Ethnonyms.

Endonyms.

The Massachusett referred to themselves as in the singular and (). The discrepancy between the colonial spelling and the modern spelling used by speakers of the revived Wampanoag dialect is in part due to the colonial spelling based on a dialect that allowed syncopation, although the diminutive suffix () was often shortened to just () in many dialects and in rapid speech. The form () was also used as a word modifier to indicate relation to either the Massachusett people or language. For example, the English referred to the Massachusett-language translation of the "Psalter" as the "Massachusett Psalter" whilst the Massachusett referred to

Exonyms.

Early French explorations in the region refer to the coastal people of southern New England as the "Almouchiquois" or "Armouchiquois", likely a Gallicized version of some unknown northern Algonquian language, like a pejorative referring to the 'Dog people.' In later sources, the French refer to the people of New England in general as "Loups", the 'Wolf people.'  The English explorers and the early settlers generally referred to the local peoples as 'Indians,' in part because they were unsure of the political boundaries between tribes, and later, when they realized that all the peoples of coastal Massachusetts shared the same language and similar culture. The English adopted the term "Massachuset" or "Massachusett" for the people, with a superfluous's,' the name was later applied to the colony itself, with the Massachusetts Bay Colony, which was later merged with the Plymouth Colony in 1692 into the Province of Massachusetts, the predecessor

Location.

The Massachusett referred to their territory as (), 'the eastern land' or the 'dawn land.' As the term was used in reference to the eastern location in respect to the tribes of the interior to the west, the term was has cognates. For example, the various Abenakian peoples referred to their confederacy as "Wabanaki" from, cognate to the. The term should not be confused with the understanding of () as used by the Wampanoag, who speak a dialect of the Massachusett language. To the Massachusett, for their people, or "Nutohkemminnit" ("Nutahkeemunut"), 'place of our land,' was specifically the region of "Massachusett", in the view of the Great Hill. This corresponds to what is now covered by the City of Boston, Greater Boston, eastern MetroWest, the southern North Shore, the South Shore and the Boston Harbor Islands. Major watersheds associated with Massachusett settlement, from north to south, include the Mystic, Charles, Neponset, Weymouth Fore and North rivers up to the fall line. To the north of the Mystic River were the Pawtucket people, speakers of a Massachusett dialect but

Traditional divisions and organization.

Little is known about the tribal divisions of the Massachusett, but several groups are recorded in the early colonial

Language.

The Massachusett language is a member of the Algic language family in its extensive Algonquian division which includes all the Algic languages except two very distantly related languages of northern California. Within Algonquian, Massachusett is in the Southern New England Algonquian (SNEA) sub-branch of the Eastern Algonquian branch of Algonquian languages. The SNEA languages are so closely related, they can be considered dialects of one another and differ mainly in treatment of Proto-Algonquian retroflexes of *"θ" which yielded /n/ in Massachusett, /l/ in Nipmuc, /j/ in Narragansett and /r/ in Quiripi, leaving Massachusett classified as an SNEA n-dialect in this scheme. The closest relatives of the Massachusett language are the other SNEA languages, and more distantly with other Algonquian languages.  The language was shared between several peoples. This included the Massachusett, whose traditional territory includes what is now Boston and immediate environs and the South Shore, hugging Massachusetts Bay extending west to the fall line; the Pawtucket of southernmost Maine, coastal New Hampshire, the North Shore and the lower Merrimack River watershed; the Wampanoag, covering all of southeastern Massachusetts, especially Cape Cod and the Islands and northeastern southeastern Rhode Island; the Nauset, possibly a Wampanoag group, of Cape Cod from points east of the Bass River and the Coweset of northern Rhode Island. Narragansett is sometimes considered a dialect, but as it was a y-dialect, it is generally treated distinctly by linguists.  The language was most notably used by John Eliot in the first Bible printed in the Americas. Eliot had learned the language through a series of Indian interpreters and translators, mostly at Natick, and devised an orthography based on English conventions of the time. Eliot would later teach

Late Woodland Period-Contact Period Culture.

Subsistence.

Agriculture.

The Massachusett, like other New England Algonquian peoples, adopted the Three Sisters method of intercropping that was introduced to the region via Mexico around 1000 BC, but it was not until around 200 AD that varieties of (), maize (US, 'corn'), were developed that were suitable to the short growing season and cold climate of New England. Indian women mounded piles of earth and vegetation, planting the maize on top. When the cornstalks

Foraging.

Agriculture never replaced the traditional gathering activities. Massachusett women were tasked venturing out into the marshes, woods, meadows and rocky coasts to gather various plants that supplemented the diet and, during years of crop failure, was a necessity for survival. Plants were generally divided into their intended uses, such as seeds, oily seeds and nuts, tubers, greens, fruits and saps.

Hunting, trapping, fishing and shellfish collection.

As the Massachusett inhabited a coastal area with numerous river estuaries, lakes and ponds, fish was an important protein source. Fish were caught using baited hooks carved from soft stones and bone, cast from shore or from canoes. Deep-sea fish were caught using weighted lines, or could be attracted to the surface where they could be netted with (), 'grease,' but specifically the residue of oily fish that were boiled to extract oil, in a process akin to chumming. 'To go wigwassing' was a term adopted into colonial New England English for night fishing using torches to attract eel, squid and herring to the surface, from Massachusett (). The most important event was the annual spawning run of river herring, salmon, sea-run trout, lampreys and eels, attracting people from across the region to waterfalls and rapids or the mouths or rivers. Elaborate fish-weirs, such as the Boylston Street Fishweir, were constructed to channel the fish in rivers, or trap them with the outgoing tide, where they could be easily netted, speared or simply gathered in baskets. Marine mammals were also hunted. Seals were captured

History.

Contacts with Europeans (ca. 1570–1621).

Little is known about the Massachusett people prior to European exploration of the region. It is known that the fertile lands and plentiful shellfish supported a large population, and the Massachusett chiefs were able to hold sway over a loose confederacy of peoples that included the Pawtucket, Nipmuc, most of the tribes of the Pioneer Valley and at various times, some Wampanoag tribes.  Due to the direction of the currents and Cape Cod jutting far out to sea, the Massachusett were spared many encounters with passing European explorers and fishermen that began to explore the region in the late sixteenth century. In 1605, Samuel de Champlain sailed south from New France, bringing an Algonquin guide and his "Almouchiquois" wife, said to be from the region and able to speak the local language. Champlain stopped to visit and trade at several villages on the islands of Boston of

Early Colonial Period.

The Massachusett were introduced to the Pilgrims as early as 1621, when Chickatawbut, sachem of the Massachusett, was introduced to Myles Standish by Squanto. The Massachusett, unlike the Wampanoag under Massasoit, were fearful of the incursions of settlers and began stirring the other tribes in rebellion. Although relations between the Pilgrims and the local Wampanoag were good, some of the Pilgrims and a handful of new settlers established the Wessagusset Colony in what is now Weymouth, Massachusetts in the territory of the Massachusett. Relations soured as the Massachusett were already fearful of incursions into their territory and the Wessagussett settlers were ill-prepared for life in New England, thus resorting to stealing from the local Massachusett. The Massachusett were weakened, and the warrior Pecksuot was his men were killed along with a handful of settlers.  The English began to arrive in large numbers, with twenty thousand arriving between 1620 and 1640 in what was known as the Great Migration. As a result of natural increase and the arrival of incoming English Puritans fleeing the religious persecutions in England more than doubled the population. The Europeans brought with them pathogens to which the local Indians had no immunity, thus ravaging as virgin soil epidemics. A particularly virulent outbreak of smallpox lay waste to coastal communities, still recovering from the plague of 1619, as well as the interior tribes in 1634, practically ending any resistance to English settlement. Further outbreaks of smallpox, influenza, scarlet fever, mumps and measles would strike again in 1648 and 1666, but although not as devastating, would continue to inflict heavy tolls well into the nineteenth century. With little to no resistance from dying Indians, the English believed that God Himself had cleared the land

Late Colonial Period (1676-1776).

