Television series.

"Ben 10" (2005 TV series).

The series centres on Ben Tennyson, a 10-year-old boy on a summer vacation road trip with his loathsome twin cousin Gwen and their grandfather Max. On their first night camping in their grandfather's RV, Ben finds a mysterious watch-style device named the Omnitrix that attaches itself to his wrist, giving him the ability to transform into various alien life-forms. During their vacation, the Tennysons are attacked by various enemies, ranging from aliens such as Chimera Sui Generis warlord Vilgax, Sotoraggian/Piscciss Premann bounty hunter duo Sixsix and Kraab, Ectonurite high king Zs'skayr, criminals such as energy-absorbing 11-year-old delinquent Kevin Levin, mad scientist Doctor Animo, mysterious paramilitary organization the Forever Knights, and supernatural entities such as inter-dimensional sorcerer Hex and his niece Charmcaster, and clown mastermind Zombozo and his Circus Freak Trio.

"Ben 10: Alien Force".

The series begins five years after the summer vacation when Ben discovered the Omnitrix. Ben removed the Omnitrix because he lost the alien Feedback shown in omniverse, but regained it as a teenager while searching for his grandfather Max, who was abducted by a xenophobic alien species called the Highbreeds, who, along with the DNAliens at their command, are determined to rid the Earth of human beings. Ben's age causes the Omnitrix to reboot, granting him access to new alien forms, along with a few of his previous forms. Ben is joined by Gwen and former enemy Kevin Levin, as they fight the Highbreed's universal extermination plan.

"Ben 10: Ultimate Alien".

After Ben's last battle with Vilgax, which destroyed the Omnitrix, Ben replaces it with the new Ultimatrix that allows him to evolve his alien forms into their ultimate forms. With the recent disclosure of his identity, Ben has become a worldwide celebrity. Meanwhile, Ben, Gwen, and Kevin must stop an Osmosian villain named Aggregor, who hunts aliens from the Andromeda Galaxy and intends to use their powers to achieve the "ultimate prize". Later, Ben, Gwen, and Kevin have to prevent an extradimensional entity called Diagon from taking over the universe.

"Ben 10: Omniverse".

Ben acquires the brand new and improved powerful and perfect Omnitrix that gives him access to a new set of aliens along with all the forms he has assumed prior. After Gwen goes away to college with Kevin accompanying her, Ben pairs up with Rook Blonko, a plumber from the planet Revonnah. He is targeted by an intergalactic huntsman named Khyber, who made a copy of the Omnitrix, the Nemetrix, with the help of mad scientist Dr Psychobos. Both of them are working with an enemy from Ben's past, a Galvanic Mechamorph named Malware. Ben later contends with the Incurseans, Albedo, Zs'Skayr, Dr Psychobos, Charmcaster, the Plumber's Black-Ops Unit (called the "Rooters"), his alternate dimension self Mad Ben, and the Chronosapien Maltruant.

"Ben 10" (2016 TV series).

The official Twitter feed of Cartoon Network PR confirmed a rebooted series that would return to following the adventures of Ben, Gwen, and Max Tennyson and feature new alien forms. In mid-June 2016, Cartoon Network released the first poster for the series, in which ten of the most popular aliens from the franchise were featured. The series would premiere on international Cartoon Networks beginning in October 2016, with Europe, Asia-Pacific, Middle East & African versions, and continuing into 2017 with the North and Latin American versions.<ref name="twitter.com/CartoonNetworkPR">Confirmation of 5th Ben 10 Series by Official Twitter Page of CN PR </ref>  The world premiere was on Cartoon Network (Australia and New Zealand), airing on October 1, 2016. The U.K network premiered the series on October 8, 2016. The German Cartoon Network premiered the first two episodes on October 10, 2016. The series premiered in the United States on April 10, 2017.

Cast and characters.

The main characters include Ben Tennyson, Gwen Tennyson, Kevin Levin, and Grandpa Max Tennyson along with the villains Vilgax, Aggregor, Eon, Doctor Animo, Hex, and Khyber.

Films.

"Secret of the Omnitrix".

The first film is a regular animated feature called "Secret of the Omnitrix". During a fight with Dr Animo, Ben's Omnitrix accidentally sets off its self-destruct mode and Ben has to find the Omnitrix's creator to shut it down and stop the evil Vilgax.

"Race Against Time".

The second is a live-action film titled "Ben 10: Race Against Time", which aired November 21, 2007. It revolves around Ben, Gwen, and Grandpa Max returning to their hometown of Bellwood and attempting to adjust to being "normal" again. Unfortunately, their lives are once again disrupted by a mysterious alien known as Eon. It premiered on Cartoon Network on November 21, 2007. The film was directed by Alex Winter. The film was nominated for two Visual Effects Society Awards: Outstanding Visual Effects in a Broadcast Miniseries, Movie or SpecialDina Benadon, Evan Jacobs, Brent Young, Chris Christman; and Outstanding Animated Character in a Live Action Broadcast Program or CommercialBrent Young, Michael Smith.

"Alien Swarm".

The third is a live-action film titled "Ben 10: Alien Swarm" which aired November 25, 2009. In the movie, the group stumbles upon a hive of alien nanobots who are controlled by a single consciousness and are using humans as host bodies to take over the world. Ben and his friends work together to stop them. This movie is also when Ben unlocks Nanomech.

"Destroy All Aliens".

A CGI movie titled "Ben 10: Destroy all Aliens" was announced in mid-2011, and released on March 11, 2012 (Asia/Philippines) and on March 23, 2012 (US). This film had previously been under the working title "Ben 10: Alien Dimensions". The film was based on the original series, and featured the original voice cast. The CGI was animated by Tiny Island Productions in Singapore.

"Ben 10 Versus the Universe: The Movie".

On February 19, 2020, Cartoon Network announced that a film based on the reboot of the show will premiere in Fall about 2020

Feature film adaptation.

On June 14, 2011, producer Joel Silver announced that he, along with Warner Bros. and Dark Castle Entertainment, would be working on a film version of "Ben 10". In January 2012, Albert Torres was announced as screenwriter. In February 2013, Ryan Engle was announced to work on Torres' script. Andrew Rona, Steve Richards, and Joel Silver were producers. Alex Heineman and Sarah Meyer were executive producers. Since Silver left Warner Bros. and Dark Castle joined Universal Pictures, it remains unknown whether Warner Bros. or Universal will release the movie. As of July 2019, the film is most likely cancelled.

Specials.

"Ben 10/Generator Rex" crossover.

During Cartoon Network's panel at 2011's San Diego Comic-Con, Ben 10 and Generator Rex creators "Man of Action" announced a crossover special between the "Ben 10" and "Generator Rex" series titled "Ben 10/Generator Rex: Heroes United". The forty-minute special aired on November 25, 2011, as a "Generator Rex" episode.  A comic book based on the special titled "Hero Times Two" was released on November 30, 2011, as the 65th issue of DC Comics' "Cartoon Network: Action Pack".

Elements of the franchise.

Omnitrix.

The Omnitrix, its replacement, and the "finalized" version that is the are the central elements of the "Ben 10" story. They are all wristwatch-styled devices developed by the Galvan inventor Azmuth that transforms the user into any one of many alien beings (originally 1,000,906, but the number has increased by 9 via scanning additional species not originally in the database). Despite many seeing the Omnitrix as a weapon, its true purpose was to allow the beings of the universe to understand each other and to resurrect intelligent species that may go extinct.  The Omnitrix appears in the first two incarnations of the franchise ("Ben 10" and ""), but Ben had to destroy it and use the Ultimatrix in the "" series. The Ultimatrix had most of the same functionality as the Omnitrix, but would allow the user to transform the alien into its Ultimate Form (how the species and its DNA would evolve in a one-million-year simulation). In the final episode of Ultimate Alien, Azmuth takes the Ultimatrix from Ben and replaces it with the New Omnitrixthe original version has been a prototype.  In "", the, a knock-off of the original Omnitrix, is introduced. Unlike the Omnitrix and its succeeding models, the Nemetrix uses the DNA of the natural predators of sentient alien races which have the sole purpose of hunting Ben. Thus, only an animal can use the Nemetrix, as users of higher intelligence are unable to use it without incurring mental damage. In "Omniverse", Albedo recreates the Ultimatrix by using a Polymorphic Crystal to stabilize his transformations, making it so that he can stay in any form as long as he wants. It also allows him to transform into the Ultimate Forms of his aliens without first turning into their normal forms.  In "the Reboot series", Ben's Omnitrix can augment enhancements onto his aliens. In Season 2, his aliens can become "Omni-Enhanced" with rock-like constructs and energy. However, the enhancements seems to happen at random. This energy is later revealed to be coming from a new alien species in his Omnitrix, which eventually gets its own form, "Shock Rock". In Season 4, Ben unlocks the "Omni-Kix" feature, which allows him to add armor plating onto his aliens. The Reboot series also introduces the Antitrix, which is wielded by Kevin Levin. The Antitrix allows Kevin to transform into 11 aliens, most of which are ones that Ben has used before, but significantly altered from Ben's version.

Plumbers.

The Plumbers is an organization composed of both human and alien members, each of whom possesses a special badge. All badges bear the intergalactic peace symbol, a green hourglass shape, which is on the faceplate of the Omnitrix. Later, in "Omniverse", the Plumbers' symbol becomes a red dot.  In the original series, the Earth's Plumbers were a secret government organization that protected the universe from any threat. Their main base is located inside Mount Rushmore (where the Null Void projector and Sub-Energy were stored), with additional bases located inside Fort Knox, the Space Needle, Devils Tower, the Navajo Monument, the Great Dismal Swamp, and major cities such as Roswell, New York City, New Orleans, Denver, Los Angeles, Chicago, Orlando, and Grand Rapids. Their main adversary was Vilgax. Max Tennyson was a Plumber in his youth. Most of the Plumbers on Earth have disbanded; however, a few members remain in a semi-active capacity.

