in a book entitled, "Ueber die Anwendung der Wellenlehre auf die Lehre vom Kreislauf des Blutes und insbesondere auf die Pulslehre" (English: "Concerning the application of the wave theory to the theory of the circulation of the blood and, in particular, on the pulse teaching").  Joint works with his brothers Wilhelm Eduard Weber and Eduard Friedrich Weber:

Legacy and influence.

Weber is often cited as the pioneer or father of experimental psychology. He was the first to conduct true psychological experiments that held validity. While most psychologists of the time conducted work from behind a desk, Weber was actively conducting experiments, manipulating only one variable at a time in order to gain more accurate results. This paved the way for the field of psychology as an experimental science and opened the way for the development of even more accurate and intense research methods. One of Weber’s greatest influences was on Gustav Fechner. Weber was appointed the Dozent of Psychology at the University of Leipzig the same year that Fechner enrolled. Weber’s work with sensation inspired Fechner to further the work and go on to develop Weber’s law. At the time of his sensation work, Weber did not fully realize the implications that his experiments would have on understanding of sensory stimulus and response.

Ernst Heinrich Weber (24 June 1795 – 26 January 1878) was a German physician who is considered one of the founders of experimental psychology. He was an influential and important figure in the areas of physiology and psychology during his lifetime and beyond. His studies on sensation and touch, along with his emphasis on good experimental techniques gave way to new directions and areas of study for future psychologists, physiologists, and anatomists.

Ernst Heinrich Weber (24. června 1795 Wittenberg – 26. ledna 1878 Lipsko) byl německý lékař, který je považován za zakladatele experimentální psychologie.


History.

The association was founded in 1943, by Los Angeles-based foreign journalists who wanted a more organized distributing process of cinema news to non-U.S. markets.  The first Golden Globes awardees were for the cinema industry in early 1944 with a ceremony at 20th Century Fox. There, Jennifer Jones was awarded Best Actress honors for "The Song of Bernadette" which also won for Best Film, while Paul Lukas took home Best Actor laurels for "Watch on the Rhine". Awards were presented in the form of scrolls.  The following year members came up with the idea of presenting winners with a golden globe encircled with a strip of motion picture film and mounted on a pedestal.  In 1950, differing philosophies among members caused a schism within the organization, resulting in a split into two separate groups: The Hollywood Foreign Correspondents Association and the Foreign Press Association of Hollywood. The separation ended in 1955 when the journalists reunited under the collective title The Hollywood Foreign Press Association with firm guidelines and requirements for membership.  In 1955, the Golden Globes began honoring achievements in television as well as in film. The first honorees in the Best Television Show category that year were "Dinah Shore," "Lucy & Desi," "The American Comedy" and "Davy Crockett."

Membership criteria.

Membership meetings are held monthly, and the officers and directors are elected annually. A maximum of five journalists can be admitted to the organization each year. To retain "Active" status, each member must be currently accredited by the Motion Picture Association of America and must submit clippings of their work every year to renew their active status or be reassigned to a non-voting affiliate status.  Requirements for active membership include primary residence in Southern California, attendance in at least four monthly general membership meetings and a minimum of four published articles or photographs per year outside the US. The HFPA does not release a list of acceptable publications for those articles but they are not restricted to popular, mainstream ones. Lorenzo Soria has been elected President of Hollywood Foreign Press Association in 2019.

Charity.

The HFPA is a nonprofit organization that donates funds to entertainment-related charities. The Golden Globe Awards brings in about $10 million from its television broadcast each year. The HFPA hosts an annual grants banquet to distribute funds; $2.1 million was donated to nonprofits in 2015. According to the HFPA, since 1990 more than $23.9 million was donated to charity up to 2015 and used to fund scholarships and grants.  Funds have also been used to restore more than 90 films, including "King Kong" (1933) and "Woman on the Run" (1950).

The Hollywood Foreign Press Association (HFPA) is a non-profit organization of journalists and photographers who report on the entertainment industry activity and interests in the United States for media (newspaper, magazine and book publication, television and radio broadcasting) predominantly outside the U.S. The HFPA consists of about 90 members from approximately 55 countries with a combined following of more than 250 million. It conducts the annual Golden Globe Awards ceremony in Los Angeles every January, which honors notable examples of film and television and achievements in entertainment businesses.

Asociace zahraničních novinářů v Hollywoodu (angl. "Hollywood Foreign Press Association" zkratka HFPA) je organizace zahraničních novinářů sdružených v Hollywoodu pracujících pro filmový průmysl. Asociace má devadesát členů zastupujících přes padesát zemí světa. Proslavila ji především cena Zlatý glóbus každoročně udělovaná v Los Angeles. Prezidentkou organizace je pro léta 2012–2013 Aida Takla-O’Reilly.


Early life and career.

Lázaro Cárdenas del Río was born on May 21, 1895, one of eight children in a lower-middle-class family in the village of Jiquilpan, Michoacán, where his father owned a billiard hall. After the death of his father, from age 16 Cárdenas supported his family (including his mother and seven younger siblings). By the age of 18, he had worked as a tax collector, a printer's devil, and a jail keeper. Although he left school at the age of eleven, he used every opportunity to educate himself and read widely throughout his life, especially works of history.

Military career.

Cárdenas set his sights on becoming a teacher, but was drawn into the military during the Mexican Revolution after Victoriano Huerta overthrew President Francisco Madero in February 1913. Michoacán was far from the revolutionary action that had brought Madero to the Mexican presidency, but after Huerta's coup and Madero's assassination, Cárdenas joined a group of Zapatistas, but Huerta's forces scattered the group, where Cárdenas had served as captain and paymaster. Since revolutionary forces were voluntary organizations, his position of leadership points to his skills and his being paymaster to the perception that he would be honest in financial

Service under President Calles.

Cárdenas was a political protégé of Calles, but his ideological mentor was revolutionary General Francisco J. Múgica, a strongly anticlerical, secular socialist. President Calles appointed Cárdenas Chief of Military Operations in the Huasteca, an oil producing region on the Gulf Coast. Cárdenas

Governor of Michoacan, 1928–1932.

Cárdenas was appointed governor of his home state of Michoacan in 1928, which was then wracked by the political conflict between state and Church, the known as the Cristiada. His ideological mentor Múgica had previously served as the state's governor, and had attempted to counter the power of the Roman Catholic Church through laws. He mobilized groups to support his positions, creating “political shock troops,” consisting of public school teachers and members of a disbanded agrarian league, forming the "Confederación Revolucionaria Michoacana del Trabajo", under the slogan of “Union, Land, Work.” The organization was funded by the state government, although not listed as an official expenditure. It became the single-most powerful organization representing both workers and peasants. Mobilizing worker and peasant support and controlling the organization to which they belonged became the model for Cárdenas when he became president.

Land reform.

As governor, Cárdenas also prioritized distribution of land at a time when President Calles was disillusioned by the program. He expropriated haciendas and created ejidos, collectively held, state-controlled landholdings. Ejiditarios, members of the ejido, worked individual plots of land but did not hold title to it as private property. Opposition to the program came from estate owners (hacendados), the clergy, and in some cases tenant farmers,

Promotion of tourism, art, and indigenous culture.

During his term as governor, Cárdenas sought to bring peace to the state, unite its population divided by the on-going Cristero War, and make Michoacan, especially the historic town of Pátzcuaro into a tourist destination. Once he was president of Mexico, he continued to devote government funding to the project. Cárdenas built a house in Pátzcuaro when he became governor of the state, naming it "La Quinta Eréndira," after the Purépecha princess, who has been identified as Mexico's first anticolonial heroine for her resistance to the Spanish conquest, and a contrasting figure to Malinche, Cortés's cultural translator. Eréndira became a popular historical figure under Cárdenas. At his estate, he commissioned murals for the house, which are now lost, but it is known from historical sources that they had indigenous themes, particularly the rise and fall of the Purépecha Empire at the time of the Spanish conquest. The murals and the texts "appropriate national historical narratives in order to supplant the national myths and locate Mexico's ideal foundations in Michoacan."

Presidential election of 1934.

