Making of the film.

This was the first film adaptation of the novel, 45 years after its publication.  The film was shot on location in Dublin on a modest budget. Although the novel is set in 1904, the film portrays the city as it was in the 1960s.

Critical reception.

Strick earned a BAFTA, Golden Globe and Oscar nominations for Best Adapted Screenplay.  The film was entered into the 1967 Cannes Film Festival. It was reportedly jeered at its first screening, but during the second showing, French subtitles in which Molly Bloom described sexual intercourse were seen to have been scrubbed out by a grease pencil, pushing audience sympathies toward Strick who had not been informed of the censorship beforehand. When Strick noticed the deletions during the film's screening, "he stood up and yelled out that this film had been censored," Strick's son David told the "Los Angeles Times". "When I went to the projection room to protest, the committee was waiting for me," Joseph Strick later recalled. "I was forcibly ejected, pushed down the steps and suffered a broken foot. I withdrew the film from Cannes."  Reviews from some critics were very positive. Bosley Crowther of "The New York Times" put the film on his year-end list of the ten best films of 1967, declaring it "A faithful and brilliant screen translation of Joyce's classic novel, done with taste, imagination and cinema artistry." Roger Ebert ranked the film second on his own year-end list (behind only "Bonnie and Clyde"), writing that it "went into the minds of recognizable human beings and revealed their thoughts about those things most important to them – expressed in the only words they knew." Charles Champlin of the "Los Angeles Times" wrote that "presuming no familiarity with the novel, the film remains an engrossing experience—very often superbly funny, frequently moving, a confrontation not with three but with more than a score of authentic and credible individuals." Champlin's review concluded, "'Ulysses' is a remarkable achievement, a further chapter in the maturity of film."  Other reviews were negative. "The Monthly Film Bulletin" wrote that "Joseph Strick's film version is, quite simply, a debasement of the novel. It could not have been otherwise, and Strick must have known this—so why bother in the first place?... What one misses particularly is a sense of the author's presence, without which the book would be nothing—and without which the film is oddly and insistently impersonal." Pauline Kael described it as "an act of homage in the form of readings... plus slides." Stanley Kauffmann called it "a facile and ludicrous reduction."

Rating and censorship.

"Ulysses" was originally rated "X" in the UK after extensive cuts were demanded by BBFC censor John Trevelyan. However, director Joseph Strick replaced the offending dialogue with a series of screeches and sounds, thus rendering the scenes unintelligible. Eventually the film was released uncut in 1970, and the rating was reduced to "15" for the video release in 1996.  In New Zealand, the film was originally restricted to adults over 21 in gender-segregated audiences. The rating was reduced to "M" (suitable for mature audiences over 16) in the 1990s.  In 1967, the film was banned in Ireland for being "subversive to public morality". The ban was upheld by the Films Appeal Board and placed on the film a second time in 1975. It was eventually lifted in September 2000 at the request of director Strick, although it was screened at the Irish Film Theatre (a private club cinema) in the late 1970s. The first public screening of the film in the country was held in February 2001, with then-censor Sheamus Smith and Strick both in attendance. It went on general release at the IFI from 8 February 2001.

Cast.

The large number of characters in the novel is reflected in the large cast of the film. The cast, in order of credit:

Ulysses is a 1967 drama film loosely based on James Joyce's 1922 novel "Ulysses". It concerns the meeting of two Irishmen, Leopold Bloom and Stephen Dedalus, in 1904 Dublin.

Ulysses ist ein Schwarz-Weiß-Film aus dem Jahr 1967 von Joseph Strick. Der Film basiert auf dem Roman "Ulysses" von James Joyce. Für die Romanverfilmung mussten Kapitel des Romans ausgelassen werden, andere wurden neu zusammengestellt. Erstaufführungsdatum in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland war der 10. April 1970.


Convention.

The Congress met from September 5 to October 26, 1774 in Carpenters' Hall in Philadelphia; delegates from 12 British colonies participated. They were elected by the people of the various colonies, the colonial legislature, or by the Committee of Correspondence of a colony. Loyalist sentiments outweighed Patriot views in Georgia, and that colony did not join the cause until the following year.  Peyton Randolph was elected as president of the Congress on the opening day, and he served through October 22 when ill health forced him to retire, and Henry Middleton was elected in his place for the balance of the session. Charles Thomson, leader of the Philadelphia Committee of Correspondence, was selected as the congressional secretary. The rules adopted by the delegates were designed to guard the equality of participants and to promote free-flowing debate.  As the deliberations progressed, it became clear that those in attendance were not of one mind concerning why they were there. Conservatives such as Joseph Galloway, John Dickinson, John Jay, and Edward Rutledge believed their task to be forging policies to pressure Parliament to rescind its unreasonable acts. Their ultimate goal was to develop a reasonable solution to the difficulties and bring about reconciliation between the Colonies and Great Britain. Others such as Patrick Henry, Roger Sherman, Samuel Adams, and John Adams believed their task to be developing a decisive statement of the rights and liberties of the Colonies. Their ultimate goal was to end what they felt to be the abuses of parliamentary authority and to retain their rights, which had been guaranteed under Colonial charters and the English constitution.  Roger Sherman denied the legislative authority of Parliament, and Patrick Henry believed that the Congress needed to develop a completely new system of government, independent from Great Britain, for the existing Colonial governments were already dissolved. In contrast to these ideas, Joseph Galloway put forward a "Plan of Union" which suggested that an American legislative body should be formed with some authority, whose consent would be required for imperial measures.

Declaration and Resolves.

In the end, the voices of compromise carried the day. Rather than calling for independence, the First Continental Congress passed and signed the Continental Association in its Declaration and Resolves, which called for a boycott of British goods to take effect in December 1774. It requested that local Committees of Safety enforce the boycott and regulate local prices for goods. These resolutions adopted by the Congress did not endorse any legal power of Parliament to regulate trade, but consented, nonetheless, to the operation of acts for that purpose. Furthermore, they did not repudiate control by the royal prerogative, which was explicitly acknowledged in the Petition to the King a few days later.

Accomplishments.

The primary accomplishment of the First Continental Congress was a compact among the colonies to boycott British goods beginning on December 1, 1774 unless parliament should rescind the Intolerable Acts. Additionally, Great Britain's colonies in the West Indies were threatened with a boycott unless they agreed to non-importation of British goods. Imports from Britain dropped by 97 percent in 1775, compared with the previous year. Committees of observation and inspection were to be formed in each Colony to ensure compliance with the boycott. It was further agreed that if the Intolerable Acts were not repealed, the colonies would also cease exports to Britain after September 10, 1775.  The Houses of Assembly of each participating colony approved the proceedings of the Congress, with the exception of New York. The boycott was successfully implemented, but its potential for altering British colonial policy was cut off by the outbreak of hostilities in April 1775.  Congress also voted to meet again the following year if their grievances were not addressed satisfactorily. Anticipating that there would be cause to convene a second congress, delegates resolved to send letters of invitation to those colonies that had not joined them in Philadelphia, including: Quebec, Saint John's Island, Nova Scotia, Georgia, East Florida, and West Florida. Of these, only Georgia would ultimately send delegates to the next Congress.

The First Continental Congress was a meeting of delegates from 12 of the 13 British colonies that became the United States. It met from September 5 to October 26, 1774 at Carpenters' Hall in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania after the British Navy instituted a blockade of Boston Harbor and Parliament passed the punitive Intolerable Acts in response to the December 1773 Boston Tea Party. During the opening weeks of the Congress, the delegates conducted a spirited discussion about how the colonies could collectively respond to the British government's coercive actions, and they worked to make common cause. A plan was proposed to create a Union of Great Britain and the Colonies, but the delegates rejected it. They ultimately agreed to impose an economic boycott on British trade, and they drew up a Petition to the King pleading for redress of their grievances and repeal of the Intolerable Acts. That appeal had no effect, so the colonies convened the Second Continental Congress the following May, shortly after the battles of Lexington and Concord, to organize the defense of the colonies at the outset of the Revolutionary War. The delegates also urged each colony to set up and train its own militia.

Der Erste Kontinentalkongress war eine Versammlung von Delegierten, die von den regionalen Volksvertretungen der Dreizehn Kolonien in Britisch-Nordamerika 1774 ernannt wurden. Er tagte nur kurzzeitig und bereitete dann seinen Nachfolger vor, den Zweiten Kontinentalkongress, der den Amerikanischen Unabhängigkeitskrieg organisierte. Die beiden Versammlungen bilden zusammen den Kontinentalkongress, der als erste De-facto-Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten agierte. Der Erste Kontinentalkongress tagte in Philadelphia und hatte 56 Mitglieder, die alle Kolonien außer Georgia vertraten.


Early life.

Óscar Isaac Hernández Estrada was born in Guatemala City, Guatemala to a Guatemalan mother, María Eugenia Estrada Nicolle, and a Cuban father, Óscar Gonzalo Hernández-Cano, a pulmonologist. He has two siblings, an older sister, climate scientist Nicole Hernandez Hammer, and a younger brother, journalist Mike Hernandez. Isaac's family settled in the U.S. when he was five months old, and he was raised in Miami, Florida. He has described his evangelical Protestant upbringing as "very Christian." He has also said that he has French origins, describing himself as "definitely a big mix of many things " and is considered a notable French Guatemalan.  Isaac caused trouble at his private grade school, Westminster Christian, when growing up. "I set off a fire extinguisher in the gym, defaced a mural, just stupid stuff", he said in an interview. He liked to make kids laugh. At one point, his teacher had to screen off his desk from the rest of the class with a piece of cardboard. Eventually, he was expelled.  Isaac's entry into professional acting began at the Area Stage Company, Miami Beach, when Artistic Director John Rodaz cast him in a play. He also acted in Miami-based City Theatre's Summer Shorts short play festival in 2000–2001. While in Miami, he played lead guitar and sang vocals for ska-punk band The Blinking Underdogs. Other band members included Nick Speck (bass), Bill Sommer (drums), Alan Mills (trombone), Keith Cooper (saxophone), and Matt LaPlant (guitar). The band enjoyed some success, opening for Green Day and The Mighty Mighty Bosstones. Isaac spent his musical years living a "straight edge" lifestyle. Isaac put music aside after being accepted into the acting program of New York's prestigious Juilliard School in 2001. While a student there, he worked on one of his first films, "All About the Benjamins" (2002). He was part of the Drama Division's Group 34 (2001–2005).

Career.

Early work (1996–2012).

