History.

The Molniya orbit was discovered by Soviet scientists in the 1960s as a high-latitude communications alternative to geostationary orbits, which require large launch energies to achieve a high perigee and to change inclination to orbit over the equator (especially when launched from Russian latitudes). As a result, OKB-1 sought a less energy-demanding orbit. Studies found that this could be achieved using a highly elliptical orbit with an apogee over Russian territory. The orbit's name refers to the "lightning" speed with which the satellite passes through the perigee.  The first use of the Molniya orbit was by the communications satellite series of the same name. After two launch failures, and one satellite failure in 1964, the first successful satellite to use this orbit, Molniya 1-1, launched on 23 April 1965. The early Molniya-1 satellites were used for civilian television, telecommunication and long-range military communications, but they were also fitted with cameras used for weather monitoring, and possibly for assessing clear areas for Zenit spy satellites. The original Molniya satellites had a lifespan of approximately 1.5 years, as their orbits were disrupted by perturbations, and they had to be constantly replaced.  The succeeding series, the Molniya-2, provided both military and civilian broadcasting and was used to create the Orbita television network, spanning the Soviet Union. These were in turn replaced by the Molniya-3 design. A satellite called Mayak was designed to supplement and replace the Molniya satellites in 1997, but the project was cancelled, and the Molniya-3 was replaced by the Meridian satellites, the first of which launched in 2006. The Soviet US-K early-warning satellites, which watch for American rocket launches, were launched in Molniya orbits from 1967, as part of the Oko system.  From 1971, the American Jumpseat and Trumpet military satellites were launched into Molniya orbits (and possibly used to intercept Soviet communications from the Molniya satellites). Detailed information about both projects remains classified. This was followed by the American SDS constellation, which operates with a mixture of Molniya and geostationary orbits. These satellites are used to relay signals from lower flying satellites back to ground stations in the United States and have been active in some capacity since 1976. A Russian satellite constellation called Tyulpan was designed in 1994 to support communications at high latitudes, but it did not progress past the planning phase.  In 2015 and 2017 Russia launched two "Tundra" satellites into a Molniya orbit, despite their name, as part of its EKS early warning system.

Uses.

Much of the area of the former Soviet Union, and Russia in particular, is located at high northern latitudes. To broadcast to these latitudes from a geostationary orbit (above the Earth's equator) requires considerable power due to the low elevation angles, and the extra distance and atmospheric attenuation that comes with it. Sites located above 81° latitude are unable to view geostationary satellites at all, and as a rule of thumb, elevation angles of less than 10° can cause problems, depending on the communications frequency.  A satellite in a Molniya orbit is better suited to communications in these regions, because it looks more directly down on them during large portions of its orbit. With an apogee altitude as high as and an apogee sub-satellite point of 63.4 degrees north, it spends a considerable portion of its orbit with excellent visibility in the northern hemisphere, from Russia as well as from northern Europe, Greenland and Canada.  While satellites in Molniya orbits require considerably less launch energy than those in geostationary orbits (especially launching from high latitudes), their ground stations need steerable antennas to track the spacecraft, links must be switched between satellites in a constellation and range changes cause variations in signal amplitude. Additionally, there is a greater need for station-keeping, and the spacecraft will pass through the Van Allen radiation belt four times per day.

Southern hemisphere proposals.

Similar orbits with an argument of perigee of 90° could allow high-latitude coverage in the southern hemisphere. A proposed constellation, the "Antarctic Broadband Program", would have used satellites in an inverted Molniya orbit to provide broadband internet service to facilities in Antarctica. Initially funded by the now defunct Australian Space Research Program, it did not progress beyond initial development.

Molniya constellations.

Permanent high-elevation coverage of a large area of Earth (like the whole of Russia, where some parts are as far south as 45°N) requires a constellation of at least three spacecraft in Molniya orbits. If three spacecraft are used, then each spacecraft will be active for a period of eight hours per orbit, centered around apogee, as illustrated in figure 4. Figure 5 shows the satellite's field of view around the apogee.  The Earth completes half a rotation in twelve hours, so the apogees of successive Molniya orbits will alternate between one half of the northern hemisphere and the other. For the original Molniya orbit, the apogees were placed over Russia and North America, but by changing the right ascension of the ascending node this can be varied. The coverage from a satellite in a Molniya orbit over Russia is shown in figures 6 to 8, and over North America in figures 9 to 11.  The orbits of the three spacecraft should then have the same orbital parameters, but different right ascensions of the ascending nodes, with their passes over the apogees separated by 7.97 hours. Since each satellite has an operational period of approximately eight hours, when one spacecraft travels four hours after its apogee passage (see figure 8 or figure 11), then the next satellite will enter its operational period, with the view of the earth shown in figure 6 (or figure 9), and the switch-over can take place. Note that the two spacecraft at the time of switch-over are separated by about, so that the ground stations only have to move their antennas a few degrees to acquire the new spacecraft.

Properties.

A typical Molniya orbit has the following properties:

Argument of perigee.

The argument of perigee is set at 270°, causing the satellite to experience apogee at the most northerly point of its orbit. For any future applications over the southern hemisphere, it would instead be set at 90°.

Orbital inclination.

In general, the oblateness of the Earth perturbs the argument of perigee (formula_1), so that it gradually changes with time. If we only consider the first-order coefficient formula_2, the perigee will change according to equation, unless it is constantly corrected with station-keeping thruster burns.  where formula_3 is the orbital inclination, formula_4 is the eccentricity, formula_5 is mean motion in degrees per day, formula_2 is the perturbing factor, formula_7 is the radius of the earth, formula_8 is the semimajor axis, and formula_9 is in degrees per day.  To avoid this expenditure of fuel, the Molniya orbit uses an inclination of 63.4°, for which the factor formula_10 is zero, so that there is no change in the position of perigee over time. An orbit designed in this manner is called a frozen orbit.

Orbital period.

To ensure the geometry relative to the ground stations repeats every 24 hours, the period should be about half a sidereal day, keeping the longitudes of the apogees constant.  However, the oblateness of the Earth also perturbs the right ascension of the ascending node (formula_11), changing the nodal period and causing the ground track to drift over time at the rate shown in equation.  where formula_12 is in degrees per day.  Since the inclination of a Molniya orbit is fixed (as above), this perturbation is formula_13 degrees per day. To compensate, the orbital period is adjusted so that the longitude of the apogee changes enough to cancel out this effect.

Eccentricity.

The eccentricity of the orbit is based on the differences in altitudes of its apogee and perigee. To maximise the amount of time that the satellite spends over the apogee, the eccentricity should be set as high as possible. However, the perigee needs to be high enough to keep the satellite substantially above the atmosphere to minimize drag (~600km), and the orbital period needs to be kept to approximately half a sidereal day (as above). These two factors constrain the eccentricity, which becomes approximately 0.737.

Semi-major axis.

The exact height of a satellite in a Molniya orbit varies between missions, but a typical orbit will have a perigee of approximately and an apogee of, for a semi-major axis of.

Modelling.

To track satellites using Molniya orbits, scientists use the SDP4 simplified perturbations model, which calculates the location of a satellite based on orbital shape, drag, radiation, gravitation effects from the sun and moon, and earth resonance terms.

A Molniya orbit (, "Lightning") is a type of satellite orbit designed to provide communications and remote sensing coverage over high latitudes. It is a highly elliptical orbit with an inclination of 63.4 degrees, an argument of perigee of 270 degrees, and an orbital period of approximately half a sidereal day. The name comes from the "Molniya" satellites, a series of Soviet/Russian civilian and military communications satellites which have used this type of orbit since the mid-1960s.

Ein Molnija-Orbit ist ein hochelliptischer Orbit mit einer Inklination von 63,4° und einer Periode von genau einem halben Sterntag. Molnija-Orbits sind nach der Baureihe der sowjetischen Molnija-Kommunikationssatelliten (nach russisch : „Blitz“) benannt, die diese Art Umlaufbahn seit Mitte der 1960er Jahre nutzen.


Career.

Maroroa started playing chess when she was 11 years old. She played at the Auckland Chess Club and was taught by local player Ian McNally. She later went on to play at the Papatoetoe and Howick-Pakuranga chess clubs as well. She represented New Zealand at the World Youth Chess Championship Under-14 girls division in Belfort, France in 2005, and Under-18 girls division in Vũng Tàu, Vietnam in 2008.  In 2006, she won the New Zealand Women's Chess Championship. In 2008, she became the first female player to win the New Zealand Junior Chess Championship, coming equal first to share the title with Mario Krstev and Andy Chen.  Maroroa was awarded the title of Woman Candidate Master (WCM) in 2005 for her result of 5/9 at the 34th Chess Olympiad in Calvià, Spain in 2004. In 2007, she was awarded the title of Woman FIDE Master (WFM) for her result of 6/9 at the 2007 Oceania Women's Zonal Chess Championship in Fiji. Her third-place finish, again scoring 6/9, at the 2009 Oceania Women's Zonal Chess Championship on the Gold Coast, Queensland earned her the Woman International Master (WIM) title. During this time Maroroa was playing club chess in London, and was for a number of years the strongest player at Hammersmith Chess Club in West London.  Maroroa represented New Zealand in the five Chess Olympiads from 2002 to 2012. Her best result was in 2010 when she scored 6/9, without loss, in the 39th Chess Olympiad in Khanty-Mansiysk, Russia.  Maroroa competed in the Oceania Women's Championships in Auckland 2005, Denarau 2007, Gold Coast 2009, and Queenstown 2012.  In October 2012 transferred chess federations to represent England. In 2014, she achieved an International Master norm in the Four Nations Chess League. Her performance included a win against Grandmaster Mark Hebden.

Personal life.

Maroroa was born in Auckland, New Zealand to a Cook Islander father and a Chinese-Malaysian mother. Since 2010, Maroroa has been living in England. In June 2012, she married leading English Grandmaster Gawain Jones. She lives in Sheffield and plays rugby for Sheffield Ladies RUFC.

Notable games.

1. e4 c5 2. Nc3 g6 3. f4 Bg7 4. Nf3 Nc6 5. Bb5 Nd4 6. O-O Nh6 7. d3 O-O 8. f5 gxf5 9. Nxd4 cxd4 10. Nd5 e6 11. Qh5 exd5 12. Bxh6 Bxh6 13. Qxh6 Qb6 14. Qxb6 axb6 15. Rxf5 dxe4 16. dxe4 d6 17. Rd5 f5 18. Rxd4 Be6 19. Rxd6 Rxa2 20. Rxa2 Bxa2 21. e5 Rc8 22. e6 Kf8 23. c3 Ke7 24. Rxb6 Bxe6 25. Rxb7+ 1-0

Sue Yuchan Maroroa (born 4 March 1991) is a chess player who holds the FIDE title of Woman International Master (WIM). She represented New Zealand in five Chess Olympiads and England at the 2014 Chess Olympiad.