Calles tapped Cárdenas to be the party's president. Of the revolutionary generals, Cárdenas was considered "honest, able, anticlerical, and politically astute," He had come from a poor and marginal state of Mexico, but had risen to political prominence by his military skills on the battlefield but importantly he had chosen the correct side of decisive splits since 1913. When he was chosen as the presidential candidate in 1934, no one expected him to be anything other than being loyal to Calles, the "Jefe Máximo", and power behind the presidency since 1929.  As the PNR's candidate, Cárdenas's election was a foregone conclusion. It was politically impossible for his patron, Calles, to serve as president again, but he continued to dominate Mexico after his presidency (1924–28) through what were considered "puppet" administrations in a period known as the Maximato. After two of his hand-picked men held office, the PNR balked in 1932 at supporting his first choice, Manuel Pérez Treviño. Instead, they selected Cárdenas as the presidential candidate. Calles agreed, believing he could control Cárdenas as he had controlled his predecessors. Not only had Cárdenas been associated with Calles for two decades, but he had prospered politically with Calles' patronage. As expected, Cárdenas won handily, officially winning over 98 percent of the vote.

Six-Year Plan and presidential campaign.

Cárdenas ran on the Six Year Plan for social and political reform that the party drafted under Calles's direction. Such a multiyear program was patterned after the just-completed Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union. The Six-Year Plan (to span the presidential term 1934–40) was a patchwork of proposals from a variety of participants, but the driving force behind it was Calles, who had given a speech in May 1933, saying that the "Mexican Revolution had failed in most of its important objectives," and that a plan needed to implement its objectives. Interim President Abelardo L. Rodríguez did not get his cabinet's approval for the plan in 1933, so that Calles's next move was to present it in draft form

Presidency, 1934–1940.

Cabinet.

when he was first in office included Calles family members, his oldest son Rodolfo at the Secretariat of Communications and Public Works (1934–35); Aarón Sáenz Garza, the brother-in-law of Calles's second son, Plutarco Jr. ("Aco"), was appointed the administrator for Mexico City (1934–35), a cabinet-level position. Others with loyalty to Calles were radical Tomás Garrido Canabal at the Secretariat

Presidential style.

Cárdenas's first action after taking office late in 1934 was to have his presidential salary cut in half. He became the first occupant of the official presidential residence of Los Pinos. He had the previous residence, the ostentatious Chapultepec Castle, turned into the National Museum of History. In a move that struck at the financial interests

Policies in office.

After being elected and assuming office, Cárdenas led the Congress in condemning Calles's persecution of the Catholic Church in Mexico. He ousted Calles and exiled him in 1936 as he consolidated power in his own right, ending the so-called Maximato with Calles being the power behind the presidency. Cárdenas had Calles and twenty of his corrupt associates arrested and deported to the United States. The majority of the

Land reform and the peasantry.

During Cárdenas' presidency, the government enacted land reform that was "sweeping, rapid, and, in some respects, innovative". He redistributed large commercial haciendas, some 180,000 km of land to peasants. With the powers of Article 27 of the Mexican constitution, he created agrarian collectives, or ejidos, which in early twentieth-century Mexico were an not a typical form of landholding. Two high-profile regions of expropriation for Cárdenas's agrarian reform were in the productive cotton-growing region in northern Mexico, known as La Laguna, the other was in Yucatán, where the economy was dominated by henequen production. Other areas that saw significant land reform were Baja California and Sonora in northern Mexico

Labor.

The other key sector of reform was industrial labor. Article 123 of the 1917 Constitution had empowered labor in an unprecedented way, guaranteeing worker rights such as the eight-hour day and the right to strike, but in a more comprehensive fashion, Article 123 signaled that the Mexican state was on the side of labor. A labor organization already existed when Cárdenas took office, the CROM union of Luis Morones. Morones was forced out of his cabinet post in Calles's government and the CROM declined in power and influence, with major defections of Mexico City unions, one of which was led by socialist Vicente Lombardo Toledano. Cárdenas promoted

Education.

During the Calles Maximato, Mexican education policies were directed at curtailing the cultural influence of the Catholic Church by introducing sex education and leftist ideology via socialist education, and generally aiming to create a national civic culture. Cárdenas as a presidential candidate, under the patronage of fierce anticlerical Calles, was in favor of such policies. The opposition to socialist education by the Catholic Church as an institution and

Indigenismo.

Cárdenas created the new cabinet-level Department of Indigenous Affairs ("Departamento de Asuntos Indígenas") in 1936, with Graciano Sánchez, an "agrarista" leader in charge. After a controversy at the DAI, Sánchez was replaced by a scholar, Prof. Luis Chávez Orozco. Cárdenas was influenced by an advocate of indigenismo, Moisés Sáenz, who earned a doctorate in education from Columbia University and had held a position in the Calles administration in the Secretariat of Public Education (SEP). Although initially an assimilationist for Mexico's indigenous, he shifted his perspective after a period of residence in a Purépecha village, which he published

Women's suffrage.

Cárdenas had pushed for women's suffrage in Mexico, responding to the pressure from women activists and from the political climate that emphasized equality of citizens. Mexico was not alone in Latin America in not enfranchising women, but in 1932, both Brazil and Uruguay had extended suffrage to women, and Ecuador had also done so. Women had made a significant contribution to the Mexican Revolution, but had not made gains in the postrevolutionary phase as women. Women who were members of the National Peasants Confederation ("Confederación Nacional Campesina") or the Confederation of Mexican Workers ("Confederación de Trabajadores Mexicanos") were by virtue of their membership umbrella organizations were members of Cárdenas's reorganized party, the Party of the Mexican Revolution or PRM, done in 1938. In practice, however, women were marginalized from power. Women could not stand for national or local governmental elections or vote. The Constitution of 1917 did not explicitly address women's rights and so to enfranchise women required a constitutional amendment. The amendment itself was simple and brief, specifying that "mexicanos" referred to

Partido de la Revolución Mexicana.

The Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM) came into being on March 30, 1938 after the party founded in 1929 by Calles, the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), was dissolved. Cárdenas's PRM was reorganized again in 1946 as the Institutional Revolutionary Party. Calles founded the PNR in the wake of President-elect Obregón's assassination in order to create some way for revolutionary leaders to maintain order and power. Calles could not be re-elected as president, but did hold power through the newly created party. Often called the "official party", it "was created as a cartel to control localized political machines and interests."  When Cárdenas ran as

1938 oil expropriation.

Cárdenas had had dealings with the oil industry in the Huasteca in his capacity as military commander there. Ongoing issues with the foreign-owned companies and the Mexican petroleum workers' organization became increasingly tense. Early in his presidency, he declared that a previous agreement between companies and the government "was not in harmony with the basic principle of Article 27 of the Constitution." In 1936, the 18,000 member oil workers' union forced oil companies to sign the first-ever collective bargaining agreement.

Spanish Civil War and refugees in Mexico.

Cárdenas supported the Republican government of Spain against right-wing general Francisco Franco's forces during the Spanish Civil War. Franco was given support by Germany and Italy. Mexico's support of the Republican government was "by selling arms to the Republican army, underwriting arms purchases from third parties, supporting the Republic in the League of Nations, providing food, shelter and education for children orphaned during the Spanish Civil War." Although Mexico's efforts in the Spanish Civil War were not enough to save the Spanish Republic, it did provide a place of exile for as many as 20,000-40,000 Spanish refugees. Among those who reached Mexico were distinguished intellectuals who left a

Relations with Latin America.

Mexico's most important relations with foreign countries during the Cárdenas presidency was the United States, but Cárdenas attempted to influence fellow Latin American nations viable formal

Other presidential actions.

The development bank, was founded during his term as president. Although not extensively active during that period, in the post-World War II era of the Mexican Miracle, the bank was an important tool in government industrialization projects.  Cárdenas became known for his progressive program of building roads and schools and promoting education, gaining Congressional approval to allocate twice as

Failed Saturnino Cedillo revolt, 1938–1939.

The last military revolt in Mexico was that of Saturnino Cedillo, a regional caudillo and former revolutionary general whose power base was in the state of San Luis Potosí. Cedillo was a supporter of Calles and had participated in the formation of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario. He was a "paradigmatic figure," acting as a strong leader in his region and mediating between the federal government and his local power base. As a powerbroker with demonstrated military and political skills, he had a great deal of autonomy in San Luis Potosí, serving a term as governor (1927–32), but then modeling Calles's Maximato was the power behind the governorship. Cedillo supported

Other political opposition to Cárdenas.

There was more organized and ideological opposition to Cárdenas. Right-wing political groups opposed Cárdenas's policies, including the National Synarchist Union (UNS), a popular, pro-Catholic,

Presidential election of 1940.