Aftermath of the War (1676-1681).

The war proved very disruptive to Indian life in New England. The warriors that supported Metacomet were executed in public displays, and like Metacomet's head, were kept on posts outside most major English settlements. Those that were not executed, were gathered and sent to the slave markets in Bermuda where most would be forced to work on the sugar plantations, although some of the luckier ones, particularly women and children, were forced into servitude locally in English homes. The Praying Indian survivors of internment, any Indians lucky enough to have been pardoned and any survivors regrouped at Natick, where they divided up

Return to Reservations.

The Indians were allowed to return to their lands after the war. The Indian mission was considered a failure, and the Praying Indians and their Praying towns came to simply be referred to as 'Indians' and their lands as'reserves' or later,'reservations.' This was in part because of lack of support of the Indian mission, deemed a failure in the wake of the war. In 1692, Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth colonies merged into the Province of Massachusetts, in part to secure better response to the attacks of the Indians and tighter hold of the English Crown. The English colonists, not eager to see a return of their Indian neighbors, harassed the returning Indians, attacked and murdered and vandalized Indian property or resorted to other means. Natick absorbed many of the surrounding tribes, thus keeping the population balanced despite the large numbers of Indians that continued to leave, seeking their relatives amongst the Abenaki or tribes to the west.  Okommakamesit was sold by the colonial authorities in 1685, as the English courts upheld forged deeds of questionable and sales, forcing most of the Nipmuc and Pawtucket of the community to settle in Natick. Most of the leaders of the Pawtucket sold or deeded off their lands and regrouped in Wamesit, but after experiencing harassment from the

American Independence (1776) to present.

Post-independence and nineteenth century.

The official transition from the Colony of Massachusetts to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, which officially joined the new republic of the United States of America, did not improve the lot of the Indians in the new state. With the exception of the regime change, most of the policies and laws concerning the Indians of the colonial period were adopted unaltered.

Intermarriage.

By the end of the eighteenth century, Indian men seemed to have disappeared. In a letter written to the General Court sometime after the American Revolutionary War, the Natick women write '... almost all that were able did go into the Service of the United States and either died in the service or soon after their return home. We are their widows, there being not one male left now that was then of age to go to war.' If not lost to battle, most Indian men could only find

End of the reservations.

The last communal lands of Ponkapoag were sold in 1827. A small plot was not sold until 1840, but the Ponkapoag had already been restricted from its use. The last lands of Natick were sold in 1828 in part to raise funds for the care of the oldest and ill members of the tribe. The loss of land did not remove the restrictions of the guardians. Still under guardianship, the Massachusett could not vote or participate in local elections and still required the guardians to address the courts.  The end of the reservations put

Censuses and Indian Enfranchisement.

The Massachusett people were still wards of the state under guardians who handled what funds were left from previous land sales. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts ordered reports on the condition of the Indians, mainly for the purposes of keeping track of the expenses and check up on the guardians, who more or less operated autonomously with little oversight from the General Court. The first was Denny Report of 1848, which was a very preliminary look. The report only found four Ponkapoag and made no effort to determine the number of Natick. A year later, a more detailed report was released, which came to be known as the Briggs Report of 1849, which records 10 Ponkapoag but again does not list any Natick. The most detailed, and last, of the reports conducted by John Milton Earle was started in 1859 and published in 1861, includes even more information, such as surnames, location and profession. Even Earle, who provides the most detailed information, lamented '... the temptations to a race naturally inclined to a roving and unsettled life, are too great to be resisted... they frequently remove from place to place, keeping up no correspondence or communication with those they have left; till at last their place of residence ceases to be known to their friends, and all trace of them is lost.' He goes on to state that tracing them was difficult due to the 'humble social position and obscure station in life, known only to a few directly about them... [and are] frequently not recognized as Indians, by the people among whom they dwell.' Earle was also aware that his research was not an exhaustive list, as 'This lack of reliable statistics prevents the making of any comparison of the present number with what it has been at former periods so as to show whether the tribe is increasing or diminishing.'  None of the reports offer any insight into the small remnant groups of the Mahican of The Berkshires or the Pocomtuc and Nipmuc-related peoples of the Pioneer Valley. The Earle Report was

Post-Enfranchisement, twentieth century and present.

In the 105 years between the Massachusetts Enfranchisement Act of 1869 and the creation of the Massachusetts Commission on Indian Affairs by legislative act in 1974, records on the Massachusett people are very few. Local obituaries refer to numerous 'last' of the Indians. Mary Burr, who passed in 1852 before enfranchisement, has the epithet 'last of the Punkapog' on her tombstone. Other Ponkapoag Indians also received the title, such as Daniel Crowd, who moved to Milton in the late 1860s, remembered as he was one of the last

Contemporary tribes.

Ponkapoag Massachusett.

Descendants of the Neponset tribe, who later became the Praying Indians of Ponkapoag, have state recognition as the Massachusett Tribe at Ponkapoag under the current leadership of "Sachem" Gil "Nanepashmequin" ('Feather on the moon') Solomon. The members of the tribe continue to live in the Massachusett homelands along the Neponset River

Natick Massachusett-Nipmuc.

Descendants of the Praying Indians of Natick have regrouped again, although the tribe has sometimes confusingly also used the name Praying Indians of Natick and Ponkapoag, despite its membership not including descendants of the Praying Indians of Ponkapoag. The inclusion might be a reference to the location of many of the tribe's current members in Stoughton, Massachusetts, where much of the land was originally part of Ponkapoag territory. Other members lie scattered in the Greater Boston area, particularly to the south and southwest of the city.  According

The Massachusett are a Native American people and ethnic group in the United States Commonwealth of Massachusetts, mostly inhabiting their traditional homeland which covers much of present-day Greater Boston. The people take their name from the Algonquian, which is a tribal term meaning “At the Great Hill” - referring to the Blue Hills overlooking Boston Harbor from the south - which was a ceremonial and sacred area for the people of the region.

Die Massachusett waren eine Gruppe heute ausgestorbener Indianerstämme, deren ehemaliges Wohngebiet im Osten des US-Bundesstaates Massachusetts lag. Sie gehörten zu einer Vielzahl einzelner Stämme im südlichen Neuengland, die bis auf wenige Ausnahmen das gleiche kulturelle Muster teilten. Alle sprachen die Massachusett-Sprache, eine Algonkin-Sprache, ernährten sich von Mais, Bohnen und Squash aus ihren Gärten und Feldern, ergänzt durch Land- und Meerestiere sowie Wildpflanzen. Das Dorf war Mittelpunkt einer sehr ähnlichen sozialen, politischen und religiösen Lebensweise.


Definition.

In classical logic (as well as intuitionistic logic and most other logics), contradictions entail everything. This feature, known as the principle of explosion or "ex contradictione sequitur quodlibet" (Latin, "from a contradiction, anything follows") can be expressed formally as  Which means: if "P" and its negation ¬"P" are both assumed to be true, then "P" is assumed to be true, from which it follows that at least one of the claims "P" and some other (arbitrary) claim "A" is true. However, if we know that either "P" or "A" is true, and also that "P" is not true (that ¬"P" is true) we can conclude that "A", which could be anything, is true. Thus if a theory contains a single inconsistency, it is trivial—that is, it has every sentence as a theorem.  The characteristic or defining feature of a paraconsistent logic is that it rejects the principle of explosion. As a result, paraconsistent logics, unlike classical and other logics, can be used to formalize inconsistent but non-trivial theories.

Comparison with classical logic.

Paraconsistent logics are propositionally "weaker" than classical logic; that is, they deem "fewer" propositional inferences valid. The point is that a paraconsistent logic can never be a propositional extension of classical logic, that is, propositionally validate everything that classical logic does. In some sense, then, paraconsistent logic is more conservative or cautious than classical logic. It is due to such conservativeness that paraconsistent languages can be more "expressive" than their classical counterparts including the hierarchy of metalanguages due to Alfred Tarski et al. According to Solomon Feferman [1984]: ""...natural language abounds with directly or indirectly self-referential yet apparently harmless expressions—all of which are excluded from the Tarskian framework."" This expressive limitation can be overcome in paraconsistent logic.