Sue Maroroa (* 4. März 1991 in Auckland) ist eine neuseeländische Schachspielerin. Seit Oktober 2012 spielt sie für den englischen Schachverband.


Examples.

Steven Pinker writes that "[t]he naturalistic fallacy is the idea that what is found in nature is good. It was the basis for social Darwinism, the belief that helping the poor and sick would get in the way of evolution, which depends on the survival of the fittest. Today, biologists denounce the naturalistic fallacy because they want to describe the natural world honestly, without people deriving morals about how we ought to behave (as in: If birds and beasts engage in adultery, infanticide, cannibalism, it must be OK)." Pinker goes on to explain that "[t]he moralistic fallacy is that what is good is found in nature. It lies behind the bad science in nature-documentary voiceovers: lions are mercy-killers of the weak and sick, mice feel no pain when cats eat them, dung beetles recycle dung to benefit the ecosystem and so on. It also lies behind the romantic belief that humans cannot harbor desires to kill, rape, lie, or steal because that would be too depressing or reactionary."

Effects on science and society.

Sometimes basic scientific findings or interpretations are rejected, or their discovery or development or acknowledgement is opposed or restricted, through assertions of potential misuse or harmfulness.  In the late 1970s, Bernard Davis, in response to growing political and public calls to restrict basic research (versus applied research), amid criticisms of dangerous knowledge (versus dangerous applications), applied the term "moralistic fallacy" toward its present use.  In natural science, the moralistic fallacy can result in rejection or suppression of basic science, whose goal is understanding the natural world, on account of its potential misuse in applied science, whose goal is the development of technology or technique. This blurs "scientific assessment", discussed in natural sciences (like physics or biology), versus "significance assessment", weighed in social sciences (like social psychology, sociology, and political science), or in behavioral sciences (like psychology).  Davis asserted that in basic science, the descriptive, explanatory, and thus predictive ability of information is primary, not its origin or its applications, since knowledge cannot be ensured against misuse, and misuse cannot falsify knowledge. Both misuse of scientific work and suppression of scientific knowledge can have undesired or even undesirable effects. In the early 20th century, the development of quantum physics made possible the atomic bomb in the mid 20th century. Without quantum physics, however, much of the technology of communications and imaging might have been impossible.  Scientific theories with abundant research support can be discarded in public debates, where general agreement is central but can be utterly false. The obligation of basic scientists to inform the public, however, can be stymied by contrasting claims from others both rousing alarm and touting assurances of protecting the public. Davis had indicated that greater and clearer familiarization with the uses and limitations of science can more effectively prevent knowledge misuse or harm.  Natural science can help humans understand the natural world, but it cannot make policy, moral, or behavioral decisions. Questions involving "values"—what people should do—are more effectively addressed through discourse in social sciences, not by restriction of basic science. Misunderstanding of the potential of science, and misplaced expectations, have resulted in moral and decisionmaking impediments, but suppressing science is unlikely to resolve these dilemmas.

Seville Statement on Violence.

The Seville Statement on Violence was adopted, in Seville, Spain, on 16 May 1986, by an international meeting of scientists convened by the Spanish National Commission for UNESCO. UNESCO adopted the statement, on 16 November 1989, at the twenty-fifth session of its General Conference. The statement purported to refute "the notion that organized human violence is biologically determined".  Some, including Steven Pinker, have criticized the Seville Statement as an example of the moralistic fallacy. Research in the areas of evolutionary psychology and neuropsychology suggest that human violence has biological roots.

The moralistic fallacy is the informal fallacy of assuming that an aspect of nature which has socially unpleasant consequences cannot exist. Its typical form is "if "X" were true, then it would happen that "Z"!", where "Z" is a morally, socially or politically undesirable thing. What should be moral is assumed "a priori" to also be naturally occurring. The moralistic fallacy is sometimes presented as the inverse of the naturalistic fallacy. However, it could be seen as a variation of the very same naturalistic fallacy; the difference between them could be considered pragmatical, depending on the intentions of that who uses it: naturalistic fallacy if the user wants to justify existing social practices with the argument that they are natural; moralistic fallacy if the user wants to combat existing social practices with the argument of denying that they are natural.

Der moralistische Fehlschluss ist ein Fehlschluss, bei dem auf der Basis der moralischen Unerwünschtheit eines Zustands oder Verhaltens dessen Naturwidrigkeit behauptet wird. Der Begriff wurde als "moralistic fallacy" 1978 durch den Biologen Bernard Davis (1916–1994) geprägt. Im deutschen Sprachraum wurde das Konzept unter der Bezeichnung "moralistischer Trugschluss" von Norbert Bischof (1996) verwendet.


Biography.

Fricke entered the "Kaiserliche Marine" as a cadet on 1 April 1910. He served on during his cadetship and graduated from Marineschule Mürwik. After graduating he was posted to the battlecruiser. On 27 September 1913 Fricke was promoted to lieutenant. During World War I, Fricke served at the Battle of Dogger Bank. Fricke was promoted to "Oberleutnant zur See" in 1916 and transferred to torpedo boats. He served on and. On 7 March 1918 he became an aide-de-camp to the commander of the torpedo boats, in which position he ended the war.  After the war he served in the administration of the German navy as adjudant to the commander in chief of the navy. From 1922 to 1924 he served on the I Flottille, in which he commanded destroyers "T139" and "T148". In September 1924, Fricke became a company officer in a coastal defence unit. Fricke was promoted to corvette captain in 1928. He served three years as a marine adjudant to the Reichswehrminister.  In 1929 Fricke was made commander of half a squadron of torpedo boats. On 16 September 1931 he became commander of the I. Torpedobootsflottille. In 1933 he became "Führer der Torpedoboote" (type commander of torpedo boats). On 1 April 1934 Fricke was promoted to "Fregattenkapitän" (frigate captain). Fricke then was posted as chief of staff to the inspectorate of destroyer and mine-warfare in the rank of "Kapitän zur See" (captain at sea) (1935). From October 1936 to September 1937 he served at the Wehrmacht-Akademie. After this academic posting, Fricke served on the Oberkommando der Marine as Chief of the Operations department of the Seekriegsleitung. On 30 April 1939 Fricke became liaison officer to the Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe.  After the start of the Second World War, Fricke was promoted to "Konteradmiral" (rear admiral) on 1 November 1939 and "Vizeadmiral" (vice admiral) on 1 June 1941. From 13 June 1941 to 20 February 1943 Fricke was Chief of Staff of the Seekriegsleitung. Promoted to Admiral on 1 April 1942, Fricke was named commander of the Marinegruppenkommandos Süd (21 March 1943 – 11 December 1944). In December 1944 Fricke was placed in the Führerreserve. Fricke was killed on 2 May 1945 during the Battle of Berlin.

Kurt Fricke (8 November 1889 – 2 May 1945) was an Admiral with the Kriegsmarine (navy) of Nazi Germany during World War II and a recipient of the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross.

Kurt Fricke (* 8. November 1889 in Berlin; † 2. Mai 1945 ebenda) war ein deutscher Marineoffizier, zuletzt Admiral im Zweiten Weltkrieg.


Early life, education, and pre-political career.

Chabot was born in 1953 in Cincinnati, Ohio, the son of Gerard Joseph and Doris Leona (née Tilley) Chabot; paternally, he is of French-Canadian descent. He graduated from La Salle High School in Cincinnati in 1971, and then from the College of William and Mary in 1975, earning a Bachelor of Arts in physical education. He went on to obtain a Juris Doctor degree from Northern Kentucky University Salmon P. Chase College of Law, in Highland Heights, Kentucky, in 1978. He worked as an elementary school teacher in 1975–1976 while taking law classes at night.  As a practicing attorney from 1978 to 1994, Chabot handled domestic disputes and the drafting of wills as a sole practitioner. He operated out of a small law office in Westwood.

Early political career.

Chabot ran unsuccessfully for the Cincinnati City Council as an independent candidate in 1979 and as a Republican in 1983. Then, running as a Republican, he won a seat in 1985 and was re-elected in 1987 and 1989. In 1988, he ran for the U.S. House of Representatives against seven-term incumbent Democrat Tom Luken, who defeated Chabot 56–44%. After that, he was appointed a Commissioner of Hamilton County, Ohio, in 1990, and was elected later that year and again in 1992, staying until 1994.

U.S. House of Representatives.

Elections.

In 1994, Chabot ran for the U.S. House again and defeated Democratic incumbent David S. Mann of Ohio's 1st congressional district, 56%–44%. In 1996, he defeated Democrat Mark Longabaugh, a member of the Cincinnati City Council, 54%–43%. In 1998, he defeated Cincinnati Mayor Roxanne Qualls, 53% to 47%. In the series of debates during that campaign, Qualls criticized Chabot for not funneling enough federal spending back to his home district. Chabot countered that he would not support "wasteful or unnecessary" federal programs. In 2000, he defeated City Councilman and Harvard graduate John Cranley 53–44%. In 2002, he defeated Greg Harris, with 65% of the vote. In 2004, he defeated Greg Harris again, with 60% of the vote.  Chabot defeated Democratic challenger John Cranley again, this time by a narrower margin of 52–48%.  He was defeated by State Representative Steve Driehaus 52%–48%.  In a rematch, Chabot defeated Democratic incumbent Steve Driehaus, Libertarian Jim Berns, and Green Party nominee Richard Stevenson. Chabot won by a margin of 51%–46%.  Steve Chabot defeated Democratic nominee Jeff Sinnard 58%–38%, with Green nominee Rich Stevenson, and Libertarian nominee Jim Berns picking up the balance. He was helped by the 2010 round of redistricting, which shifted the majority of heavily Republican Warren County to the 1st Congressional District.

Tenure.

On December 18, 2019, Chabot voted against both articles of impeachment against Trump. Of the 195 Republicans who voted, all voted against both impeachment articles.

Electoral history.

<nowiki>*</nowiki>Write-in and minor candidate notes: In 2004, Rich Stevenson received 198 votes. In 2008, Eric Wilson received 85 votes and Rich Stevenson received 67 votes.

Political positions.

As of January 2018, Chabot had voted with his party in 98.2% of votes in the 115th United States Congress and voted in line with President Trump's position in 94.9% of votes.

Health care.

Chabot authored a bill prohibiting a form of late-term abortion called partial-birth abortion, referred to in some medical literature by its less common name of intact dilation and extraction. President George W. Bush signed the bill into law on November 5, 2003.  Chabot favors repealing the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare). He supported the March 2017 version of the American Health Care Act, the GOP's replacement bill for Obamacare. On May 4, 2017, Chabot voted to repeal the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and pass the American Health Care Act.