In the elections of 1940, Cárdenas, hoping to prevent another uprising or even "an outright counter-revolution throughout the Republic" by those opposed to his leftist policies, endorsed the PRM nominee Manuel Ávila Camacho, a moderate conservative. "Obregonista" Francisco Múgica would have been Cárdenas's ideological heir, and he had played an important role in the Revolution, the leader of the left-wing faction that successfully placed key language in the Constitution of 1917, guaranteeing the rights of labor. Múgica had known Cárdenas personally since 1926 when the two were working in Veracruz. Múgica had served in Cárdenas's cabinet as Secretary of the National Economy and as Secretary of the Ministry of Communications and Public Works. In those positions, Múgica made sure the federal government pursued social goals; Múgica was considered "the social conscience of Cardenismo." Múgica resigned his cabinet post to be a candidate for the 1940 presidential election. However, the political system was not one of open competition among candidates, although the PRM's rules required an open convention to select the candidate. Cárdenas established the unwritten rule that the president chose his successor. Cárdenas chose political unknown Manuel Ávila Camacho, far more centrist than Múgica, as the

Post-presidency.

After his presidential term that ended December 1, 1940, Cárdenas served as Mexico's Minister of War 1942–1945, when Mexico was a solid participant in World War II, which reassured Mexican nationalists concerned about a close alliance with the United States.  It has been said that Cárdenas was the only president associated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) who did not use the office to make himself wealthy. He retired to a modest home by Lake Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, and worked the rest of his life supervising irrigation projects and promoting free medical clinics and education for the nation's poor. He also continued to speak out about international political issues and in favor of greater democracy and human rights in Latin America and elsewhere. For example, he was one of the participants in the Russell Tribunal for investigating war crimes in Vietnam. Although Cárdenas did not play the role that Calles had as the power behind the presidency, Cárdenas did exert influence on the PRI and in Mexican politics. He opposed the candidacy of Miguel Alemán Valdés for president in 1952, opposed the Vietnam War, and opposed the U.S. policy toward Cuba after the 1959 Cuban Revolution.  Cárdenas was not happy with the rightward shift of Mexican presidents, starting with the presidency of Miguel Alemán (1946-1952). During the presidency of Adolfo López Mateos (1958-1964), Cárdenas emerged from retirement and pressed the president toward leftist stances. With the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in January 1959, Cárdenas among others in Latin America who saw the hope of young revolution. Mexico was run by party that claimed the legacy of the Mexican Revolution but had turned away from revolutionary ideals. Cárdenas went to Cuba in July 1959 and

Honors.

In his honor, his name was given to a number of cities, towns, and a municipality in Mexico, including Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán, the municipality of Lázaro Cárdenas, Quintana Roo, Lázaro Cárdenas, Jalisco, and other smaller communities. A major on the Nazas River named for him was inaugurated in 1946. There are also many streets that have been named after

Legacy.

President Cárdenas and his administration are given credit by socialists for expanding the distribution of land to the peasants, establishing new welfare programs for the poor, and nationalizing the railroad and petroleum industries, including the oil company that Cárdenas founded, Petróleos Mexicanos. Toward the end of his presidency, unhappy landowners and foreign capitalists began to challenge his programs and his power. His choice of his close associate Manuel Ávila Camacho rather than a candidate with a distinguished record as a revolutionary leader was displeasing to many, and occasioned a possible military revolt.  The party that Cárdenas founded, the Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM), established the basic structure of sectoral representation of important groups, a structure retained by its successor in 1946, the PRI. The PRI continued in power until 2000. This is attributed by some to electoral fraud and coercion. This legacy led his son, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, to form the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) to contest the 1988 presidential election. Since that year, the PRD has become one of the three major parties in Mexico, gaining working class support that was previously enjoyed by the PRI.  In his "Political Testament", written the year before his death and published posthumously, he acknowledged that his regime had failed to make the changes in distribution of political power and corruption that were the basis for his presidency and the revolution. He expressed his dismay in the fact that some people and groups were making themselves rich to the detriment of the mainly poor majority. It was said of Cárdenas in a eulogy that "he was the greatest figure produced by the revolution... an authentic revolutionary who aspired to the greatness of his country, not personal aggrandizement."  Philippine President Ramon Magsaysay patterned his people–oriented government on the principles which he found in a biography of Cárdenas written by William Cameron Townsend.

Lázaro Cárdenas del Río (Local ; May 21, 1895 – October 19, 1970) was a general in the Constitutionalist Army during the Mexican Revolution and a statesman who served as President of Mexico between 1934 and 1940. He is best known for nationalization of the oil industry in 1938 and the creation of Pemex, the government oil company. He also revived agrarian reform in Mexico, expropriating large landed estates and distributing land to small holders in collective holdings (ejidos).

Lázaro Cárdenas del Río (21. května 1895, Jiquilpán de Juárez (Michoacán) – 19. října 1970, Ciudad de México) byl mexický generál v době Mexické revoluce a prezident v letech 1934–1940. Významnými kroky jeho vlády bylo znárodnění ropného průmyslu v roce 1938 a vytvoření státní firmy Pemex a rovněž oživení pozemkové reformy a přidělení půdy malým vlastníkům.


Plot.

In 1903, American seaman Henry Adams (Gregory Peck) is stranded penniless in Britain and gets caught up in an unusual wager between two wealthy, eccentric brothers, Oliver (Ronald Squire) and Roderick Montpelier (Wilfrid Hyde-White). They persuade the Bank of England to issue a one million pound banknote, which they present to Adams in an envelope, only telling him that it contains some money. The reason for this is that Oliver believes that the mere existence of the note will enable the possessor to obtain whatever he needs, while Roderick insists that it would actually have to be spent for it to be of any use.  Once Adams gets over the shock of discovering how much the note is worth, he tries to return it to the brothers, but is told that they have left for a month. He then finds a letter in the envelope, explaining the wager and promising him a job if he can avoid spending the note for the month.  At first, everything goes as Oliver had predicted. Adams is mistaken for an eccentric millionaire and has no trouble getting food, clothes, and a hotel suite on credit, just by showing his note. The story of the note is reported in the newspapers. Adams is welcomed into exclusive social circles, meeting the American ambassador and English aristocracy. He becomes very friendly with Portia Lansdowne (Jane Griffiths), the niece of the Duchess of Cromarty. Then fellow American Lloyd Hastings (Hartley Power) asks him to back a business venture. Hastings tells Adams that he does not have to put up any money himself; the mere association will allow Hastings to raise the money that he needs to develop his gold mine by selling shares.  Trouble arises when the Duke of Frognal (A. E. Matthews), who had been unceremoniously evicted from the suite Adams now occupies, hides the note as a joke. When Adams is unable to produce the note, panic breaks out amongst the shareholders and Adams's creditors. All is straightened out in the end, and Adams is able to return the note to the Montpelier brothers at the end of the month.

Production.

The novel had been adapted for British TV in 1950 by Rex Rienits. Producer Daniel Angel bought the film rights to the adaptation.

The Million Pound Note (released as Man with a Million and as Big Money in the U.S.) is a 1954 British comedy, directed by Ronald Neame and starring Gregory Peck. It is based on the Mark Twain short story "The Million Pound Bank Note", and is a precursor to the 1983 film, "Trading Places".

Miliónová bankovka (anglicky The Million Pound Note, alternativně též uváděn jako Man with a Million) je britská romantická filmová komedie z roku 1954 režiséra Ronalda Neameho s Gregory Peckem v hlavní roli. Snímek byl natočen na motivy z povídky Marka Twaina "The Million Pound Bank Note" (z knihy "Miliónová bankovka a další příběhy").


Religious references.

Major temples inhabited by a divine triad could be completed by a peristyle-surrounded mammisi, in which the goddess of the triad would give birth to the son of the triad itself. The son, whose divine birth was celebrated annually, was associated with the Pharaoh (even in the hierogamy scenes on the walls).  Taweret, Raet-Tawy and the Seven Hathors who presided over childbirth were particularly revered here, but it is equally common to find references to Bes, Khnum and Osiris himself as fertility deities. Mammisis thus formed an architectural translation of the myth of divine birth and its eternal repetition. From the end of the Late Period these buildings confirm the restoration of royal power that each dynasty will strive to assert in the very heart of the great sanctuaries of the country, including the Roman emperors.

Dendera.