Motivation.

A primary motivation for paraconsistent logic is the conviction that it ought to be possible to reason with inconsistent information in a controlled and discriminating way. The principle of explosion precludes this, and so must be abandoned. In non-paraconsistent logics, there is only one inconsistent theory: the trivial theory that has every sentence as a theorem. Paraconsistent logic makes it possible to distinguish between inconsistent theories and to reason with them.  Research into paraconsistent logic has also led to the establishment of the philosophical school of dialetheism (most notably advocated by Graham Priest), which asserts that true contradictions exist in reality, for example groups of people holding opposing views on various moral issues. Being a dialetheist rationally commits one to some form of paraconsistent logic, on pain of otherwise embracing trivialism, i.e. accepting that all contradictions (and equivalently all statements) are true. However, the study of paraconsistent logics does not necessarily entail a dialetheist viewpoint. For example, one need not commit to either the existence of true theories or true contradictions, but would rather prefer a weaker standard like empirical adequacy, as proposed by Bas van Fraassen.

Philosophy.

In classical logic Aristotle's three laws, namely, the excluded middle ("p" or ¬"p"), non-contradiction ¬ ("p" ∧ ¬"p") and identity ("p" iff "p"), are regarded as the same, due to the inter-definition of the connectives. Moreover, traditionally contradictoriness (the presence of contradictions in a theory or in a body of knowledge) and triviality (the fact that such a theory entails all possible consequences) are assumed inseparable, granted that negation is available. These views may be philosophically challenged, precisely on the grounds that they fail to distinguish between contradictoriness and other forms of inconsistency.  On the other hand, it is possible to derive triviality from the 'conflict' between consistency and contradictions, once these notions have been properly distinguished. The very notions of consistency and inconsistency may be furthermore internalized at the object language level.

Tradeoffs.

Paraconsistency involves tradeoffs. In particular, abandoning the principle of explosion requires one to abandon at least one of the following two principles: Both of these principles have been challenged.  One approach is to reject disjunction introduction but keep disjunctive syllogism and transitivity. In this approach, rules of natural deduction hold, except for disjunction introduction and excluded middle; moreover, inference A⊢B does not necessarily mean entailment A⇒B. Also, the following usual Boolean properties hold: double negation as well as associativity, commutativity, distributivity, De Morgan, and idempotence inferences (for conjunction and disjunction). Furthermore, inconsistency-robust proof of negation holds for entailment: (A⇒(B∧¬B))⊢¬A.  Another approach is to reject disjunctive syllogism. From the perspective of dialetheism, it makes perfect sense that disjunctive syllogism should fail. The idea behind this syllogism is that, if "¬ A", then "A" is excluded and "B" can be inferred from "A ∨ B". However, if "A" may hold as well as "¬A", then the argument for the inference is weakened.  Yet another approach is to do both simultaneously. In many systems of relevant logic, as well as linear logic, there are two separate disjunctive connectives. One allows disjunction introduction, and one allows disjunctive syllogism. Of course, this has the disadvantages entailed by separate disjunctive connectives including confusion between them and complexity in relating them.  Furthermore, the rule of proof by contradiction (below) just by itself is inconsistency non-robust in the sense that the negation of every proposition can be proved from a contradiction. Strictly speaking, having just the rule above is paraconsistent because it is not the case that "every" proposition can be proved from a contradiction. However, if the rule double negation elimination (formula_1) is added as well, then every proposition can be proved from a contradiction. Double negation elimination does not hold for intuitionistic logic.

Example.

One well-known system of paraconsistent logic is the simple system known as LP ("Logic of Paradox"), first proposed by the Argentinian logician Florencio González Asenjo in 1966 and later popularized by Priest and others.  One way of presenting the semantics for LP is to replace the usual functional valuation with a relational one. The binary relation formula_2 relates a formula to a truth value: formula_3 means that formula_4 is true, and formula_5 means that formula_4 is false. A formula must be assigned "at least" one truth value, but there is no requirement that it be assigned "at most" one truth value. The semantic clauses for negation and disjunction are given as follows: (The other logical connectives are defined in terms of negation and disjunction as usual.) Or to put the same point less symbolically: (Semantic) logical consequence is then defined as truth-preservation: Now consider a valuation formula_2 such that formula_3 and formula_5 but it is not the case that formula_17. It is easy to check that this valuation constitutes a counterexample to both explosion and disjunctive syllogism. However, it is also a counterexample to modus ponens for the material conditional of LP. For this reason, proponents of LP usually advocate expanding the system to include a stronger conditional connective that is not definable in terms of negation and disjunction.  As one can verify, LP preserves most other inference patterns that one would expect to be valid, such as De Morgan's laws and the usual introduction and elimination rules for negation, conjunction, and disjunction. Surprisingly, the logical truths (or tautologies) of LP are precisely those of classical propositional logic. (LP and classical logic differ only in the "inferences" they deem valid.) Relaxing the requirement that every formula be either true or false yields the weaker paraconsistent logic commonly known as first-degree entailment (FDE). Unlike LP, FDE contains no logical truths.  It must be emphasized that LP is but one of "many" paraconsistent logics that have been proposed. It is presented here merely as an illustration of how a paraconsistent logic can work.

Relation to other logics.

One important type of paraconsistent logic is relevance logic. A logic is "relevant" iff it satisfies the following condition:  It follows that a relevance logic cannot have ("p" ∧ ¬"p") → "q" as a theorem, and thus (on reasonable assumptions) cannot validate the inference from {"p", ¬"p"} to "q".  Paraconsistent logic has significant overlap with many-valued logic; however, not all paraconsistent logics are many-valued (and, of course, not all many-valued logics are paraconsistent). Dialetheic logics, which are also many-valued, are paraconsistent, but the converse does not hold.  Intuitionistic logic allows "A" ∨ ¬"A" not to be equivalent to true, while paraconsistent logic allows "A" ∧ ¬"A" not to be equivalent to false. Thus it seems natural to regard paraconsistent logic as the "dual" of intuitionistic logic. However, intuitionistic logic is a specific logical system whereas paraconsistent logic encompasses a large class of systems. Accordingly, the dual notion to paraconsistency is called paracompleteness, and the "dual" of intuitionistic logic (a specific paracomplete logic) is a specific paraconsistent system called "anti-intuitionistic" or "dual-intuitionistic logic" (sometimes referred to as "Brazilian logic", for historical reasons). The duality between the two systems is best seen within a sequent calculus framework. While in intuitionistic logic the sequent  is not derivable, in dual-intuitionistic logic  is not derivable. Similarly, in intuitionistic logic the sequent  is not derivable, while in dual-intuitionistic logic  is not derivable. Dual-intuitionistic logic contains a connective # known as "pseudo-difference" which is the dual of intuitionistic implication. Very loosely, can be read as ""A" but not "B"". However, # is not truth-functional as one might expect a 'but not' operator to be; similarly, the intuitionistic implication operator cannot be treated like "". Dual-intuitionistic logic also features a basic connective ⊤ which is the dual of intuitionistic ⊥: negation may be defined as  A full account of the duality between paraconsistent and intuitionistic logic, including an explanation on why dual-intuitionistic and paraconsistent logics do not coincide, can be found in Brunner and Carnielli (2005).  These other logics avoid explosion: implicational propositional calculus, positive propositional calculus, equivalential calculus and minimal logic. The latter, minimal logic, is both paraconsistent and paracomplete (a subsystem of intuitionistic logic). The other three simply do not allow one to express a contradiction to begin with since they lack the ability to form negations.

An ideal three-valued paraconsistent logic.