Forever Knights.

The Forever Knights are a secret British society first formed during the Middle Ages that are dedicated to collecting and studying alien technology, usually by illegal means. Any aliens they capture along the way are dissected and studied, and any humans caught with them are deemed worthless and disposed of. They also have a robotic dragon that protects one of their castles. It is revealed in "Ultimate Alien" that the reason for their actions is to combat Diagon, an entity from another dimension that nearly conquered the Earth in the Middle Ages were it not for the Forever Knights' immortal Founder George. When George left them, the Forever Knights began to splinter under various self-titled Forever Kings who transformed their knights' duty into a genocidal policy toward anything alien.

Transports.

Each series has featured some kind of main transportation. The wheeled motor vehicles, appearing like normal cars, are equipped with several pieces of Plumber technology such as a turbo engine, laser guns, and autopilot. They are often destroyed during the series.  The Rustbucket and the Rustbucket II, is an old RV resembling a 1973 GMC motorhome owned by Max Tennyson. Despite being old, and even having been destroyed a few times, Max has great affection for it.  The Resolute is Tetrax Shard's spaceship  The Chimearan Hammer is Vilgax's spaceship  Ship is a Galvanic Mechamorph (Upgrade's species) that can transform himself into fully operational technology he's once touched. He merged with the Forever Knights spaceship and became the space transportation for Ben's team during the third season of "Alien Force".  The Rustbucket III, a Plumbers' jet that Kevin has upgraded with alien tech, later replaced him.  Kevin's car is a Muscle car resembling a Dodge Challenger armed with Plumber technology as well as other various alien techs, including guns and off-road capabilities. It is the team's main transport in "" and "". It is damaged or destroyed often, mainly during fights or chase scenes, and Kevin is constantly busy repairing it. In Omniverse, after Ben destroyed it while aiming at Upgrade, Kevin gave it a new look. He painted it blue and placed a white circle with the number 11 on it, with only one stripe.  The Proto-TRUK is Rook's spaceship and the team's main transport in "". It can transform into a small truck to camouflage itself among Earth vehicles. It was later destroyed and its parts were used by Ben 10,000 to build the Time Cycles.

Spin-off media.

Merchandise.

Following the success of the "Ben 10" animated TV series and films, various "Ben 10" merchandise has been released for general sale. These items include comic books, card games (such as Top Trumps), toys, video games, Lego construction sets, bedding, coloring books, footwear, and watches (the Omnitrix and the Ultimatrix). All four shows have been released on DVD.

Games.

The game franchise has many different formats. The video games franchise started in 2006 with the release of "Ben 10" for the HyperScan, while the franchise's first official video game "Protector of Earth" came out in 2007.  The eighth video game, "Ben 10: Omniverse", has been developed and released for the Nintendo Wii and Wii U, Nintendo DS and 3DS, Microsoft Xbox 360, and Sony PlayStation 3 on November 13, 2012. The player can play as 13 alien heroes, including never-before-seen aliens like Bloxx and Gravattack, as they work for either Ben or Rook to defeat the evil plans of a fierce villain intent on destroying the world. The game is developed by Vicious Style Studios for all platforms except for the Nintendo DS and Nintendo 3DS versions, which are developed by 1st Playable Productions. The plot is about Ben's partner Rook going back in time and meeting an 11-year-old Ben. In the past, Malware absorbed Rook's Proto-Tool and intends to destroy the Earth. The player can access both Bens.  Ten games have been released, including "Omniverse:"

Toy line.

Bandai has manufactured a large amount of "Ben 10" toys from the four series.  The series received three McDonald's Happy Meal promotions internationally, as well as one in America in August 2011. The toys are colored translucent figures of some Omnitrix/Ultimatrix aliens and their Ultimate forms, with a small photo of Ben inside. The "Alien Force" toys are four rings, each one is an alien (Goop, Jetray, Alien X, Chromastone) with features linked with their powers.

Comic books.

Developed by Jason Hall, Min G. Kuand and Heroic Age, the "Ben 10" comic revolves around Ben's summer vacation with Gwen and their Grandpa Max, travelling in the Rust Bucket. The Ben 10: Alien Force comic revolves around Ben, with Gwen and a reformed Kevin, battling the Highbreed and the DNAliens.  Cartoon Network Action Pack was a 2006-2012 comic book series made by DC Comics which showcased Ben 10 alongside Samurai Jack, Codename Kids Next Door, The Secret Saturdays, or Generator Rex. Some of the issues were connected with the franchise, while others are non-canon.  In February 2013, IDW Publishing announced a partnership with Cartoon Network to produce comics based on Cartoon Network properties. "Ben 10" was one of the titles announced to be published.

"Ben 10" in other media.

"Ben 10: Ultimate Challenge".

"" is a game show developed for television by United Kingdom-based company, Twenty Twenty, which airs on Cartoon Network in the United Kingdom, Spain, France, Italy, Netherlands, Bulgaria, the Nordic region, Hungary, Poland, Germany, Russia, Turkey, Chile, United States and the Middle East. "Ultimate Challenge" is a trivia show that tasks children with answering questions about all three series. "Ultimate Challenge" is produced by Mandy Morris and executive produced by Daniel Marlowe.

Cartoon Network promotion.

"Titanic Kungfubot Offensive".

The game features famous and notable Cartoon Network characters in robot-type form. Big Chill, Swampfire, a DNAlien, Kevin, Vilgax, Rath, Armodrillo, Ultimate Humongousaur, Ultimate Echo Echo, and Ultimate Big Chill appear as playable characters.  To promote the "" special, Cartoon Network updated "Titanic Kungfubot Offensive", adding new bots, such as "Shocksquatch" and "Clockwork"; both of which are aliens accessible to Ben.

"Cartoon Network Universe: Fusion Fall".

The character design for Ben Tennyson was changed when the original Ben 10 series ended and was replaced by Alien Force. In the game, he serves as a "Player Guide" offering guide-based missions and special items.

"Cartoon Network Universe: Project Exonaut".

In another browser-based game entitled "Cartoon Network Universe: Project Exonaut," Ben's aliens, alongside Gwen and Vilgax, appear as "exosuits". The exosuits' purpose is protecting the player and giving them unique abilities and powers. The planet Kylmyys (the home of one of Ben's aliens, Big Chill) and the Perplexhedron are featured as battle arenas. Ultimate Kevin and Alien X are currently the new exosuits for Project Exonaut representing Ben 10. The new exosuits feature Gold versions of Manus, Marceline, Mojo Jojo, and Rath.

"Cartoon Network: Punch Time Explosion".

Ben appears in the game as a playable character. Swampfire, Humongousaur, Big Chill, and AmpFibian appear as Ben's playable aliens. Vilgax, the archenemy of Ben Tennyson appears as a playable character for the first time. Gwen and the Vreedle Brothers are "summons" in the game. Additionally, Bellwood and the Null Void are included as battle arenas. Kevin also appears as a "summon" in the game, but is featured as a playable character on PlayStation 3, Xbox 360, and Wii versions called "Cartoon Network: Punch Time Explosion XL". Kevin in Ultimate Kevin form appears in the game as a boss. The young version of Ben appears in the console version of the game as a playable character.

Ben 10 is an American franchise and television series created by Man of Action Studios and produced by Cartoon Network Studios. The franchise revolves around a boy named Ben Tennyson who acquires a watch-style alien device, the Omnitrix, which contains DNA of different Alien species allows him to transform into ten aliens and more.

Ben 10 je americká mediální franšíza od studia Man of Action Studios a produkovaná Cartoon Network Studios. Franšíza pojednává o klukovi jménem Ben Tennyson, jež dostane mimozemské hodinky Omnitrix, pomocí kterých se může transformovat do různých bytostí. "Ben 10" obdržel pozitivní kritiku a mimo jiné získal i tři ceny Emmy. Celosvětové zisky franšízy se odhadují na 4,5 miliard dolarů. Franšíza obsahuje také čtyři filmy, které byly vydány na stanici Cartoon Network mezi srpnem 2007 a březnem 2012. Jedná se o nejdelší původní sérii Cartoon Network s 12letou historií.


Era of Good Feelings and party "amalgamation".

The Era of Good Feelings, closely associated with the administration of President James Monroe (1817–1825), was characterized by the dissolution of national political identities. With the discredited Federalists in decline nationally, the "amalgamated" or hybridized Republicans adopted key Federalist economic programs and institutions, further erasing party identities and consolidating their victory. The economic nationalism of the Era of Good Feelings that would authorize the Tariff of 1816 and incorporate the Second Bank of the United States portended an abandonment of the Jeffersonian political formula for strict construction of the constitution, a limited central government and commitments to the primacy of Southern agrarian interests. The end of opposition parties also meant the end of party discipline and the means to suppress internecine factional animosities. Rather than produce political harmony, as President James Monroe had hoped, amalgamation had led to intense rivalries among Jeffersonian Republicans. It was amid the "good feelings" of this period—during which Republican Party discipline was in abeyance—that the Tallmadge Amendment surfaced.

Louisiana Purchase and Missouri Territory.