The most important surviving examples in Dendera, Edfu, Kom Ombo, Philae, El Kab, Athribis, Armant, the Dakhla Oasis etc. are from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods in Egypt; but the first one, in Dendera, dates back to the 30th dynasty Pharaoh Nectanebo I (379/378–361/360 BC), one of the last native rulers of Egypt. Equipped with a hypostyle by Pharaoh Ptolemy VI Philometor (181–145 BC) and with a peristyle by Ptolemy X Alexander I (110–88 BC), it was dedicated to Harsiese ("Horus son of Isis"). This 30th dynasty project was then repeated, by the Græco-Roman rulers, for some of the major shrines in the country.  The famous Roman mammisi – the less ancient one associated with the Dendera Temple complex – was built by Augustus immediately after his conquest of Egypt (31 BC). The murals show Augustus' far successor Trajan at the sacrificial ceremony for Hathor and are among the most beautiful in Egypt. The mammisi was dedicated to Hathor and her child Ihy. On the abacus above the pillar capitals are representations of Bes as the patron god of birth.

A Mammisi (Mamisi) is an ancient Egyptian small chapel attached to a larger temple (usually in front of the pylons), built from the Late Period, and associated with the nativity of a god. The word is derived from Coptic – the last phase of the ancient Egyptian language – meaning "birth place". Its usage is attributed to the French egyptologist Jean-François Champollion (1790–1832).

Mammisi je novodobé označení pro zvláštní typ malého egyptského chrámu či svatyně nazývaného v egyptštině "per meset" – „dům/místo zrození“. Byl budován jako součást rozsáhlejších chrámových komplexů od doby 30. dynastie.


Early life and education.

Lubotzky was born in Tel Aviv to Holocaust survivors. His father, Iser Lubotzky was a Partisan, Irgun officer and the legal advisor of Herut. After school, Lubotzky did his IDF national service as a captain officer in a special intelligence and communication unit. He studied mathematics at Bar-Ilan University during highschool, gaining a BA (summa cum laude) and continued to direct PhD. He worked as a professor of mathematics at the Hebrew University, becoming head of the department (1994–1996). He has been a visiting professor at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, Stanford, and the University of Chicago, with visits at Columbia, Yale, NYU and ETH Zurich.

Mathematical career.

Lubotzky holds a Maurice and Clara Weil Chair in mathematics at the Einstein Institute of Mathematics of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He is known for contributions to geometric group theory, the study of lattices in Lie groups, representation theory of discrete groups and Kazhdan's property (T), the study of subgroup growth and applications of group theory to combinatorics and computer science (expander graphs) and error correcting codes.  Lubotzky received the Erdős Prize in 1990. in the years 1994–1996 Lubotzky was the chairman of Einstein Institute of Mathematics at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.  In 1992 Lubotzky was a recipient of the Sunyer i Balaguer Prize from the Institut d'Estudis Catalans for his book "Discrete Groups Expanding Graphs and Invariant Measures" and again in 2002 with Dan Segal for their book "Subgroup Growth". In 2002 he has received the Rothschild Prize in mathematics. Lubotzky is listed as an ISI highly cited researcher in mathematics since 2003.  Lubotzky was elected a foreign member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2005. In 2005-6 He led in the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton a year long program on "Pro-finite groups and the congruence subgroup problem". In 2006, he got an honorary degree from the University of Chicago for his contribution to Modern mathematics.  In 2008 Lubotzky received the European Research Council (ERC) advanced grant for exceptional established research leaders. In 2011 Lubotzky was chosen to be the keynote speaker at the joint meeting of the American Mathematical Society (AMS) and the Mathematical Association of America (MAA) in New Orleans. Lubotzky's keynote address in front of the conference's 6,000 attendees marked the first time that an Israeli was the keynote speaker at one of these conferences. In 2012 he was a visiting researcher at Microsoft Research Center.  In 2014, he was elected to the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. In 2015 Lubotzky received the European Research Council (ERC) advanced grant for exceptional established research leaders, becoming one of the only researchers receiving the grant twice.  In honor of Lubotzky's sixtieth birthday The Israel Institute for Advanced Studies hosted a conference (Midrasha) from 5 November through 11 November 2016, with scholars from around the world convening to celebrate his work, impact, and collaborations.  In 2018 Lubotzky received the Israel Prize, for mathematics. Lubotzky gave a Plenary lecture in the 2018 International Congress of Mathematicians at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

Political career.

A founding member of The Third Way in March 1996, he chaired its secretariat and was elected to the Knesset in the May 1996 elections. He served as a member of the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee; Constitution, Law and Justice Committee; Status of Women Committee and the Science and Technology Committee, and chaired the subcommittee on the Y2K Bug.  As an MK, Prof. Lubotzky was mainly known for his compromise proposals on religious issues and pluralism. He was actively involved in setting up a solution to the conversion bill crisis via the Ne'eman Commission, working to avoid a conflict between Israel and the Jewish Diaspora. Prof. Lubotzky also co-drafted a comprehensive proposal for a new covenant for religion-state affairs in Israel with MK Yossi Beilin.

Personal life.

Lubotzky married Yardenna (daughter of Murray Roston), a lecturer in Art History and English, in 1980. The couple had six children; the oldest, Asael, was injured severely in the Battle of Bint Jbeil in Lebanon, while serving as an officer in the IDF in the 2006 Lebanon war and after his rehabilitation became a physician.

Alexander Lubotzky (, born 28 June 1956) is an Israeli mathematician and former politician who is currently a professor at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and an adjunct professor at Yale University. He served as a member of the Knesset for The Third Way party between 1996 and 1999. In 2018 he won the Israel Prize for his accomplishments in maths and computer science.

Alexander Lubocky (: ) je izraelský matematik, vědecký pracovník a politik. Bývalý poslanec Knesetu za stranu ha-Derech ha-Šlišit ("Třetí cesta").


Versus larceny.

Embezzlement differs from larceny in three ways. First, in embezzlement, an actual "conversion" must occur; second, the original taking must not be trespassory, and third, in penalties. To say that the taking was not trespassory is to say that the persons performing the embezzlement had the right to possess, use or access the assets in question, and that such persons subsequently secreted and converted the assets for an unintended or unsanctioned use. "Conversion" requires that the secretion interfere with the property, rather than just relocate it. As in larceny, the measure is not the gain to the embezzler, but the loss to the asset stakeholders. An example of "conversion" is when a person logs checks in a check register or transaction log as being used for one specific purpose and then explicitly uses the funds from the checking account for another and completely different purpose.  Embezzlement is not always a form of theft or an act of stealing, since those definitions specifically deal with taking something that does not belong to the perpetrators. Instead, embezzlement is, more generically, an act of deceitfully secreting assets by one or more persons that have been "entrusted" with such assets. The persons entrusted with such assets may or may not have an ownership stake in such assets.  In the case where it is a form of theft, distinguishing between embezzlement and larceny can be tricky. Making the distinction is particularly difficult when dealing with misappropriations of property by employees. To prove embezzlement, the state must show that the employee had possession of the goods "by virtue of his or her employment"; that is, that the employee had formally delegated authority to exercise substantial control over the goods. Typically, in determining whether the employee had sufficient control the courts will look at factors such as the job title, job description and the particular operational practices of the firm or organization. For example, the manager of a shoe department at a department store would likely have sufficient control over the store's inventory (as head of the shoe department) of shoes; that if they converted the goods to their own use they would be guilty of embezzlement. On the other hand, if the same employee were to steal cosmetics from the cosmetics department of the store, the crime would not be embezzlement but larceny. For a case that exemplifies the difficulty of distinguishing larceny and embezzlement see State v. Weaver, 359 N.C. 246; 607 S.E.2d 599 (2005).  North Carolina appellate courts have compounded this confusion by misinterpreting a statute based on an act passed by parliament in 1528. The North Carolina courts interpreted this statute as creating an offence called "larceny by employee"; an offence that was separate and distinct from common law larceny. However, as Perkins notes, the purpose of the statute was not to create a new offence but was merely to confirm that the acts described in the statute met the elements of common law larceny.  The statute served the purpose of the then North Carolina colony as an indentured servant– and slave-based political economy. It ensured that an indentured servant (or anyone bound to service of labour to a master, e.g., a slave), would owe to their master their labour; and, if they left their indentured service or bound labour unlawfully, the labour they produced, either for themselves (i.e., self-employed), or for anyone else, would be the converted goods that they unlawfully took, from the rightful owner, their master.  Crucially (and this can be seen as the purpose of the statute), any subsequent employer of such an indentured servant or slave, who was in fact bound to service of labour to a pre-existing master, would be chargeable with misprision of a felony (if it was proved they knew that the employee was still indentured to a master, or owned as a slave); and chargeable as an accessory after the fact, in the felony, with the servant or slave; in helping them, by employing them, in unlawfully taking that which was lawfully bound (through the master–servant relationship) in exclusive right, to the master of the indentured servant or slave.