Here is an example of a three-valued logic which is paraconsistent and "ideal" as defined in "Ideal Paraconsistent Logics" by O. Arieli, A. Avron, and A. Zamansky, especially pages 22–23. The three truth-values are: "t" (true only), "b" (both true and false), and "f" (false only).  A formula is true if its truth-value is either "t" or "b" for the valuation being used. A formula is a tautology of paraconsistent logic if it is true in every valuation which maps atomic propositions to {"t", "b", "f"}. Every tautology of paraconsistent logic is also a tautology of classical logic. For a valuation, the set of true formulas is closed under modus ponens and the deduction theorem. Any tautology of classical logic which contains no negations is also a tautology of paraconsistent logic (by merging "b" into "t"). This logic is sometimes referred to as "Pac" or "LFI1".

Included.

Some tautologies of paraconsistent logic are:

Excluded.

Some tautologies of classical logic which are "not" tautologies of paraconsistent logic are:

Strategy.

Suppose we are faced with a contradictory set of premises Γ and wish to avoid being reduced to triviality. In classical logic, the only method one can use is to reject one or more of the premises in Γ. In paraconsistent logic, we may try to compartmentalize the contradiction. That is, weaken the logic so that Γ→"X" is no longer a tautology provided the propositional variable "X" does not appear in Γ. However, we do not want to weaken the logic any more than is necessary for that purpose. So we wish to retain modus ponens and the deduction theorem as well as the axioms which are the introduction and elimination rules for the logical connectives (where possible).  To this end, we add a third truth-value "b" which will be employed within the compartment containing the contradiction. We make "b" a fixed point of all the logical connectives.  We must make "b" a kind of truth (in addition to "t") because otherwise there would be no tautologies at all.  To ensure that modus ponens works, we must have that is, to ensure that a true hypothesis and a true implication lead to a true conclusion, we must have that a not-true ("f") conclusion and a true ("t" or "b") hypothesis yield a not-true implication.  If all the propositional variables in Γ are assigned the value "b", then Γ itself will have the value "b". If we give "X" the value "f", then So Γ→"X" will not be a tautology.  Limitations: (1) There must not be constants for the truth values because that would defeat the purpose of paraconsistent logic. Having "b" would change the language from that of classical logic. Having "t" or "f" would allow the explosion again because would be tautologies. Note that "b" is not a fixed point of those constants since "b" ≠ "t" and "b" ≠ "f".  (2) This logic's ability to contain contradictions applies only to contradictions among particularized premises, not to contradictions among axiom schemas.  (3) The loss of disjunctive syllogism may result in insufficient commitment to developing the 'correct' alternative, possibly crippling mathematics.  (4) To establish that a formula Γ is equivalent to Δ in the sense that either can be substituted for the other wherever they appear as a subformula, one must show This is more difficult than in classical logic because the contrapositives do not necessarily follow.

Applications.

Paraconsistent logic has been applied as a means of managing inconsistency in numerous domains, including:

Criticism.

Some philosophers have argued against dialetheism on the grounds that the counterintuitiveness of giving up any of the three principles above outweighs any counterintuitiveness that the principle of explosion might have.  Others, such as David Lewis, have objected to paraconsistent logic on the ground that it is simply impossible for a statement and its negation to be jointly true. A related objection is that "negation" in paraconsistent logic is not really "negation"; it is merely a subcontrary-forming operator.

Alternatives.

Approaches exist that allow for resolution of inconsistent beliefs without violating any of the intuitive logical principles. Most such systems use multi-valued logic with Bayesian inference and the Dempster-Shafer theory, allowing that no non-tautological belief is completely (100%) irrefutable because it must be based upon incomplete, abstracted, interpreted, likely unconfirmed, potentially uninformed, and possibly incorrect knowledge (of course, this very assumption, if non-tautological, entails its own refutability, if by "refutable" we mean "not completely [100%] irrefutable"). These systems effectively give up several logical principles in practice without rejecting them in theory.

Notable figures.

Notable figures in the history and/or modern development of paraconsistent logic include:

A paraconsistent logic is a logical system that attempts to deal with contradictions in a discriminating way. Alternatively, paraconsistent logic is the subfield of logic that is concerned with studying and developing paraconsistent (or "inconsistency-tolerant") systems of logic.

Unter Parakonsistenten Logiken und Parainkonsistenten Logiken versteht man Kalküle, in denen der logische Grundsatz ex contradictione sequitur quodlibet (lat. für „aus einem Widerspruch folgt Beliebiges“) nicht gilt, in denen es also nicht möglich ist, aus zwei widersprüchlichen Aussagen formula_1 oder aus einem Widerspruch formula_2 jede beliebige Aussage herzuleiten.


Location.

The weir and lock are located behind the Nussdorf station of the Emperor Franz Joseph Railway. Although they are named after a suburb in the 19th district of Vienna, Döbling, they actually fall within the jurisdiction of the 20th district, Brigittenau.

Earlier constructions.

Before the construction of the weir and lock in Nussdorf, the Donaukanal was protected from floating ice and to a large extent also from flooding by the Wilhelm von Engerth’s floating barrier, the Schwimmtor. The Schwimmtor remained in service until World War I and was finally scrapped in 1945.

The weir and lock in Nussdorf.

The weir and lock in Nussdorf and the Kaiserbadwehr (another weir) were the only hydraulic engineering works that were ever realised as part of the plan to create a harbour in the Donaukanal. Two further weir and lock arrangements had been envisaged near the Ostbahnbrücke and directly before the harbour in Freudenau.  The construction of the weir and lock was necessary to protect the new developments on the canal (the metropolitan railway, the tributary canals and later the harbour and ships) from floods and ice, but also to maintain sufficient water in the canal so that ships could pass. Wilhelm von Engerth's Schwimmtor provided satisfactory protection from floating ice, but it only gave a very limited degree of control over the amount of water in the canal. In particular because of the need to protect the tributary canals built along the Donaukanal, it was essential that the level of water in the canal did not rise by more than 80 centimetres.

Nussdorf weir.

The Nussdorf weir was built between August 1894 and 1899. The walls were finished in 1897 and the steel construction was mounted by August 1898. The administration building and the chain magazine followed in 1899. Otto Wagner was employed by the transport commission for the project; the architectural plans for the weir and the Schemerlbrücke, the adjoining buildings and (possibly) the lock are the work of Sigmund Taussig. Because of the site's highly visible location – at the point at which the Donaukanal leads away from the Danube towards the centre of Vienna – Otto Wagner considered the weir (technically a needle dam but also a bridge weir) as the gate to the city and thus designed it to be particularly impressive. It features imposing columns topped with lions made of bronze. These lions are the work of Rudolf Weyr and were later the model for the logo of Gräf & Stift, an Austrian automobile producer.  The weir passed its first test in 1899, when the land on the Donaukanal was successfully protected from flooding.  The needle dam was replaced with a modern segment weir during improvements carried out on Vienna's defenses against flooding between 1971 and 1975. The new weir featured barriers that could be lowered to the bottom of the canal. Between 2004 and 2005, the Nussdorf power station was built downstream of the weir and lock without any visible changes to the historical appearance of the area. The power station's 12 turbines produce around 28 gigawatt hours per year and thus provide electricity for approximately 10,000 households.

Schemerlbrücke.

The'("Schemerl bridge"), also known as'("lions bridge"), is named after Josef Schemerl Ritter von Leytenbach, k. k. Hofrat and Hofbauratsdirektor, who developed the first plans to regulate the Danube in 1810. His plans were not realised. He died in 1844.  The bridge is referred to using a range of variations of its name:  The truss bridge was built between 1894 and 1898. Its span measures 49 metres, arching over both the 40-metre wide canal and the 9-metre wide towpath. The construction of the bridge was made necessary for structural reasons; the three main bearing walls and the strong horizontal bar support both the weight of the bridge and the pressure created by the damming of the water in the canal (the weir is also referred to as a bridge weir as a result). The Schemmerlbrücke was however also needed for the weir machinery. In April 1945, the Schemmerlbrücke, along with the other bridges over the Donaukanal, was intentionally rendered unusable. In 1947, a wooden structure was built which made it possible for pedestrians to cross the canal. Between 1953 and 1955, the bridge was repaired and in 1978 it was thoroughly restored.