The immense Louisiana Purchase territories had been acquired through federal executive action, followed by Republican legislative authorization in 1803 during the Thomas Jefferson administration.  Prior to its purchase in 1803, the governments of Spain and France had sanctioned slavery in the region. In 1812, the state of Louisiana, a major cotton producer and the first to be carved from the Louisiana Purchase, had entered the Union as a slave state. Predictably, Missourians were adamant that slave labor should not be molested by the federal government. In the years following the War of 1812, the region, now known as Missouri Territory, experienced rapid settlement, led by slaveholding planters.  Agriculturally, the land comprising the lower reaches of the Missouri River, from which that new state would be formed, had no prospects as a major cotton producer. Suited for diversified farming, the only crop regarded as promising for slave labor was hemp culture. On that basis, southern planters immigrated with their chattel to Missouri, the slave population rising from 3,100 in 1810 to 10,000 in 1820. In a total population 67,000, slaves represented about 15 percent.  By 1818, the population of Missouri territory was approaching the threshold that would qualify it for statehood. An enabling act was provided to Congress empowering territorial residents to select convention delegates and draft a state constitution. The admission of Missouri territory as a slave state was expected to be more or less routine.

Congress Debates: 1819.

When the Missouri statehood bill was opened for debate in the House of Representative on February 13, 1819, early exchanges on the floor proceeded without serious incident. In the course of these proceedings, however, Representative James Tallmadge Jr. of New York "tossed a bombshell into the Era of Good Feelings" with the following amendments:  A political outsider, the 41-year old Tallmadge conceived his amendment based on a personal aversion to slavery. He had played a leading role in accelerating emancipation of the remaining slaves in New York in 1817. Moreover, he had campaigned against Illinois' Black Codes: though ostensibly free-soil, the new Illinois state constitution permitted indentured servitude and a limited form of slavery. As a New York Republican, Tallmadge maintained an uneasy association with Governor DeWitt Clinton, a former Republican who depended on support from ex-Federalists. Clinton's faction was hostile to Tallmadge for his spirited defense of General Andrew Jackson over his contentious invasion of Florida. After proposing the amendment, Tallmadge fell ill, Congressman John W. Taylor, a fellow New York Republican, stepped in to fill the void. Taylor also had antislavery credentials, in February 1819, he had proposed a similar slave restriction for Arkansas Territory in the House (which was defeated 89–87). In a speech before the House during the debate on the Tallmadge Amendment, Taylor was highly critical of Southern lawmakers who frequently voiced their dismay that slavery was entrenched and necessary to their existence, and warned that Missouri's fate would "decide the destiny of millions" in future states in the American West.  The differences in opinions on the amendment and over the future of slavery in the nation created much dissension among Jeffersonian Republicans and polarized the party. Northern Jeffersonian Republicans formed a coalition across factional lines with remnants of the Federalists. Southern Jeffersonian united in almost unanimous opposition. The ensuing debates pitted the northern "restrictionists" (antislavery legislators who wished to bar slavery from the Louisiana territories) and southern "anti-restrictionists" (proslavery legislators who rejected any interference by Congress inhibiting slavery expansion). The sectional "rupture" over slavery among Jeffersonian Republicans, first exposed in the Missouri crisis, had its roots in the Revolutionary generation.  Five Congressmen in Maine were opposed to spreading slavery into new territories. Dr. Brian Purnell, professor of Africana Studies and U.S. history at Bowdoin College, writes in Portland Magazine, "Martin Kinsley, Joshua Cushman, Ezekiel Whitman, Enoch Lincoln, and James Parker—wanted to prohibit slavery's spread into new territories. In 1820, they voted against the Missouri Compromise and against Maine's independence. In their defense, they wrote that, if the North, and the nation, embarked upon this Compromise—and ignored what experiences proved, namely that southern slave holders were determined to dominate the nation through ironclad unity and perpetual pressure to demand more land, and more slaves—then these five Mainers declared Americans "shall deserve to be considered a besotted and stupid race, fit, only, to be led blindfold; and worthy, only, to be treated with sovereign contempt."

Jeffersonian Republicanism and slavery.

The Missouri crisis marked a rupture in the Republican Ascendency—the national association of Jeffersonian Republicans that dominated national politics in the post-War of 1812 period.  The Founders had inserted both principled and expedient elements in the establishing documents. The Declaration of Independence of 1776 was grounded on the claim that liberty established a moral ideal that made universal equality a common right. The Revolutionary War generation had formed a government of limited powers in 1787 to embody the principles in the Declaration, but "burdened with the one legacy that defied the principles of 1776": human bondage. In a pragmatic commitment to form the Union, the federal apparatus would forego any authority to directly interfere with the institution of slavery where it existed under local control within the states. This acknowledgment of state sovereignty provided for the participation of those states most committed to slave labor. With this understanding, slaveholders had cooperated in authorizing the Northwest Ordinance in 1787, and to outlawing the trans-Atlantic slave trade in 1808. Though the Founders sanctioned slavery, they did so with the implicit understanding that the slaveholding states would take steps to relinquish the institution as opportunities arose. Southern states, after the War for Independence, had regarded slavery as an institution in decline (with the exception of Georgia and South Carolina). This was manifest in the shift towards diversified farming in the Upper South, and in the gradual emancipation of slaves in New England, and more significantly, in the mid-Atlantic states. Beginning in the 1790s, with the introduction of the cotton gin, and by 1815, with the vast increase in demand for cotton internationally, slave-based agriculture underwent an immense revival, spreading the institution westward to the Mississippi River. Slavery opponents in the South vacillated, as did their hopes for the imminent demise of human bondage. However rancorous the disputes among Southerners themselves over the virtues of a slave-based society, they united as a section when confronted by external challenges to their institution. The free states were not to meddle in the affairs of the slaveholders. Southern leaders—of whom virtually all identified as Jeffersonian Republicans—denied that Northerners had any business encroaching on matters related to slavery. Northern attacks on the institution were condemned as incitements to riot among the slave populations—deemed a dire threat to white southern security.  Northern Jeffersonian Republicans embraced the Jeffersonian antislavery legacy during the Missouri debates, explicitly citing the Declaration of Independence as an argument against expanding the institution. Southern leaders, seeking to defend slavery, would renounce the document's universal egalitarian applications and its declaration that "all men are created equal."

Struggle for political power.

"Federal Ratio" in the House.

Article One, Section Two of the US Constitution supplemented legislative representation in those states where residents owned slaves. Known as the three-fifths clause or the "federal ratio", three-fifths (60%) of the slave population was numerically added to the free population. This sum was used to calculate Congressional districts per state and the number of delegates to the Electoral College. The federal ratio produced a significant number of legislative victories for the South in the years preceding the Missouri crisis, as well as augmenting its influence in party caucuses, the appointment of judges and the distribution of patronage. It is unlikely that the three-fifths clause, prior to 1820, was decisive in affecting legislation on slavery. Indeed, with the rising northern representation in the House, the South's share of the membership had declined since the 1790s.  Hostility to the federal ratio had historically been the object of the now nationally ineffectual Federalists; they blamed their collective decline on the "Virginia Dynasty", expressed in partisan terms rather than in moral condemnation of slavery. The pro-De Witt Clinton-Federalist faction carried on the tradition, posing as antirestrictionists, for the purpose of advancing their fortunes in New York politics.  Senator Rufus King of New York, a Clinton associate, was the last Federalist icon still active on the national stage, a fact irksome to Southern Republicans. A signatory to the US Constitution, he had strongly opposed the three-fifths rule in 1787. In the 1819 15th Congress debates, he revived his critique as a complaint that New England and the Mid-Atlantic States suffered unduly from the federal ratio, declaring himself "degraded" (politically inferior) to the slaveholders. Federalists, North and South, preferred to mute antislavery rhetoric, but during the 1820 debates in the 16th Congress, King and other old Federalists would expand their critique to include moral considerations of slavery.  Republican James Tallmadge, Jr. and the Missouri restrictionists deplored the three-fifths clause because it had translated into political supremacy for the South. They had no agenda to remove it from the founding document, only to prevent its further application west of the Mississippi River.  As determined as Southern Republicans were to secure Missouri statehood with slavery, the three-fifths clause failed to provide the margin of victory in the 15th Congress. Blocked by Northern Republicans—largely on egalitarian grounds—with sectional support from Federalists, the bill would die in the upper house, where the federal ratio had no relevance. The "balance of power" between the sections, and the maintenance of Southern preeminence on matters related to slavery resided in the Senate.

"Balance of Power" in the Senate.

Northern voting majorities in the lower house did not translate into political dominance. The fulcrum for proslavery forces resided in the upper house of Congress. There, constitutional compromise in 1787 had provided for exactly two senators per state, regardless of its population: the South, with its small white demographic relative to the North, benefited from this arrangement. Since 1815, sectional parity in the Senate had been achieved through paired admissions, leaving the North and South, at the time of Missouri territory application for statehood, at eleven states each.  The South, voting as a bloc on measures that challenged slaveholding interests and augmented by defections from Free State Senators with Southern sympathies, was able to tally majorities. The Senate stood as the bulwark and source of the Slave Power – a power that required admission of slave states to the Union to preserve its national primacy.  Missouri statehood, with the Tallmadge amendment approved, would set a trajectory towards a Free State trans-Mississippi and a decline in Southern political authority. The question as to whether the Congress could lawfully restrain the growth of slavery in Missouri took on great importance among the slave states. The moral dimensions of the expansion of human bondage would be raised by Northern Republicans on constitutional grounds.

Constitutional arguments.