Isaac made his acting debut in the 1996 crime drama "Illtown", credited as "Pool Boy". Next, he appeared briefly in 2002's "All About the Benjamins" and made an appearance on the television series "" four years later. Isaac garnered recognition in his first major film role in 2006 as Joseph in the biblical epic "The Nativity Story", opposite Keisha Castle-Hughes. He appeared as Romeo in the Public Theater's Shakespeare in the Park performances of "Romeo and Juliet" and as Proteus in "Two Gentlemen of Verona".  Isaac was awarded the Australian Film Institute Award for Best Supporting Actor of 2009, for his role as José Ramos-Horta in "Balibo" (2009). He had a small role in "Guerrilla", Part Two of the Che Guevara biographical film "Che" (2008). Isaac played King John in the 2010 film "Robin Hood". He portrayed a security guard in the Madonna-directed film "W.E." and starred in the crime drama "Drive", both of which were released in September 2011. He had a role as a musician in "10 Years". He performed his own song "Never Had" in the film. "Never Had" and "You Ain't Goin Nowhere" were included in the movie's soundtrack.

Breakthrough (2013–present).

In 2013, Isaac starred in the dramatic comedy film "Inside Llewyn Davis", written and directed by the Coen brothers, where he played a talented yet unsuccessful folk singer in Greenwich Village in 1961. The film won the Grand Prix at the 2013 Cannes Film Festival. For the role of Llewyn, Isaac was nominated for the Golden Globe Award for Best Actor – Motion Picture Musical or Comedy at the 2014 Golden Globes.  He co-starred with Jessica Chastain in J. C. Chandor's film "A Most Violent Year" (2014), replacing actor Javier Bardem. In 2015, Isaac portrayed Nathan Hamlet Bateman in the science fiction film "Ex Machina" and starred in the 6-episode HBO miniseries "Show Me a Hero", receiving universal critical acclaim and winning the Golden Globe Award for Best Actor – Miniseries or Television Film for his performance as politician Nick Wasicsko.  Isaac co-starred in the epic space opera film "", released on December 18, 2015, playing Poe Dameron, an X-wing pilot. He reprised the role in "", released on December 15, 2017, and in "" (2019), the final film in the "Star Wars" sequel trilogy.  Isaac played X-Men villain Apocalypse in the film "", which was released on May 27, 2016. Also that year, he played the lead role in the historical drama "The Promise", with co-star Christian Bale, in a story about the Armenian Genocide.  In 2016, he was the narrator for the Nike ad "Unlimited You" created by Wieden+Kennedy. In November 2016, the first episode of the podcast series "Homecoming" was released. It is a six—episode psychological thriller from Gimlet Media, co-starring Catherine Keener and David Schwimmer; Isaac voices a soldier trying to rejoin civilian life.  In July 2017, Isaac starred as Prince Hamlet in The Public Theater production of "Hamlet" alongside Keegan-Michael Key, Ritchie Coster, Gayle Rankin, Roberta Colindrez, and Anatol Yusef. The production, directed by Sam Gold, ran until September 2017. His performance received acclaim from critics and audiences alike. Also that year, Isaac appeared in the black comedy "Suburbicon", directed by George Clooney and written by the Coen Brothers. It was his second role in a Coens-written film, after "Inside Llewyn Davis".  Isaac co-starred with Natalie Portman in the film adaptation of the novel "Annihilation", playing her character's husband. Directed by Alex Garland, the role is Isaac's second collaboration with the director, after "Ex Machina". In late-January 2019, Isaac was cast as Duke Leto Atreides in the upcoming Denis Villeneuve film "Dune". In 2019, Isaac was cast in the Paul Schrader film "The Card Counter". Isaac will star in and produce "The Great Machine", an adaptation of the comic "Ex Machina". He will also star in "London," a science fiction film to be directed by Ben Stiller.

Personal life.

Isaac is an accomplished singer and guitar player, having played since the age of twelve. He has been dubbed a sex symbol and "the Internet's Boyfriend" by multiple media outlets, most notably "Rolling Stone" magazine, though he has expressed skepticism about the label.  In December 2007, he became engaged to longtime girlfriend Maria Miranda. He met Danish film director Elvira Lind in 2012, and they married in February 2017. They have two sons and live in Williamsburg, Brooklyn.

Óscar Isaac Hernández Estrada (born March 9, 1979) is a Guatemalan-American actor. He has played lead film roles in the tragicomedy "Inside Llewyn Davis" (2013), for which he received a Golden Globe Award nomination, the crime drama "A Most Violent Year" (2014), and the science fiction thriller "Ex Machina" (2014). In 2006, he portrayed Saint Joseph, husband of Mary, in "The Nativity Story". He also portrayed José Ramos-Horta, former president of East Timor and co-recipient of the 1996 Nobel Peace Prize, in the Australian film "Balibo", for which he won the AACTA Award for Best Actor in a Supporting Role.

Óscar Isaac Hernández Estrada (* 9. März 1979 in Guatemala) ist ein US-amerikanischer Schauspieler guatemaltekischer Herkunft. Für seine Rolle des Politikers Nick Wasicsko in der Miniserie Show Me a Hero erhielt er 2016 einen Golden Globe als bester Hauptdarsteller. Einem breiten Publikum bekannt wurde er durch seine Rollen in "" und als titelgebender Antagonist in "".


History.

After the Allies signed the Armistice with Italy on September 8, 1943, Bolzano became the headquarters of the Prealpine Operations Zone and came under the control of the Nazi army. When the internment camp in Fossoli became vulnerable to Allied attack, it was dismantled, and a transit camp for prisoners headed for Mauthausen, Flossenbürg, Dachau, Ravensbrück and Auschwitz was set up in Bolzano.  Operational from the summer of 1944 and located in buildings previously occupied by the Italian Army, the transit camp hosted about 11,000 prisoners from middle and northern Italy in its ten months of activity. Although the camp's population consisted mostly of political opponents, Jewish and gypsy deportees also passed through its barracks.  A portion of the prisoners—approximately 3,500 people "Lagers", while the rest were assigned to work "in loco" as free labour, either in the camp workshops and labs, in local firms, or in the apple orchards. The interned prisoners were freed between April 29 and May 3, 1945, when the camp was closed to prevent the advancing Allied troops from witnessing its living conditions and (presumably) to eliminate evidence. The SS troops destroyed all documentation relating to camp activities before withdrawing, following the standing order that no trace be left behind.

The camp.

The camp was originally set to host 1,500 people. For this purpose, two sheds were divided into six blocks, one of which was reserved for women. The camp was then progressively enlarged until it reached a stated capacity of 4,000 prisoners.  As was customary in Nazi internment camps, each block was assigned a letter and a specific "type" of prisoner. In block A lived permanent residents, who were treated somewhat better than the others because of their involvement in essential camp activities (especially administration); in blocks D and E were kept political prisoners, regarded by the Nazis as the greatest danger and therefore kept segregated from other prisoners; block F was reserved for women and the occasional child.  Jewish male deportees, whose transit was often short-lived, were crammed in block L. There was also a prison block hosting approximately 50 inmates.  The camp was directed by the Verona SS, whose chief was the "Brigadeführer" (brigade general) of Gestapo Wilhelm Harster; the camp's executive directors were Untersturmführer Karl Friedrich Titho and Hauptscharführer Haage, who headed a garrison of German, Swiss and Ukrainian soldiers.

Sub-camps.

Bolzano camp was the only one, in Italy, to have attached forced-labour camps ("Außenlager"). Of these, the most important ones were in Merano, Schnals, Sarntal, Moos in Passeier and Sterzing.

Resistance.

As in most camps where political prisoners abounded, a resistance movement arose, organized along three axes:

Trials.

In November 2000, the military court of Verona sentenced Michael Seifert, a Ukrainian SS known in the camp as "Misha", to life in prison for the atrocities he committed against deportees, particularly those held in the jail block.  The relative recency of this trial is because the case had remained hidden for decades and resurfaced with the discovery of the so-called "armadio della vergogna" (lit., "cabinet of shame") in 1994. Among the prisoners that Seifert and his accomplice Otto Sein tortured was a young Mike Bongiorno, an American POW who would go on to become one of Italy's most beloved TV figures after war.  Seifert, who had emigrated to Canada after the war, had to face 18 counts of murder and 15 additional counts of misconduct. He was tracked down in Vancouver, only days before the trial was to begin, by a reporter working for the "Vancouver Sun", who acted upon information provided by the "Associazione nazionale ex deportati politici nei campi nazisti (ANED)" (National Association of former political deportees to Nazi internment camps).  His story was reconstructed by the Italian historians Giorgio Mezzalira and Carlo Romeo in the book entitled "Mischa, jailer of the Bolzano lager".  A separate trial of the camp directors, Titho and Haage, had taken place in 1999, with a different outcome: Titho was absolved for lack of evidence, while Haage was sentenced posthumously.

Bolzano was a transit camp operated by Nazi Germany in Bolzano from 1944 to 3 May 1945 during World War II. It was one of the largest Nazi "Lager" on Italian soil, along with those of Fossoli, Borgo San Dalmazzo and Trieste.

Das Polizei-Durchgangslager Bozen (auch "Dulag Bozen", "KZ Bozen" oder "KZ-Sigmundskron") war gegen Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs ein Gefangenen- und Durchgangslager in der Operationszone Alpenvorland des von der deutschen Wehrmacht besetzten Italiens. Es lag in der Südtiroler Landeshauptstadt Bozen, Ortsteil Gries, an der heutigen Reschenstraße. Dorthin wurden mindestens 11.000 Häftlinge gebracht; eine andere Quelle nennt die Zahl 15.000. Im Unterschied zu anderen Lagern in Italien wurde es von deutschen Dienststellen geleitet und verwaltet.


Composition.

Musical development.

"Get Back" is unusual in the Beatles' canon in that almost every moment of the song's evolution has been extensively documented, from its beginning as an offhand riff to its final mixing in several versions. Much of this documentation is in the form of illegal (but widely available) bootleg recordings, and is recounted in the book "Get Back: The Unauthorized Chronicle of the Beatles' Let It Be Disaster" by Doug Sulpy and Ray Schweighardt.  The song's melody grew out of some unstructured jamming on 7 January 1969 during rehearsal sessions on the sound stage at Twickenham Studios. Over the next few minutes, McCartney introduced some of the lyrics, reworking "Get back to the place you should be" from fellow Beatle George Harrison's "Sour Milk Sea" into "Get back to where you once belonged". McCartney had played bass on Jackie Lomax's recording of "Sour Milk Sea" a few months earlier. On 9 January McCartney brought a more developed version of "Get Back" to the group, with the "Sweet Loretta" verse close to its finished version. For the press release to promote the "Get Back" single, McCartney wrote, "We were sitting in the studio and we made it up out of thin air... we started to write words there and then... when we finished it, we recorded it at Apple Studios and made it into a song to roller-coast by."  At the beginning of the "Let It Be" version of the song, Lennon can be heard jokingly saying "Sweet Loretta Fart (often misheard as "fat", due to Lennon's pronunciation), she thought she was a cleaner, but she was a frying pan." The album version of the song also ends with Lennon famously quipping "I'd like to say thank you on behalf of the group and ourselves, and I hope we passed the audition". (He had said that at the end of their 30 January 1969 rooftop concert on the roof of Apple Studios, but Phil Spector edited it into the "Get Back" song on the "Let It Be" album.)  In an interview in "Playboy" magazine in 1980, Lennon described "Get Back" as "... a better version of 'Lady Madonna'. You know, a potboiler rewrite." Lennon also said that "there's some underlying thing about Yoko in there", saying that McCartney looked at Yoko Ono in the studio every time he sang "Get back to where you once belonged."