Methods.

Embezzlement sometimes involves falsification of records in order to conceal the activity. Embezzlers commonly secrete relatively small amounts repeatedly, in a systematic or methodical manner, over a long period of time, although some embezzlers secrete one large sum at once. Some very successful embezzlement schemes have continued for many years before being detected due to the skill of the embezzler in concealing the nature of the transactions or their skill in gaining the trust and confidence of investors or clients, who are then reluctant to "test" the embezzler's trustworthiness by forcing a withdrawal of funds.  Embezzling should not be confused with skimming, which is under-reporting income and pocketing the difference. For example, in 2005, several managers of the service provider Aramark were found to be under-reporting profits from a string of vending machine locations in the eastern United States. While the amount stolen from each machine was relatively small, the total amount taken from many machines over a length of time was very large. A smart technique employed by many small-time embezzlers can be covered by falsifying the records. (Example, by removing a small amount of money and falsifying the record the register would be technically correct, while the manager would remove the profit and leave the float in, this method would effectively make the register short for the next user and throw the blame onto them)  Another method is to create a false vendor account and supply false bills to the company being embezzled so that the checks that are cut appear completely legitimate. Yet another method is to create phantom employees, who are then paid with payroll checks.  The latter two methods should be uncovered by routine audits, but often aren't if the audit is not sufficiently in-depth, because the paperwork appears to be in order. A publicly traded company must change auditors and audit companies every five years. The first method is easier to detect if all transactions are by cheque or other instrument, but if many transactions are in cash, it is much more difficult to identify. Employers have developed a number of strategies to deal with this problem. In fact, cash registers were invented just for this reason.  Some of the most complex (and potentially most lucrative) forms of embezzlement involve Ponzi-like financial schemes where high returns to early investors are paid out of funds received from later investors duped into believing they are themselves receiving entry into a high-return investment scheme. The Madoff investment scandal is an example of this kind of high-level embezzlement scheme, where it is alleged that $65 billion was siphoned off from gullible investors and financial institutions.

Safeguards against.

Internal controls such as separation of duties are common defences against embezzlement. For example, at a movie theatre (cinema), the task of accepting money and admitting customers into the theatre is typically broken up into two jobs. One employee sells the ticket, and another employee takes the ticket and lets the customer into the theatre. Because a ticket cannot be printed without entering the sale into the computer (or, in earlier times, without using up a serial-numbered printed ticket), and the customer cannot enter the theatre without a ticket, both of these employees would have to collude in order for embezzlement to go undetected. This significantly reduces the chance of theft, because of the added difficulty in arranging such a conspiracy and the likely need to split the proceeds between the two employees, which reduces the payoff for each.  Another obvious method to deter embezzlement is to regularly and unexpectedly move funds from one advisor or entrusted person to another when the funds are supposed to be available for withdrawal or use, to ensure that the "full amount" of the funds is available and no fraction of the savings has been embezzled by the person to whom the funds or savings have been entrusted.

England and Wales.

Offences of embezzlement were formerly created by sections 18 and 19 of the Larceny Act 1916.  The former offences of embezzlement are replaced by the new offence of theft, contrary to section 1 of the Theft Act 1968.

Embezzlement is the act of withholding assets for the purpose of conversion (theft) of such assets, by one or more persons to whom the assets were entrusted, either to be held or to be used for specific purposes. Embezzlement is a type of financial fraud. For example, a lawyer might embezzle funds from the trust accounts of their clients; a financial advisor might embezzle the funds of investors; and a husband or a wife might embezzle funds from a bank account jointly held with the spouse.

Zpronevěra (někdy také "defraudace") je trestný čin definovaný v § 206 trestního zákoníku České republiky. Zpronevěry se pachatel ("defraudant") dopustí, pokud si přisvojí věc, která mu byla svěřena, a způsobí tak na cizím majetku škodu nikoli nepatrnou. Trestná je i samotná příprava.


Biography.

Yoani Sánchez was born September 4, 1975, in central Havana, Cuba, one of two daughters, to William Sánchez and Maria Eumelia Cordero. Her father worked, as his father had before him, on the state railroad system, first as a laborer and later as an engineer. As the nation's railroad system fell apart after the collapse of communism in Europe, William Sánchez, out of work along with many of his colleagues, became a bicycle repairman. Sánchez grew up and attended school in central Havana during the years when the Soviet Union was supporting the island and its communist revolution with tangible aid, nearly $9 billion in the final year. Sánchez's secondary and university years coincided with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the loss of its subsidies to Cuba that had for nearly three decades provided about 80 percent of Cuba's international trade. During her high school years, she attended a "school in the countryside" about which she wrote: Sánchez studied for two years in the Instituto Pedagógico with a major in Spanish literature. She transferred to the Faculty of Arts and Letters in 1995, and gave birth to her son in August of that year. Sánchez graduated within five years with a degree in Hispanic philology and a specialty in contemporary Latin American literature. Her thesis was titled "Words Under Pressure. A Study of the Literature of Dictatorship in Latin America". Sánchez says that by the end of her university studies she "understood two things: the first, that the world of intellectualism and high culture disgusted me and the saddest, that I no longer wanted to be a philologist." By September 2000, she had found a job with Editorial Gente Nueva, a publisher of children's literature. After a short period of employment with Gente Nueva, Sánchez asked to be released from her position, then focused on a higher paying job as a freelance Spanish instructor for German tourists visiting Havana. According to Sánchez, this was during a time "when engineers preferred to drive taxis, teachers worked as hotel desk clerks, and store counters were tended by neurosurgeons or nuclear physicists."  In 2002, claiming disillusionment with her home country, Sánchez decided to leave Cuba and emigrated to Switzerland. She was eventually joined by her son and husband. Two years later she decided to return to Cuba citing “family reasons". However, since she had been out of the country for more than eleven months without special permission, Sánchez had lost the right to return. Sánchez states that she then flew home to Cuba "for a two-week family visit" on a round-trip ticket, and by destroying her passport was able to avoid being forced on a plane back to Switzerland. The Cuban government says that she was granted a waiver allowing her to recover her permanent resident status in Cuba. She finally resettled in Havana. During this time, Sánchez discovered her current profession, computer science. In 2004, she founded, together with a group of Cubans – all based on the island – a magazine, "Consenso", based on reflection and debate. She also helped establish the web portal "Desde Cuba" (From Cuba), an on-line magazine and collection of individual blogs, of which Sánchez's was the first. Sánchez began to sign her posts in 2008, abandoning anonymous blogging. That year, she requested permission to travel to Spain to receive the Ortega y Gasset Journalism Award but permission was denied. Her request for permission to travel to an international documentary film festival in Prague, of which she was a member of the jury, was also denied.  In October 2009, Sánchez was awarded Columbia University's "Maria Moors Cabot prize" and was invited to New York to accept the award. The Cuban government denied her permission to attend. Nicholas Lemann, dean of Columbia's Graduate School of Journalism, criticized the decision, stating that "The Cuban government ought to value Ms. Sánchez's work as a sign that young Cubans are ready to take Cuba into a better future – one that will have the free press the Cuban people deserve."

A journey to South America and Europe.

Sánchez flew to Prague in the Czech Republic, where she was received by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and former presidential candidate Karel Schwarzenberg who was particularly interested in discussing the reforms that took place in Cuba during 2012 and the state of civil society there. Schwarzenberg remarked that he was not as enthusiastic regarding the reforms as representatives of some other countries, as he could still remember reforms from the communist era in former Czechoslovakia that "changed nothing, but to the West looked amazing".  Sánchez was also a guest of human rights festival One world, organized by a non-profit humanitarian organization People In Need. A film by a Swiss director Barbara Miller "Forbidden Voices: How to Start a Revolution with a Laptop" was among the films shown during the festival. The film presents three women - one of them being Sánchez – who use blogs and social networks to spread information from their countries living under authoritarian regimes, thus fighting for women rights or human rights in general. Sánchez was also invited to a discussion at the Charles University about independent journalism in Cuba.

Blogging and digital publishing.