The Tallmadge amendment was "the first serious challenge to the extension of slavery" and raised questions concerning the interpretation of the republic's founding documents.  Jeffersonian Republicans justified Tallmadge's slavery restrictions on the grounds that Congress possessed the authority to impose territorial statutes that would remain in force after statehood was established. Representative John W. Taylor pointed to Indiana and Illinois, where their Free State status conformed to the antislavery provisions in the Northwest Ordinance.  Further, antislavery legislators invoked Article Four, Section Four of the Constitution, which required that states provide a republican form of government. As the Louisiana Territory was not part of the United States in 1787, they argued, introducing slavery into Missouri would thwart the egalitarian intent of the Founders.  Proslavery Republicans countered that the Constitution had long been interpreted as having relinquished any claim to restricting slavery within the states. The free inhabitants of Missouri, either in the territorial phase or during statehood, had the right to establish slavery—or disestablish it—exclusive of central government interference. As to the Northwest Ordinance, Southerners denied that this could serve as a lawful antecedent for the territories of the Louisiana Purchase, as the ordinance had been issued originally under the Articles of Confederation, not under the US Constitution.  As a legal precedent, they offered the treaty acquiring the Louisiana lands in 1803: the document included a provision (Article 3) that extended the rights of US citizens to all inhabitants of the new territory, including the protection of property in slaves. When slaveholders embraced Jeffersonian constitutional strictures on a limited central government they were reminded that Jefferson, as US President in 1803, had deviated from these precepts when he wielded federal executive power to double the size the United States (including the lands under consideration for Missouri statehood). In doing so, he set a Constitutional precedent that would serve to rationalize Tallmadge's federally imposed slavery restrictions.  The 15th Congress debates, focusing as it did on constitutional questions, largely avoided the moral dimensions raised by the topic of slavery. That the unmentionable subject had been raised publicly was deeply offensive to Southern Congressmen, and violated the long-held sectional understanding between free and slave state legislators.  Missouri statehood confronted Southern Jeffersonians with the prospect of applying the egalitarian principles espoused by the Revolutionary generation. This would require halting the spread of slavery westward, and confine the institution to where it already existed. Faced with a population of 1.5 million slaves, and the lucrative production of cotton, the South would abandon hopes for containment. Slaveholders in the 16th Congress, in an effort to come to grips with this paradox, would resort to a theory that called for extending slavery geographically so as to encourage its decline: "diffusion".

Stalemate.

On February 16, 1819, the House Committee of the Whole voted to link Tallmadge's provisions with the Missouri enabling legislation, approving the move 79–67. Following the committee vote, debates resumed over the merits of each of Tallmadge's provisions in the enabling act. The debates in the House's 2nd session in 1819 lasted only three days. They have been characterized as "rancorous", "fiery", "bitter", "blistering", "furious" and "bloodthirsty".  Northern representatives outnumbered the South in House membership 105 to 81. When each of the restrictionist provisions were put to the vote, they passed along sectional lines: 87 to 76 in favor of prohibition on further slave migration into Missouri (Table 1) and 82 to 78 in favor of emancipating slave offspring at age twenty-five. The enabling bill was passed to the Senate, where both parts of it were rejected: 22 to 16 opposed to restricting new slaves in Missouri (supported by five northerners, two of whom were the proslavery legislators from the free state of Illinois); and 31 to 7 against gradual emancipation for slave children born post-statehood. House antislavery restrictionists refused to concur with the Senate proslavery anti-restrictionists: Missouri statehood would devolve upon the 16th Congress in December 1819.

Federalist "plots" and "consolidation".

The Missouri Compromise debates stirred suspicions among proslavery interests that the underlying purpose of the Tallmadge amendments had little to do with opposition to slavery expansion. The accusation was first leveled in the House by the Republican anti-restrictionist John Holmes from the District of Maine. He suggested that Senator Rufus King's "warm" support for the Tallmadge amendment concealed a conspiracy to organize a new antislavery party in the North—a party composed of old Federalists in combination with disaffected antislavery Republicans. The fact that King, in the Senate, and Tallmadge and Tyler, in the House—all New Yorkers—were among the vanguard for slavery restriction in Missouri lent credibility to these charges. When King was re-elected to the US Senate in January 1820, during the 16th Congress debates, and with bipartisan support, suspicions deepened and would persist throughout the crisis. Southern Jeffersonian Republican leadership, including President Monroe and former President Thomas Jefferson, considered it as an article of faith that Federalists, given the chance, would destabilize the Union so as to re-impose monarchal rule in North America, and "consolidate" political control over the people by expanding the functions of the central government. Jefferson, at first unperturbed by the Missouri question, soon became convinced that a northern conspiracy was afoot, with Federalists and crypto-Federalists posing as Republicans, using Missouri statehood as a pretext.  Due to the disarray of the Republican Ascendency brought about by amalgamation, fears abounded among Southerners that a Free State party might take shape in the event that Congress failed to reach an understanding over Missouri and slavery: Such a party would threaten Southern preeminence. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts surmised that the political configuration for just such a sectional party already existed. That the Federalists were anxious to regain a measure of political participation in national politics is indisputable. There was no basis, however, for the charge that Federalists had directed Tallmadge in his antislavery measures, nor was there anything to indicate that a New York-based King-Clinton alliance sought to erect an antislavery party on the ruins of the Republican Party. The allegations by Southern proslavery interests of a "plot" or that of "consolidation" as a threat to the Union misapprehended the forces at work in the Missouri crisis: the core of the opposition to slavery in the Louisiana Purchase were informed by Jeffersonian egalitarian principles, not a Federalist resurgence.

Development in Congress.

To balance the number of "slave states" and "free states", the northern region of what was then Massachusetts, the District of Maine, ultimately gained admission into the United States as a free state to become Maine. This only occurred as a result of a compromise involving slavery in Missouri, and in the federal territories of the American West. The admission of another slave state would increase the South's power at a time when northern politicians had already begun to regret the Constitution's Three-Fifths Compromise. Although more than 60 percent of whites in the United States lived in the North, by 1818 northern representatives held only a slim majority of congressional seats. The additional political representation allotted to the South as a result of the Three-Fifths Compromise gave southerners more seats in the House of Representatives than they would have had if the number was based on just free population. Moreover, since each state had two Senate seats, Missouri's admission as a slave state would result in more southern than northern senators. A bill to enable the people of the Missouri Territory to draft a constitution and form a government preliminary to admission into the Union came before the House of Representatives in Committee of the Whole, on February 13, 1819. James Tallmadge of New York offered an amendment, named the Tallmadge Amendment, that forbade further introduction of slaves into Missouri, and mandated that all children of slave parents born in the state after its admission should be free at the age of 25. The committee adopted the measure and incorporated it into the bill as finally passed on February 17, 1819, by the house. The United States Senate refused to concur with the amendment, and the whole measure was lost.  During the following session (1819–1820), the House passed a similar bill with an amendment, introduced on January 26, 1820, by John W. Taylor of New York, allowing Missouri into the union as a slave state. The question had been complicated by the admission in December of Alabama, a slave state, making the number of slave and free states equal. In addition, there was a bill in passage through the House (January 3, 1820) to admit Maine as a free state.  The Senate decided to connect the two measures. It passed a bill for the admission of Maine with an amendment enabling the people of Missouri to form a state constitution. Before the bill was returned to the House, a second amendment was adopted on the motion of Jesse B. Thomas of Illinois, excluding slavery from the Louisiana Territory north of the parallel 36°30′ north (the southern boundary of Missouri), except within the limits of the proposed state of Missouri.  The vote in the Senate was 24 for the compromise, to 20 against. The amendment and the bill passed in the Senate on February 17 and February 18, 1820. The House then approved the Senate compromise amendment, on a vote of 90 to 87, with those 87 votes coming from free state representatives opposed to slavery in the new state of Missouri. The House then approved the whole bill, 134 to 42, with opposition from the southern states.

Second Missouri Compromise.

The two houses were at odds not only on the issue of the legality of slavery but also on the parliamentary question of the inclusion of Maine and Missouri within the same bill. The committee recommended the enactment of two laws, one for the admission of Maine, the other an enabling act for Missouri. They recommended against having restrictions on slavery but for including the Thomas amendment. Both houses agreed, and the measures were passed on March 5, 1820, and were signed by President James Monroe on March 6.  The question of the final admission of Missouri came up during the session of 1820–1821. The struggle was revived over a clause in Missouri's new constitution (written in 1820) requiring the exclusion of "free negroes and mulattoes" from the state. Through the influence of Kentucky Senator Henry Clay "The Great Compromiser", an act of admission was finally passed, upon the condition that the exclusionary clause of the Missouri constitution should "never be construed to authorize the passage of any law" impairing the privileges and immunities of any U.S. citizen. This deliberately ambiguous provision is sometimes known as the Second Missouri Compromise.

Impact on political discourse.

During the decades following 1820, Americans hailed the 1820 agreement as an essential compromise almost on the sacred level of the Constitution itself. Although the Civil War broke out in 1861, historians often say the Compromise helped postpone the war.  These disputes involved the competition between the southern and northern states for power in Congress and for control over future territories. There were also the same factions emerging as the Democratic-Republican party began to lose its coherence. In an April 22 letter to John Holmes, Thomas Jefferson wrote that the division of the country created by the Compromise Line would eventually lead to the destruction of the Union:  The debate over admission of Missouri also raised the issue of sectional balance, for the country was equally divided between slave and free states with eleven each. To admit Missouri as a slave state would tip the balance in the Senate (made up of two senators per state) in favor of the slave states. For this reason, northern states wanted Maine admitted as a free state. Maine was admitted in 1820 and Missouri in 1821, but no further states were added until 1836, when Arkansas was admitted.  From the constitutional standpoint, the Compromise of 1820 was important as the example of Congressional exclusion of slavery from U.S. territory acquired since the Northwest Ordinance. Nevertheless, the Compromise was deeply disappointing to African-Americans in both the North and South, as it stopped the southern progression of gradual emancipation at Missouri's southern border and legitimized slavery as a southern institution.

Repeal.

The provisions of the Missouri Compromise forbidding slavery in the former Louisiana Territory north of the parallel 36°30′ north were effectively repealed by Stephen A. Douglas's Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854. The repeal of the Compromise caused outrage in the North and sparked the return to politics of Abraham Lincoln, who criticized slavery and excoriated Douglas's act in his "Peoria Speech" (October 16, 1854).