Early protest lyrics.

When McCartney introduced the song to the group during the Twickenham rehearsals, the lyrics were mostly incomplete except for the "Get Back" chorus. McCartney improvised various temporary lyrics leading to what has become known in Beatles' folklore as the "No Pakistanis" version. This version parodied the anti-immigrant views of Enoch Powell, a member of parliament whose racist speeches had recently gained much media attention. The lyrics addressed attitudes toward immigrants in the United States and the United Kingdom: "... don't need no Puerto Ricans living in the USA"; and "don't dig no Pakistanis taking all the people's jobs", though these lyrics were meant to be a parody and a criticism of those prejudiced against immigrants. Later during the same session, the subject of immigration came up again in an improvised jam that has become known as "Commonwealth". The lyrics included a line "You'd better get back to your Commonwealth homes".  On 23 January, the group (now in Apple Studios) tried to record the song properly; bootleg recordings preserve a conversation between McCartney and Harrison between takes discussing the song, and McCartney explaining the original "protest song" concept. The recording captures the group deciding to drop the third verse largely because McCartney does not feel the verse is of high enough quality, although he likes the scanning of the word "Pakistani". Here the song solidifies in its two-verse, three-solo format.

Recordings and post-production work.

Billy Preston joined the Beatles on keyboards from 22 January, having been recruited by Harrison partly with a view to deterring bickering among the Beatles. The group, with Preston playing Fender Rhodes electric piano, recorded about ten takes on 23 January. They made a concerted effort to perfect "Get Back" on 27 January, recording about 14 takes. By this time the song had the addition of a false ending and reprise coda. After numerous takes, the band jammed some old numbers and then returned to "Get Back" one last time in an attempt to record the master take. This performance (Take 11) was considered to be the best yet: it was musically tight and punchy without mistakes, though the song finishes without the restart. On the session tape, George Harrison comments "we missed that end"; this is the version heard on the "Let It Be... Naked" album. On 28 January the group attempted to recapture the previous day's performance and recorded several new takes each including the coda. Whilst these takes were good, they did not quite achieve the quality of the best take from the previous day. The line-up for the released versions of "Get Back" was Paul McCartney, lead vocal and bass; John Lennon, lead guitar and backing vocal; George Harrison, rhythm guitar; Ringo Starr, drums; and Billy Preston, electric piano. Harrison, the usual lead guitarist, had temporarily quit the group on 10 January, so Lennon worked out the lead guitar.  The Beatles had EMI produce a mono remix of the track on 4 April, completed by Jeff Jarrett. The Beatles were unhappy with the mix and on 7 April McCartney and Glyn Johns worked at Olympic Studios to produce new remixes for the single release. They made an edited version using the best take of the main part of the song (Take 11) from 27 January and the 'best coda' ending from 28 January. The edit is so precise that it appears to be a continuous take, achieving the ending the Beatles had desired all along. This was a divergence from the concept of straight live performance without studio trickery, but a relatively minor one, and avoids the somewhat abrupt ending of the version that is used on the "Let It Be... Naked" album. The Beatles performed "Get Back" (along with other songs from the album) as part of the Beatles' rooftop performance, which took place on the roof of Apple Studios in Savile Row, London on 30 January 1969, an edited version of which was included in the "Let It Be" film. "Get Back" was performed in full three times. During the third, which marked the end of the rooftop performance, the Beatles were interrupted by the police who had received complaints from office workers nearby. After the police spoke to Mal Evans, he turned off Lennon and Harrison's amplifiers only for Harrison to switch them back on, insisting that they finish the song. It was during this period that McCartney ad-libbed, "You've been playing on the roofs again, and that's no good, and you know your Mummy doesn't like that... she gets angry... she's gonna have you arrested! Get back!" The third rooftop performance of "Get Back" is available on "Anthology 3": the last song of the Beatles' final live performance.  At the end of the last rooftop performance of "Get Back", the audience applauds and McCartney says "Thanks, Mo" in reply to Maureen Starkey's cheering. Lennon adds: "I'd like to say thank you on behalf of the group and ourselves and I hope we've passed the audition". Spector used some of the talk preceding the master take of 27 January and edited on these comments to make the album version sound different from the single.  The stereo single version, and that of the b-side, "Don't Let Me Down", were the first Beatles recordings to feature Starr's drum kit in true stereo, mixed across the left and right channels. This utilised the then-fairly new 8-track recording technology and was a result of the growing popularity of stereo over mono. The only other Beatles' track to employ this recording method was "The End" on "Abbey Road".

Releases.

Single version.

On 11 April 1969, Apple Records released "Get Back" as a single in the UK, paired with "Don't Let Me Down" on the B-side. The single began its 17-week stay in the charts on 26 April at No. 1, a position it held for six weeks. It was the first Beatles single to enter the official UK singles chart at the top. In the US, "Get Back" began its first of 12 weeks on the "Billboard" Hot 100 chart the week ending 10 May. Two weeks after the song's chart debut it hit No. 1, where it stayed for five weeks. "Get Back" became the band's 17th No. 1 song in "Billboard", matching Elvis Presley's previous record of 17 number ones.  In both the UK and US, the single was released by Apple, although EMI retained the rights to the song as part of their contract. It was the only Beatles' single to include an accompanying artist's name, crediting "Get Back/Don't Let Me Down" to "The Beatles with Billy Preston". Neither Apple nor Capitol Records created a picture sleeve for the single—it was simply packaged in a sleeve stating "The Beatles on Apple". Apple launched a print ad campaign for the song concurrent with its release showing a photo of the band with the slogan "The Beatles as Nature Intended", indicating that the sound of "Get Back" harked to the group's earlier days.  The single version of the song contains a chamber reverb effect throughout and a coda after a false ending, with the lyrics "Get back Loretta / Your mommy's waiting for you / Wearing her high-heel shoes / And her low-neck sweater / Get back home, Loretta." This does not appear on the album version; the single version's first LP appearance would come three years later on the "1967–1970" compilation. This version also appeared in the albums "20 Greatest Hits", "Past Masters" and "1". It was also included in the original line-up of the proposed "Get Back" album that was scheduled to be released during the fall of 1969.  In the UK and Europe "Get Back/Don't Let Me Down" was the Beatles' last single to be released in mono, but in the US the single was released in stereo. It was the Beatles' first single to be released in true stereo instead of mono as part of the "stereo only" movement gaining force in 1969. In both versions the lead guitar played by Lennon is in the left channel, and the rhythm guitar played by Harrison is in the right channel. The single was also released in the experimental PocketDisc format by Americom in conjunction with Apple and Capitol in the late 1960s.

"Let It Be" version.

When Phil Spector came to remix "Get Back" he wanted to make it seem different from the version released as the single, though both versions were the same take. The previous unreleased "Get Back" albums included elements of studio chatter to add to the live feel of the recordings. In this spirit, Spector included part of the studio chatter recorded immediately before a take recorded on 27 January, slightly crossfaded it onto the beginning of the same master take (recorded on January 28), and added McCartney and Lennon's remarks after the close of the rooftop performance. This created the impression that the single and album versions are different takes. The single's reverb effect was also omitted from this remix.

"Let It Be... Naked" version.

In 2003, "Get Back" was re-released on the "Let It Be... Naked" album, remixed by independent producers with the sanction of the surviving ex-Beatles Paul McCartney and Ringo Starr, with John Lennon's and George Harrison's widows. The "Naked" version of "Get Back" is a remix of the take recorded on 27 January 1969 used for both the single and album versions, without the coda recorded the following day or the framing dialogue from the studio and rooftop concert added to the album version. The single's reverb effect was also omitted from this remix, and the song fades immediately before the final "whoo". Apple also prepared a specially-created music video of the "Let It Be... Naked" release of the song to promote that album in 2003. This video is edited together using stock footage of the band, along with Billy Preston, George Martin and others.

"Love" version.

In 2006, a newly mixed version of "Get Back" produced by George Martin and his son Giles was included on the album "Love". This version incorporates elements of "A Hard Day's Night" (the intro chord), "A Day in the Life" (the improvised orchestral crescendo), "The End" (Ringo Starr's drum solo, Paul McCartney's second guitar solo, and John Lennon's last guitar solo), and "Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band (Reprise)" (Take 1's drum count-off intro). However, there are several edits in this piece, including an extended intro, and the second verse is removed completely.

"Late Show" performance.

McCartney performed "Get Back" on the "Late Show with David Letterman" on 15 July 2009. Letterman's show was taped in the Ed Sullivan Theater, the same theatre that hosted the Beatles' performances on "The Ed Sullivan Show" in 1964 and 1965. McCartney's performance was not on the stage, however. Instead, he performed atop the theatre's marquee overlooking Broadway. In the interview preceding the performance, Letterman asked McCartney if he had ever played on a marquee before. "I've done a roof", McCartney replied, referring to the Beatles' 1969 performance atop the Apple Corps building in London.

"Saturday Night Live" performance.

McCartney also performed the song as a kind of encore on "Saturday Night Live" on 11 December 2010. The performance was unusual for the show because McCartney had played the two standard songs that musical guests play, then had played a third song ("A Day in the Life"). At the normal conclusion of the show, when host Paul Rudd thanked the cast, McCartney took the stage again for "Get Back", the broadcast of which was partially cut off due to time constraints.

"Get Back" is a song recorded by the English rock band the Beatles and written by Paul McCartney (though credited to Lennon–McCartney), originally released as a single on 11 April 1969 and credited to "The Beatles with Billy Preston". A different mix of the song later became the closing track of "Let It Be" (1970), which was the Beatles' last album released just after the group split. The single version was later issued on the compilation albums "1967–1970", "20 Greatest Hits", "Past Masters", and "1".