Nussdorf lock.

In contrast to the Nussdorf weir, the Nussdorf lock is not very well known. Construction on the lock also began in August 1894. The chamber lock is 85 metres long and 15 metres wide, but at the same time, a canal 20 metres wide, 3.5 metres deep and with an embankment slope of 1:2 had to be built to make it possible to use the lock. This canal made it necessary to build two railway bridges for the Donauuferbahn as well as a road bridge between Nussdorf and Handelskai. It is not known for sure whether this lock was also designed by Otto Wagner, how it survived World War II, and why it was renovated between 1964 and 1966. Presumably, it was too small for modern ships and its technical features needed updating. On 25 November 1966, the City of Vienna announced that the Stadtrat Kurt Heller had officially opened the fully mechanised lock.  To ensure that sufficient water was available for the lock even when the surrounding canals are blocked with ice, a tributary canal was also built.

Administration building.

The three- to four-storey administration building that stands near the weir and lock was designed by Otto Wagner and built in secessionist style. The building's roof features a platform that served as an observation post.

Chain magazine.

The chain magazine is located to the south of the administration building and is a one- to two-storey building.

The Nussdorf weir and lock are works of hydraulic engineering located in the Viennese suburb of Nussdorf at the point where the Donaukanal leaves the Danube. The weir and lock were built following the adoption of a new law in July 1892, which also authorised the construction of the Wiener Stadtbahn and the transformation of the Donaukanal into a winter harbour.

Die Wehr- und Schleusenanlage beim Wiener Stadtteil Nussdorf ist eine wasserbauliche Einrichtung an jener Stelle, wo der Donaukanal von der Donau abzweigt. Sie wurde aufgrund des vom Reichsrat erlassenen "Gesetzes vom 18. Juli 1892, betreffend die Ausführung öffentlicher Verkehrsanlagen in Wien" erbaut.


History.

Rouè-Doudou Boicel founded the Rising Sun Festijazz, Montreal's first blues & jazz festival in 1978. There were also other previous jazz festivals in Montreal, including the 3-day Jazz de Chez Nous festival in 1979, created by Montreal bassist Charles Biddle.  The Montreal Jazz Festival (later: Montreal International Jazz Festival) was conceived by Alain Simard, who had spent much of the 1970s working with Productions Kosmos bringing artists such as Chuck Berry, Dave Brubeck, Chick Corea, Bo Diddley, John Lee Hooker, Muddy Waters, and others to Montreal to perform. In 1977, Simard teamed up with André Ménard and Denys McCann to form an agency named "Spectra Scène" (now known as "L'Équipe Spectra"), with the idea of creating a summer festival in Montreal that would bring a number of artists together at the same time.  They planned their first festival for the summer of 1979. Unable to secure sufficient funding, their plans were scuttled, but they still were able to produce two nights of shows at Théâtre-St-Denis featuring Keith Jarrett and Pat Metheny.  Starting on May 10, 1980, a Montreal Jazz Festival was staged, with funding from Alain de Grosbois of CBC Stereo and Radio-Québec. With Gary Burton, Ray Charles, Chick Corea, and Vic Vogel on the bill, and an attendance of 12,000, the event was deemed a success and has continued to grow since then.  In 2000, the Festival teamed up with Distribution Select to release its 4-CD box set called "Over 20 years of music – Plus de 20 ans de musique". The box includes a 13-page booklet with the artists' biographies and complete liner notes about the music.  In 1999, a group of Montreal jazz musicians disenchanted with the Montreal International Jazz Festival's lack of support for and showcasing of Montreal jazz musicians created an alternative festival called L'OFF Festival de Jazz de Montreal. The alternative festival continues as an annual, week-long jazz festival in Montreal, programmed largely by musicians.  in 2020, for the first time in its 40 year history, the International Montreal Jazz Festival was cancelled due to the COVID-19 pandemic, in what would have been its 41st edition.

Recordings.

A number of albums have been recorded live at the festival, including:  The Montreal Tapes – Charlie Haden

Concours de Jazz.

Established in 1982, the Concours de Jazz is an annual competition held at the Montreal International Jazz Festival. The competition takes place between Canadian groups performing original music, and is part of the festival's outdoor program. Throughout its history the prize has been awarded to many of Canada's most prominent jazz musicians.  Name changes  Winners

The Festival International de Jazz de Montréal () is an annual jazz festival held in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. The Montreal Jazz Fest holds the 2004 Guinness World Record as the world's largest jazz festival. Every year it features roughly 3,000 artists from 30-odd countries, more than 650 concerts (including 450 free outdoor performances), and welcomes over 2 million visitors (12.5% of whom are tourists) as well as 300 accredited journalists. The festival takes place at 20 different stages, which include free outdoor stages and indoor concert halls.

Das Festival International de Jazz de Montréal (FIJM) ist das größte Jazzfestival der Welt. Gewöhnlich findet es zu Beginn der kanadischen Festival Saison statt (bzw. Ende Juni bis Mitte Juli). Über 2 Millionen Menschen besuchen die elftägige Veranstaltung. Während des Festivals sind große Teile der Innenstadt (Downtown Montreal) für den Auto-Verkehr gesperrt, so dass auch im Freien Konzerte stattfinden können. Einige der Open-Air Konzerte werden von mehr als hunderttausend Menschen besucht. In Pubs, Clubs, Theatern, Museen, Konzertsälen und sogar einigen Kaufhäusern werden dann Konzerte veranstaltet. Von den mehr als 650 Konzerten sind 450 frei und finden an etwa zehn Open Air Plätzen statt. Neben Jazz treten auch Weltmusik-, Pop- und Blues-Musiker auf. Das Festival besuchen jährlich rund 2 Millionen Besucher, davon 250.000 Touristen. Es wird von einer unabhängigen non-profit-Organisation geleitet. Es ist bekannt für seine lockere Volksfest-Atmosphäre.


Early history.

The Jack Daniel's brand's official website suggests that its founder, Jasper Newton "Jack" Daniel, was born in 1850 (and his tombstone bears that date), but says his exact birth date is unknown. The company website says it is customary to celebrate his birthday in September. The Tennessee state library website said in 2013 that records list his birth date as September 5, 1846, and that the 1850 birth date seems impossible since his mother died in 1847. In the 2004 biography "Blood & Whiskey: The Life and Times of Jack Daniel", author Peter Krass said his investigation showed that Daniel was born in January 1849 (based on Jack's sister's diary, census records, and the date of death of Jack's mother).  Jack was the youngest of 10 children born to his mother, Lucinda (Cook) Daniel, and father Calaway Daniel. After Lucinda's death, his father remarried and had three more children. Calaway Daniel's father, Joseph "Job" Daniel, had emigrated from Wales to the United States with his Scottish wife, the former Elizabeth Calaway. Jack Daniels' ancestry included English, and Scots-Irish as well.  Jack did not get along with his stepmother. After Daniel's father died in the Civil War, the boy ran away from home and was essentially orphaned at a young age.

Career.