The Missouri Compromise was United States federal legislation that admitted Maine to the United States as a free state, simultaneously with Missouri as a slave state—thus maintaining the balance of power between North and South in the United States Senate. As part of the compromise, the legislation prohibited slavery north of the 36°30′ parallel, excluding Missouri. The 16th United States Congress passed the legislation on March 3, 1820, and President James Monroe signed it on March 6, 1820.

Missourský kompromis byla dohoda přijata 3. března 1820 Kongresem USA. Jeho cílem bylo zachovat politickou rovnováhu mezi jižními otrokářskými státy a severními protiotrokářskými státy.


Background.

The idea of a congress of British American Colonies was first broached in 1754 at the start of the French and Indian War, which started as the North American front of the Seven Years' War between Great Britain and France. Known as the Albany Congress, it met in Albany, New York from June 18 to July 11, 1754, and was attended by representatives from seven colonies. Among the delegates was Benjamin Franklin of Philadelphia, who proposed that the colonies join together in a confederation.  In 1765, the British Parliament passed the Stamp Act requiring that many printed materials in the colonies be produced on stamped paper produced in London, carrying an embossed revenue stamp. The Act provoked the ire of merchants in New York, Boston and Philadelphia, who responded by placing an embargo on British imports until the Stamp Act was repealed. To present a united front in their opposition, delegates from several provinces met in the Stamp Act Congress, which convened in New York City from October 7 through 25, 1765. It issued a Declaration of Rights and Grievances, which it sent to Parliament. Subsequently, under pressure from British companies hurt by the embargo, the government of Prime Minister Lord Rockingham and King George III relented, and the Stamp Act was repealed in March 1766.  The colonists' resistance to the Stamp Act served as a catalyst for subsequent acts of resistance. The Townshend Acts (which imposed indirect taxes on various items not produced within the colonies, and created a more effective means of enforcing compliance with trade regulations), passed by Parliament passed during 1767 and 1768, sparked renewed animosity in the colonies, which eventually resulted in the Boston Massacre of 1770. Three years later, the Tea Act (which granted the British East India company the right to directly ship its tea to North America and the right to the duty-free export of tea from Great Britain) became law, exacerbating the colonists' resentment toward the British government, inciting the December 1773 Boston Tea Party, and inspiring the September 1774 Suffolk Resolves.

First Continental Congress, 1774.

The First Continental Congress met briefly in Carpenter's Hall in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, from September 5 to October 26, 1774. Delegates from twelve of the thirteen colonies that would ultimately join in the Revolutionary War participated. Only Georgia, where Loyalist feelings still outweighed Patriotic emotion, and which relied upon Great Britain for military supplies to defend settlers against possible Indian attacks, did not. Altogether, 56 delegates attended, including George Washington, Patrick Henry, and John Adams. Other notable delegates included Samuel Adams from Massachusetts Bay, along with Joseph Galloway and John Dickinson from the Pennsylvania. Peyton Randolph of Virginia was its president.  Benjamin Franklin had put forth the idea of such a meeting the year before, but he was unable to convince the colonies of its necessity until the British Navy instituted a blockade of Boston Harbor and Parliament passed the punitive Intolerable Acts in 1774 in response to the Boston Tea Party. During the congress, delegates organized an economic boycott of Great Britain in protest and petitioned the King for a redress of grievances. The colonies were united in their effort to demonstrate to the "mother country" their authority by virtue of their common causes and their unity; but their ultimate objectives were not consistent. Most delegates were not yet ready to break away from Great Britain, but they most definitely wanted the king and parliament to act in what they considered a fairer manner. Delegates from the provinces of Pennsylvania and New York were given firm instructions to pursue a resolution with Great Britain. While the other colonies all held the idea of colonial rights as paramount, they were split between those who sought legislative equality with Britain and those who instead favored independence and a break from the Crown and its excesses.

Second Continental Congress, 1775–1781.

In London, Parliament debated the merits of meeting the demands made by the colonies; however, it took no official notice of Congress's petitions and addresses. On November 30, 1774, King George III opened Parliament with a speech condemning Massachusetts and the Suffolk Resolves. At that point it became clear that the Continental Congress would have to convene once again.  The Second Continental Congress convened on May 10, 1775, at Pennsylvania's State House in Philadelphia shortly after the start of the Revolutionary War. Initially, it functioned as a "de facto" national government by raising armies, directing strategy, appointing diplomats, and making formal treaties. The following year it adopted a resolution for independence on July 2, 1776, and two days later approved the Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson drafted the declaration, and John Adams was a leader in the debates in favor of its adoption. Afterward, the Congress functioned as the provisional government of the United States of America through March 1, 1781.  To govern the war effort and to foster unity among the states, Congress created various standing committees to handle war related activities, such as the committee of secret correspondence, the treasury board, the board of war and ordnance, and the navy board. Much work was also done in small "ad hoc" committees. One such small group was tasked with developing a constitution to perpetuate the new Union. Such an agreement, the Articles of Confederation was approved by Congress on November 15, 1777, and sent to the states for ratification.

Confederation Congress, 1781–1788.

The Articles of Confederation came into force on March 1, 1781, after being ratified by all 13 states, and the Second Continental Congress became the Congress of the Confederation (officially styled the "United States in Congress Assembled"), a unicameral body composed of delegates from the several states. A guiding principle of the Articles was to preserve the independence and sovereignty of the states. The weak central government established by the Articles received only those powers which the former colonies had recognized as belonging to king and parliament. Congress had the power to declare war, sign treaties, and settle disputes between the states. It could also borrow or print money, but did not have the power to tax. It helped guide the United States through the final stages of the Revolutionary War, but steeply declined in authority afterward.  During peacetime, there were two important, long-lasting acts of the Confederation Congress:  Under the Articles of Confederation, the Confederation Congress had little power to compel the individual states to comply with any of its decisions. More and more prospective delegates elected to the Confederation Congress declined to serve in it. The leading men in each State preferred to serve in the state governments, and thus the Continental Congress had frequent difficulties in establishing a quorum. When the Articles of Confederation were superseded by the Constitution of the United States, the Confederation Congress was superseded by the United States Congress.  The Confederation Congress finally set up a suitable administrative structure for the Federal government. It put into operation a departmental system, with ministers of finance, of war, and of foreign affairs. Robert Morris was selected as the new Superintendent of Finance, and then Morris used some ingenuity and initiative—along with a loan from the French Government—to deal with his empty treasury and also runaway inflation, for a number of years, in the supply of paper money.  As the ambassador to France, Benjamin Franklin not only secured the "bridge loan" for the national budget, but he also persuaded France to send an army of about 6,000 soldiers across the Atlantic Ocean to America—and also to dispatch a large squadron of French warships under Comte de Grasse to the coasts of Virginia and North Carolina. These French warships were decisive at the Battle of Yorktown along the coast of Virginia by preventing Lord Cornwallis's British troops from receiving supplies, reinforcements, or evacuation via the James River and Hampton Roads, Virginia.  Robert Morris, the Minister of Finance, persuaded Congress to charter the Bank of North America on December 31, 1781. Although a private bank, the Federal Government acquired partial ownership with money lent by France. The Bank of North America played a major role in financing the war against Great Britain. The combined armies of George Washington and Nathanael Greene, with the help of the French Army and Navy, defeated the British in the Battle of Yorktown during October 1781. Lord Cornwallis was forced to sue for peace and to surrender his entire army to General Washington. During 1783, the Americans secured the official recognition of the independence of the United States from the United Kingdom via negotiations with British diplomats in Paris, France. These negotiations culminated with the signing of the Treaty of Paris of 1783, and this treaty was soon ratified by the British Parliament.

Organization.

Both the British Parliament and many of their own Colonial assemblies had powerful speakers of the house and standing committees with strong chairmen, with executive power held by the British Monarch or the colonial Governor. However, the organization of the Continental Congress was based less on the British Parliament or on local colonial assemblies than on the 1765 Stamp Act Congress. Nine delegates to that congress were in attendance at the First Congress in 1774, and their perspective on governance influenced the direction of both the Continental congresses and the later Continental Congress. Congress took on powers normally held by the British King-in-Council, such as the conduct of foreign and military affairs. However, the right to tax and regulate trade was reserved for the states, not Congress. Congress had no formal way to enforce its ordinances on the state governments. Delegates were responsible to and reported directly to their home state assemblies; an organizational structure that Neil Olsen been described as "an extreme form of matrix management".  Delegates chose a presiding president to monitor the debate, maintain order, and make sure journals were kept and documents and letters were published and delivered. After the colonies declared their independence in 1776 and united as a quasi-federation to fight for their freedom, the president functioned as head of state (not of the country, but of its central government); Otherwise, the office was "more honorable than powerful". Congress also elected a secretary, scribe, doorman, messenger, and Chaplain.  The rules of Congress guaranteed the right to debate and open access to the floor for each delegate. Additionally, to ensure that each state would be on an equal footing with the others, voting on ordinances was done "en bloc", with each state having a single vote. Prior to casting its "yay" or "nay" vote, preliminary votes were taken within each state delegation. The majority vote determined vote here was considered the vote of the state on a motion; in cases of a tie the vote for the state was marked as "divided," and thus not counted.  Turnover of delegates was high, with an average year-to-year turnover rate of 37% by one calculation, and 39% by session-to-session. Of the 343 serving delegates, only 55% (187 delegates) spent 12 or more months in attendance. Only 25 of the delegates served longer than 35 months. This high rate of turnover was not just a characteristic, it was due to a deliberate policy of term limits. In the Confederation phase of the Congress "no delegate was permitted to serve more than three years in any six". Attendance was variable: while in session, between 54 and 22 delegates were in attendance at any one time, with an average of only 35.5 members attending between 1774 and 1788.