Get Back ( "Komm zurück" oder "Kehr um") ist ein Lied der britischen Rockband The Beatles, das in Großbritannien am 11. April 1969 als Single veröffentlicht wurde und am 8. Mai 1970 auf dem letzten Album der Band, "Let It Be", in einer abweichenden Version erschien. Offiziell wurde das Lied von "Lennon/McCartney" komponiert, aber auf der deutschen Erstpressung wurde korrekt nur Paul McCartney als Komponist angegeben.


Early life and education.

Christopher Paul Bailey was born in Yorkshire, England, the son of a carpenter and a window dresser for Marks and Spencer. He graduated from the Royal College of Art with a master's degree in 1994, where he was later awarded an honorary fellowship in 2004 and, in 2013, an honorary-doctorate degree.

Career.

From 1994 to 1996 he was the womenswear designer at Donna Karan and senior designer of womenswear at Gucci in Milan from 1996 to 2001. He joined Burberry in May 2001 as design director and became creative director in 2004, and chief creative officer in November 2009.  In 2008, Bailey, alongside Angela Ahrendts, established the Burberry Foundation, dedicated to helping young people realise their dreams and potential through the power of their creativity. The Burberry Foundation invests in select charities focused on supporting young people in the key cities in regions where the majority of Burberry employees live and work, and where they are able to participate in volunteer roles.  On 15 October 2013, Bailey was named as the next CEO of Burberry following Angela Ahrendts's departure to Apple in mid-2014. Bailey took up the role of chief creative officer and CEO on 1 May 2014.  Bailey is credited with transforming the fortunes of the company, turning it into the luxury industry's digital leader and overseeing a reinvigoration of the company's design. Bailey masterminded the design of Burberry's largest store, 121 Regent Street in London, opened in 2012, a bricks-and-mortar incarnation of the brand's website. He also oversaw the design and development of the Burberry Global Headquarters at Horseferry House in London, opened in 2009.  In July 2016, it was announced that Marco Gobbetti, CEO of Céline, would be the next CEO of Burberry. Gobbetti took over from Bailey in November 2017, who will be transitioning to the role of president while also retaining the title of chief creative officer. In July 2017, Gobbetti replaced Bailey as CEO. According to a 31 October 2017 company announcement, Bailey will resign from the board in March 2018 and entirely depart from Burberry in the following December.

Personal life.

While in Milan, Bailey met and began dating Geert Cloet, brand designer for Miu Miu. He split his time between his home in Milan and England. When Cloet was diagnosed with brain cancer in 2004, he and Bailey moved to Yorkshire to be near Bailey's family. Cloet died the next year.  Bailey has been in a relationship with British actor Simon Woods since 2009, and they married in 2012. They have two daughters, Iris and Nell.  In May 2014 Bailey became the first openly gay executive among FTSE 100 corporations.  Bailey is mentoring emerging British creative talent from UK institutions including the Royal College of Art and the University of Huddersfield.

Christopher Paul Bailey CBE (born 11 May 1971) is the former president and chief creative officer of Burberry. In May 2014, he took up the role of chief creative officer and president, following the departure of former CEO Angela Ahrendts. In February 2018, he was succeeded as chief creative officer by Riccardo Tisci.

Christopher Paul Bailey, CBE (* 11. Mai 1971 in Yorkshire, England) ist ein britischer Modedesigner, der von 2001 bis 2018 für Burberry tätig war.


Early life, education and career.

Eugene Talmadge was born in 1884 in Forsyth, Georgia, to Thomas and Carrie (Roberts) Talmadge. He attended the University of Georgia and graduated from the university's law school. While at UGA, he was a member of the Phi Kappa Literary Society and Sigma Nu fraternity.  Talmadge set up a law practice in Telfair County, Georgia. He twice ran for the Georgia state legislature and lost both times. He was elected as state agriculture commissioner in 1926. Talmadge was re-elected commissioner in 1928 and 1930. As commissioner, Talmadge used the newspaper of his department to give advice to farmers and talk about his political views, extolling the virtues of a laissez-faire economic policy and individual action to improve the well-being of farmers. During his time as agriculture commissioner, Talmadge also developed a reputation for being a corrupt, freewheeling individual who disregarded standard ethics and played by his own set of rules. He maintained widespread support among Georgia's rural community. He was also an “admitted flogger and racial demagogue who presided over a Klan-ridden regime”.  The State Senate concluded that Talmadge violated a state law requiring that fertilizer fees collected by the department be deposited in the state treasury. He was criticized for paying himself and family members more than $40,000 in salaries and expenses, and using department funds to make trips to the Kentucky Derby. Accused of “stealing” $20,000 in order to raise the price of hogs, Talmadge told one group of farmers, “Sure, I stole it! But I stole it for you.” The State House declined requests to impeach Talmadge but agreed to sue him to recover state funds spent on the hog price manipulation scheme. When Governor Richard B. Russell Jr. referred the suit to the state attorney general, however, the request to sue Talmadge was rejected.

Governor.

In 1932, Governor Richard B. Russell, Jr. sought a seat in the United States Senate. Talmadge ran for governor, appealing to rural Georgia by idealizing the small farmer, and preaching what he said were the true values of rural America, such as rugged individualism, frugality, governmental economy, segregation, limited government, and low taxes. Talmage won a majority of the county unit votes in the primary, and winning the nomination of the Democratic Party was tantamount to automatic victory in the general election. The County Unit System gave power to the rural counties, which were Talmadge's base. He boasted, “I can carry any county that ain't got street cars.” He made twelve campaign promises, the most controversial of which was to lower the price of an automobile license to 3 dollars, putting them within reach of the poorest farmers. The state legislature intensely debated the $3 license fee issue, but did not pass it. After it adjourned, Talmadge fixed the $3 fee by proclamation.  One part of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal was hiring unemployed men to work on various public works projects that in the South offered higher wages than could be obtained in the private sector, and moreover black men were paid the same rate as white men. Many of the wealthy land-owning families in Georgia soon complained to Talmadge that their sharecroppers preferred to work on the better-paying New Deal public works projects than as sharecroppers, and asked the governor to intercede with the president. In 1933, one sharecropper wrote to Talmadge: "I wound't [wouldn't] plow nobody's mule from sunrise to sunset for 50 cents a day when I could get $1.30 for pretending to work on a DITCH". A disgusted Talmadge forwarded the letter to Roosevelt alongside his own letter that stated: "I take it that you approve of paying farm labor 40 to 50 cents per day". Roosevelt wrote back: "Somehow I cannot get into my head that wages on such a scale make possible a reasonable American standard of living". Talmadge for all his populism and his self-image as the defender of the small white farmers of Georgia tended to side with the interests of the land-owning families in Georgia and was staunchly opposed to Roosevelt's efforts to raise wages in the South, believing that this would undercut the South's only economic advantage, namely of having the lowest wages in the United States. Roosevelt by contrast believed that raising wages would increase consumption and hence spur the economy out of the Great Depression.  When textile workers went on strike on September 1, 1934, Talmadge declared martial law during the third week of the strike, and directed four thousand National Guard troops to arrest all picketers throughout the state. He ordered the prisoners to be held behind the barbed wire of a former World War I prisoner of war camp for trial by a military tribunal. While the state interned about one hundred or so picketers, the show of force effectively ended picketing throughout most of the state. When Talmadge discovered that one of the employers had hired the notorious strikebreaker Pearl Bergoff, he had Bergoff and his two hundred men deported to New York City.  Talmadge was re-elected in 1934, carrying every county but three in the state's Democratic primary, although he was often tied to both controversy and corruption. When the Public Service Commission, a body elected by the voters, refused to lower utility rates, he appointed a new board to get it done. When the Highway Board resisted his efforts to control it, Talmadge declared martial law and appointed more cooperative members to the board. When the state treasurer and comptroller general refused to cooperate, the governor ordered state police to physically remove them from their offices in the state Capitol. Critics denounced him as a dictator, a demagogue, and a threat to the tranquility of the state. His supporters considered him to be a friend of the “common man” and one of the state's most outstanding governors. In October 1934, Talmadge ousted John Cohen, the pro-New Deal chairman of the Georgia Democratic Party and replaced him with Hugh Howell, a Talmadge partisan. Roosevelt met with Talmadge to ask him to save Cohen's job, a request that was refused, leading the president to suspect that this was the first step towards a possible presidential run by Talmadge in 1936. By late 1934, Talmadge's relationship with Roosevelt was frying. In December 1934, when Roosevelt decided to spent Christmas at Warm Springs, Georgia, Talmadge sent a note requesting a private meeting with the president, only to receive a note apologizing for Roosevelt not having the time to see him and vaguely promised that Talmadge could have his private meeting at the White House sometime in 1935.  By early 1935, Talmadge was working on an alliance with Senator Huey Long who was planning on running against Roosevelt in 1936. When asked what was discussed at his meetings with Long, Talmadge replied: "We both cussed Roosevelt". However, Long had a low opinion of Talmadge's intelligence, saying: "That Talmadge ain't got the brains to match his ambition". Fundamentally, beyond a shared antipathy to Roosevelt, the two had almost nothing in common politically. Long a left-wing populist had the slogan of "share the wealth", promising if elected president he would confiscate all the wealth of the richest Americans and redistribute it to the poor whereas Talmadge was essentially an old-fashioned Southern conservative. Long criticized Roosevelt for not going far enough with the New Deal while Talmadge had felt he had gone too far. Finally, both men wanted to run for president and wanted the other to serve as vice president, which proved to be the issue that ended their alliance and made them enemies.  The Democrat Talmadge governed as a Southern conservative, vehemently attacking the nationalization of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal. He objected to policies favorable to black people (President Roosevelt did not introduce any Civil Rights measures), the farm programs, and relief-work programs such as the Works Progress Administration and Civilian Conservation Corps. Talmadge also believed the New Deal relief programs were encouraging people to be lazy, telling a reporter: "The way to handle a relief program was like how Mussolini was handling it in Italy, namely to line these people up and take the troops and make them work".  Talmadge tried to build a region-wide coalition, making a national speaking tour in preparation for a challenge to FDR in 1936. Talmadge's main allies were the Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith who been the principal organizer of Long's Share Our Wealth Clubs; a wealthy Texas businessman John Henry Kirby who been a leading Long supporter; and the white supremacist novelist Thomas Dixon Jr. whose books glorying the Ku Klux Klan were very popular at the time. Talmadge's bid was being financed with some $41, 000 dollars contributed by Alfred Sloan, the CEO of General Motors together with money from the Raskob and du Pont families. His ‘Southern Committee to Uphold the Constitution’ organized a convention in Macon, Georgia, in January 1936 that brought together fragments of the old Huey P. Long coalition. The Macon convention turned out to be media disaster that ended Talmadge's presidential hopes. The populist platform that Talmadge drafted at his Macon convention with its call for more silver to be mined to support the Silver standard, more protectionism, more state rights, more isolationism, and less immigration was widely mocked as a more appropriate for the 19th century than the 20th.  Talmadge pledged to defend the “sovereignty of our states and local self-government” at the upcoming Democratic National Convention. However, Roosevelt, who visited Georgia often because of his past polio, was more popular with the poor farmers. Unable to run for re-election in 1936, Talmadge chose to challenge Senator Russell in the primary, but Russell defeated Talmadge by a landslide and Talmadge's presidential hopes collapsed. Talmadge's handpicked candidate for governor, Charles Redwine, lost the 1936 Georgia gubernatorial election to pro-New Deal Democrat Eurith D. Rivers by an overwhelming margin.  In 1936, according to a United Press (UP) article printed in the "Atlanta Constitution" on August 21, 1936 titled "Gene Selects Hitler as Favorite 'Author'", Talmadge reportedly told a Los Angeles newspaper that while he didn't have time to read many books, he read Adolf Hitler's book "Mein Kampf" ("My Struggle") seven times. In response, the Nazi publication "Die Bewegung" reprinted the interview with Talmadge and praised him, stating that "Governor Eugene Talmadge, of Georgia, is obviously a very intelligent man."  In 1938 Talmadge challenged Senator Walter George. Though George had sided with 34 of Roosevelt's 44 New Deal proposals, he refused to support some of the proposals in Roosevelt's second term. The president believed George had now been “put out to pasture.” Roosevelt tried to purge George and campaigned for his own candidate, Lawrence Camp. George, however, refused to criticize Roosevelt during the campaign and blamed the purge on Roosevelt's advisers. Despite the divide among the New Deal vote, George easily won the renomination, securing 141,922 popular votes and a majority of 246 unit votes, while Talmadge won just 102,464 popular votes and 148 unit votes. Talmadge's victory over Roosevelt's candidate Camp, who secured just 78,223 popular votes and 16 unit votes, surprised his critics.