Environment.

On the topic of man-made climate change, Chabot said "the evidence concerning man-made climate change is far from conclusive". Chabot said cap-and-trade was an "extreme proposal" that would harm the economy.

Other.

In 1999, Chabot was one of the managers appointed to conduct the impeachment proceedings of President Bill Clinton.  On August 22, 2011, Chabot asked Cincinnati police to confiscate cameras being used by private citizens to record a town-hall meeting, even as media television cameras recorded the incident. YouTube videos of the incident provided wide awareness of the incident, and the participating police officer was later disciplined.  In 2002, Chabot advocated teaching intelligent design alongside the theory of evolution by natural selection in Ohio high schools.  Chabot has called for ending logging subsidies in the Tongass National Forest in Alaska, and promoted relations with Taiwan. In 2002, Chabot helped spearhead the local campaign against building a light rail system in Hamilton County.  As of 2016, Chabot had traveled on congressional fact-finding missions to 46 countries at a cost of $200,000.

Personal life.

Chabot lives with his wife Donna and their two children in Westwood.

Steven Joseph Chabot (; born January 22, 1953) is an American politician and lawyer who has been the United States Representative for since 2011. Chabot, a member of the Republican Party, previously represented the district from 1995 to 2009.

Steven „Steve“ Chabot (* 22. Januar 1953 in Cincinnati, Ohio) ist ein amerikanischer Politiker der Republikanischen Partei. Er war von 1995 bis 2009 und ist wieder seit 2011 Mitglied des US-Repräsentantenhauses für den 1. Kongresswahlbezirk Ohios.


Organisation.

Māori electorates operate much as do general electorates, but have as electors people who are Māori or of Māori descent, and who choose to place their names on a separate electoral roll rather than on the "general roll".  There are two features of the Māori electorates that make them distinct from the general electorates. First, there are a number of skills that are essential for candidates to have in order to engage with their constituencies and ensure a clear line of accountability to representing the 'Māori voice'. This includes proficiency in the Māori language, knowledge of tikanga Māori, whakawhanaungatanga skills and confidence on the marae. Second, the geographical size of the Māori electoral boundaries vary significantly from the general electorates. Five to 18 general electorates fit into any one Māori electorate.  Māori electoral boundaries are superimposed over the electoral boundaries used for general electorates; thus every part of New Zealand simultaneously belongs both in a general seat and in a Māori seat. Shortly after each census all registered Māori electors have the opportunity to choose whether they are included on the Māori or General electorate rolls. Each five-yearly Māori Electoral Option determines the number of Māori electorates for the next one or two elections.

Establishment.

The establishment of Māori electorates came about in 1867 during the term of the 4th Parliament with the Maori Representation Act, drafted by Napier member of parliament Donald McLean. Parliament passed the Act only after lengthy debate, it was passed during a period of warfare between the Government and several North Island Māori tribes, and was seen as a way to reduce conflict between the races in future. The act originally agreed to set up four electorates specially for Māori three in the North Island and one covering the whole South Island. The four seats were a fairly modest concession on per capita basis at the time.  Many conservative MPs, most of whom considered Māori "unfit" to participate in government, opposed Māori representation in Parliament, while some MPs from the other end of the spectrum (such as James FitzGerald, who had proposed allocating a third of Parliament to Māori) regarded the concessions given to Māori as insufficient. In the end the setting up of Māori electorates separate from existing electorates assuaged conservative opposition to the bill – conservatives had previously feared that Māori would gain the right to vote in general electorates, thereby forcing all MPs (rather than just four Māori MPs) to take notice of Māori opinion.  Before this law came into effect, no direct prohibition on Māori voting existed, but other indirect prohibitions made it extremely difficult for Māori to exercise their theoretical electoral rights. The most significant problem involved the property qualification – to vote, one needed to possess a certain value of land. Māori owned a great deal of land, but they held it in common, not under individual title, and under the law, only land held under individual title could count towards the property qualification. Donald McLean explicitly intended his bill as a temporary measure, giving specific representation to Māori until they adopted European customs of land ownership. However, the Māori electorates lasted far longer than the intended five years, and remain in place today, despite the property qualification for voting being removed in 1879.  The first four Māori members of parliament elected in 1868 were Tāreha te Moananui (Eastern Maori), Frederick Nene Russell (Northern Maori) and John Patterson (Southern Maori), who all retired in 1870; and Mete Kīngi Te Rangi Paetahi (Western Maori) who was defeated in 1871. These four persons were the first New Zealand-born members of the New Zealand Parliament. The second four members were Karaitiana Takamoana (Eastern Maori); Wi Katene (Northern Maori); Hori Kerei Taiaroa (Southern Maori); and Wiremu Parata (Western Maori).  The first Māori woman MP was Iriaka Ratana who represented the enormous Western Māori electorate. Like Elizabeth McCombs, New Zealand's first women MP, Ratana won the seat in a hotly contested by-election caused by the death of her husband Matiu in 1949.

Elections.

Currently Māori elections are held as part of New Zealand general elections but in the past such elections took place separately, on different days (usually the day before the vote for general electorates) and under different rules. Historically, less organisation went into holding Māori elections than general elections, and the process received fewer resources. Māori electorates at first did not require registration for voting, which was later introduced. New practices such as paper ballots (as opposed to casting one's vote verbally) and secret ballots also came later to elections for Māori electorates than to general electorates.  The authorities frequently delayed or overlooked reforms of the Māori electoral system, with Parliament considering the Māori electorates as largely unimportant. The gradual improvement of Māori elections owes much to long-serving Māori MP Eruera Tirikatene, who himself experienced problems in his own election. From the election of 1951 onwards, the voting for Māori and general electorates was held on the same day.  Confusion around the Māori electorates during the 2017 general election was revealed in a number of complaints to the Electoral Commission. Complaints included Electoral Commission staff at polling booths being unaware of the Māori roll and insisting electors were unregistered when their names did not appear on the general roll; Electoral Commission staff giving incorrect information about the Māori electorates; electors being given incorrect voting forms and electors being told they were unable to vote for the Māori Party unless they were on the Māori roll.

Calls for abolition.

Periodically there have been calls for the abolition of the Māori seats. The electorates aroused controversy even at the time of their origin, and given their intended temporary nature, there were a number of attempts to abolish them. The reasoning behind these attempts has varied – some have seen the electorates as an unfair or unnecessary advantage for Māori, while others have seen them as discriminatory and offensive.  In 1902, a consolidation of electoral law prompted considerable discussion of the Māori electorates, and some MPs proposed their abolition. Many of the proposals came from members of the opposition, and possibly had political motivations – in general, the Māori MPs had supported the governing Liberal Party, which had held power since 1891. Many MPs alleged frequent cases of corruption in elections for the Māori electorates. Other MPs, however, supported the abolition of Māori electorates for different reasons – Frederick Pirani, a member of the Liberal Party, said that the absence of Māori voters from general electorates prevented "pākehā members of the House from taking that interest in Māori matters that they ought to take". The Māori MPs, however, mounted a strong defence of the electorates, with Wi Pere depicting guaranteed representation in Parliament as one of the few rights Māori possessed not "filched from them by the Europeans". The electorates continued in existence.  Just a short time later, in 1905, another re-arrangement of electoral law caused the debate to flare up again. The Minister of Māori Affairs, James Carroll, supported proposals for the abolition of Māori electorates, pointing to the fact that he himself had won the general electorate of Waiapu. Other Māori MPs, such as Hone Heke Ngapua, remained opposed, however. In the end, the proposals for the abolition or reform of Māori electorates did not proceed.  Considerably later, in 1953, the first ever major re-alignment of Māori electoral boundaries occurred, addressing inequalities in voter numbers. Again, the focus on Māori electorates prompted further debate about their existence. The government of the day, the National Party, had at the time a commitment to the assimilation of Māori, and had no Māori MPs, and so many believed that they would abolish the electorates. However, the government had other matters to attend to, and the issue of the Māori electorates gradually faded from view without any changes. Regardless, the possible abolition of the Māori electorates appeared indicated when they did not appear among the electoral provisions entrenched against future modification.  In the 1950s the practice of reserving electorates for Māori was described by some politicians "as a form of 'apartheid', like in South Africa".  In 1967, the electoral system whereby four electorate seats were reserved for representatives who were specifically Māori ended. Following the Electoral Amendment Act of 1967, the 100-year-old disqualification preventing Europeans from standing as candidates in Māori seats was removed. (The same Act allowed Māori to stand in European electorates.)  Since 1967, therefore, there has not been any electoral guarantee of representation by candidates who have Māori descent. While this still means that those elected to represent Māori electors in the Māori electorates are directly accountable to those voters, those representatives are not required to themselves be Māori.  In 1976, Māori gained the right for the first time to decide on which electoral roll they preferred to enrol. Surprisingly, only 40% of the potential population registered on the Māori roll. This reduced the number of calls for the abolition of Māori electorates, as many presumed that Māori would eventually abandon the Māori electorates of their own accord.  However the 1977 electoral redistribution has been described as "the most overtly political since the Representation Commission was established" (through an amendment to the "Representation Act" in 1886); the option to decide which roll to go on was introduced by Muldoon's National Government. As part of the 1976 census, a large number of people failed to fill out an electoral re-registration card, and census staff had not been given the authority to insist on the card being completed. This had little practical effect for people on the general roll, but it transferred Māori to the general roll if the card was not handed in.  When a Royal Commission proposed the adoption of the MMP electoral system in 1986, it also proposed that if the country adopted the new system, it should abolish the Māori electorates. The Commission argued that under MMP, all parties would have to pay attention to Māori voters, and that the existence of separate Māori electorates marginalised Māori concerns. Following a referendum, Parliament drafted an Electoral Reform Bill, incorporating the abolition of the Māori electorates. Both the National Party and Geoffrey Palmer, Labour's leading reformist, supported abolition; but most Māori strongly opposed it. Eventually, the provision did not become law. The Māori electorates came closer than ever to abolition, but survived.  The ACT Party and the National Party have each advocated abolition of the separate electorates. New Zealand First also advocates abolition of the separate electorates but says that the Māori voters should make the decision. National announced in 2008 it would abolish the electorates when all historic Treaty settlements have been resolved, which it aimed to complete by 2014. While it remains National Party policy to abolish the electorates, Prime Minister John Key ruled it out as recently as August 2014, saying he would not do it even if he had the numbers to do so as there would be "hikois from hell".  During the 2017 election campaign, the New Zealand First leader Winston Peters announced that if elected his party would hold two binding referendums on whether Maori electorates should be abolished and whether the number of MPs should be reduced to 100. The lobby group Hobson's Pledge advocates abolishing the allocated Māori seats, seeing them as outdated. During post-election negotiations with the Labour Party, Peters indicated that he would consider dropping his call for a referendum on the Māori seats due to the defeat of the Māori Party at the 2017 election. In return for forming a government with the Labour Party, NZ First agreed to drop its demand for referenda on abolishing the Māori electorates.