Legacy.

There is a long running debate on how effective the Congress was as an organization. The first critic may have been General George Washington. In an address to his officers, at Newburgh, New York, on March 15, 1783, responding to complaints that Congress had not funded their pay and pensions, he stated that he believed that Congress would do the army "complete justice" and eventually pay the soldiers. "But, like all other large Bodies, where there is a variety of different Interests to reconcile, their deliberations are slow."  In addition to their slowness, the lack of coercive power in the Continental Congress was harshly criticized by James Madison when arguing for the need of a Federal Constitution. His comment in "Vices of the Political System" of April 1787 set the conventional wisdom on the historical legacy of the institution for centuries to come:  Many commentators take for granted that the leaderless, weak, slow, and small-committee driven, Continental Congress was a failure, largely because after the end of the war the Articles of Confederation no longer suited the needs of a peacetime nation, and the Congress itself, following Madison's recommendations, called for its revision and replacement. Some also suggest that the Congress was inhibited by the formation of contentious partisan alignments based on regional differences. Others claim that Congress was less ideological than event driven. Others note that the Congress was successful in that the American people "came to accept Congress as their legitimate institution of Government", but the "rather poor governmental record" of the Congress forced the constitutional convention of 1787.  Political scientists Calvin Jillson and Rick Wilson in the 1980s accepted the conventional interpretation on the weakness of the Congress due to the lack of coercive power. They explored the role of "leadership", or rather the lack of it, in the Continental Congress. Going beyond even Madison's harsh critique, they used the "analytical stance of what has come to be called the new institutionalism" to demonstrate that "the norms, rules, and institutional structures of the Continental Congress" were equally to blame "for the institution's eventual failure", and that the "institutional structure worked against, rather than with, the delegates in tackling the crucial issues of the day."  The Historian Richard P. McCormick rendered a more nuanced judgment. He suggested that Madison's "extreme judgment" on the Congress was "motivated no doubt by Madison's overriding desire to create a new central government that would be empowered veto the acts of state legislatures," but that it fails "to take any notice of the fact that while the authority of the Confederation Congress was ambiguous, it was not a nullity".  Benjamin Irvin in his social and cultural history of the Continental Congress, praised "the invented traditions by which Congress endeavored to fortify the resistance movement and to make meaning of American independence." But he noted that after the war's end, "Rather than passively adopting the Congress's creations, the American people embraced, rejected, reworked, ridiculed, or simply ignored them as they saw fit."  An organizational culture analysis of the Continental Congress by Neil Olsen, looking for the values, norms, and underlying assumptions that drive an organization's decisions, noted that "the leaderless Continental Congress outperformed not only the modern congress run by powerful partisan hierarchies, but modern government and corporate entities, for all their coercive power and vaunted skills as 'leaders'." Looking at their mission as defined by state resolutions and petitions entered into the "Congressional Journal" on its first day, it found that on the common issues of the relief of Boston, securing Colonial rights, eventually restoring harmonious relations with Great Britain, and repealing taxes, they overachieved their mission goals, defeated the largest army and navy in the world, and created two new types of republic. Olsen suggests that the Congress, if slow, when judged by its many achievements – not the least being recognizing its flaws, then replacing and terminating itself – was a success.

The Continental Congress was initially a convention of delegates from a number of British American colonies at the height of the American Revolution, who acted collectively for the people of the Thirteen Colonies that ultimately became the United States of America. After declaring the colonies independent from the Kingdom of Great Britain in 1776, it acted as the provisional governing structure for the collective United States, while most government functions remained in the individual states. The term most specifically refers to the First Continental Congress of 1774 and the Second Continental Congress of 1775–1781. More broadly, it also refers to the Congress of the Confederation of 1781–1789, thus covering the three congressional bodies of the Thirteen Colonies and the United States that met between 1774 and the inauguration of a new government in 1789 under the United States Constitution.

Kontinentální kongres (také Filadelfský kongres; "Continental Congress", "Philadelphia Congress") bylo shromáždění delegátů třinácti kolonií, které vystoupily proti britské nadvládě v americké revoluci, v červenci 1776 vyhlásily nezávislost na Velké Británii a zformovaly Spojené státy. Kontinentální kongres byl ustanoven celkem třikrát - v roce 1774 (První kontinentální kongres), v letech 1775–1781 (Druhý kontinentální kongres) a v letech 1781–1789 (Konfederační kongres).


History.

In 1998 Central Television and Radio Studio of the Russian Ministry of Defense wins the tender to broadcast the channel in the competition. On July 17, 2000 Zvezda channel is a licensed for broadcasting. On September 2001 broadcasting had yet started, while received a warning from the Ministry of Communications and Mass Media for a two-week period of correction.  On February 20, 2005 Zvezda channel first began broadcasting on 57th UHF channel in Moscow. Feature of the channel is to show programs on patriotic themes: information and analytical programs, as well as Russian movies. On the first day of broadcasting channel aired a documentary about firefighters, to May 16, 2005 broadcast was limited to the evening. On May 16, 2005 the channel goes to broadcast around the clock. In 2006 Zvezda is for the first time broadcasting in all of Russia. 2007 channel audience grew further, as it was included in the package of NTV+. Since 2009 Zvezda is a federal status channel. On 14 December 2012 the channel entered into the second digital television multiplex. In this case, the channel had only one position for the competition.  In March 2015, Zvezda offered a presenting job to Jeremy Clarkson less than 24 hours after he was dismissed by the BBC from motoring programme "Top Gear".

Controversies.

"Zvezda" describes itself as "patriotic" and is considered one of the most sensational and anti-Western news channels in Russia. It has a reputation for publishing biased news stories which favor the Russian government. It has published several controversial news articles in the past, for example:  During the 2008 pre-election debates on the Zvezda TV Vladimir Zhirinovsky insulted Andrei Bogdanov's campaign manager and ordered his bodyguards to "take him away and shoot him".

Zvezda () is a Russian state-owned nationwide TV network run by the Russian Ministry of Defence. As of January 2008, Zvezda's CEO was Grigory Krichevsky, previously known for his work on Vladimir Gusinsky's NTV Channel in the late 1990s.

Zvezda () je ruská armádní televizní stanice se sídlem v Moskvě, která je provozovaná Ruským ministerstvem obrany. Označuje se za vlasteneckou a byla spuštěna 20. února 2005.


Tri-state checkbox.

Some applications use checkboxes that allow an indeterminate state in addition to the two provided by a normal checkbox. This third state is shown as a square or dash in the checkbox, and indicates that its state is neither checked nor unchecked. This is most often used when the checkbox is tied to a collection of items in mixed states. The indeterminate state cannot usually be selected by the user, and switches to a checked state when activated.  For example, a checkbox presented to select files to send via FTP might use a tree view so that files can be selected one at a time, or by folder. If only some of the files in a folder are selected, then the checkbox for that folder would be indeterminate. Clicking on this indeterminate checkbox would select all or, less commonly, none of the contained files. Continuing to click on the checkbox would alternate between checked (all sub-directories and files selected) and unchecked (no sub-directories or files selected).  Some tri-state checkbox implementations allow the user to toggle among all states, including the indeterminate state, by remembering the mixed state of the items in the collection. This serves as an undo feature.

Not actionable.

Setting or clearing a checkbox changes the checkbox's state with no other side-effects. Violating this guideline by associating additional actions with the change of state frequently confuses users, because they are used to configuring data in entry controls such as text boxes, radio buttons, and checkboxes and then invoking an action control such as a push button to initiate the action to process the data.  One common exception is to enable or display additional user input elements whose relevance depends on the checkbox state.

Light switch.

An alternative form of checkbox is the light switch in which the user toggles a switch which moves from one state to the other. in the image on the right, the option "Large Icons" has not been selected, while the option "Hide Menus" has been. The light switch is only rarely used as it takes more room onscreen, and is not a standard control, meaning it must be handled programmatically (the graphics system does not handle it), requiring the program to change it when the user clicks on it. As a design choice, there may be some cases where the light switch is a better interface choice than a checkbox.

HTML.

In web forms, the HTML element is used to display a checkbox.

A checkbox (check box, tickbox, tick box) is a GUI widget that permits the user to make a binary choice, i.e. a choice between one of two possible mutually exclusive options. For example, the user may have to answer 'yes' (checked) or 'no' (not checked) on a simple yes/no question.

Zaškrtávací pole (,, nebo ) je ovládací prvek grafického uživatelského rozhraní, který uživateli umožňuje provést binární volbu, tj. volbu mezi dvěma vzájemně se vylučujícími možnostmi. Lze jej použít například pro získání odpovědi „ano“ nebo „ne“ na jednoduchou otázku.


Geography.

Blagoevgrad municipality is situated in the northwestern part of Blagoevgrad Province with area of 620.12 km.It borders with Kyustendil Province in the north, Razlog Municipality in the east, Simitli Municipality in the south and Republic of Macedonia in the west. The municipality is lying in the western part of the Rila mountain and the northern part of the valley of Struma river, 100 km from Sofia in the north and Kulata in the south on the international road E79.

Climate.

The climate is transitional-continental with strong Mediterranean influence and the weather is mild in the winter and hot in the summer in the valley of Struma river and in the lower parts – 80% of the territory of the municipality. In the higher parts of the municipality the climate is mountainous – the other 20%.

Nature.

The most parts of the municipality are covered with forests. Small subsidiaries of Struma river form the water resources of the region. The snow-melting during the spring and the summer in Rila and Vlahina increases the river debit. The Bistrica river flows through Blagoevgrad and Struma river goes west of the town. There are thirty hot mineral springs in the municipality, even in Blagoevgrad.