University of Georgia.

Talmadge returned to the governor's office in 1940, emerging as the leader of racist and segregationist elements in Georgia. Responding to reports that Walter Cocking, a dean at the University of Georgia, had advocated bringing black and white students together in the classroom, he launched an attack on the university, charging elitism, and called for the regents to remove Cocking and purge the university of Communists, "foreigners" (non-Georgians), and subscribers to racial equality. The university board of regents at first refused Talmadge's demands, but after the governor restructured the board, the dismissals took place.  This intervention into academic affairs caused the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools to remove accreditation from the Georgia state universities. It also contributed to Talmadge's defeat by Ellis Arnall in 1942. The "Cocking affair" later became the subject of Michael Braz's opera, "A Scholar Under Siege", composed for the centenary of Georgia Southern University and premiered in 2007.  In 1940-1941, Talmadge took a strongly isolationist line and was opposed to Roosevelt's policy of having America be the "arsenal of democracy", charging that money spent in aiding Britain, China and the Soviet Union would have been better spent on helping the poor farmers of Georgia. The fact that Talmadge had an admiration for Hitler and voiced such strong support for Japan's war against China that the Japanese government invited him to visit Japan on all-expenses paid vacation (an offer he declined) led to allegations that he was an Axis-sympathizer. Some commentators felt that Talmadge was merely naive, a man who knew nothing about the affairs of Europe and Asia, while others charged that his authoritarian style of leadership made him naturally sympathetic towards fascist regimes. About the charge that he acting like a dictator, Talmadge replied: "I'm what you call a minor dictator. But did you ever see anybody that was much good who didn't have a little dictator in him?" Talmadge's biographer, William Anderson, wrote that Talmadge's admiration for Nazi Germany, his tendency to surround himself with para-military followers, and his frequent calls for martial law gave "an eerie backing" for his words.  At the same time, the Cocking Affair had badly damaged Talmadge's reputation. Arnall was a supporter of segregation, whose views on race were essentially the same as Talmadge's, but he presented himself as a supporter of better education for Georgians. Arnall noted that nobody could beat Talmadge in what he cynically called the "nigger-hating contest", and argued that the issue in the "Cocking Affair" was not white supremacy as Talmadge claimed, but education. Arnall charged that Georgia's universities losing their accreditation, which Talmadge presented as an achievement on his part, put at risk the futures of all the students attending the universities. At a time when most Georgians were living in poverty and few attended higher education, the possibility that those young people who were lucky enough to attend university or might be would lose their chances to escape lives of poverty was widely regarded as unacceptable. Those Georgians whose children were attending the university were outraged that the futures of their children had been at risk and those whose children were not attending university had hopes that someday they might.  The students at Georgia's universities and colleges championed vigorously against Talmadge, putting on skits that mocked the governor as a power-crazed buffoon just before football games and were disproportionately over-represented as volunteers in the Arnall campaign. When Talmadge held campaign rallies, students showed up to chant "To Hell with Talmadge!" At one Talmadge campaign rally on 2 July 1942, a Talmadge supporter threw a canister of tear gas at the students, an incident that attracted much negative comment and led to demands that Talmadge discipline his "hoodlums" who always patrolled his rallies. Talmadge was so unpopular with students that his campaign workers in the university town of Athens urged him not to hold a campaign rally there, predicating that more people would come out to boo him than cheer him. Realizing that Arnall had cast himself as stronger on the education issue, Talmadge changed tactics and announced simply the loss of accreditation to Georgia's universities did not matter, saying at one rally in a rural area: "They talk about education. It ain't never taught a man how to plant cotton. It ain't made a garden bloom. It ain't never taught the experience necessary to raise cows and chickens. You gotta git out and do them things, and no school education is going to help ya". This message was intended to appeal to the white farmers who traditionally supported Talmadge, but may have inadvertently hurt him as even many of Talmadge's rural supporters knew that a better education represented their children's best hope of escaping poverty, and did not appreciate the implied message that the best thing that could happen to their children would be to follow their parents in lives of drudgery and poverty.  As was always the case, Talmadge presented himself as an aggressive defender of white supremacy, arguing keeping the black people disfranchised and segregated was far more important than education, a message that appealed to his core supporters, but to nobody else. At one campaign rally, Talmadge stated: "We in the South love the Negro in his place-but his place is at the back door". The fact that Arnall had also declared himself a supporter of segregation, albeit not in quite the same crude terms as Talmadge had, meant that for many white Georgians there was no difference between the candidates on "the Negro question", and therefore neutralized Talmadge's advantage as an defender of white supremacy. Furthermore, men were more likely to vote for Talmadge than women, and in 1942, many Georgian men were serving in the military, thus leading to women being over-represented in the Democratic primary. In the primary, Arnall won 174,575 votes to Talmadge's 128,394. Even the "county unit system", which worked to Talmadge's advantage in the past, failed to save him in 1942. Arnall won 242 unit votes to Talmadge's 149.

In retirement.

Just after Talmadge left office in January 1943, it emerged that since 1940 that he had been receiving food grown on the state prison farms for free, an allegation that he admitted to, saying he was saving the state of Georgia money by not paying for his food. Shortly afterwards, it emerged that he attended a meeting of the Ku Klux Klan, which he again admitted to, saying that "everyone had a good time" at the Klan banquet. In his retirement, Talmadge grew increasingly bitter and became consumed with a violent hatred for Roosevelt. The isolationist Talmadge also deplored the United States fighting in World War II, all the more so as the social changes caused by the war were threatening Talmadge's vision of what an ideal America should be. In particular, the first tentative gains made by the Civil rights movement in the war years enraged Talmadge, who predicated that even the modest gains being made by black Americans during the war would eventually lead to the end of white supremacy in the South.  Talmadge convinced himself that Roosevelt had deliberately engineered the United States's entry into World War II because he wanted to create the social changes that would end white supremacy, causing him to engage in long tirades against Roosevelt, the New Deal, World War II and black Americans. Talmadge's newspaper, "The Statesmen" printed editorials written by himself claiming that Roosevelt was compromising American sovereignty, making the allegation that the British prime minister Winston Churchill was being allowed to "meddle" in the affairs of Congress with Roosevelt's support. In the 1944 election, "The Statesmen" ran a headline reading "Election of Roosevelt Means Promoting Negroes in Georgia". Anderson wrote during the war Talmadge became a "total cultural isolationist", a man who saw the world outside of the United States as a dangerous, menacing place and believed increasing American involvement with the world beyond would destroy everything that he held sacred. At the same time, Talmadge, always a heavy drinker, started to drink on a scale that began to seriously damage his health.  Anderson described Talmadge as "as a ghost's voice hellbent on halting the future. But it was a frightened voice, scared that the wave of history had at last washed over the impenetrable culture of his fathers. So easily had his people succumbed to the siren call of change that Gene found himself with one hoary root left, one last undeniable link to yesterday-the black. He alone anchored the old consciousness, the tenacious culture, the old consciousness. Gene Talmadge knew if this one tie was uprooted, his world would be gone forever." When the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the 1944 "Smith v. Allwright" decision that white-only primaries were illegal and ordered Southern states to hold color-blind primaries, Talmadge was enraged and based his entire effort on a political comeback on a virulently racist platform of upholding white supremacy.

Last election.