As a teenager, Daniel was taken in by Dan Call, a local lay preacher and moonshine distiller. He began learning the distilling trade from Call and his Master Distiller, Nathan "Nearest" Green, an enslaved African-American man. Green continued to work with Call after emancipation.  In 1875, on receiving an inheritance from his father's estate (following a long dispute with his siblings), Daniel founded a legally registered distilling business with Call. He took over the distillery shortly afterward when Call quit for religious reasons. The brand label on the product says "Est. & Reg. in 1866", but his biographer has cited official registration documents in asserting that the business was not established until 1875.  After taking over the distillery in 1884, Daniel purchased the hollow and land where the distillery is now located. By the 1880s, Jack Daniel's was one of 15 distilleries operating in Moore County, and the second-most productive behind Tom Eaton's Distillery. He began using square-shaped bottles in 1897, with the square shape of the bottle intended to convey a sense of fairness and integrity.  According to Daniel's biographer, the origin of the "Old No. 7" brand name was the number assigned to Daniel's distillery for government registration. He was forced to change the registration number when the federal government redrew the district, and he became Number 16 in district 5 instead of No. 7 in district 4. However, he continued to use his original number as a brand name, since his brand reputation already had been established.  Jack Daniel's had a surge in popularity after the whiskey received the gold medal for the finest whiskey at the 1904 St. Louis World's Fair. Daniel's local reputation was suffering as the temperance movement was gaining strength in Tennessee.  Jack Daniel never married and did not have any known children. He took his nephews under his wing – one of whom was Lemuel "Lem" Motlow (1869–1947). Lem, a son of Daniel's sister, Finetta, was skilled with numbers. He soon was responsible for all of the distillery's bookkeeping.  In 1907, due to failing health, Jack Daniel gave the distillery to two of his nephews. Motlow soon bought out the other nephew. He operated the distillery for about 40 years.  Tennessee passed a statewide prohibition law in 1910, effectively barring the legal distillation of Jack Daniel's within the state. Motlow challenged the law in a test case that eventually worked its way to the Tennessee Supreme Court. The court upheld the law as constitutional.  Daniel died in 1911 from blood poisoning. An oft-told tale is that the infection began in one of his toes, which Daniel injured one early morning at work by kicking his safe in anger when he could not get it open (he was said to always have had trouble remembering the combination). But Daniel's modern biographer has asserted that this account is not true.  Because of prohibition in Tennessee, the company shifted its distilling operations to St Louis, Missouri, and Birmingham, Alabama. None of the production from these locations was ever sold due to quality problems. The Alabama operation was halted following a similar statewide prohibition law in that state, and the St. Louis operation was halted by the onset of nationwide prohibition following passage of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1920.  While the passage of the Twenty-first Amendment in 1933 repealed prohibition at the federal level, state prohibition laws (including Tennessee's) remained in effect, thus preventing the Lynchburg distillery from reopening. Motlow, who had become a Tennessee state senator, led efforts to repeal these laws, which allowed production to restart in 1938. The five-year gap between national repeal and Tennessee repeal was commemorated in 2008 with a gift pack of two bottles, one for the 75th anniversary of the end of prohibition and a second commemorating the 70th anniversary of the reopening of the distillery.  The Jack Daniel's distillery ceased operations from 1942 to 1946 when the U.S. government banned the manufacture of whiskey due to World War II. Motlow resumed production of Jack Daniel's in 1947 after good-quality corn was again available. Motlow died the same year. He bequeathed the distillery to his children, Robert, Reagor, Dan, Conner, and Mary, upon his death.  The company was later incorporated as "Jack Daniel Distillery, Lem Motlow, Prop., Inc." This has allowed the company to continue to include Lem Motlow, who died in 1947, in its marketing. Mentioning him in the advertising is technically just citing the full corporate name. Likewise, the advertisements continue to use Lynchburg's 1960s-era population figure of 361, though the city has since formed a consolidated city-county government with Moore County. Its official population is more than 6,000, according to the 2010 census.  The company was sold to the Brown–Forman Corporation in 1956.  The Jack Daniel's Distillery was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1972.  In 2012, a Welshman, Mark Evans, claimed to have discovered the original recipe for Daniel's whiskey, in a book written in 1853 by his great-great-grandmother. Her brother-in-law had emigrated to Tennessee.  Moore County, where the Jack Daniel's distillery is located, is one of the state's many dry counties. While it is legal to distill the product within the county, it is illegal to purchase it there. However, a state law has provided one exception: a distillery may sell one commemorative product, regardless of county statutes. Jack Daniel's now sells Gentleman Jack, Jack Daniel's Single Barrel, the original No. 7 blend (in a commemorative bottle), and a seasonal blend (on rotation) at the distillery's White Rabbit Bottle Shop.

Recent history.

Lowering to 80 proof.

Until 1987, Jack Daniel's black label was historically produced at 90 U.S. proof (45% alcohol by volume). The lower-end green label product was 80 proof. However, starting in 1987, the other label variations also were reduced in proof. This began with black label being initially reduced to 86 proof. Both the black and green label expressions are made from the same ingredients; the difference is determined by professional tasters, who decide which of the batches would be sold under the "premium" black label, with the rest being sold as "standard" green label.  A further dilution began in 2002 when all generally available Jack Daniel's products were reduced to 80 proof (including the black label, which had been 86 proof since 1987 and was 90 proof before that), thus further lowering production costs and excise taxes. This reduction in alcohol content, which was done without any announcement, publicity or change of logo or packaging, was noticed and condemned by "Modern Drunkard Magazine", and the magazine formed a petition drive for drinkers who disagreed with the change. The company countered that they believed consumers preferred lower-proof products, and said that the change had not hurt the sales of the brand. The petition effort garnered some publicity and collected more than 13,000 signatures, but the company held firm with its decision. A few years later, "Advertising Age" said in 2005 that "virtually no one noticed" the change, and confirmed that sales of the brand had actually increased since the dilution began (though it does not suppose any causes for that increase).  Jack Daniel's has also produced higher-proof special releases and premium-brand expressions at times. A one-time limited run of 96 proof, the highest proof Jack Daniel's had ever bottled at that time, was bottled for the 1996 Tennessee Bicentennial in a decorative bicentennial bottle. The distillery debuted its 94 proof "Jack Daniel's Single Barrel" in February 1997. The Silver Select Single Barrel was formerly the company's highest proof at 100, but is available only in duty-free shops. Now, there are'single barrel barrel proof' editions, ranging from 125–140 proof.

Sales and brand value status.

Jack Daniel's Black Label Tennessee Whiskey remains the flagship product of Brown–Forman Corporation. During the fiscal year ended April 30, 2017, the product had sales of 12.5 million cases. Underlying net sales for the Jack Daniel's brand grew by 3% (−1% on a reported basis).  Tennessee Honey and Tennessee Fire were also solid contributors to the total underlying net sales growth of 3% (flat on a reported basis) for the Jack Daniel's family of brands. They grew underlying net sales by 4% and 14% (3% and 18% on a reported basis), respectively. Premium brand Gentleman Jack grew underlying net sales mid-single digits, while the RTD/RTP segment increased underlying net sales by 6% (3% on a reported basis).  In the IWSR 2013 World Class Brands rankings of wine and spirits brands, Jack Daniel's was ranked third on the global level. More recently, in 2017, it ranked at number 16 on the IWSR's Real 100 Spirits Brands Worldwide list. Additionally, the brand evaluation consultancy "Intangible Business" ranked Jack Daniel's fourth on its Power 100 Spirits and Wine list in both 2014 and 2015.

Sponsorships.

From 2006 until 2015, Jack Daniel's sponsored V8 Supercar teams Perkins Engineering and Kelly Racing. Jack Daniel's also sponsored the Richard Childress Racing 07 car (numbered after the "Old No. 7") in the NASCAR Sprint Cup Series from 2005 to 2009, beginning with driver Dave Blaney and soon moving to Clint Bowyer. Jack Daniel's also sponsors Zac Brown Band's tours.

Master distillers.

Jeff Arnett, a company employee since 2001, became Jack Daniel's master distiller in 2008. He is the seventh person to hold the position in the distillery's history.  Jimmy Bedford, the previous master distiller, held the position for 20 years. Bedford retired in mid-2008 after being the subject of a $3.5 million sexual harassment lawsuit against the company that ended in an out-of-court settlement, and he died on August 7, 2009, after suffering a heart attack at his home in Lynchburg.  Other former Master Distillers include Nathan "Nearest" Green (1875–81), Jess Motlow (1911–41), Lem Tolley (1941–64), Jess Gamble (1964–66), and Frank Bobo (1966–92).

Tennessee Squires.