Population and settlements.

The population of the municipality is 77,441, according to the last count in 2011 year. Men are 48%, women 52% of the population. The municipality is highly urbanized – 91% of all the people live in Blagoevgrad. The mountainous villages are very sparsely populated.  The following table shows the change of the population during the last four decades.

Ethnic composition.

According to the 2011 census, among those who answered the optional question on ethnic identification, the ethnic composition of the municipality was the following:

Religion.

According to the latest Bulgarian census of 2011, the religious composition, among those who answered the optional question on religious identification, was the following:

Roads and transportation.

The municipality has a very favorable location. E79 international road passes through Belo Pole and the western parts of Blagoevgrad alongside with Struma river and connects the region with Sofia on the north and Greece in the south. There is a parallel railway, which leads to Greece, but now due to the policy of the Greek rail operator there are no trains between Sofia and Athens. There is also a road connection with Republic of Macedonia via Logodazh. The fourth class municipal roads need improvement. Blagoevgrad has two bus stations and a train station situated in the western part of the town. Buses connect Blagoevgrad with Sofia, Plovdiv, Sandanski, Petrich, Goce Delchev, Kyustendil, Dupnitsa and other destinations in the region as well as most of the villages in the municipality. There are international bus lines to Greece and Republic of Macedonia. Trains connect the municipality with Sofia, Pernik, Dupnitsa and Sandanski and other smaller settlements alongside Struma river. There is a train stop in Belo Pole, train station in Blagoevgrad and another train stop in the southern part of Blagoevgrad.

Economy.

There are few big industrial subjects in the municipality and they are concentrated in Blagoevgrad. Trade and services form significant part of the municipal economy. The presence of two universities and a lot of young people is boosting them and also providing qualified labor force. Agriculture and forestry are important parts of the regional economy too.

Tourism.

There are more than 10 hotels in Blagoevgrad. Visitors can see a neighborhood with old houses "Varosha". The hot mineral water in Blagoevgrad is not widely utilized, but there is communal bath. The mountains in the region offers a lot of places for hiking and picnics. All the cultural institutions are in Blagoevgrad – the theater, museums, art galleries and cultural centers.

Blagoevgrad Municipality (, ) is the most populated municipality in Blagoevgrad Province. It includes Blagoevgrad and 25 villages with population of (2011).

Obština Blagoevgrad ( "Община Благоевград") je bulharská jednotka územní samosprávy v Blagoevgradské oblasti. Leží v jihozápadním Bulharsku u hranic se Severní Makedonií, v pohořích Vlachina (na západě) a Rila (na východě) a v mezilehlém Blagoevgradském údolí. Správním střediskem je město Blagoevgrad, kromě něj zahrnuje obština 25 vesnic. Žije zde zhruba 72 tisíc stálých obyvatel.


Abijah in the Hebrew Bible.

Family.

Abijam is reported in the books of Kings and Chronicles as being the son of Maacah or Micaiah, and father of King Asa of Judah. Some scholars believe the biblical accounts of Abijam's family to be contradictory; however, a study of Hebrew linguistics removes any seeming contradictions. One of the alleged contradictions is that Maacah is sometimes described as the daughter of Absalom, and elsewhere the daughter of Uriel. Absalom is described as only having one daughter, Tamar. In Hebrew, "daughter" and "granddaughter" are the same word, removing any contradiction there. Similarly, Maacah is initially described as Abijah's mother, but subsequently described as the mother of his son Asa. However, in Hebrew, "mother" and "grandmother" are the same word, once again removing any contradiction. Abijah married fourteen wives, and had 22 sons and 16 daughters.

Reign of Abijah.

Following the death of Rehoboam, his son Abijah succeeded the throne as King of Judah. He began his three-year reign (2 Chr. 12:16; 13:1, 2) with a strenuous but unsuccessful effort to bring back the ten tribes of the northern Kingdom of Israel to their allegiance, a path which in his father had chosen not to follow.  Following Abijah's ascension to the throne in the 18th year of King Jeroboam I of Israel, he marched north with the purpose of winning Israel back to the Davidic kingdom. Jeroboam surrounded Abijah's army, engaging in the Battle of Mount Zemaraim. There Abijah rallied his troops with a phrase which has since become famous: "God Himself is with us for a Captain". Abijah went on to capture the Israelite cities of Jeshanah, Ephron ("et-Taiyibeh") and Bethel.

Commentaries.

Non-conformist minister Alexander Maclaren considers Abijah "a wiser and better man than his father".  According to the Deuteronomist, "God gave him a lamp in Jerusalem by raising up a son to succeed him" (1 Kings 15:4). The wording in the Septuagint is "the Lord gave him a remnant". Thus the unconditional covenant blessing of YHWH guaranteed his promise to King David, to stabilize the Kingdom of David despite its ruler. The Chronicler also emphasizes YHWH's promise as seen by Abijah's success against every effort by Jeroboam to defeat him:  God had given the Kingdom to David and his descendants (1 Chronicles 17:14) by a covenant of salt, meaning, of permanence (cf. ).

Rabbinic Literature.

Although Abijah took up God's cause against Jeroboam, the idolatrous king of Israel, he was not permitted to enjoy the fruits of his victory over the latter for any considerable time, dying as he did shortly after his campaign (Josephus, "Ant." viii. 11, § 3). The rabbis recount many transgressions committed by Abijah against his fellow men, which resulted in drawing God's vengeance upon him more speedily than upon Jeroboam's idolatries. Thus it is stated that he mutilated the corpses of Jeroboam's soldiers, and even would not permit them to be interred until they had arrived at a state of putrefaction. Nor did Abijah show himself zealous in God's cause after all; for when, by the conquest of Bethel (II Chron. xiii. 19), the golden calves came into his possession, he did not destroy them as the law (Deut. vii. 25) enjoined. The rabbis also point out that it was improper for Abijah to accuse the whole of Israel of idolatry and to proclaim the appointment of Jeroboam as king to have been the work of "vain men, the children of Belial" (II Chron. xiii. 7), since in point of fact it was the prophet Ahijah, the Shilonite, who prophesied that Jeroboam would be king (I Kings, xi. 37). For these reasons Abijah's reign was a short one.

Chronological discrepancies.

According to, Abijah became king of Judah in the 18th year of the reign of Jeroboam, and reigned for three years.  William F. Albright has dated his reign to 915–913 BCE.  E. R. Thiele offers the dates 914/913 – 911/910 BCE. As explained in the Rehoboam article, Thiele's chronology for the first kings of Judah contained an internal inconsistency which later scholars corrected by dating these kings one year earlier, so that Abijah's dates are taken as 915/914 to 912/911 BCE in the present article.

Abijam (; ; ) was, according to the Hebrew Bible, the fourth king of the House of David and the second of the Kingdom of Judah. He was the son of Rehoboam and the grandson of Solomon. The Chronicler refers to him as Abijah.

Abijám (hebrejsky: "Avijam"), v českých překladech Bible přepisováno též jako Abijam, byl druhým králem Judského království. Jeho jméno je vykládáno jako "Otcem (je) moře". V Bibli je tento král uváděn i pod jménem Abijáš (hebrejsky: "Avija"), přepisováno též jako Abiáš či Abija. V tomto případě má však jméno tento význam: "Otcem (je) Hospodin", a v Bibli je tímto jménem označováno i několik jiných osob, z nichž k nejvýznačnějším patřil například jeden ze Samuelových synů, dále potomek velekněze Eleazara, podle něhož se jmenovala jedna z dvaceti čtyř kněžských tříd, či syn krále Jarobeáma.


Historic storm surges.

The deadliest storm surge on record was the 1970 Bhola cyclone, which killed up to 500,000 people in the area of the Bay of Bengal. The low-lying coast of the Bay of Bengal is particularly vulnerable to surges caused by tropical cyclones. The deadliest storm surge in the twenty-first century was caused by the Cyclone Nargis, which killed more than 138,000 people in Myanmar in May 2008. The next deadliest in this century was caused by the Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda), which killed more than 6,000 people in the central Philippines in 2013 and resulted in economic losses estimated at $14 billion (USD).  The Galveston Hurricane of 1900, a Category 4 hurricane that struck Galveston, Texas, drove a devastating surge ashore; between 6,000 and 12,000 lives were lost, making it the deadliest natural disaster ever to strike the United States.  The highest storm tide noted in historical accounts was produced by the 1899 Cyclone Mahina, estimated at almost 44 ft (13 metres) at Bathurst Bay, Australia, but research published in 2000 concluded that the majority of this likely was wave run-up because of the steep coastal topography. In the United States, one of the greatest recorded storm surges was generated by Hurricane Katrina on August 29, 2005, which produced a maximum storm surge of more than 28 ft (8 metres) in southern Mississippi, with a storm surge height of 27.8 ft (8.5 m) in Pass Christian. Another record storm surge occurred in this same area from Hurricane Camille in 1969, with a storm tide of 24.6 ft (7.5 m), also at Pass Christian. A storm surge of 14 ft (4.2 m) occurred in New York City during Hurricane Sandy in October 2012.

Mechanics.