Number of electorates.

From 1868 to 1996, four Māori electorates existed (out of a total that slowly changed from 76 to 99). They comprised:  With the introduction of the MMP electoral system after 1993, the rules regarding the Māori electorates changed. Today, the number of electorates floats, meaning that the electoral population of a Māori seat can remain roughly equivalent to that of a general seat. In the first MMP vote (the 1996 election), the Electoral Commission defined five Māori electorates:  For the second MMP election (1999), six Māori electorates existed:  The 2002 and 2005 elections had seven:  The 2008, 2011, 2014 and 2017 general elections also had seven:  While seven out of 70 (10%) does not nearly reflect the proportion of New Zealanders who identify as being of Māori descent (about 18%), many Māori choose to enroll in general electorates, so the proportion reflects the proportion of voters on the Māori roll.  For maps showing broad electoral boundaries, see selected links to individual elections at New Zealand elections.  Former Māori Party co-leader Pita Sharples proposed the creation of an additional electorate, for Māori living in Australia, where there are between 115,000 and 125,000 Māori, the majority living in Queensland.

Party politics.

As Māori electorates originated before the development of political parties in New Zealand, all early Māori MPs functioned as independents. When the Liberal Party formed, however, Māori MPs began to align themselves with the new organisation, with either Liberal candidates or Liberal sympathisers as representatives. Māori MPs in the Liberal Party included James Carroll, Āpirana Ngata and Te Rangi Hīroa. There were also Māori MPs in the more conservative and rural Reform Party; Maui Pomare, Taurekareka Henare and Taite Te Tomo.  Since the Labour Party first came to power in 1935, however, it has dominated the Māori electorates. For a long period this dominance owed much to Labour's alliance with the Rātana Church, although the Rātana influence has diminished in recent times. In the 1993 election, however, the new New Zealand First party, led by the part-Māori Winston Peters – who himself held the general seat of Tauranga from 1984 to 2005 – gained the Northern Māori seat (electing Tau Henare to Parliament), and in the 1996 election New Zealand First captured all the Māori electorates for one electoral term. Labour regained the electorates in the following election in the 1999 election.  A development of particular interest to Māori came in 2004 with the resignation of Tariana Turia from her ministerial position in the Labour-dominated coalition and from her Te Tai Hauāuru parliamentary seat. In the resulting by-election on 10 July 2004, standing under the banner of the newly formed Māori Party, she received over 90% of the 7,000-plus votes cast. The parties then represented in Parliament had not put up official candidates in the by-election. The new party's support in relation to Labour therefore remained untested at the polling booth.  The Māori Party aimed to win all seven Māori electorates in 2005. A Marae-Digipoll survey of Māori-roll voters in November 2004 gave it hope: 35.7% said they would vote for a Māori Party candidate, 26.3% opted for Labour, and five of the seven electorates appeared ready to fall to the new party. In the election, the new party won four of the Māori electorates. It seemed possible that Māori Party MPs could play a role in the choice and formation of a governing coalition, and they conducted talks with the National Party. In the end they remained in Opposition.  Similarly in 2008, the Māori Party aimed to win all seven Māori electorates. However, in the election, they managed to increase their four electorates only to five. Although the National government had enough MPs to govern without the Māori Party, it invited the Māori Party to support their minority government on confidence and supply in return for policy concessions and two ministerial posts outside of Cabinet. The Māori Party signed a confidence and supply agreement with National on the condition that the Māori electorates were not abolished unless the Māori voters agreed to abolish them. Other policy concessions including a review of the Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004, a review of New Zealand's constitutional arrangements, and the introduction of the Whānau Ora indigenous health initiative.  Discontentment with the Māori Party's support agreement with National particularly the Marine and Coastal Areas Bill 2011 led the party's Te Tai Tokerau Member Hone Harawira to secede from the Māori Party and form the radical left-wing Mana Movement. During the 2011 general election, the Māori Party retained three of the Māori electorates while Labour increased its share of the Māori electorates to three, taking Te Tai Tonga. The Mana Movement retained Te Tai Tokerau. Tensions between the Māori Party and Mana Movement combined with competition from the Labour Party fragmented the Māori political voice in Parliament.  In the 2014 election, Mana Movement leader Hone Harawira formed an electoral pact with the Internet Party, founded by controversial Internet entrepreneur Kim Dotcom and led by former Alliance MP Laila Harré known as Internet MANA. Hone was defeated by Labour candidate Kelvin Davis, who was tacitly endorsed by the ruling National Party, New Zealand First, and the Māori Party. During the 2014 election, Labour captured six of the Māori electorates with the Māori Party being reduced to co-leader Te Ururoa Flavell's Waiariki electorate. The Māori Party managed to bring a second member co-leader Marama Fox into Parliament as their party vote entitled them to one further list seat.  During the 2017 general election, the Māori Party formed an electoral pact with the Mana Movement leader and former Māori Party MP Hone Harawira not to contest Te Tai Tokerau as part of a deal to regain the Māori electorates from the Labour Party. Despite these efforts, Labour captured all seven of the Māori electorates with Labour candidate Tamati Coffey unseating Māori Party co-leader Flavell in Waiariki.

In New Zealand politics, Māori electorates, colloquially known as the Māori seats, are a special category of electorate that gives reserved positions to representatives of Māori in the New Zealand Parliament. Every area in New Zealand is covered by both a general and a Māori electorate; as of 2002, there are seven Māori electorates. Since 1967 candidates in Māori electorates have not needed to be Māori themselves, but to register as a voter in the Māori electorates people need to declare they are of Māori descent.

Von den seit der Parlamentswahl 2008 festgelegten und noch bestehenden 70 Wahlkreisen sind 63 generelle Wahlkreise, während sieben Wahlkreise, die sich mit den generellen Wahlkreisen überschneiden, direkt der -Bevölkerung zugeordnet sind. In der Wahl von 2005 gab es dagegen nur 62 generelle Wahlkreise.


Early years.

Ernst Marlier was the son of Philipp Marlier (died c. 1902), a postal official, and Mathilda Marlier ("née" Forkeln). After receiving commercial training in the Fuchs Book Factory, Marlier fulfilled his military service obligation in Infantry Regiment 22 in Kassel, after which he moved to Nuremberg. There, he was the proprietor of a shipping firm, Micado.

Drug maker.

In 1903, Marlier settled in Berlin (Kurfürstenstrasse 173a, later Sternstrasse 22), where he founded multiple drug firms (Chemische Fabrik Dr. Schröder GmbH, Chemische Fabrik Dr. Hartmann GmbH, Chemische Fabrik Dr. Wagner und Marlier) and the coal wholesaler Julius Marlier. By 1907, Marlier was already having problems with police headquarters, which warned that Marlier’s preparations “did not have the properties ascribed to them in their sales information.” Among the pharmaceuticals Marlier sold were "Antipositin, Antineurasthin, Renascin, Slankal, Levathin, Visnervin, Vitalito" and "Hämasol".

Assault charges.

In 1904, Marlier was charged with battery and disturbance of the peace, and sentenced to six days in jail. In 1913, on the corner of Friedrichstraße and Jägerstraße, Marlier was arrested for assault and battery. According to the police, Marlier had slapped the face of a woman waiting at a cab stand. When two drivers intervened, Marlier beat them both. A policeman named Brandt saw the disturbance and approached, whereupon Marlier attacked him. According to the police report, Marlier was taken to the police precinct. A wild scene ensued, the furious Marlier accosting everyone in sight. Marlier was sentenced to pay a 600 mark fine. Marlier's wife divorced him in 1922 because he beat her.

Wannsee Villa.

In 1914, Marlier engaged architect (later a favorite architect of Adolf Hitler) to build a magnificent villa, overlooking the Großer Wannsee, in the Berlin suburb of Wannsee. However, Marlier was unable to retain the villa because of his business problems. In 1905, the Pharmaceutical Institute of Berlin determined that Marlier’s medicines consisted of nothing more than tartaric acid, citric acid, sodium chloride, and egg yolk. In 1907, the German government forbade the sale of Marlier’s "Antipositin" and "Antineurasthin". Marlier became involved in a tangle of legal troubles, and in 1921, he was forced to sell the Wannsee Villa to industrialist Friedrich Minoux for 2,300,000 reichsmarks.

Wannsee Conference.

On January 20, 1942, Reinhard Heydrich announced the Final Solution to the Jewish Question (the deportation and extermination of all Jews in German-occupied territory) at the Wannsee Conference, which took place in the Wannsee Villa.

Ernst Ferdinand Emil Marlier (28 July 1875 – 1948) was a German pharmaceutical manufacturer who built the Wannsee Villa, where the Wannsee Conference was held.

Ernst Marlier (* 28. Juli 1875 in Coburg; † 1948; vollständiger Name "Ernst Ferdinand Emil Marlier") war ein deutscher Unternehmer.


Authorship.

The "Instructions" may have been authored at Senusret's command to eulogize his father and legitimize his claim to the throne. Several centuries later, in the New Kingdom Papyrus Chester Beatty IV, the authorship of the poem was attributed to "the foremost of scribes" Kheti.  The principal source of this document comes from the Papyrus Millingen which was copied by A. Peyron in 1843. The original is now lost. Wooden tablets with parts of the "Instructions" dating to the 18th Dynasty and New Kingdom papyrus fragments and ostraca survive.

Content.

The "Instructions" open by identifying the author as "the late King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Sehetepibre, the son of Re Amenemhat" and claim to be Amenemhat's advice to his son on how to maintain his kingship and prosperity. The king then warns his son not to trust anyone, for even those he had helped refused support and explains that he was assassinated by his guard while he was in bed. He briefly describes his provisions for Egypt; his military successes and his building accomplishments are given. The "Instructions" close with blessings for his son, Senusret, and advice on how he should rule.

Impact.

This manuscript is one of the earliest references to "Asiatics". Later pharaohs copied parts of older writings to legitimize their deeds. The 25th Dynasty pharaoh Piye copied sections from the "Instructions of Amenemhat" almost "verbatim". The poem was still being read in the fifth century BC, some 1500 years after it was written.

Instructions of Amenemhat (aka "Teaching of King Ammenemes I to His Son Sesostris") is a short ancient Egyptian poem of the "sebayt" genre written during the early Middle Kingdom. The poem takes the form of an intensely dramatic monologue delivered by the ghost of the murdered 12th Dynasty pharaoh Amenemhat I to his son Senusret I. It describes the conspiracy that killed Amenemhat, and enjoins his son to trust no-one. The poem forms a kind of apologia of the deeds of the old king's reign. It ends with an exhortation to Senusret to ascend the throne and rule wisely in Amenemhat's stead.