Sánchez established the magazine, "Consenso" (later named "Contodos"), on her return from Switzerland. The magazine continues to be published today as a "forum for free expression" from the island, and as a vehicle for the reporting of news such as Father Jose Conrado's February 2009 letter to Raúl Castro Ruz. The magazine's editorial board consists of Dimas Castellanos, Miriam Celaya, Marta Cortízas, Reinaldo Escobar, Eugenio Leal, and Yoani Sánchez. Sánchez is also involved with the digital magazine "Convivencia".  In January–February 2007, Sánchez participated in an event referred to as the "debate of the intellectuals", described as a "discussion among intellectuals and writers on Cuba's repressive cultural policies". She, along with several others, was not allowed into the formal conference being held in the House of The Americas. The debate of those who were excluded, and included, in the formal sessions, was captured in a several hundred pages of emails exchanged between the participants. These emails—exchanged by over one hundred participants—are preserved in the digital magazine "Contodos", under the title: Polémica Intellectual 2007.  According to Sánchez, what pushed her to write a blog was the bad taste left at the end of the controversy of the intellectuals in January 2007. The meeting in the House of the Americas would try to channel and institutionalize a debate that had been raising the temperature of Cuban emails for a couple of weeks already. A select list of guests began entering the "Che Guevara Room", while our "group of impertinents" watched, from outside, as midnight arrived. The protesters were blocked from entering by the custodians in order to keep them from debating and discussing their encounters with "censorship and dogmatism". The protesters chanted "Desiderio, Desiderio, hear my criteria", but this had no effect, while inside, the voice of the Minister of Culture repeated the idea that in a place under siege, dissent is treason. Sánchez believed that the "debate was hijacked by the institutions, jailed by an academic world full of concepts and fancy words, and condemned to take the course of the imminent conference of the UNEAC [Cuban Writers and Artists Union].  In the end the protesters left with the conviction that they couldn't wait to be allowed inside for the next debate. For Sánchez, this added a push to start what she terms "this exorcism called Generation Y". Sánchez launched her blog, "Generation Y", on April 9, 2007. The national baseball playoffs were underway, and the first post used the baseball fever to compare what Cubans are allowed to shout, and display on homemade posters, "Santiago, Go Santiago!" and what they are not: "Internet for all!" The blog was hosted in Germany on an Internet domain by Cronon AG, and was designed by Sánchez. Later, the blog was transferred to "WordPress", and was eventually upgraded to allow comments by readers.  When the blog had been active for six months, Sánchez expressed her reason for blogging, saying that her initial inspiration had been to create an aid to help her deal with the frustrations she felt with the situation in Cuba, and of trying to go along with the advice of friends who suggested she be cautious and wait, rather than more "noble motives". She tried "silence and evasion", yoga, Tai Chi, going to the gym, all with no results. She finally found a means to express these frustrations, by blogging. Even so, she admits "I can both get discouraged have sudden starts. I alternate between "It's working!" to "It's not worth the pain"; alerting her readers to not be "surprised if the catharsis rises in tone, if I become incendiary, or show a streak of pessimism".  According to Sánchez, when she began blogging, Cubans, by law, were not allowed into tourist hotels, but with her "European" appearance, and ability to speak German, she routinely managed to get past the gatekeepers to work on her blog. Due to the difficulties in accessing the Internet, her access speed is determined by the speed of the bus that connects to La Víbora at Línea and G. "Each post depends on a countless chain of events that normally don’t go well. From my isolated PC to a flash memory and then to the public space of a cybercafé or a hotel. For this, without detailing all the complications, the elevator does not work, the gatekeeper asks me to show my passport to sit at the computer, or there are frustrations to sign on, plus the slow-speeds imposed by proxies, filters and keylogger."

"The Huffington Post" blog.

In November 2008, Sánchez was invited to post her blog entries on "The Huffington Post", and she began writing occasional posts that described life in Cuba. Sánchez says she has strived to maintain a respectful tone, and she asks that those who leave comments on her blog do so as well.  In an interview with journalist Ted Henken published in "Poder360", she explained this view, saying:

International attention.

On October 9, 2007, Reuters published an article about bloggers in Cuba: "Cubans go to unusual lengths to post blogs"; Sánchez featured prominently in the article. The article was republished by media around the world, and was followed by a "Wall Street Journal" article on December 22, 2007, called "Cuban Revolution: Yoani Sánchez fights tropical totalitarianism, one blog post at a time". Sánchez has also appeared in interviews by Spain's "El País" newspaper; in an article in Germany's "Die Zeit"; and in the "New York Times".

"Generation Y" blocked.

On March 26, 2008, Sánchez announced to her readers that the recent problems accessing her blog appeared to be a deliberate action on the part of government censors to block access to her blog and the other blogs on the desdecuba.com website. While debate swirled back and forth on the web about whether the site was actually blocked, Sánchez stated that "Generation Y" could not be accessed in Cuba for the past several years. The debate about whether this was a year-long plus "fluke" or some "glitch" in the software, seemed to be resolved about a year after the site became unavailable. Comments made by a Cuban State Security agent in an interview published on March 19, 2009, in the digital magazine "Kaos en la Red", where "Agent Miguel" stated, "I know State Security officials who literally prophesied that blocking the blog "Generation Y" within the country would, in a short time, cause the launching of Madame Sánchez into the stardom of the manipulative media campaign against Cuba. Regardless of these prophesies, they did it and now they're paying the price."  Sánchez was well known by this time and the attempt to censor her by the sudden government shutdown of her blog attracted more international attention than ever. On April 2, 2008, "The Washington Post" devoted a long column to her, just one of hundreds of articles and blog posts appearing around the world. On June 23, 2008, Cuba's daily newspaper, "Granma", published a lengthy prologue, written by Fidel Castro, to the book "Fidel, Bolivia y algo más", which had been re-issued fifteen years after its initial publication. In a prologue to this new edition of a book commemorating his visit to Bolivia in 1993, Fidel Castro took the opportunity to quote a long excerpt from Sánchez's blog and, although he did not mention her name, expressed his disappointment that there are young persons in Cuba today who think as she does. Castro describes Sánchez's statements as a generalization used as a slogan.  Sánchez responded to Castro's comments by saying in her blog that she would allow her husband, journalist Reinaldo Escobar, to respond to Castro's statements because she felt it best to leave the fighting at the "macho-man-male" level, and instead continue with her "womanly" labor of weaving together the "frayed tapestry" of their society. Sánchez's husband responded with:  Escobar went on to enumerate a list of names he says are "terrible and undeserving" recipients who were awarded the Order of José Marti by Castro, including names such as Leonid Brezhnev, Nicolae Ceaușescu, Gustáv Husák, and Robert Mugabe, among others.

Blogging blind.

Since her blog was blocked from public Internet sites in Cuba, Sánchez has relied on Cuban friends abroad to post her texts for her, which she sends to them by email, along with the accompanying photographs. In a 2009 interview with Ted Henken published in "Poder360", Sánchez commented on being a "blind blogger" by saying that the Cuban government "filtered" the DesdeCuba.com website from the Internet, including access from hotels in order to prevent Sánchez from updating her site. To combat this, Sánchez developed what she terms a "citizen network", consisting of people outside Cuba who help distribute her posts.  As of January 2009, "Generation Y" (all languages) was getting about 14 million 'hits' a month. On the Spanish language site, each entry receives hundreds, if not thousands, of comments.

14ymedio.

On 21 May 2014, Sánchez launched 14ymedio, the first independent digital media outlet in Cuba.

Books.

In 2011, Sánchez published her first book "Havana Real: One Woman Fights to Tell the Truth About Cuba Today", four years' worth of her translated blog collected in book form, and which describes her views on everyday life in Cuba under the rule of both Fidel and Raúl Castro. She was not able to leave Cuba to promote her book, but smuggled flash drives out of Cuba containing videotaped book readings. She has written a second book, "Word Press: A Blog for Speaking To The World". Sánchez has been described as a talented writer.

Growing the Cuban blogosphere.