At least five processes can be involved in altering tide levels during storms:  The pressure effects of a tropical cyclone will cause the water level in the open ocean to rise in regions of low atmospheric pressure and fall in regions of high atmospheric pressure. The rising water level will counteract the low atmospheric pressure such that the total pressure at some plane beneath the water surface remains constant. This effect is estimated at a increase in sea level for every millibar (hPa) drop in atmospheric pressure.  Strong surface winds cause surface currents at a 45° angle to the wind direction, by an effect known as the Ekman Spiral. Wind stresses cause a phenomenon referred to as "wind set-up", which is the tendency for water levels to increase at the downwind shore and to decrease at the upwind shore. Intuitively, this is caused by the storm blowing the water toward one side of the basin in the direction of its winds. Because the Ekman Spiral effects spread vertically through the water, the effect is proportional to depth. The pressure effect and the wind set-up on an open coast will be driven into bays in the same way as the astronomical tide.  The Earth's rotation causes the Coriolis effect, which bends currents to the right in the Northern Hemisphere and to the left in the Southern Hemisphere. When this bend brings the currents into more perpendicular contact with the shore, it can amplify the surge, and when it bends the current away from the shore it has the effect of lessening the surge.  The effect of waves, while directly powered by the wind, is distinct from a storm's wind-powered currents. Powerful wind whips up large, strong waves in the direction of its movement. Although these surface waves are responsible for very little water transport in open water, they may be responsible for significant transport near the shore. When waves are breaking on a line more or less parallel to the beach, they carry considerable water shoreward. As they break, the water particles moving toward the shore have considerable momentum and may run up a sloping beach to an elevation above the mean water line, which may exceed twice the wave height before breaking.  The rainfall effect is experienced predominantly in estuaries. Hurricanes may dump as much as of rainfall in 24 hours over large areas and higher rainfall densities in localized areas. As a result, surface runoff can quickly flood streams and rivers. This can increase the water level near the head of tidal estuaries as storm-driven waters surging in from the ocean meet rainfall flowing downstream into the estuary.

Other processes.

In addition to the above processes, surge and wave heights on shore are also affected by the flow of water over the underlying topography, i.e. the configuration and bathymetry of the ocean bottom and affected coastal area. A narrow shelf, for example, or one that has a steep drop from the shoreline and subsequently produces deep water in proximity to the shoreline, tends to produce a lower surge but a higher and more powerful wave. This situation is well exemplified by the southeast coast of Florida. The edge of the Floridian Plateau, where the water depths reach, lies just offshore of Palm Beach; just offshore, the depth increases to over. The depth contour followed southward from Palm Beach County lies more than to the east of the Florida KeysPalm Beach County.  Conversely, coastlines along North America such as those along the Gulf of Mexico coast from Texas to Florida, and Asia such as the Bay of Bengal, have long, gently sloping shelves and shallow water depths. On the Gulf side of Florida, the edge of the Floridian Plateau lies more than offshore of Marco Island in Collier County. Florida Bay, lying between the Florida Keys and the mainland, is also very shallow; depths typically vary between and. These areas are subject to higher storm surges with smaller waves. This difference is because in deeper water, a surge can be dispersed down and away from the hurricane. However, upon entering a shallow, gently sloping shelf, the surge cannot be disperse, but is driven ashore by the wind stresses of the hurricane. Topography of the land surface is another important element in storm surge extent. Areas where the land lies less than a few meters above sea level are at particular risk from storm surge inundation.  For a given topography and bathymetry the surge height is not solely affected by peak wind speed; the size of the storm also affects the peak surge. With any storm, the area of piled up water can flow out of the storm perimeter, and this escape mechanism is reduced in proportion to the surge force (for the same peak wind speed) when the storm covers more area (storm perimeter length per area is inversely proportional to a circular storm's diameter).

Extratropical storms.

Similar to tropical cyclones, extratropical cyclones cause an offshore rise of water. However, unlike most tropical cyclone storm surges, extratropical cyclones can cause higher water levels across a large area for longer periods of time, depending on the system.  In North America, extratropical storm surges may occur on the Pacific and Alaska coasts, and north of 31°N on the Atlantic Coast. Coasts with sea ice may experience an "ice tsunami" causing significant damage inland. Extratropical storm surges may be possible further south for the Gulf coast mostly during the wintertime, when extratropical cyclones affect the coast, such as in the 1993 Storm of the Century.  November 9–13, 2009, marked a significant extratropical storm surge event on the United States east coast when the remnants of Hurricane Ida developed into a Nor'easter off the southeast U.S. coast. During the event, winds from the east were present along the northern periphery of the low pressure center for a number of days, forcing water into locations such as Chesapeake Bay. Water levels rose significantly and remained as high as above normal in numerous locations throughout the Chesapeake for a number of days as water was continually built-up inside the estuary from the onshore winds and freshwater rains flowing into the bay. In many locations, water levels were shy of records by only.

Measuring surge.

Surge can be measured directly at coastal tidal stations as the difference between the forecast tide and the observed rise of water. Another method of measuring surge is by the deployment of pressure transducers along the coastline just ahead of an approaching tropical cyclone. This was first tested for Hurricane Rita in 2005. These types of sensors can be placed in locations that will be submerged and can accurately measure the height of water above them.  After surge from a cyclone has receded, teams of surveyors map high-water marks (HWM) on land, in a rigorous and detailed process that includes photographs and written descriptions of the marks. HWMs denote the location and elevation of flood waters from a storm event. When HWMs are analyzed, if the various components of the water height can be broken out so that the portion attributable to surge can be identified, then that mark can be classified as storm surge. Otherwise, it is classified as storm tide. HWMs on land are referenced to a vertical datum (a reference coordinate system). During evaluation, HWMs are divided into four categories based on the confidence in the mark; only HWMs evaluated as "excellent" are used by National Hurricane Center in post-storm analysis of the surge.  Two different measures are used for storm tide and storm surge measurements. Storm tide is measured using a geodetic vertical datum (NGVD 29 or NAVD 88). Since storm surge is defined as the rise of water beyond what would be expected by the normal movement caused by tides, storm surge is measured using tidal predictions, with the assumption that the tide prediction is well-known and only slowly varying in the region subject to the surge. Since tides are a localized phenomenon, storm surge can only be measured in relationship to a nearby tidal station. Tidal bench mark information at a station provides a translation from the geodetic vertical datum to mean sea level (MSL) at that location, then subtracting the tidal prediction yields a surge height above the normal water height.

SLOSH.

The National Hurricane Center forecasts storm surge using the SLOSH model, which is an abbreviation for Sea, Lake and Overland Surges from Hurricanes. The model is accurate to within 20 percent. SLOSH inputs include the central pressure of a tropical cyclone, storm size, the cyclone's forward motion, its track, and maximum sustained winds. Local topography, bay and river orientation, depth of the sea bottom, astronomical tides, as well as other physical features, are taken into account in a predefined grid referred to as a SLOSH basin. Overlapping SLOSH basins are defined for the southern and eastern coastline of the continental U.S. Some storm simulations use more than one SLOSH basin; for instance, Hurricane Katrina SLOSH model runs used both the Lake Ponchartrain / New Orleans basin, and the Mississippi Sound basin, for the northern Gulf of Mexico landfall. The final output from the model run will display the maximum envelope of water, or MEOW, that occurred at each location.  To allow for track or forecast uncertainties, usually several model runs with varying input parameters are generated to create a map of MOMs, or Maximum of Maximums. For hurricane evacuation studies, a family of storms with representative tracks for the region, and varying intensity, eye diameter, and speed, are modeled to produce worst-case water heights for any tropical cyclone occurrence. The results of these studies are typically generated from several thousand SLOSH runs. These studies have been completed by the United States Army Corps of Engineers, under contract to the Federal Emergency Management Agency, for several states and are available on their Hurricane Evacuation Studies (HES) website. They include coastal county maps, shaded to identify the minimum category of hurricane that will result in flooding, in each area of the county.

Mitigation.

Although meteorological surveys alert about hurricanes or severe storms, in the areas where the risk of coastal flooding is particularly high, there are specific storm surge warnings. These have been implemented, for instance, in the Netherlands, Spain, the United States, and the United Kingdom.  A prophylactic method introduced after the North Sea Flood of 1953 is the construction of dams and storm-surge barriers (flood barriers). They are open and allow free passage, but close when the land is under threat of a storm surge. Major storm surge barriers are the Oosterscheldekering and Maeslantkering in the Netherlands, which are part of the Delta Works project; the Thames Barrier protecting London; and the Saint Petersburg Dam in Russia.  Another modern development (in use in the Netherlands) is the creation of housing communities at the edges of wetlands with floating structures, restrained in position by vertical pylons. Such wetlands can then be used to accommodate runoff and surges without causing damage to the structures while also protecting conventional structures at somewhat higher low-lying elevations, provided that dikes prevent major surge intrusion.  For mainland areas, storm surge is more of a threat when the storm strikes land from seaward, rather than approaching from landward.

Reverse storm surge.

Water can also be sucked away from shore prior to a storm surge. This was the case on the western Florida coast in 2017, just before Hurricane Irma made landfall, uncovering land usually underwater. This phenomenon is known as a reverse storm surge, or a negative storm surge.

A storm surge, storm flood, tidal surge or storm tide is a coastal flood or tsunami-like phenomenon of rising water commonly associated with low pressure weather systems (such as tropical cyclones and strong extratropical cyclones). Its severity is affected by the shallowness and orientation of the water body relative to storm path, as well as the timing of tides. Most casualties during tropical cyclones occur as the result of storm surges. It is a measure of the rise of water beyond what would be expected by the normal movement related to tides.

Bouřlivý příliv nastává tehdy, když je astronomicky podmíněný příliv podporován ještě terestrickými fenomény. Vane-li silný vítr nad mořem dlouho a po dlouhé dráze jedním směrem, tlačí tím směrem i vodu, a tak může dojíti k zvednutí hladiny na pobřeží i o několik metrů a současně s tím může probíhat mohutný příboj. Nastane-li to současně s nejvyšším přílivem, bývají dopady tragické jako např. v případě hurikánů (tj. tropických cyklón) v Karibiku v roce 2017 či zničení města Taclóban na Filipínách roku 2013.