During Arnall's term, the state legislature lengthened his term to four years and prohibited him from seeking re-election in 1946. Talmadge ran for governor and used the "Smith v. Allwright" decision, ruling that the closed white primary was unconstitutional, as his main red flag issue. Talmadge promised that if he were to be elected, he would restore the "Equal Primary." Talmadge's family and advisers sought to persuade him not to run, warning that due to his failing health that a grueling campaign might kill him, but he refused to step aside in favor of his son Herman who had been groomed as his heir, saying "Naw, I'm the only goddamn son of a bitch who can win". Talmadge's campaign was noted for its violent racist rhetoric as he boasted about assaulting and flogging the black sharecroppers who worked for his family as a young man and he claimed to have chased a black man down the street with an ax because he sat next to a white woman.  In June 2007, evidence from previously sealed FBI files suggested that he was the man behind the Moore's Ford lynching. Through Talmadge was unpopular in the more populous urban areas, his relative popularity in rural areas gave him a fighting chance of still winning the Democratic nomination under the "county unit votes" system in which (essentially) the candidate who won the most counties, not the most popular votes, would receive the nomination. Even then, Talmadge's opponent, James V. Carmichael, still polled well in rural counties, though not as well as in urban counties. Several witnesses stated that they overheard Talmadge speaking to George Hester, the brother of a white man stabbed by a black man named Roger Malcolm, outside of the courthouse in Monroe, Georgia, promising he would "take care of the Negro" in exchange for the Hester family using their influence to help win Walton County. On July 25, 1946, the car carrying Malcolm, who had been bailed out of jail, was stopped by a group of about 30 white men at Moore's Ford. Malcolm, his wife Dorothy, and the other black couple riding in the car, George and Mae Murray Dorsey, were marched out of the car, lined up and shot. The FBI agent investigating the lynching called the allegation that Talmadge led the lynch mob "unbelievable", but he forwarded the allegation to FBI director J. Edgar Hoover "as it may be of some possible future interest."" Talmadge's grandson, Herman Talmadge Jr, told the press: "I don't think my grandfather's involved in any lynching. If y'all are that far off, I feel sorry for you."" About the allegations that it was Talmadge who led the lynch mob at Moore's Ford, the historian Robert Pratt stated: "I'm not surprised...historians over the years have concluded the violently racist tone of his 1946 campaign may have been indirectly responsible for the violence that came at Moore's Ford. It's fair to say he's one of the most virulently racist governors the state has ever had." In 1946, Talmadge won Walton County by only 200 votes.  Talmadge lost the popular vote in the Democratic primary to James V. Carmichael but won a majority of the "county unit votes". He died in December 1946, before he could be sworn in for his fourth term. The cause of death was hepatitis complicated with the effects of liver cirrhosis caused by his heavy drinking. Talmadge's coffin, while laying in state at the Georgia capital, was decorated with a wreath reading KKKK (Knights of the Ku Klux Klan), an organization that Talmadge had at least been friendly with. His death precipitated the 1947 "Three Governors Controversy" among Arnall, Melvin E. Thompson, and Talmadge's son Herman. Eugene Talmadge was elected governor 4 times, but he died right before his inauguration in 1946 which lead to the three governors controversy. While the general assembly elected his son, Herman Talmadge to take his father's place, the newly elected lieutenant governor Melvin E. Thompson claimed his right to the governor's office, and also the outgoing governor Ellis Arnall refused to leave office. Following the court's decision, Herman Talmadge ceded the office of governor to Thompson, ending the controversy. This controversy damaged Georgia's national reputation.

Awards and legacy.

In 1941, Talmadge received an honorary degree in Doctor of Laws from Oglethorpe University.  The Talmadge Memorial Bridge in Savannah, Georgia, is named after Eugene Talmadge and connects downtown Savannah, Georgia with the Carolina Low Country via the Savannah River. Renaming of the bridge has been suggested due to Talmadge's history as a white supremacist.

Eugene Talmadge (September 23, 1884 – December 21, 1946) was an American Democratic politician who served two terms as the 67th Governor of Georgia from 1933 to 1937, and a third term from 1941 to 1943. Elected to a fourth term in November 1946, he died before his inauguration, scheduled for January 1947. Only Talmadge and Joe Brown, in the mid-19th century, have been elected four times as Governor of Georgia. He is known for having actively promoted segregation and white supremacy, and for advocating for racism in the University System of Georgia.

Eugene Talmadge (* 23. September 1884 in Forsyth, Georgia; † 21. Dezember 1946) war ein US-amerikanischer Politiker und mehrfacher Gouverneur von Georgia. Bekannt wurde er auch durch die politische Krise, die sein Tod 1946 auslöste und die zu der bizarren Situation führte, dass Georgia plötzlich drei Gouverneure gleichzeitig hatte.


Band history.

1976 - 1984: progressive rock years.

Galija frontman Nenad Milosavljević started performing as singer-songwriter while still in his teenage years. Influenced by hippie movement, he performed his songs playing acoustic guitar and harmonica. He had his first public appearance 1975, on the Evening of Poetry and Music at the Niš Film Festival, performing his own songs and songs by José Feliciano. In 1976, he performed at the Festival Omladina in Subotica and Belgrade Spring Festival. He composed music for the amateur theatre Treća polovina ("Third Half"). On April 11, 1977 he held a concert in the National Theatre in Niš, on which he was accompanied by the members of the band Dva Lustera ("Two Chandeliers").  After the concert, Nenad Milosavljević and Dva Lustera members agreed to start working together as a band. The first lineup of Galija featured Nenad Milosavljević (guitar and vocals), Goran Ljubisavljević (guitar), Predrag Branković (bass guitar), Nenad Tančić (drums) and Branislav Stamenković (keyboards). The band was named Galija after the famous kafana in Niš. Tančić soon left the band due to his army obligations, and was replaced by Boban Pavlović, who would, during the following years, remain one of the rare permanent members of the band. In 1978, with the new keyboard player, Zoran Stanković, Galija won the first place at the Gitarijada Festival in Zaječar. At that time they used to appear on stage in 18th century uniforms. Several months after Gitarijada, they performed at the Festival Omladina in Subotica with Ljubodrag Vukadinović playing the keyboards. During 1978, they performed as the opening band on Smak tour, at the end of the year they performed at the BOOM Festival in Novi Sad.  In 1979, the band released their debut album "Prva plovidba" ("The First Sail") to mixed reviews by the critics. Nenad Milosvaljević's brother Predrag Milosavljević appeared on the album on vocals as a guest musician, and also wrote most of the album lyrics. The album brought hits "Avanturista" ("Adventurer"), "Gospi" ("To the Lady") and "Decimen". After the band's performance at Bijelo Dugme's rock spectacle on JNA Stadium, on which they performed alongside Bijelo Dugme, Kako, Mama Rock, Formula 4, Aerodrom, Opus, Senad od Bosne, Boomerang, Prva Ljubav, Prljavo Kazalište, Tomaž Domicelj, Metak, Suncokret, Parni Valjak, Generacija 5, Siluete and other acts, Ljubisavljević, Branković and Vukadinović left the band. The bass guitarist Zoran Radosavljević, the guitarist Dušan Radivojević and the keyboardist Nebojša Marković became the band's new members.  In 1980, the band released their second album, "Druga plovidba" ("The Second Sail"). The album was produced by Gordi guitarist Zlatko Manojlović. The songs were composed by Nenad, and the lyrics were written by Predrag Milosavljević. "Druga plovidba" was the first Galija album to feature Predrag Milosavljević as the official band member. During the same year, the band performed at the Split festival, playing at Poljud Stadium with Azra, Metak, Drago Mlinarec, Generacija 5, Senad od Bosne, Aerodrom, Dado Topić and other acts. During this period, Galija achieved huge success with the audience in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and until the beginning of Yugoslav wars the band had the biggest fanbase in Bosnia. Boban Stamenković left the band in 1980, and was replaced by Zoran Stamenković. During that summer, they performed in Makarska, and during the following years they would continue to hold regular concerts in the town. In 1981, the band performed, alongside Pomaranča, Tunel, Radomir Mihajlović Točak Trio, Piloti, Bulevar, Siluete and other acts, at the Belrade Rock Festival in Pionir Hall.  In 1982, the album "Ipak verujem u sebe" ("Nevertheless, I Believe in Myself") was released, bringing hits "Još uvek sanjam" ("I'm Still Dreaming") and "Burna pijana noć" ("Stormy Drunken Night"). At the beginning of 1982, Boban Pavlović returned to the band. In 1983, Galija performed as the opening band at Joe Cocker's concert in Pionir Hall in Belgrade, and on the June 10, 1983 they held a big concert at Belgrade's Tašmajdan Stadium with Potop and Kerber as the opening bands. Potop leader, keyboardist Saša Lokner, soon became a member of Galija.

1984 - 1988: shift to mainstream rock.

In October 1983, Galija recorded their fourth studio album "Bez naglih skokova" ("Without Bounces"). The album, released in 1984, was recorded in Manchester and was produced by Nightwing bass guitarist Gordon Rowley (who previously worked with another band from Niš, Kerber), and mixed in California. The material was offered to record label Jugoton, but the label refused the material, so the band once again signed with PGP-RTB. Unlike the band's previous releases, "Bez naglih skokova" did not bring any hits. After the album release, the band performed, together with Bajaga i Instruktori, Laboratorija Zvuka and Leb i Sol, on a fundraising concert in Sarajevo, dedicated to the victims of the 1983 Kopaonik earthquake. At the end of 1984, Galija were voted "The Best Live Act on the Shore" by Split youth. During the year, the band started to hold regular concerts in Music Club 81 in Niš, on which they performed covers of foreign rock hits. During the same year, Lokner joined Bajaga i Instruktori, and was replaced by Aleksandar Ralev. Jean-Jacques Roscam, a Belgian of Zaire origin, a former Peđa D'Boy Band member, soon joined Galija as the lead guitarist.  In 1986, the band released album "Digni ruku" ("Raise Your Hand"), with the title track becoming a hit. The band wanted the album cover to feature a provocative image of the Hero of Socialist Labour Alija Sirotanović with a blindfold, which the record label refused. The album featured Roscam's song "Winter's Coming", with lyrics written by Dani Klein, the singer of the Belgian band Vaya Con Dios.

1988 - 1994: cooperation with Radoman Kanjevac and album trilogy.