Given the challenges of blogging in Cuba, the number of blogs on the DesdeCuba site grew quickly. Eight months after she started "Generation Y", she was joined on the "Desdecuba" website by her husband Reinaldo Escobar's blog, "Desde Aqui" ("From Here"), in December 2007. In January three more Desdecuba blogs were launched: "Sin EVAsion" ("Without Evasion"); "El Blog de Dimas" ("The Blog of Dimas)"; and "Retazos" ("Fragments"). In March 2008, "Potro Salvaje" ("Wild Pony") was launched, joined by "La Colmena" ("The Beehive") in May 2008.  When the Cuban government blocked access to Sánchez's blog from the island, it also blocked access to the DesdeCuba website, where these other blogs were housed. The other bloggers faced the same challenges Sánchez had in maintaining their blogs, and also needed to find ways around the censorship—either relying on friends with access inside Cuba from their government offices, using complex and time-consuming workarounds to find "back doors" into their blogs, or reaching out to friends and strangers abroad who volunteered to help, and who posted email blog entries they would never be able to see. With their blogs targeted to Cuban readers on the island, the discouragement was compounded by knowing that even if they could post, their readers could not read the posts. This limitation was circumvented by making copies of the blogs on CDs, either from computers on the island with access to the website, or sent from friends abroad. Although this method of disseminating the blogs was slow and delayed, and readers could not comment directly on the website, it was quite effective and continues to this day [March 2009]. Sanchéz said to a known Venezuelan blogger that visited her in Havana: "In any case we are trying to educate others so blogging would become in Cuba a permanent feature, a means of democratizing citizen expression, as in the free world."  On January 28, Sánchez launched "Voces Cubanas". This citizen journalism project seeks to provide a multimedia platform to independent bloggers in Cuba to express the realities and hardships of everyday life there. During an interview published by "Global Voices", Sánchez said this was a website "where all those who want to express ideas, put their projects online, can do so." An article in El Nuevo "Herald" by Ivette Leyva Martinez, speaks to the role played by Sánchez and other young people, outside the Cuban opposition and dissidence movements, in working towards a free and democratic Cuba today. On March 29, 2009, at a performance by Tania Bruguera, a podium with an open microphone was staged for those wishing to have one minute of uncensored, public speech. Sánchez was among speakers who publicly criticized censorship and said that "the time has come to jump over the wall of control". The Communist regime dismissed the event and Sánchez without using her name.

Support and detention.

Father José Conrado's letter to Raúl Castro.

On February 5, 2009, Father José Conrado, Pastor of Santa Teresita del Niño Jesús in Santiago de Cuba, wrote an open letter to Cuban president Raúl Castro Ruz which was published in the digital magazine, "Contodos".  Sánchez and Escobar traveled to Santiago de Cuba the weekend before the letter was released and spent several days there, meeting with Father Conrado. During the same visit they held a blogger meeting with young people there, and Sánchez put her Ortega y Gasset award in the sanctuary of the Virgin of Charity of Cobre, where “the long arm of the censor does not enter.” Excerpts from the letter were published on the "Huffington Post".

Abduction.

According to Sánchez, on Friday, November 6, 2009, she and three others were taken in her own neighborhood by men working for the Cuban government. She said that she was heading to an anti-violence demonstration and was forcefully put into a car along with another Cuban blogger, Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo (she stated that the other two were placed into another car). She characterizes the event on her blog, "Generation Y", as a "kidnapping" and describes the event in detail. Sánchez said that when she was accosted on the street, "The curious crowded around and I shouted, 'Help, these men want to kidnap us', but they stopped those who wanted to intervene with a shout that revealed the whole ideological background of the operation, 'Don't mess with it, these are counterrevolutionaries. Sánchez said that she was put into the backseat of the car and received blows to her head, legs and buttocks as she was pinned down. The incident was condemned by the U.S. administration and by Human Rights Watch.  According to BBC reporter Fernando Ravsberg, who interviewed Sánchez on Monday, November 9, 2009, he did not see bruises, marks or scars on her body. When asked, she explained, "Throughout the weekend I had a swollen cheekbone and eyebrow. Above all I have a lot of pain in the lower back." She still had marks on her buttocks however, which she couldn't show to the reporter. She attributed that to the "skill of her captors". When CNN's David Ariosto reported on the incident, after Sánchez was injured but before she met with the BBC reporter, Sánchez is shown in video footage with bruising and swelling around her left eye and bruising on her arm. The video report appeared on CNN Espanol on Monday, November 9, 2009.

President Obama.

In 2009, Sánchez mailed seven questions to United States President Barack Obama. On November 18, 2009, Obama responded to these questions with a detailed expression of his support for the bloggers' work:  The day after she received the unexpected answers from President Obama, Sánchez drafted seven questions for President Castro that she left with the council of state, supreme governing body for Cuba.

2012 arrest.

Sánchez and her husband were arrested on October 4, 2012, apparently in an attempt to prevent her from writing about the trial of conservative politician Ángel Carromero, who crashed a rental car, killing Oswaldo Payá. She was released a day later.

2013 trip.

With a change in the passport laws in January 2013, Sánchez was granted a Cuban passport enabling her to travel abroad. She had previously applied for an exit permit 20 times without success. On February 17, 2013, Sánchez traveled to more than twelve countries in Europe and The Americas, including Brazil and the United States, where, in Miami, she criticized the inadequacy of Cuba's reforms as well as the United States embargo against Cuba. She returned to Cuba on May 30.

Awards.

In 2008, Sánchez was honored with awards that included "Time" magazine's "One of the 100 Most Influential People in the World", one of "Foreign Policy" magazine's "10 Most Influential Latin American Intellectuals" of the year, and the "El País" 2008 “Ortega y Gasset Prize for Digital Journalism”. She was, as well, one of "El País"’ 2008 100 most notable Hispanoamericans, and one of "Gatopardo"s 10 most influential people of 2008.  "Time" magazine named Sánchez's blog, "Generation Y", one of the "25 Best Blogs of 2009". The World Economic Forum, yearly, selects a group of young global leaders of whom Sánchez was one, in 2009. In the summer of 2009, Sánchez was honored as one of the winners of the Columbia University School of Journalism's "Maria Moors Cabot Prize". The prize is the oldest in international journalism. Sánchez was denied an exit permit by the Cuban government to travel to the New York City award dinner. In 2010, Sánchez was named a "World Press Freedom Hero" by the International Press Institute, and also received a Prince Claus Award from the Netherlands' Prince Claus Fund, with an honorarium of €25,000.

Yoani María Sánchez Cordero (born September 4, 1975) is a Cuban blogger who has achieved international fame and multiple international awards for her critical portrayal of life in Cuba under its current government.

Yoani Maria Sánchezová Corderová (* 4. září 1975) je kubánská blogerka, která dosáhla mezinárodního uznání a řady světových cen za své texty a kritické psaní o současném životě na ostrově a jeho vládě. Její blog je vzhledem k dlouhodobému zákazu na Kubě hostován v zahraničí.


History.

The submarine conflict.

As a result of the Swedish shipyard crisis which heavily affected the industry during 1969–1985, due to heavy competition from the Far East and the 1973 oil crisis, Kockums was placed under the control of the Swedish state through the state-owned company Svenska Varv and its successor company Celsius AB from 1979 until 1999. Having implemented a highly advanced variety of the Stirling engine for low noise submarine propulsion, Kockums was considered to have strategic value for the Swedish Navy. During the period of state ownership, Kockums acquired Karlskronavarvet, the operator of the Karlskrona shipyards, in 1989. In 1999, following the acquisition of Celsius AB by Saab, Kockums was sold to the German shipbuilding company HDW. In 2005, HDW was bought by the German industrial conglomerate Thyssen Krupp. The time after 1999 was rife with conflicts between Kockums' only Swedish customer, the Defence Materiel Administration (FMV), and Kockums' German owners. The Swedish view was that the technical advancements made in collaboration between Kockums and FMV ought to be used to create a new generation of submarine for lucrative export: the A26 submarine. On the German side, the A26 project was said to be regarded as a high-risk project that could lead to uncontrollably growing costs. Superficially, the major source of conflict seemed to be that neither ThyssenKrupp nor FMV would accept carrying unforeseen development costs. As several technical innovations to be implemented in the A26 were kept in classified status at the FMV, ThyssenKrupp argued that the implied costs were too difficult to predict. This deadlock persisted for months until the FMV decided to cancel the order of the A26 submarines.  Globally, the conflict also concerned the general business strategy. ThyssenKrupp insisted that Kockums ought to discontinue large submarine construction and to focus on the development of small submarines. Meanwhile, anonymous sources from inside Kockums claimed that ThyssenKrupp's goal in acquiring Kockums was never to reach synergies with HDW, but only to eliminate its main competitor.  When the Crimea crisis erupted in March 2014, Sweden's defence interests in the future of Kockums came under closer scrutiny. The turning point was described by the chairman of the Swedish parliament's Standing Committee on Defense (SCD), Peter Hultquist: In the search for a partner to develop the next generation of submarines, the FMV approached the SAAB Group. During autumn 2013, Saab tried to reach an agreement to buy Kockums from ThyssenKrupp. ThyssenKrupp demanded to keep its monopoly position in the A26 deal, which Saab refused to accept, causing the negotiations to fail. Saab responded by approaching Kockums' engineers, offering them employment at Saab Naval Systems. Thyssen Krupp tried in vain to keep its engineers at Kockums, proposing an extra month's salary.  The hostility towards ThyssenKrupp reached a new level during the Kockums equipment repossession incident on 8 April 2014. As per protocol, two military trucks accompanied by armed soldiers entered the Kockums shipyard in Malmö to reclaim all materiel and equipment belonging to the Defence Materiel Administration (Sweden), FMV, as well as all secret blueprints and images. By orders from a manager, Kockums staff tried to sabotage the repossession by locking the gates with the repossession crew and escort still inside. According to a spokesperson from FMV this is the first time they have had to forcefully repossess equipment.  Shortly after, ThyssenKrupp initiated discussions to sell Kockums to Saab. The deal was finalized on 22 July 2014, making Saab the new owner of Kockums.