A Tennessee Squire is a member of the Tennessee Squire Association, which was formed in 1956 to honor special friends of the Jack Daniel's distillery. Many prominent business and entertainment professionals are included among the membership, which is obtained only through recommendation of a current member. Squires receive a wallet card and deed certificate proclaiming them as "owner" of an unrecorded plot of land at the distillery and an honorary citizen of Moore County, Tennessee.

Production process.

The mash for Jack Daniel's is made from corn, rye, and malted barley, and is distilled in copper stills. It is then filtered through stacks of sugar maple charcoal. The company refers to this filtering step as "mellowing". This extra step, known as the Lincoln County Process, removes impurities and the taste of corn. The company argues this extra step makes the product different from bourbon. However, Tennessee whiskey is required to be "a straight Bourbon Whiskey" under terms of the North American Free Trade Agreement and Canadian law. A distinctive aspect of the filtering process is that the Jack Daniel's brand grinds its charcoal before using it for filtering. After the filtering, the whiskey is stored in newly handcrafted oak barrels, which give the whiskey its color and most of its flavor.  The product label mentions that it is a "sour mash" whiskey, which means that when the mash is prepared, some of the wet solids from a previously used batch are mixed in to help make the fermentation process operate more consistently. This is common practice in American whiskey production. (, all currently produced straight bourbon is produced using the sour mash process.)  After being used for the aging of Jack Daniel's whiskey, many barrels go to Scotland to be used in the production of Scotch whisky. Some barrels are leased from Glenmorangie distillery. Some of the barrels are sold to McIlhenny Company of Avery Island, Louisiana, for production of Tabasco sauce and to both the Mount Gay Rum company of Barbados and Appleton Estate of Jamaica for use in the aging process of their distinctively flavored rums. Some barrels are also cut in half and shipped to Lowe's Home Centers to be used as planter pots. They retain the whiskey smell for some time after arriving there and must be watered every couple of days to keep the wood from shrinking before they are sold.

Legal status.

On a state level, Tennessee has imposed stringent requirements. To be labeled as Tennessee Whiskey, it is not enough under state law that the whiskey be produced in Tennessee; it must meet quality and production standards. These are the same standards used by Jack Daniel's Distillery, and some other distillers are displeased with the requirements being enshrined into law.  On May 13, 2013, Tennessee Governor Bill Haslam signed House Bill 1084, requiring the Lincoln County process to be used for products produced in the state labeling themselves as "Tennessee Whiskey", with a particular exception tailored to exempt Benjamin Prichard's, and including the existing requirements for bourbon. As federal law requires statements of origin on labels to be accurate, the Tennessee law effectively gives a firm definition to Tennessee whiskey, requiring Tennessee origin, maple charcoal filtering by the Lincoln County process prior to aging, and the basic requirements of bourbon (at least 51% corn, new oak barrels, charring of the barrels, and limits on alcohol by volume concentration for distillation, aging, and bottling).  In 2014, legislation was introduced in the Tennessee legislature that would modify the 2013 law to allow the reuse of oak barrels in the Tennessee whiskey aging process. Jack Daniel's Master Distiller Jeff Arnett vehemently opposed the legislation, arguing the reuse of barrels would require the use of artificial colorings and flavorings, and would render Tennessee whiskey an inferior product to scotches and bourbons.  The company was the subject of a proposal to locally surtax its product in 2011. It was claimed that the distillery, the main employer in a company town, had capitalized on the bucolic image of Lynchburg, Tennessee, and it ought to pay a tax of $10 per barrel. The company responded that such a tax is a confiscatory imposition penalizing it for the success of the enterprise. The proposed tax faced a vote by the Metro Lynchburg-Moore County Council and was defeated 10-5.

Distillery.

The Jack Daniel Distillery in Lynchburg is situated in and around a hollow known as "Stillhouse Hollow" or "Jack Daniel's Hollow", where a spring flows from a cave at the base of a limestone cliff. The limestone removes iron from the water, making it ideal for distilling whiskey (water heavy in iron gives whiskey a bad taste). The spring feeds into nearby East Fork Mulberry Creek, which is part of the Elk River watershed. Some 1.9 million barrels containing the aging whiskey are stored in several dozen barrelhouses, some of which adorn the adjacent hilltops and are visible throughout Lynchburg.  The distillery is a major tourist attraction, drawing more than a quarter of a million visitors annually. The visitor center, dedicated in June 2000, contains memorabilia related to the distillery and a gift shop. Paid tours of the distillery are conducted several times per day and a premium sampling tour is also offered.  In February 2016, a $140 million expansion was announced for the distillery, including a plan to expand the visitors center and add two more barrel houses.

Jack Daniel's is a brand of Tennessee whiskey and the top-selling American whiskey in the world. It is produced in Lynchburg, Tennessee, by the Jack Daniel Distillery, which has been owned by the Brown–Forman Corporation since 1956. Jack Daniel's home county of Moore is a dry county, so the product is not available for purchase at stores or restaurants within the county.

Jack Daniel’s ist der Markenname eines Tennessee-Whiskeys aus der Kleinstadt Lynchburg in Tennessee, USA. Die Marke gehört dem Brown-Forman-Konzern. Mit einer Produktion von etwa 90 Millionen Litern im Jahr ist Jack Daniel’s die meistverkaufte amerikanische Whiskeymarke weltweit und kämpft mit der schottischen Whiskymarke Johnnie Walker um den Titel des meistverkauften Whiskeys aus allen Ländern.


Origins.

Old Testament.

Jacques Ellul, a French philosopher and Christian anarchist, notes that the final verse of the Book of Judges (Judges 21:25) states that there was no king in Israel and that "everyone did as they saw fit". Subsequently, as recorded in the first Book of Samuel (1 Samuel 8) the people of Israel wanted a king "so as to be like other nations". God declared that the people had rejected him as their king. He warned that a human king would lead to militarism, conscription and taxation, and that their pleas for mercy from the king's demands would go unanswered. Samuel passed on God's warning to the Israelites but they still demanded a king, and Saul became their ruler. Much of the subsequent Old Testament chronicles the Israelites trying to live with this decision.

New Testament.

More than any other Bible source, the Sermon on the Mount is used as the basis for Christian anarchism. Alexandre Christoyannopoulos explains that the Sermon perfectly illustrates Jesus's central teaching of love and forgiveness. Christian anarchists claim that the state, founded on violence, contravenes the Sermon and Jesus' call to.  The gospels tell of Jesus's temptation in the desert. For the final temptation, Jesus is taken up to a high mountain by Satan and told that if he bows down to Satan he will give him all the kingdoms of the world. Christian anarchists use this as evidence that all Earthly kingdoms and governments are ruled by Satan, otherwise they would not be Satan's to give. Jesus refuses the temptation, choosing to serve God instead, implying that Jesus is aware of the corrupting nature of Earthly power.  Christian eschatology and various Christian anarchists, such as Jacques Ellul, have identified the state and political power as the Beast in the Book of Revelation.  Friedrich Nietzsche and Frank Seaver Billings criticize Christianity and anarchism by arguing that they are the same thing.

Early Church.

According to Alexandre Christoyannopoulos, several of the Church Fathers' writings suggest anarchism as God's ideal. The first Christians opposed the primacy of the State: "We must obey God as ruler rather than men" (Acts 4:19, 5:29, 1 Corinthians 6:1-6); "Stripping the governments and the authorities bare, he exhibited them in open public as conquered, leading them in a triumphal procession by means of it." (Colossians 2:15). Also some early Christian communities appear to have practised anarchist communism, such as the Jerusalem group described in Acts, who shared their money and labour equally and fairly among the members. Roman Montero claims that using an anthropological framework, such as that of anarchist David Graeber, one can plausibly reconstruct the communism of these early Christian communities and that these practices were widespread, long-lasting and substantial. Christian anarchists, such as Kevin Craig, insist that these communities were centred on true love and care for one another rather than liturgy. They also allege that the reason the early Christians were persecuted was not because they worshipped Jesus Christ, but because they refused to worship human idols claiming divine status (see Imperial cult). Given that they refused to worship the Roman Emperor they refused to swear any oath of allegiance to the Empire. For example, when requested that he swear by the emperor, Speratus, spokesperson of the Scillitan Martyrs, said in 180, "I recognize not the empire of this world... because I know my Lord, the King of kings and Emperor of all nations.  Thomas Merton in his introduction to a translation of the "Sayings of the Desert Fathers" describes the early monastics as "Truly in certain sense 'anarchists,' and it will do no harm to think of them as such."  During the Ante-Nicene Period there were several independent sects who took a radically different approach to Christianity than the Proto-Orthodox Church and displayed anarchist tendencies by relying on direct revelation rather than scripture. For example:

Conversion of the Roman Empire.