In the late 1980s, the band was joined by the keyboard and flute player Bratislav "Bata" Zlatković, who graduated from Sarajevo Music Academy, and started to work with the lyricist Radoman Kanjevac, the two bringing new ideas. Kanjevac brought up an idea of releasing an album trilogy which would deal with problems of SFR Yugoslavia in transition, and Zlatković introduced folk music influences into Galija's sound. The album "Daleko je Sunce" ("Distant is the Sun"), named after Dobrica Ćosić's novel, featured numerous guest musicians: Kornelije Kovač, Saša Lokner, Nenad Stefanović "Japanac", Ivan Vdović, Fejat Sejdić Trumpet Orchestra and others. Songs were named after the works of writers Dobrica Ćosić, Branko Ćopić, Ivo Andrić, Laza Lazarević and Aleksa Šantić. The album's biggest hits were the ballad "Da li si spavala" ("Did You Sleep") and the folk-oriented "Mi znamo sudbu" ("We Know the Destiny"). The other hits included "Intimni odnosi" ("Intimate Relationship"), "Orlovi rano lete" ("Eagles Start Flying Early ") and "Kao i obično" ("Like Usual"). The song "Zebre i bizoni" ("Zebras and Buffalos") was dealing with the enigma of Josip Broz Tito's residence at Brijuni. As the record label considered the song politically problematic, "Zebre i bizoni" lyrics were not printed on the inner sleeve. Due to lyrics perceived as politically provocative, the editors of Radio Belgrade and Radio Zagreb marked two songs from "Daleko je sunce" unsuitable for broadcasting, while the editors of Radio Sarajevo decided not to broadcast four songs from the album.  After "Daleko je Sunce" was released, Zoran Radosavljević left the band, and was replaced by Predrag Milanović. The second part of the trilogy, "Korak do slobode" ("One Step to Freedom") was released in 1989. The album was produced by Saša Habić. While "Daleko je sunce" lyrics were written by both Kanjevac and Predrag Milosavljević, the lyrics for "Korak do slobode" were written by Kanjevac only. The song "Sloboda" ("Freedom") featured Kerber frontman Goran Šepa on vocals. The album hits included "Na tvojim usnama" ("On Your Lips"), "Kopaonik", "Korak do slobode" and "Kad me pogledaš" ("When You Look at Me"). Roscam's reggae song "Ljubavna pesma" ("Love Song") had ironic lyrics dealing with the growing nationalism in Yugoslavia. During the same year, Nenad Milosavljević won the Composer of the Year Award at MESAM festival, although Zlatković was the band's main author. The new bass guitarist Dušan Karadžić soon joined Galija. The band promoted the album with a concert in Dušanova Street in Niš in front of some 20,000 people.  At the beginning of 1990, Galija, alongside Riblja Čorba, Valentino, Viktorija and Bajaga i Instruktori, performed in Timișoara, Romania, at the three-day concerts organized two months after the Romanian Revolution. All five acts performed on three concerts in Timișoara Olympia Hall in front of some 20,000 people each night. During the same year, the compilation album "Još uvek sanjam (Najveći hitovi)" ("I'm Still Dreaming (Greatest Hits)") was released, with some of the old songs re-recorded. At the time of the first multi-party elections in Yugoslavia, Galija, after the idea of Kanjevac and journalist Petar "Peca" Popović, recorded an EP with songs "On je isti kao on" ("He Is just Like Him", which compared Josip Broz Tito and Slobodan Milošević), "Ti si moja jedina partija" ("You Are My Only Party"), "Posle svega" ("After Everything") and "Komunista" ("Communist", which featured Romani musician Šaban Bajramović on vocals). The EP featured provocative lyrics dealing with the uncertain future of the country, and was, because of the political censorship, never released.  With the album "Istorija, ti i ja" ("History, You and Me"), released in 1991, the trilogy was complete. The album was produced by Valentino member Nikša Bratoš and featured Saša Lokner, Slaviša Pavlović, flutist Bora Dugić and the group Renesans as guests. "Istorija, ti i ja" featured some of the band's biggest hits: "Skadarska" ("Skadarska Street"), "Trube" ("Trumpets"), "Da me nisi" ("If You Haven't"), "Trava" ("Grass") and "Seti se maja" ("Remember May"). Soon after the album release, Roscam left Yugoslavia because of the growing tensions in the country. and Dragutin Jakovljević replaced him in Galija. In June, Galija was the opening band on Bob Dylan's concert in Zemun.  The band, in the new lineup, released the compilation album "Ni rat ni mir (Odlomci iz trilogije)" ("Neither War nor Peace (Passages from the Trilogy)"), which consisted of songs from the trilogy, and two new songs "Pravo slavlje" ("Real Celebration", also a word play, as "Pravoslavlje" means "Orthodoxy") and "Na Drini ćuprija" ("The Bridge on the Drina"). The 7" single with these two songs was given as a present to the members of the audience on their concert in Sava Centar, which featured Fejat Sejdić Trumpet Orchestra, St. George Choir and pianist Miloš Petrović as guests. A year later, they held another concert in Sava Centar, as a part of celebration of the publishing house Srpska književna zadruga hundred years of existence. For this occasion, they recorded another gift-single, entitled "Jednom u sto godina" ("Once in a Hundred Years"), with a cover of Film song "Mi nismo sami" ("We Are Not Alone") and a cover of Indexi song "Sanjam" ("I'm Dreaming"), the latter cover featuring a recording of Ivo Andrić's voice. At the beginning of 1993, Zlatković left the band. Oliver Jezdić became the new keyboard player, and Bratislav Milošević became the new bass guitarist.  The double album, "Karavan" ("Caravan"), was recorded in Cyprus and produced by Saša Habić. Part of the album lyrics were written by Kanjevac, and part by Predrag Milosavljević. The album featured Generacija 5 guitarist Dragan Jovanović on acoutic guitar as guest. The album featured a cover of traditional song "Petlovi" ("Roosters"). With "Karavan" Kanjevac ended his cooperation with the band.

1994 - 2000: after Kanjevac, without Predrag Milosavljević and hiatus.

During the summer of 1994, "Karavan" was promoted with a large number of free concerts, one of them being a concert in the park outside Belgrade's Old Palace. At the time, Galija started to promote the Socialist Party of Serbia, which has provoked a part of the critics and fans, who have proclaimed Galija a "state's band".  In 1996, the album "Trinaest" ("Thirteen") was released. Alongside Predrag Milosavljević's lyrics, "Trinaest" songs featured lyrics from Branko Radičević, Stevan Raičković and Petar Pajić's poems. During the next year, the band released the compilation album "Večita plovidba" ("Eternal Sail"), and the studio album "Voleti voleti" ("To Love to Love"), which featured the hit "Kotor".  The recording of the concert they held in Čair Hall in Niš on March 8, 1998 was released on the live album "Ja jesam odavde" ("I Am From Here"). On that evening the band performed in the following lineup: Nenad Milosavljević (acoustic guitar and vocals), Saša Ranđelović (guitar), Dragutin Jakovljević (guitar), Saša Lokner (keyboard), Boban Pavlović (drums) and Slaviša Pavlović (bass guitar). In 1999, the band released the album "Južnjačka uteha" ("Southern Comfort") with covers of Serbian traditional songs. The album was recorded without Predrag Milosavljević. Shortly after the album release, the band went on a hiatus.

2005 - present.

In 2005, the band released the album "Dobro jutro, to sam ja" ("Good Morning, It's Me"), in the following lineup: Nenad Milosavljević (vocals), Predrag Milosavljević (vocals), Dragutin Jakovljević (guitar), Jan Vrba (keyboards), Boban Pavlović (drums) and Slaviša Pavlović (bass guitar). The album featured Laza Ristovski, Aleksandra Kovač and Kristina Kovač as guest musicians. The following year, PGP-RTS released a best of compilation "Najveći hitovi" ("Greatest Hits"), featuring digitally remastered eighteen tracks spanning the band's whole career. In 2009, in order to celebrate 30 years since the release of their debut album "Prva plovidba", the band released a compilation album "Oženiše me muzikom" ("They Got Me Married To Music"), featuring a double compilation album consisting of 33 tracks recorded from 1979 until 1996, and a DVD entitled "Kamera kao svedok" ("Camera As A Witness"), with 19 promotional videos the band recorded during the same period.  In October 2010, the band released their latest studio album, "Mesto pored prozora" ("A Seat by the Window"). The album title was selected out of four suggestions via fan e-mail poll. Videos for the songs "Zločin i kazna" ("Crime and Punishment"), which featured the actor Srđan Todorović, and "Čuvam ti mesto pored prozora" ("I'm Keeping a Seat by the Window for You") were directed by Aleksa Gajić. In May, 2011, Galija performed in Sarajevo for the first time after twenty years. The band celebrated thirty-five years of work with two concerts in Sava Centar, on October 22 and 23, 2011. The setlist consisted mostly of the band's ballads in new arrangements. The concerts featured numerous guests: TV host Ivan Ivanović, the band's former member Jean Jacques Roscam, actor Goran Sultanović, actress Sloboda Mićalović Ćetković, traditional music singer Biljana Krstić, rock musician Kiki Lesendrić, pop musician Vlado Georgiev, actor Vuk Kostić, and others.  In 2014, after the 2014 Serbian parliamentary election, Nenad Milosavljević became a deputy in the National Assembly of Serbia as a member of Socialist Party of Serbia. On April 22, 2016, the band performed, alongside Riblja Čorba, Van Gogh, Piloti and Električni Orgazam on the opening of renovated Tašmajdan Stadium. The band celebrated their 40th anniversary with two concerts. The first one was a part of the festival 5 do 100 ("5 to 100"), which was held on July 4, 2016 on Niš Fortress. The festival featured Galija, the band Novembar, celebrating their 25th anniversary, and the band Van Gogh celebrating their 30th anniversary (the combined "age" of the bands was 95, thus the title of the festival). The second concert was held in Belgrade's Sports Hall Ranko Žeravica on December 29, 2016. The concert featured Vreme Čuda as the opening band and the band's former members Aleksandar Ranđelović and Saša Lokner and Kerber frontman Goran Šepa as guests. Between two concerts, in November 2016, the band released the Celtic rock-oriented single "Nešto me goni" ("Something Makes Me Fight"), announcing their upcoming studio album.

Legacy.

Galija song "Intimni odnosi" was covered in 2011 by Serbian soul band Maraqya, on their album "Savršen dan" ("Perfect Day").  In 2011, the song "Još uvek sanjam" was polled, by the listeners of Radio 202, one of 60 greatest songs released by PGP-RTB/PGP-RTS during the sixty years of the label's existence.  The lyrics of 12 songs by the band (1 written by Predrag Milosavljević, 10 written by Radoman Kanjevac and 1 written by Kanjevac and Bata Zlatković) were featured in Petar Janjatović's book "" ("Songs of Brotherhood, Childhood & Offspring: Anthology of Ex YU Rock Poetry 1967 - 2007").

Galija (; trans. "Galley") is a Serbian and former Yugoslav rock band from Niš. The central figures of the band are brothers Nenad Milosavljević (vocals, acoustic guitar and harmonica) and Predrag Milosavljević (vocals). Galija was formed in 1976, and its first several releases were progressive rock-oriented, but in the mid-1980s, the band moved towards more mainstream-oriented sound. In the late 1980s, the band started to cooperate with lyricist Radoman Kanjevac, releasing the album trilogy consisting of "Daleko je Sunce" (1988), "Korak do slobode" (1989) and "Istorija, ti i ja", with which they achieved huge mainstream popularity. The band managed to sustain their popularity throughout the 1990s, but went on a hiatus at the end of the decade. Since the return to the scene in the mid-2000s, the band remains one of the top mainstream acts of the Serbian rock scene.