Die Lehre des Amenemhet ist ein altägyptisches Literaturwerk, das sich nach dem Formvorbild der Lebenslehre und der privaten Autobiographie gestaltet. Die zentrale Stelle schildert ein Attentat auf den König (Pharao) Amenemhet I. Obwohl der Text nur aus Handschriften des Neuen Reichs überliefert ist, datiert seine Entstehung unbestritten in die 12. Dynastie des Mittleren Reichs. Entweder wurde sie von Amenemhet I. selbst in Auftrag gegeben, um eine Mitregentschaft von seinem Sohn Sesostris I. zu rechtfertigen oder sie wurde auf Veranlassung Sesostris' I. niedergeschrieben, um seine Nachfolge zu rechtfertigen.


History.

The Cyprus College of Art was founded in 1969 by the Cypriot painter Stass Paraskos, and is one of the oldest art institutions on the Mediterranean island of Cyprus. In the past it has been housed at different locations. It started life in the city of Famagusta on the east coast of Cyprus in 1969, but after a campaign by local hoteliers against the presence of impoverished artists and art students in a city increasingly focused on mass tourism, the College moved briefly to Larnaca in 1972, and then to Kato Paphos in 1973. With the arrival of the mass-tourism industry to Kato Paphos in the early 1980s, the local authorities there also asked the College to move and it was settled at its present site in the village of Lempa in 1985. In 2002 the College acquired premises in the city of Limassol, run alongside the studios in Lempa, and the Limassol operation moved to Larnaca in 2007, becoming the Cornaro Institute. This was separated from the Cyprus College of Art in 2014, and now operates as an independent organisation.  The original aim of the Cyprus College of Art was not to provide formal courses, but to offer artists and art students from different countries the opportunity to spend a period of time making art in Cyprus. However, in the early 1970s the college planned to launch the first postgraduate fine art programme in Cyprus, but this was delayed by the Turkish invasion in 1974, and did not start until 1978. With the establishment of this programme, the Cyprus College of Art became the first true art school offering in higher education programmes, on the island of Cyprus.  In 1985 Stass Paraskos was joined by his daughter, Margaret Paraskos, running the College. With the acquisition of additional premises in Limassol in 2002 the College launched several undergraduate fine art programmes. This included foundation, adult education and degree courses in painting, sculpture, photography and printmaking. Almost all of the programmes taught at the College followed a British art education model, and several were validated in the United Kingdom, although these validations were not accepted by the Cypriot government authorities. In 2007 the College's Limassol site was closed, and teaching transferred to a new building in Larnaca which became known as the Cornaro Institute, named after the last Venetian Queen of Cyprus Caterina Cornaro. From this time the site at Lempa concentrated on postgraduate programmes, and that at Larnaca on foundation and undergraduate programmes. Both sites were also used to house visiting artists from around the world.  Following the death of Stass Paraskos in 2014, the Cyprus College of Art ceased to offer formal educational courses and de-registered as a college of education with the Cyprus Ministry of Education and Culture. The Cornaro Institute in Larnaca was separated from the College and became an independent institution, and the College in Lempa became a studio and residency centre for artists and art students from around the world.

Foundation and ethos.

The foundation of the College in 1969 was highly unusual. Although Stass Paraskos had visited Cyprus in 1968 with the British poet Martin Bell, and met with the first President of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios, to discuss opening an art school in Cyprus, the initial impetus for starting the Cyprus College of Art came from an informal discussion in a pub in the English city of Leeds, where Paraskos was a tutor at the Leeds College of Art. In this discussion it was suggested Paraskos organise a summer trip for the art students and tutors to Cyprus. Agreeing to do this, Paraskos started an annual event, which attracted students from other British art schools, and eventually grew into the Cyprus College of Art. This informal start led by artists remains a central part of the ethos of CyCA today, with artists rather than administrators still playing a central role in the institution, and stressing the freedom of the artist to be a creative being rather than under the control of academic bureaucracies.

Sculpture wall and garden.

The Cyprus College of Art's campus in Lempa is surrounded by a large sculpture wall and garden, open to the public. This was created over a period of over twenty-five years from 1989 by Stass Paraskos, together with many of the artists and art students who have visited the College. The wall is a major landmark and tourist attraction in the region, attracting visitors to the village to see sculptures of a King Kong-sized gorilla, a donkey known as 'the art critic' and numerous other animals and human figures, as well as abstract elements. These are all constructed from found materials and cement.

Controversy with Manifesta.

In 2005, the International Manifesta Organisation, based in the Netherlands announced that the art festival Manifesta 6 would be held in Cyprus in 2006. The Cyprus College of Art was initially enthusiastic about the prospect of an international art fair in Cyprus, publishing a supporting article in the College newsletter, "ArtCyprus" about Manifesta.  However a perceived unwillingness by the Manifesta organisers to engage with the College and the Cypriot art world resulted in the College becoming one of Manifesta 6's fiercest critics. This was compounded by the Manifesta team claiming there was no functioning art school in Cyprus, a charge that resulted in CyCA dedicating an entire issue of ArtCyprus to attacking Manifesta, accusing the Dutch organisation of cultural insensitivity bordering on racism.

Rebirth and development.

The economic crisis that hit Cyprus in 2013 had a major detrimental effect on the finances of the College, resulting in falling student recruitment. Coupled with the death of the founder of the College, Stass Paraskos, in 2014, it was decided in 2014 to cease offering educational courses and return the College to being a centre for visiting artists. This resulted in the separation of the Cyprus College of Art in Lempa from the Cornaro Institute in Larnaca, and with the focus of the College now firmly on Lempa, work has begun with Lempa Parish Council on upgrading the facilities in Lempa to operate the site solely as an artists' studio complex. Following the death of Stass Paraskos, his daughter Margaret became director of the Cyprus College of Art.

The Cyprus College of Art (CyCA) is an artists' studio group, located in the village of Lempa on the west coast of Cyprus. It was founded in 1969 by the artist Stass Paraskos; the current director is the Cyprus-based artist Margaret Paraskos.

Die Akademie der Künste Zypern (, türkisch "Sanat Kıbrıs Koleji") ist eine Kunsthochschule auf der Mittelmeerinsel Zypern. Es gibt zwei Standorte, das Gebäude in Larnaka und der Campus im Dorf Lempa bei Paphos. Unterrichtssprache ist Englisch. Fast alle der Programme, die an der Akademie unterrichtet werden, folgen dem Lehrplan der britischen Kunstausbildung und sind in Großbritannien anerkannt.


Early life, education, and legal career.

Duncan was born in Lebanon, Tennessee. His "paternal grandparents were small-acreage farmers in Scott County, which in 1861 left Tennessee, refusing to follow the Volunteer State into the Confederacy, and declared itself 'the Free and Independent state of Scott.'" Duncan's parents were Lois (Swisher) and John Duncan Sr., who "hitchhiked into Knoxville with five dollars in his pocket,' and after an education at the University of Tennessee was elected mayor of Knoxville and then congressman." The elder Duncan was also a co-owner of the Knoxville Smokies of the "Sally League," for which his son "was a batboy, a ball shagger, scoreboard operator, and, as a freshman at the University of Tennessee, the Smokies' public-address announcer." Duncan also worked as a grocery bagger and salesman at Sears while working his way through school. Duncan supported Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign, and sent the first paycheck he earned as a bagboy at the local A&P to the Goldwater campaign.  Duncan graduated from the University of Tennessee at Knoxville in 1969 with a Bachelor of Journalism degree and subsequently received a Juris Doctor degree from George Washington University Law School in Washington, D.C. in 1973 and was admitted to the bar that same year. He also served in the Army National Guard from 1970 to 1987. He was an attorney in private practice until he became a state court judge in Knox County, Tennessee, where he served from 1981 to 1988.

U.S. House of Representatives.

Elections.

John Sr., who had represented the Knoxville-based 2nd District since 1965, died in June 1988. Jimmy Duncan won the Republican nomination to succeed him. He ran in and won two elections on November 8, 1988–a special election for the balance of his father's 12th term, and a regular election for a full two-year term. He was re-elected every two years from then until his retirement from a district that had been held continuously by Republicans (or their antecedents) since 1859, and by a Duncan since his father was first elected in 1964. He never faced a serious or well-funded challenge for reelection, and was reelected without major-party opposition in four consecutive elections (1994 through 2000).

Tenure.

Duncan voted against authorizing the 2003 War in Iraq based on opposition to what he believed to be an unnecessary foreign involvement. He also opposed and voted against a June 2006 House declaration in support of the war. He was one of the most conservative Republicans to do so. Duncan later remarked that the Iraq War vote had been  Duncan was among only six Republicans to vote against funding for the Iraq War on May 24, 2007. Duncan voted, along with three other Republicans, to withdraw U.S. troops from Iraq by April 2008 on July 12, 2007.  On March 10, 2010, Duncan again joined three other Republicans in voting for the removal of troops from Afghanistan. Duncan and Ron Paul were the only members of Congress to vote for the removal of troops from Afghanistan and against all recent bailout and stimulus bills.  He has criticized neoconservatism and supports a non-interventionist foreign policy.  Duncan was a member of the Liberty Caucus, a group of libertarian-minded congressional Republicans. Other members included Walter B. Jones of North Carolina, Roscoe Bartlett of Maryland, Scott Garrett of New Jersey, and Jeff Flake of Arizona. A former neighbor of his district, Zach Wamp of the 3rd district, also belonged to the group during his tenure in the House.  Duncan voted against the Wall Street bailout. In a column he explained his vote stating he "thought it would be better in the long run not to adopt the socialist approach." The American Conservative Union gave Duncan a 96% score for his voting record in 2013, higher than any other federal Representative in Congress from Tennessee.  The Family Research Council has rated Duncan as a 92% or above since 2002 and the NRA has rated him in equally positive terms. In 2012, Duncan received the number one spot in the 435-member House in the National Taxpayers Union's (NTU) annual ranking of Congress, earning him the "Taxpayer Hero" award.  Duncan is a frequent contributor to "Chronicles" and "The American Conservative," both magazines associated with the paleoconservative movement. He has also contributed to numerous trade publications and Capitol Hill newspapers. Duncan has also voiced public support for returning the gold standard.  On April 2016, Duncan endorsed Donald Trump for the Republican presidential nomination.

Investigation.