Exports.

Australia: In November 2014 Saab formally made a bid in SEA 1000, the Royal Australian Navy's replacement program for the six Collins-class submarines still in service. Defence Minister David Johnston stated that ""We need to decide quickly and whatever we do decide will be in the best interests of the entire nation"."" "The Australian Government had been ready to buy the more expensive "Sōryū"-class submarine offered by the Japanese Maritime Self Defence Force; however, internal opposition had forced the government to have an open tender for the multi-billion-dollar program. Australia subsequently selected Naval Group (formerly DCNS) France and their Shortfin Barracuda submarines to replace the Australian Collins class.  In December 2014 it was announced that leading global Dutch shipbuilder Damen Shipyards entered into an agreement with Saab to develop, offer, and build next-generation submarines, initially focusing on the planned replacement of 4 Walrus Class submarines currently used by The Royal Netherlands Navy.

The Kockums Crane.

The shipyard formerly possessed a 138-metre high crane, known as the Kockums Crane, built in 1973/74 and capable of lifting 1500 tons, making it the largest crane in the world when it was installed in 1974. The crane was not used much because of the Swedish shipyard crisis of the late 1970s and 1980s. It was used the last time in 1997 for lifting the foundations of the high pillars of the Oresund Bridge.  The crane was sold the first time in the early 1990s to the Danish company Burmeister & Wain, but the company went bankrupt shortly thereafter. It was later sold to a Korean company, Hyundai Heavy Industries. The crane was a landmark of Malmö from its time of construction until its dismantling before being shipped to Ulsan in South Korea in the summer of 2002.

Saab Kockums AB is a shipyard in Malmö, Sweden, owned by the Swedish defence company Saab Group. While having a history of civil vessel construction, Kockums' most renowned activity is the fabrication of military corvettes and submarines.

Kockums je švédská loděnice vlastněná firmou Saab AB. Loděnice má svá zařízení ve městech Malmö, Karlskrona (dříve loděnice Karlskronavarvet) a Muskö (dříve loděnice Marinverkstäderna). Kockums staví pro civilní i vojenský sektor. Ve válečných lodích se specializuje na stavbu hladinových lodí a ponorek určených k operacím v pobřežních vodách. Vyrábí též ponorkový pohon nezávislý na přístupu vzduchu, využívající stirlingových motorů a zařízení pro likvidaci námořních min.


Effectiveness and safety.

Practitioners of CST claim it is effective in treating a wide range of conditions, sometimes claiming it is a cancer cure, or a cure-all. Practitioners particularly advocate the use of CST on children. The American Cancer Society caution that CST should never be used on children under age two. Pediatricians have expressed concern at the harm CST can cause to children and infants.  CST is potentially harmful. There have been cases of people with head injuries suffering further injury as a result of CST. If used as an alternative for legitimate therapy for a serious condition, choosing CST can have serious adverse consequences.  According to the American Cancer Society, although CST may relieve the symptoms of stress or tension, "available scientific evidence does not support claims that craniosacral therapy helps in treating cancer or any other disease". Cranial osteopathy has received a similar assessment, with one 1990 paper finding there was no scientific basis for any of the practitioners' claims the paper examined.  In October 2012 Edzard Ernst conducted a systematic review of randomized clinical trials of craniosacral therapy. He concluded that "the notion that CST is associated with more than non-specific effects is not based on evidence from rigorous randomised clinical trials." Commenting specifically on this conclusion, Ernst wrote on his blog that he had chosen the wording as "a polite and scientific way of saying that CST is bogus." Ernst also remarked that the quality of five of the six trials he had reviewed was "deplorably poor", a sentiment that echoed an August 2012 review that noted the "moderate methodological quality of the included studies."  Ernst criticized a 2011 systematic review performed by Jakel and von Hauenschild for inclusion of observational studies and including studies with healthy volunteers. This review concluded that the evidence base surrounding craniosacral therapy and its efficacy was sparse and composed of studies with heterogeneous design. The authors of this review stated that currently available evidence was insufficient to draw conclusions.  The evidence base for CST is sparse and lacks a demonstrated biologically plausible mechanism. In the absence of rigorous, well-designed randomized controlled trials, it is a pseudoscience, and its practice quackery. Tests show that CST practitioners cannot in fact identify the purported craniosacral pulse, and different practitioners will get different results for the same patient. The idea of a craniosacral rhythm cannot be scientifically supported.

Regulation.

Edzard Ernst writes that in 2005 in the United Kingdom, a foundation of the Prince of Wales issued a booklet listing CST as one of several popular alternative therapies, but admitting that the therapy was unregulated and lacked either a defined training program or the oversight of a professional body. Ernst writes that this makes the therapists practising CST "less regulated than publicans".

Technique.

The therapist lightly palpates the patient's body, and focuses intently on the communicated movements. A practitioner's feeling of being in tune with a patient is described as "entrainment".

History and conceptual basis.

The fundamental concepts of cranial osteopathy and CST are inconsistent with the known anatomy and physiology of the human skull, brain and spine. Edzard Ernst has written "to anyone understanding a bit of physiology, anatomy etc. [CST] looks like pure nonsense".  In common with many other varieties of alternative medicine, CST practitioners believe all illness is caused by energy or fluid blockages which can be released by physical manipulation. They believe that the bones of the skull move in a rhythmic pattern which they can detect and correct.  Cranial osteopathy, a forerunner of CST, was originated by osteopath William Sutherland (1873–1954) in 1898–1900. While looking at a disarticulated skull, Sutherland was struck by the idea that the cranial sutures of the temporal bones where they meet the parietal bones were "beveled, like the gills of a fish, indicating articular mobility for a respiratory mechanism."  John Upledger devised CST. Comparing it to cranial osteopathy he wrote: "Dr. Sutherland's discovery regarding the flexibility of skull sutures led to the early research behind CranioSacral Therapy – and both approaches affect the cranium, sacrum and coccyx – the similarities end there." However, modern day cranial osteopaths largely consider the two practices to be the same, but that cranial osteopathy has "been taught to non-osteopaths under the name CranialSacro therapy."  Practitioners of both cranial osteopathy and craniosacral therapy assert that there are small, rhythmic motions of the cranial bones attributed to cerebrospinal fluid pressure or arterial pressure. The premise of CST is that palpation of the cranium can be used to detect this rhythmic movement of the cranial bones and selective pressures may be used to manipulate the cranial bones to achieve a therapeutic result. However, there is no evidence that the bones of the human skull can be moved by such manipulations.  From 1975 to 1983, Upledger and neurophysiologist and histologist Ernest W. Retzlaff worked at Michigan State University as clinical researchers and professors. They assembled a research team to investigate the purported pulse and further study Sutherland's theory of cranial bone movement. Upledger and Retzlaff went on to publish their results, which they interpreted as support for both the concept of cranial bone movement, and the concept of a cranial rhythm. Later independent reviews of these studies concluded that they presented no good evidence for the effectiveness of craniosacral therapy or the existence of the proposed cranial bone movement.

Craniosacral therapy (CST) is a form of bodywork or alternative therapy that uses gentle touch to palpate the synarthrodial joints of the cranium. It is based on fundamental misconceptions about the physiology of the human skull and is promoted as a cure-all for a variety of health conditions.

Kraniosakrální biodynamika či kraniosakrální terapie je směr alternativní medicíny označovaný jako pseudověda. Koncept kraniosakrální biodynamiky je založen na práci s přirozenými životními silami, které údajně uspořádávají a udržují formu a funkci organismu. Tento přístup má pomáhat systému, aniž by do něho zasahoval. Jeho cílem není v první řadě opravit strukturu, ale podporovat ty síly, které jsou základem správné funkce všech systémů člověka. Dle studie, kterou mezi odborníky provedl John Nocross, jde pravděpodobně o zdiskreditovanou metodu léčby.