Galija (serb. für Galeere, bedeutet aber auch Gallien) ist eine serbische Rockband aus Niš. Die Gruppe um die Brüder Nenad und Predrag „Galija“, eigentlich Milosavljević, wurde 1977 in Niš gegründet. Ihr erstes Album erschien 1979. Seitdem wurde die Gruppe zu den bedeutendsten der Rockszene Serbiens und Jugoslawiens gezählt. Der Gruppe wurde eine Nähe zur Regierung Milošević nachgesagt, weswegen es nach den Protesten und Massendemonstrationen am 5. Oktober 2000 um sie leise wurde. Ihr jüngstes Album „Dobro jutro, to sam ja“ (Guten Morgen, das bin ich) erschien 2005, sechs Jahre nach ihrem letzten Album „Južnjačka uteha“ (Südländischer Trost) 1999.


Design and development.

Bréguet began design work on the Bréguet 761 double-deck airliner even before the end of the Second World War, in 1944. It was decided that a medium-range airliner with seating for over 100 passengers would be built. The design envisaged using readily available engines with the aim of ease of manufacture and an early first-flight date. The design was known as "Project 76-1". The aircraft was destined not to be the first French postwar design to fly, an honour which instead fell to the Sud-Est Languedoc, a civilianised Bloch MB161. The prototype Br.761, F-WASK, first flew at Villacoublay on 15 February 1949.  The 761 featured a cantilever wing set at mid-height on the bulky fuselage. The retractable tricycle landing gear featured dual-wheel main units. The empennage had twin fins and rudders and a vestigial central fin. The prototype was powered by four SNECMA 14R-24 radial engines. The Bréguets serving with Air France had up to 107 seats and an elevator between the two floors.  The prototype was followed by three Br.761S pre-production aircraft powered by 2,020 hp (1506 kW) Pratt & Whitney R-2800-B31 radial engines. These were fitted with 12 ft 11⁄2in (3.70 m) diameter Hamilton Standard propellers. The aircraft successfully completed their trials incident-free. Their first flights were in 1951 and 1952.  The French Government ordered 12 production aircraft, the Bréguet 76-3, which was later redesignated Br.763. Six aircraft were to be operated by Air France and the other six by the Ministry of Transport. The 763 had more powerful engines, a larger wingspan, strengthened wings and a three-crew flight deck (earlier aircraft had four crew). The 763 first flew on 20 July 1951 and entered service with Air France during autumn 1952.  The Air France aircraft had accommodation for 59 passengers on the top deck, and 48 on the lower deck, although the aircraft was capable of carrying 135 passengers in a high-density layout. During 1964 Air France transferred six Br.763s to the French Air Force. The air force also acquired the three pre-production Br.761S aircraft and four new Br.765 Sahara freighter aircraft with removable cargo doors.  Projects to build versions powered with British engines (for possible United Kingdom buyers) did not come to fruition. The projects would have been the 766 (with the Bristol Hercules radial engine), and the 767 with British turboprop engines.

Operational history.

Civil.

The prototype Br.761 entered service with Air Algérie in 1952 as a cargo aircraft. It was withdrawn early the next year. Silver City Airways leased a Br.761 for three months in the summer of 1953 for use on the Hamburg - Berlin route. A total of 127 round trips carried of freight with up to three round trips being made in a day, each leg taking 52 minutes flight time. It was rumoured that Silver City would purchase three aircraft at £770,000 but this did not materialise into a sale.  The Bréguet Br.763 "Provence" entered service with Air France on 10 March 1953. The inaugural route was Lyon - Algiers. The type was used on European routes from Paris, mainly to the Mediterranean area, but occasionally to London. Domestic routes included Paris to Lyon, Marseille and Nice.  Six aircraft were used in response to a serious incident at Salat, Algeria where French oil rig engineers were in need of assistance. A total of 60 tonnes of heavy equipment and 200 personnel were moved to and from Algiers in four days.  The introduction of the Sud Aviation Caravelle rendered the "Provence" obsolete as a passenger aircraft. The Caravelle was faster, more comfortable and had a greater range. In 1958, Bréguet borrowed F-BASQ from Air France for a sales tour to North and South America. This was the aircraft which had force-landed at Pont-Évêque in 1955. The tour covered, and took in the cities of New York, Washington, D.C. and Miami in the United States, Bogotá in Colombia, Santiago in Chile, Rio de Janeiro and Brasilia in Brazil. The tour failed to generate any orders. In North America, the jet age had begun, while the aircraft had too great a capacity for operators in South America, despite being cheaper on a cost-per-seat to operate than a Douglas DC-4. The "Provence" was used on fewer and fewer passenger services, being replaced by the Caravelle and Vickers Viscount. Six aircraft were transferred to the Armée de l'Air. Air France converted the six remaining Br.763s into freighters with the name "Universel". These remained in service on European freight services until the early 1970s. The final flight was on 31 March 1971 from Heathrow to Paris-Orly. A double-deck AEC Routemaster bus was parked alongside the aircraft to mark the retirement of the Br.763 from service.

Military.

In October 1955 an order for 30 Bréguet Br.765 "Sahara" aircraft for the Armée de l'Air was announced. This order was cancelled by the end of the year, but construction on four aircraft was so far advanced that they were completed. These entered service with 64 "Escadre de Transport".  The French Air Force acquired the three pre-production Br.761S aircraft, these and the six Sahara aircraft acquired from Air France provided the French Air Force with a valuable transport fleet for moving personnel and materials to the Pacific nuclear testing areas. The Sahara fleet was retired in 1972.

Accidents and incidents.

The Bréguet Deux-Ponts had an excellent safety record.

The Bréguet 761/763/765 are a family of 1940s and 1950s French double-deck transport aircraft produced by Bréguet Aviation. The aircraft were normally called the Deux-Ponts (Double-Decker) but it was not an official name.

Die Breguet 763 Provence war ein ziviles Kurz- und Mittelstrecken-Transportflugzeug mit vier Kolbenmotoren, gebaut vom französischen Hersteller Breguet. Eine militärische Variante namens Breguet 765 Sahara entstand für die französische Luftwaffe.


History.

The listed company was incorporated in 1998 as Yantai Wanhua Polyurethane Co., Ltd. (). Co-founder of the company, Wanhua Group Corporation ( or ), initially owned 93.25% shares. The company started its initial public offering in December 2000. The shares started to trade in the Shanghai Stock Exchange in January 2001.  Initially, the listed company only owned the methylene diphenyl diisocyanate (MDI) production line of the former Yantai synthetic leather factory. It was a common practice at that time to list part of the assets instead of the whole conglomerate. The size of the listed company expanded beyond that assets, however.  That MDI production line was replaced by a new one in 2014, also located in Yantai. The company also imported technology from Honeywell for its Yantai plant in 2018.  In 2017, the shares of the listed company became a constituent of the blue-chip index SSE 50.  In February 2019, the listed company acquired Hungarian company BorsodChem and other assets, via a reverse merger with the largest shareholder of the listed company in an all-share deal that worth RMB52 billion.  In July 2019, the listed company acquired Swedish company Chematur Technologies for a reported US$134 million from Jilin-based Kangnaier Investment Group (; also transliterated as Connell Chemical Industry LLC) and another investor. In the same month, the listed company formed a shipping joint venture with Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC).

Businesses.

Wanhua Chemical Group is one of the largest chemical producers of the world. According to "Chemical & Engineering News" ("C&EN"), the listed company is ranked the 37th in 2018 edition of the ranking, up from the 41st in 2017 edition. As of 2019, it is the world's largest producer of the polyurethane raw material methylene diphenyl diisocyanate (MDI). According to another source, the listed company is the second largest producer of the world for aliphatic diisocyanate (ADI) as well as the largest producer of China for toluene diisocyanate (TDI).  The company is ranked the 820th in 2019 edition of "Forbes Global 2000".  On top of the production facility in Yantai, the company also has factories in Ningbo, Zhuhai and Meishan. Since 2019, the company expanded into Hungary. The company also announced a plan to build a factory in Convent, Louisiana, the US in November 2018. However, "C&EN" and "SCMP" reported that the plan may be revised in 2019. The proposal plant also faced opposition from the local residents of Convent as well as change in costs due to multiple factors, such as tariff of raw material due to the China–United States trade war.

BorsodChem.

In February 2011, the parent company of the listed company, Wanhua Industrial Group Co., Ltd. (), acquired Hungarian chemical maker BorsodChem for a reported US$1.66 billion (€1.2 billion). The parent company also hired the listed subsidiary to manage BorsodChem from 2011 to 2019.  In February 2019, Wanhua Chemical Group made a reverse merger with its direct parent company at that time,. That company also owned the shares of BorsodChem.

Shareholders.

The parent company and largest shareholder of the listed company was Yantai-city government owned Wanhua Group Corporation in 1998. From 2003, Wanhua Group Corporation's non wholly owned subsidiary Wanhua Industrial Group became the direct parent company, which was the largest shareholder until January 2018.  In January 2018, the parent company was split into two companies: Wanhua Industrial Group and (). The latter became the new largest shareholder of the listed company instead. At that time, that company owned 47.92% shares of Wanhua Chemical Group.  However, in February 2019, the listed company merged with its largest shareholder, with the listed company is the surviving entity.  Another company, Yantai Guofeng (), became the new largest shareholder of the listed company for 21.56% stake since February 2019 and increased to 21.59% as of 31 December 2019. Yantai Guofeng is owned by the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC) of the Yantai Municipal People's Government. Yantai's SASAC also indirectly owned the former parent company of the listed company, Wanhua Industrial Group, at the same time. Yantai Guofeng owned 39.497% stake of Wanhua Industrial Group since 2017. Yantai Guofeng also formed a shareholders' agreement with the third and fourth largest shareholder of the listed company, which they were owned by the managers and employees of the listed company directly and indirectly. As of 31 December 2019, the third () and fourth largest shareholder () owned 10.52% and 9.61% shares respectively.  Prime Partner International Limited, a consortium founded in 2007 by Pemex, Deutsche Bank and one other investor, was the second largest shareholder of the listed company, as of 2019, for 10.70% shares. However, the direct parent company of that consortium, had changed to Dao Sheng (Hong Kong) Limited in 2017. Prime Partner International was the shareholder of Wanhua Industrial Group in 2007, thus the consortium was an indirect owner of the listed company from that date.

Wanhua Chemical Group Co., Ltd. known as Wanhua Chemical and formerly Yantai Wanhua Polyurethane or Yantai Wanhua Polyurethanes or Yantai Wanhua, is a Chinese listed company in chemical industry.

Wanhua Chemical Group (vormals "Yantai Wanhua Polyurethanes Co., Ltd."; "YPTU") ist ein chinesisches Unternehmen mit Sitz in Yantai. YPTU wurde am 20. Dezember 1998 gegründet. Das Unternehmen ging am 5. Januar 2001 in Shanghai an die Börse.