In February 2017 Duncan refused to hold any town halls in his district after the election of President Donald Trump. Duncan said that he preferred one-on-one meetings rather than town halls, adding that he was not willing to give a platform to "extremists, kooks and radicals."  Duncan was being accused of misuse of campaign funds for using them to pay his son almost $300,000 over the course of five years, for work not done or for fees that were too high. Duncan denied the charges, though his son, John Duncan III (R) a Knox County Trustee, pled guilty to a felony charge of official misconduct for handing out bonuses to his own staff for training they had not received. Duncan the third resigned from office and was given one year of probation. His charges are now expunged. As the investigation continued, on July 31, 2017, Duncan announced that he would not run for reelection in 2018. He wishes to spend more time with his family.

Personal life.

Duncan and his wife Lynn have four children and eight grandchildren.  He is also the brother of Tennessee State Senator Becky Duncan Massey. After retiring from Congress, Duncan currently resides in Grainger County, Tennessee.

John James Duncan Jr. (born July 21, 1947) is an American politician who served as the U.S. Representative for from 1988 to 2019. A lawyer, former judge, and former long serving member of the Army National Guard, he is a member of the Republican Party.

John James „Jimmy“ Duncan Jr. (* 21. Juli 1947 in Lebanon, Tennessee) ist ein US-amerikanischer Politiker. Seit 1988 vertritt er den Bundesstaat Tennessee im US-Repräsentantenhaus. Da er 2018 nicht wieder antritt, wird er zum Januar 2019 aus dem Kongress ausscheiden.


I Should Have Known Better (The-Beatles-Lied)

Origin.

"I Should Have Known Better" was one of several songs written and recorded specifically for the Beatles' debut movie, "A Hard Day's Night". The harmonica-driven arrangement by the group was similar to that heard on Frank Ifield's recording of "The Wayward Wind", a hit on the UK Singles Chart in March 1963. The Beatles were fans of Ifield and his music, and had notably covered his recording of "I Remember You" in their Hamburg stage act in 1962.

Recording.

The first recording session for the song was on 25 February 1964 at EMI Studios when three takes were attempted, but only one was complete. Take 2 was aborted when Lennon broke into hysterics over his harmonica playing. The song was re-recorded the next day after making some changes to the arrangement.  Lennon's harmonica playing opens the track, the last occasion the Beatles were to feature this instrument on an intro ("I'm a Loser", recorded 14 August 1964 has a harmonica solo) and thus draws a line under a significant period of their early music. The song's middle sixteen section features George Harrison's brand new Rickenbacker 360/12 12-string guitar.  The mono and stereo versions have slightly different harmonica introductions. In the stereo version, the harmonica drops out briefly. Also, a noticeably clumsy and audible tape edit is heard during the second chorus between "You're gonna say you love me too, oh," and "And when I ask you to be mine."

Release.

United Kingdom.

In the UK, "I Should Have Known Better" appeared on "A Hard Day's Night" and was released on 10 July 1964. It was not released as a single at that time. In 1976, it was released as a B-side to "Yesterday".

United States.

In the US, "I Should Have Known Better" was released on 13 July 1964 as the B-side to "A Hard Day's Night" and reached number 53 in the "Billboard" Hot 100, and number 43 on the "Cash Box" chart.  As part of the film contract, United Artists acquired album rights for the American market. The company released a soundtrack album on 26 June 1964 with eight Beatles songs and four instrumentals. "I Should Have Known Better" was performed in the film, and it appears on the soundtrack. Capitol Records released "Something New" a month later with songs from the UK version of "A Hard Day's Night" that were not used in the film. The songs were also later released by Capitol on the "Hey Jude" compilation album in 1970.

Continental Europe.

"I Should Have Known Better" was released as a single in a number of continental European countries, including Norway, where it reached number one, and West Germany, where it reached number six. In Sweden, the song topped the Kvällstoppen Chart for four weeks.

On film.

The song is performed in the train compartment scene of "A Hard Day's Night". It was in fact filmed in a van, with crew members rocking the vehicle to simulate the action of a train in motion. Paul McCartney is seen lip-syncing in the song, both in the train scene and in the live performance at the end of the film, despite not singing in the actual recording.

"I Should Have Known Better" is a song by English rock band the Beatles composed by John Lennon (credited to Lennon–McCartney), and originally issued on "A Hard Day's Night", their soundtrack for the film of the same name released on 10 July 1964. "I Should Have Known Better" was also issued as the B-side of the US single "A Hard Day's Night" released on 13 July. An orchestrated version of the song conducted by George Martin appears on the North American version of the album, "A Hard Day's Night Original Motion Picture Soundtrack".

I Should Have Known Better () ist ein Lied der britischen Band The Beatles aus dem Jahr 1964. Geschrieben wurde es von John Lennon, als Komponisten sind jedoch Lennon und Paul McCartney mit ihrem gemeinsamen Copyright angegeben. In Großbritannien erschien das Lied nie als Single, sondern war Bestandteil des Soundtracks zum Film "A Hard Day’s Night", der in Deutschland unter dem Titel "Yeah Yeah Yeah" lief. Im Film selbst sind die Beatles beim Spielen von "I Should Have Known Better" zu sehen.


Early life and education.

Feld studied Economics at Saarland University. He obtained a doctorate in Economics 1999 and a habilitation in Economics in 2002, both from the University of St. Gallen.

Career.

From 2002 until 2005 Feld was visiting academic at the Economic Sciences faculty at the University of Rennes 1. At the same time, from 2002 until 2006, he served as professor for Economics with specialty in finance at the University of Marburg and, since 2002, he also serves as associate professor for Economics at the University of St. Gallen.  Since 2008 Feld has been a member of the Kronberger Kreis of the Stiftung Marktwirtschaft (Market Economy Foundation) and in this context calls for more private liability within the European bank union.  From 2006 until 2010 Feld held the chair for finance at the University of Heidelberg. At the same time he was offered a research professorship at the Centre for European Economic Research (ZEW) in Mannheim which he took on in 2006. In addition to this, since 2007, he is visiting academic at the Centre for European Economic Research (ZEW) in Mannheim. During this time he worked as curator for student business consulting GalileiConsult e.V. in Heidelberg.  Since September 2010 Feld has been professor for Economic Policy and Ordinal Economics at the University of Freiburg and serves as lead executive at the Walter Eucken Institute.  Since March 2011, Feld has been a member of the German Council of Economic Experts; in 2020, he became the body's chairman. Since 2013, he has also been serving on the advisory board of the Stability Council, a body devised as part of Germany’s national implementation of the European Fiscal Compact.

Personal life.

Feld is married and has three sons.

Lars Peter Feld (born August 9, 1966 in Saarbrücken) is a German economist who currently serves as director of the Walter Eucken Institut, Professor for Economic Policy at the University of Freiburg and as chairman of the German Council of Economic Experts.

Lars Peter Feld (* 9. August 1966 in Saarbrücken) ist Professor für Wirtschaftspolitik an der Universität Freiburg und Leiter des dortigen Walter Eucken Instituts. Seit 2011 ist er Mitglied des Sachverständigenrats zur Begutachtung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung („Rat der Wirtschaftsweisen“), zu dessen Vorsitzendem er im März 2020 gewählt wurde.


Plot.

John "Lucky" Garnett (Fred Astaire) is a gambler and dancer. He is set to marry Margaret (Betty Furness), but his friends hold him up quibbling about a minor alteration to his suit, so that he is late for the wedding. Margaret's father phones to call off the wedding, but Lucky doesn't get that message. His friends bet him that he will not be getting married, and he agrees to the bet. Margaret's father tells Lucky that he must earn $25,000 to demonstrate his good intentions.  He and his friend "Pop" Cardetti (Victor Moore) try to buy train tickets, but his friends take his money – because he lost the bet. So they hitch the first freight train to New York. Broke, they wander around the city. Lucky meets Penny (Ginger Rogers), a dance school instructor, when he asks for change for a quarter. It's his lucky quarter and Pop feels bad that Lucky lost it. They attempt to get it back, but Penny is in no mood to deal with them. When she drops her things, Pop sneaks the quarter out of her purse, and she thinks Lucky did it.  They follow Penny to her work. To be able to apologize, he has to take a dancing lesson from her. She's still furious at him. After a disastrous lesson, Penny tells him to "save his money" since he will never learn to dance. Her boss, Mr. Gordon (Eric Blore), overhears her comment and fires her. Lucky dances with Penny to "prove" how much she's taught him. Not only does Mr. Gordon give Penny her job back, he sets up an audition with the owner of a local venue.  They check into the same hotel where Penny is staying. Lucky does not have a tuxedo to wear to the audition. He tries to get a tuxedo off a drunk man, but he ends up losing his own clothes instead. They miss the audition, and Penny gets mad at Lucky all over again. Lucky arranges another audition. He and Pop picket in front of Penny's door until she gives in and forgives him.  But they cannot audition because the club has lost their band leader, Ricardo Romero (Georges Metaxa), to a casino. They go to Club Raymond where Lucky gambles to win enough to get Ricky back. Meanwhile, Ricky declares his feelings for Penny. Lucky is about to win enough to marry Margaret, but he takes his last bet off in time... proving he is no longer interested in her, but in Penny, instead. The club owner bets him double or nothing and they gamble for Ricky's contract. Upon seeing that the club owner intends to cheat, Pop cheats as well, and Lucky wins the contract.  Lucky and Penny dance at the club. They are dancing together all the time, but Lucky does not trust himself around Penny because he feels guilty about not telling her about Margaret. He's avoiding her, which Penny notices, so she and her friend Mabel Anderson (Helen Broderick) conspire to get Lucky and Pop out to the country. Pop lets slip the information about Lucky and Margaret.  Despite her best efforts, the two begin a romance, even as Ricky continues to woo Penny. When Margaret shows up, Lucky tries to avoid her; but, too late, Penny finds out. She agrees to marry Ricky. Margaret calls off her engagement to Lucky before he can. Lucky successfully stops Penny's wedding. And the two end up together, much to everyone's delight.

Production.

Initially, the working titles for the film were "I Won't Dance" and "Never Gonna Dance", but studio executives worried that no one would come see a musical where no one danced, and the title was changed. "Pick Yourself Up" was also considered as a title, as were 15 other possibilities.  Erwin Gelsey's original screen story was purchased by RKO, and in November 1935, Gelsey was hired to adapt the story. Although he did not receive any screen credit, he was under consideration for screenplay credit as late as July 1936. Howard Lindsay wrote the first draft of the screenplay, which was then considerably re-written by Allan Scott. Just before shooting started, in April 1936, Scott was called back from New York to write additional dialogue.  Astaire spent almost eight weeks preparing for the film's dance numbers.  The "Bojangles of Harlem" number, a tribute to Bill "Bojangles" Robinson, was the last part of the film shot, because of the special effects required. To create the effect that Astaire was dancing with three shadows of himself that were larger-than-life, Astaire had to be filmed dancing in front of a blank white screen on which a powerful light projected his shadow. This footage was tripled in the film lab. Astaire was next filmed performing under normal lighting in front of another white screen while watching a projection of the shadow dancing, and the four shots were optically combined. In its entirety, the sequence took three full days of shooting, and the film overall took several weeks longer to shoot than the normal Astaire-Rogers film.  The New York street scenes were shot on Paramount's back lot, the train station interiors and exteriors at the Los Angeles Santa Fe Railroad Station, and the freight yard scene was shot in downtown Los Angeles.

Musical numbers.

Musical notes

Reception.

Box office.

According to RKO records the film made $1,624,000 in the U.S. and Canada and $994,000 elsewhere, resulting in a profit of $830,000.  It was the 15th most popular film at the British box office in 1935-36.

Awards and honors.

At the 1937 Academy Awards Jerome Kern and Dorothy Fields won the award for Best Music, Original Song and Hermes Pan was nominated, but did not win, for his choreography for "Bojangles of Harlem".  In 1999, "Entertainment Weekly" named "Swing Time" as one of the top 100 films, and in 2004, the film was included in the United States National Film Registry for being "culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant". Three years later, in 2007, the American Film Institute ranked "Swing Time" #90 on their 10th Anniversary list of 100 Years...100 Movies.

Adaptations.

A Broadway musical, "Never Gonna Dance" based on the film, used much of the Jerome Kern and Dorothy Fields' original score. The show, which had a book by Jeffrey Hatcher, began performances on October 27, 2003, running for 44 previews and 84 performances. It opened on December 4, 2003 and closed on February 15, 2004. It was directed by Michael Greif and choreographed by Jerry Mitchell.

Home media.

Region 1
 Since 2005, a digitally restored version of "Swing Time" is available separately (in Region 1) and as part of "The Astaire & Rogers Collection, Vol.1" from Warner Home Video. These releases feature a commentary by John Mueller, author of "Astaire Dancing – The Musical Films."  On June 11, 2019, The Criterion Collection released this movie in the United States in the Blu-ray and DVD formats.  Region 2
 Since 2003, a digitally restored version of "Swing Time" (in Region 2 – not the same as the US restoration) is available separately, and as part of "The Fred and Ginger Collection, Vol. 1" from Universal Studios, who control the rights to the RKO Astaire-Rogers pictures in the UK and Ireland. These releases feature an introduction by Astaire's daughter, Ava Astaire McKenzie.

References.

Notes Bibliography

Swing Time is a 1936 American RKO musical comedy film set mainly in New York City, and starring Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers. It features Helen Broderick, Victor Moore, Betty Furness, Eric Blore and Georges Metaxa, with music by Jerome Kern and lyrics by Dorothy Fields. The film was directed by George Stevens.

Swing Time ist ein US-amerikanisches Filmmusical mit Fred Astaire und Ginger Rogers aus dem Jahr 1936. Als Vorlage diente die Geschichte "Portrait of John Garnett" von Erwin S. Gelsey. In Österreich wurde der Film unter dem Titel "Walzer aus Amerika" veröffentlicht.


Life and career.

Early life.

Thomas, the son of civil service clerk Philip Henry Thomas and Mary Elizabeth Townsend, was born in Lambeth, an area of present-day south London previously in Surrey. He was educated at Belleville School, Battersea Grammar School and St Paul's School in London. He was a history scholar at Lincoln College, Oxford between 1898 and 1900. His family were mostly Welsh. In June 1899 he married Helen Berenice Noble (1878–1967) in Fulham, while still an undergraduate, and determined to live his life by the pen. He then worked as a book reviewer, reviewing up to 15 books every week. He was already a seasoned writer by the outbreak of war, having published widely as a literary critic and biographer as well as writing about the countryside. He also wrote a novel, "The Happy-Go-Lucky Morgans" (1913), a "book of delightful disorder".  Thomas worked as literary critic for the "Daily Chronicle" in London and became a close friend of Welsh tramp poet W. H. Davies, whose career he almost single-handedly developed.  From 1905, Thomas lived with his wife Helen and their family at Elses Farm near Sevenoaks, Kent. He rented to Davies a tiny cottage nearby, and nurtured his writing as best he could. On one occasion, Thomas arranged for the manufacture, by a local wheelwright, of a makeshift wooden leg for Davies. Even though Thomas thought that poetry was the highest form of literature and regularly reviewed it, he only became a poet himself at the end of 1914 when living at Steep, East Hampshire, and initially published his poetry under the name Edward Eastaway. The American poet Robert Frost, who was living in England at the time, in particular encouraged Thomas (then more famous as a critic) to write poetry, and their friendship was so close that the two planned to reside side by side in the United States. Frost's most famous poem, "The Road Not Taken", was inspired by walks with Thomas and Thomas's indecisiveness about which route to take.  By August 1914, the village of Dymock in Gloucestershire had become the residence of a number of literary figures, including Lascelles Abercrombie, Wilfrid Gibson and Robert Frost. Edward Thomas was a visitor at this time.  Thomas immortalised the (now-abandoned) railway station at Adlestrop in a poem of that name after his train made a stop at the Cotswolds station on 24 June 1914, shortly before the outbreak of the First World War.

War service.

Thomas enlisted in the Artists Rifles in July 1915, despite being a mature married man who could have avoided enlisting. He was unintentionally influenced in this decision by his friend Frost, who had returned to the U.S. but sent Thomas an advance copy of "The Road Not Taken". The poem was intended by Frost as a gentle mocking of indecision, particularly the indecision that Thomas had shown on their many walks together; however, most audiences took the poem more seriously than Frost intended, and Thomas similarly took it seriously and personally, and it provided the last straw in Thomas' decision to enlist.  Thomas was promoted to corporal, and in November 1916 was commissioned into the Royal Garrison Artillery as a second lieutenant. He was killed in action soon after he arrived in France at Arras on Easter Monday, 9 April 1917. To spare the feelings of his widow Helen, she was told the fiction of a "bloodless death" i.e. that Thomas was killed by the concussive blast wave of one of the last shells fired as he stood to light his pipe and that there was no mark on his body. However, a letter from his commanding officer Franklin Lushington written in 1936 (and discovered many years later in an American archive) states that in reality the cause of Thomas's death was being "shot clean through the chest". W. H. Davies was devastated by the death and his commemorative poem "Killed In Action (Edward Thomas)" was included in Davies's 1918 collection "Raptures".  Thomas is buried in the Commonwealth War Graves Cemetery at Agny in France (Row C, Grave 43).

Personal life.

Thomas was survived by his wife, Helen, their son (Philip) Merfyn and their two daughters (Rachel Mary) Bronwen and (Helen Elizabeth) Myfanwy. After the war, Thomas's widow, Helen, wrote about her courtship and early married life with Edward in the autobiography "As it Was" (1926); later she added a second volume, "World Without End" (1931). Myfanwy later said that the books had been written by her mother as a form of therapy to help lift herself from the deep depression into which she had fallen following Thomas's death.  Helen's short memoir "My Memory of W. H. Davies" was published in 1973, after her own death. In 1988, Helen's writings were gathered into a book published under the title "Under Storm's Wing", which included "As It Was" and "World Without End" as well as a selection of other short works by Helen and her daughter Myfanwy and six letters sent by Robert Frost to her husband.

Commemorations.

Thomas is commemorated in Poets’ Corner, Westminster Abbey, London, by memorial windows in the churches at Steep and at Eastbury in Berkshire, a blue plaque at 14 Lansdowne Gardens in Stockwell, south London, where he was born and a London County Council plaque at 61 Shelgate Road SW11.  There is also a plaque dedicated to him at 113 Cowley Road, Oxford, where he lodged before entering Lincoln College, as well as featuring on the memorial board in the JCR of Lincoln College.  East Hampshire District Council have created a "literary walk" at Shoulder of Mutton Hill in Steep dedicated to Thomas, which includes a memorial stone erected in 1935. The inscription includes the final line from one of his essays: "And I rose up and knew I was tired and I continued my journey."  As "Philip Edward Thomas poet-soldier" he is commemorated, alongside "Reginald Townsend Thomas actor-soldier died 1918", who is buried at the spot, and other family members, at the North East Surrey (Old Battersea) Cemetery.  He is the subject of the biographical play "The Dark Earth and the Light Sky" by Nick Dear, which premiered at the Almeida Theatre, London in November 2012, with Pip Carter as Thomas and Hattie Morahan as his wife Helen.  In February 2013 his poem "Words" was chosen as the poem of the week by Carol Rumens in "The Guardian"  A Study Centre dedicated to Edward Thomas, featuring more than 1,800 books by or about him collected by the late Tim Wilton-Steer, has been opened in Petersfield Museum. Access to the Study Centre is available by prior appointment.

Poetry.

Thomas's poems are noted for their attention to the English countryside and a certain colloquial style. The short poem "In Memoriam" exemplifies how his poetry blends the themes of war and the countryside.  On 11 November 1985, Thomas was among 16 Great War poets commemorated on a slate stone unveiled in Westminster Abbey's Poet's Corner. The inscription, written by fellow poet Wilfred Owen, reads: "My subject is War, and the pity of War. The Poetry is in the pity."  Thomas was described by British Poet Laureate Ted Hughes as "the father of us all."  At least nineteen of his poems were set to music by the Gloucester composer Ivor Gurney.

Sculpture.

In December 2017 the National Museum of Wales at Cardiff displayed a sculptural installation by the Herefordshire artist Claire Malet depicting a holloway and incorporating a copy of Thomas's "Collected Poems", open at 'Roads':

Philip Edward Thomas (3 March 1878 – 9 April 1917) was a British poet, essayist, and novelist. He is commonly considered a war poet, although few of his poems deal directly with his war experiences, and his career in poetry only came after he had already been a successful writer and literary critic. In 1915, he enlisted in the British Army to fight in the First World War and was killed in action during the Battle of Arras in 1917, soon after he arrived in France.

Philip Edward Thomas (* 3. März 1878 in London; † 9. April 1917 bei Arras) war ein britischer Dichter, Literaturkritiker und Essayist.


Taxonomy.

"Oryzomys nelsoni" was collected by Edward William Nelson and Edward Goldman in May 1897 and never found again. Their visit for the Biological Survey of the United States Department of Agriculture was one of the first scientific exploration of the islands. Clinton Hart Merriam identified the mammals they obtained, including four specimens of "Oryzomys nelsoni", which were deposited in the United States National Museum and remain there. He named it as a species of the genus "Oryzomys", "Oryzomys nelsoni"; the specific name honors Nelson. Investigators have generally retained it as a species distinct from other "Oryzomys", but in 1971 Hershkovitz listed it as one of many subspecies of "Oryzomys palustris", which he envisaged as a wide-ranging species encompassing what is now the marsh rice rat ("O. palustris") of the southern and eastern United States, "O. couesi" of Central America, and several other species with more limited distributions.  In his 1918 revision of North American "Oryzomys", Goldman considered "O. nelsoni" to be most closely related to the nearest mainland subspecies of "O. couesi", "O. couesi mexicanus". In 2009, Michael Carleton and Joaquin Arroyo-Cabrales revised the "Oryzomys" of western Mexico and confirmed that "O. nelsoni" is a very distinct species. Their morphometrical analysis found some resemblance between the species and "Oryzomys albiventer" of interior mainland Mexico, and they suggested that although "O. nelsoni" likely represents an old, distinctive lineage, it may have derived from a common ancestor with "O. albiventer".  "Oryzomys nelsoni" is one of about eight species in the genus "Oryzomys", which occurs from the eastern United States ("O. palustris") into northwestern South America ("O. gorgasi"). "O. nelsoni" is further part of the "O. couesi" section, which is centered on the widespread Central American "O. couesi" and also includes various other species with more limited and peripheral distributions. Many aspects of the systematics of the "O. couesi" section remain unclear and it is likely that the current classification underestimates the true diversity of the group. "Oryzomys" previously included many other species, which were progressively removed in various studies culminating in a contribution by Marcelo Weksler and coworkers in 2006 that removed more than forty species from the genus. All are classified in the tribe Oryzomyini ("rice rats"), a diverse assemblage of American rodents of over a hundred species, and on higher taxonomic levels in the subfamily Sigmodontinae of family Cricetidae, along with hundreds of other species of mainly small rodents.  Common names proposed for this species include Nelson rice rat, Nelson's rice rat, Nelson's oryzomys, and Tres Marias Island rice rat.

Description.

"Oryzomys nelsoni" was a large and long-tailed "Oryzomys"; its tail was longer than that of any other western Mexican "Oryzomys". The upperparts were ochraceous to buff, most richly so on the rump, and paler further to the front and low on the flanks. On the head and the back, blackish hairs somewhat darkened the overall color. The underparts were white, with lead-colored underfur that was visible in some places. The ears were covered on both sides with scanty grayish hairs. The large hindfeet were sparsely covered with pale hairs. The tail was largely dark, but the underside of the basal one third to one half was light yellow.  "Oryzomys nelsoni" was distinctive in its large skull with broad, well-developed incisors and a strong front part (rostrum) that is strongly curved downwards. In "O. albiventer", the rostrum and incisors were not as massive, but the molars are larger. The interparietal bone, part of the roof of the braincase, was broad and the incisive foramina, which perforated the palate between the incisors and the molars, were relatively short.  Total length in the four known specimens is, averaging ; head and body length is, averaging ; tail length is, averaging ; and hindfoot length is, averaging.

Ecology and extinction.

Nelson and Goldman found the species only in a damp, herbaceous site now known as the "Sacatal" near a spring high on María Madre Island, the largest of the Islas Marías off the coast of Nayarit, western Mexico, and Nelson wrote that it was rare. He gave the elevation of this place as 1800 ft, which Álvarez-Castañeda and Méndez converted to 550 m, but in his 1918 paper, Goldman gave 800 ft instead, which Carleton and Arroyo-Cabrales in 2009 converted to 245 m. The next survey of small mammals on the island took place in March 1976 by a team led by Don E. Wilson. They failed to collect "O. nelsoni" and instead found only the introduced black rat ("Rattus rattus") at the locality where Nelson and Goldman had collected "O. nelsoni"; this species may have contributed to the decline of the indigenous rodent.  The species is now considered extinct, although as late as 2002 the Mexican government listed it as "threatened". Another Islas Marías endemic, the deermouse "Peromyscus madrensis", still occurred on María Madre in 1976. "Oryzomys nelsoni" is thought to have fed on plant material such as weeds, fruit, and seeds, and more rarely on animals such as fish and invertebrates.

Oryzomys nelsoni is an extinct rodent of María Madre Island, Nayarit, Mexico. Within the genus "Oryzomys" of the family Cricetidae, it may have been most closely related to the mainland species "O. albiventer". Since its first description in 1898, most authors have regarded it as a distinct species, but it has also been classified as a mere subspecies of the marsh rice rat ("O. palustris").

Die Nelson-Reisratte ("Oryzomys nelsoni") ist ein ausgestorbenes Nagetier aus der Gattung der Reisratten ("Oryzomys"). Sie war auf der zu den Marias-Inseln gehörenden Insel María Madre vor der Westküste Mexikos endemisch und ist nur von vier adulten Tieren bekannt, die dort im Mai 1897 von Edward William Nelson und Edward Alphonso Goldman gesammelt wurden.


Biography.

Born in Bucharest, Florian graduated from the Faculty of Letters and Philosophy at the local university, where he became a disciple of Rădulescu-Motru and P. P. Negulescu. He afterward took his Ph.D. at the University of Greifswald, in the German Empire, with a thesis on Henri Bergson's notion of time. In later years, he found employment as a Bucharest University assistant and substitute professor, lecturing in the History of Philosophy. He was a Docent from 1916.  During World War I, Florian served in the Romanian Land Forces and was taken prisoner by the Germans. He was transported to an internment camp at Krefeld, alongside figures such as Alexandru D. Strurdza and Ilie Moscovici. Eventually, Florian was freed by his captors and allowed to lecture at King Carol Foundation in Bucharest, under a German occupation government. As Florian later indicated, this was made possible by the intercession of a Germanophile scholar, Alexandru Tzigara-Samurcaș, who vouched for him, and by the protection of Constantin Giurescu. Following the November Armistice, which reinstated the pro-Allied government, Florian, Tzigara-Samurcaș and Rădulescu-Motru were all subject to an official inquiry, and accused of being collaborators. The University Commissions created for this task were largely ineffective, and, among the incriminated, Florian was one of few who presented himself for questioning.  In the wake of the war, Florian was in contact with "Ideea Europeană", Rădulescu-Motru's magazine, and went on its conference tour, alongside in various cities by, among others, Nae Ionescu, Cora Irineu, Octav Onicescu, Virgil Bărbat, and Emanoil Bucuța. However, in later years, he remained largely cut off from his public: said to have been shy in delivering his lectures, he led a private life, and dedicated himself, almost entirely, to research.  He wrote a large body of works over a short time, including such titles as: "Îndrumare în filosofie" ("Philosophical Companion"), "Rostul și utilitatea filosofiei" ("The Purpose and Use of Philosophy"), "Știință și raționalism" ("Science and Rationalism"), "Cosmologia elenă" ("Hellenic Cosmology"), "Antinomiile credinței" ("The Antinomies of Faith"), "Kant și criticismul până la Fichte" ("Kant and the Critical Method before Fichte"), "Cunoaștere și existență" ("Knowledge and Being"), "Reconstrucție filosofică" ("Philosophical Reconstruction"), "Metafizică și artă" ("Metaphysics and Art"), "Misticism și credință" ("Mysticism and Faith"). Although absorbed by his academic work, Florian affiliated with social democracy, and was a member of the Social Democratic Party, the Constantin Titel Petrescu wing.  Florian's philosophy developed from ideas common to both Rădulescu-Motru and the 19th-century thinker Titu Maiorescu, herald of Romania's moderate and critical approach to philosophy. Florian is therefore ranked among the third-generation "Maiorescans", and seen as reactivating the spirit of Maiorescu's literary club "Junimea". After World War I, the "Junimist" legacy came in direct contradiction with Nae Ionescu's critique of rationalism, which was growing in popularity and lending its support to the far right's causes. Florian's steady opposition to Ionescu, in both concept and method, has been described as the "dualism" of interwar Romanian philosophy.  By the time of World War II, Mircea Florian was still pursuing a debate with the two schools of irrationalism, promoted by Lucian Blaga and Constantin Noica. Granted a full professorship in 1940, he was presented for Romanian Academy membership by his mentor Rădulescu-Motru, but the proposal failed to gather support. Blaga gave poor reviews to his work in "Saeculum" magazine, and, in one (disputed) interpretation, may have portrayed him as the unknown adversary in the virulent lampoon "Săpunul filozofic" ("Philosophic Soap", 1943). According to literary historian Z. Ornea, Florian's relative lack of exposure is unfair, since his works may rank better than those of either Noica or Blaga. Florian was also an adversary of official fascism, before and during the Ion Antonescu dictatorship. Like Grigore T. Popa, Constantin I. Parhon, Alexandru Rosetti, Mihai Ralea, and several other academics, he was in contact with the underground Romanian Communist Party and the Union of Patriots, and, as such, kept under close surveillance by the "Siguranța Statului" agents.  Florian's stance, and especially his commitment to independent social democracy, made him a suspect upon the establishment of Romania's communist regime. As noted by researcher Victor Frunză, Florian and Alexandru Claudian made a "high sacrifice" when they refused to give in to "blackmail" and would not join the "Workers' Party" (as the Communist Party styled itself upon its absorption of Social Democratic sympathizers). In 1948, he was stripped of his university chair. Placed under constant surveillance by the Securitate, Romania's new secret police, he was soon after arrested. During his eight-month-long imprisonment without trial, he had the revelation on "recessivity as world structure". The new system evidenced that Florian had come to criticize some of the basic assumptions in Western philosophy, and conceiving of the world through the teachings of genetics. His system divided existence alongside its two, equal but alternating, attributes: the dominant trait tempered by the recessive (albeit not degraded) one; violence to love, rational to irrational, nationalism to supranationalism.  The imprisonment is said to have been a grueling experience: allegedly, his wife Angela no longer recognized him upon his return to the family home. A while after, Florian was partly reintegrated into academia, and assigned a researcher's position at the Institute of Philosophy. There, he dedicated himself to translating Aristotle's "Organon", while in committing his "Recesivitatea" to paper in his spare time.  "Recesivitatea" was only published 23 years after Florian's death, with Editura Eminescu. Reportedly, the text had suffered cuts and interventions by communist censors. Florian's role was reconsidered mainly after the Romanian Revolution of 1989, when he was made a posthumous member of the Academy. His full work was recovered for the public and reviewed by philosopher Mircea Flonta, in a 1998 volume of essays.

Mircea Florian (; April 1, 1888 – October 31, 1960) was a Romanian philosopher and translator. Active mainly during the interwar period, he was noted as one of the leading proponents of rationalism, opposing it to the "Trăirist" philosophy of Nae Ionescu. His work, comprising some 20 books, shows Florian as a disciple of centrists and rationalists such as Constantin Rădulescu-Motru and Titu Maiorescu.

Mircea George Florian (* 1. April 1888 in Bukarest; † 31. Oktober 1960) war ein rumänischer Philosoph mit rationalistischer und realistischer Ausrichtung, der u. a. über Henri Bergson arbeitete.