For Christian anarchists the moment which epitomises the degeneration of Christianity is the conversion of Emperor Constantine after his victory at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge in 312. Following this event Christianity was legalized under the Edict of Milan in 313, hastening the Church's transformation from a humble bottom-up sect to an authoritarian top-down organization. Christian anarchists point out that this marked the beginning of the "Constantinian shift", in which Christianity gradually came to be identified with the will of the ruling elite, becoming the State church of the Roman Empire, and in some cases (such as the Crusades, Inquisition and Wars of Religion) a religious justification for violence.

Middle Ages.

There were many groups and individuals in the Middle Ages who displayed anarchist tendencies, taking God as their guide and rejecting both church and secular authority.

Peasant revolts in the post-reformation era.

Various libertarian socialist authors have identified the written work of English Protestant social reformer Gerrard Winstanley and the social activism of his group, the Diggers, as anticipating this line of thought. For anarchist historian George Woodcock "Although (Pierre Joseph) Proudhon was the first writer to call himself an anarchist, at least two predecessors outlined systems that contain all the basic elements of anarchism. The first was Gerrard Winstanley (1609–c. 1660), a linen draper who led the small movement of the Diggers during the Commonwealth. Winstanley and his followers protested in the name of a radical Christianity against the economic distress that followed the Civil War and against the inequality that the grandees of the New Model Army seemed intent on preserving.  In 1649–1650 the Diggers squatted on stretches of common land in southern England and attempted to set up communities based on work on the land and the sharing of goods. The communities failed following a crackdown by the English authorities, but a series of pamphlets by Winstanley survived, of which "The New Law of Righteousness" (1649) was the most important. Advocating a rational Christianity, Winstanley equated Christ with “the universal liberty” and declared the universally corrupting nature of authority. He saw “an equal privilege to share in the blessing of liberty” and detected an intimate link between the institution of property and the lack of freedom." For Murray Bookchin "In the modern world, anarchism first appeared as a movement of the peasantry and yeomanry against declining feudal institutions. In Germany its foremost spokesman during the Peasant Wars was Thomas Müntzer; in England, Gerrard Winstanley, a leading participant in the Digger movement. The concepts held by Müntzer and Winstanley were superbly attuned to the needs of their time — a historical period when the majority of the population lived in the countryside and when the most militant revolutionary forces came from an agrarian world. It would be painfully academic to argue whether Müntzer and Winstanley could have achieved their ideals. What is of real importance is that they spoke to their time; their anarchist concepts followed naturally from the rural society that furnished the bands of the peasant armies in Germany and the New Model in England."

Modern era.

Nineteenth century Christian abolitionist Adin Ballou was critical of government and believed that it would be supplanted by a new order in which individuals are guided solely by their love for God. His writings heavily influenced Leo Tolstoy, who wrote extensively on his anarchist principles and their descension from his Christian faith, in books including "The Kingdom of God is Within You", a key Christian anarchist text. Tolstoy sought to separate Russian Orthodox Christianity — which was merged with the state — from what he believed was the true message of Jesus as contained in the Gospels, specifically in the Sermon on the Mount. He takes the viewpoint that all governments who wage war, and churches who in turn support those governments, are an affront to the Christian principles of nonviolence. Although Tolstoy never actually used the term "Christian anarchism" in "The Kingdom of God Is Within You", reviews of this book following its publication in 1894 appear to have coined the term.  Antireligious former priest Thomas J. Hagerty was a primary author of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) Preamble ("an injury to one is an injury to all"). IWW members included Christian anarchists like Dorothy Day and Ammon Hennacy.  Dorothy Day was a journalist turned social activist who became known for her social justice campaigns in defense of the poor. Alongside Peter Maurin, she founded the Catholic Worker Movement in 1933, espousing nonviolence, and hospitality for the impoverished and downtrodden. Dorothy Day was declared Servant of God when a cause for sainthood was opened for her by Pope John Paul II. Dorothy Day's Distributist economic views are very similar to Proudhon's mutualism whom she was influenced by. Day also named the phrase "precarious work" based on former anarcho-communist Léonce Crenier's embrace of poverty. Peter Maurin's vision to transform the social order consisted of establishing urban houses of hospitality to care for the destitute; rural farming communities to teach city dwellers agrarianism and encourage a movement back-to-the-land; and roundtable discussions in community centres to clarify thought and initiate action.

Anarchist biblical views and practices.

Church authority.

With some notable exceptions, such as the Catholic Worker Movement, many Christian anarchists are critical of Church dogma and rituals. Christian anarchists tend to wish that Christians were less preoccupied with performing rituals and preaching dogmatic theology, and more with following Jesus' teaching and practices. Jacques Ellul and Dave Andrews claim that Jesus did not intend to be the founder of an institutional religion, while Michael Elliot believes one of Jesus' intentions was to bypass human intermediaries and do away with priests.

Pacifism and nonviolence.

Christian anarchists, such as David Lipscomb, Leo Tolstoy, Ammon Hennacy, Jacques Ellul, and Dave Andrews, follow Jesus' call to not resist evil but turn the other cheek. They argue that this teaching can only imply a condemnation of the state, as the police and army hold a monopoly over the legitimate use of force. They believe freedom will only be guided by the grace of God if they show compassion to others and turn the other cheek when confronted with violence. Christian anarchists believe violence begets violence and the ends never justify the means.  Many Christian anarchists practice the principles of nonviolence, nonresistance, and turning the other cheek. To illustrate how nonresistance works in practice, Alexandre Christoyannopoulos offers the following Christian anarchist response to terrorism:

Simple living.

Christian anarchists, such as Ammon Hennacy, Peter Maurin and Dorothy Day, often advocate voluntary poverty. This can be for a variety of reasons, such as withdrawing support for government by reducing taxable income or following Jesus' teachings. Jesus appears to teach voluntary poverty when he told his disciples, "It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of God" (Mark 10:25) and "You cannot serve both God and Mammon" (Luke 16:13).

State authority.

The most common challenge for anarchist theologians is interpreting Paul's Epistle to the Romans 13:1–7, in which Paul demanded obedience to governing authorities and described them as God's servants exacting punishment on wrongdoers. Romans 13:1–7 holds the most explicit reference to the state in the New Testament but other parallel texts include Titus 3:1, Hebrews 13:17 and 1 Peter 2:13-17.  Some theologians, such as C.E.B. Cranfield, have interpreted Romans 13:1–7 to mean the Church should support the state, as God has sanctified the state to be his main tool to preserve social order. Similarly, in the case of the state being involved in a "just war", some theologians argue that it's permissible for Christians to serve the state and wield the sword. Christian anarchists do not share these interpretations of Romans 13 but still recognize it as "a very embarrassing passage."  Christian anarchists and pacifists, such as Jacques Ellul and Vernard Eller, do not attempt to overthrow the state given Romans 13 and Jesus' command to turn the other cheek. As wrath and vengeance are contrary to the Christian values of kindness and forgiveness, Ellul neither supports, nor participates in, the state. Eller articulates this position by restating the passage this way: Christians who interpret Romans 13 as advocating support for governing authorities are left with the difficulty of how to act under tyrants or dictators. Ernst Käsemann, in his "Commentary on Romans", challenged the mainstream Christian interpretation of the passage in light of German Lutheran Churches using this passage to justify the Holocaust.  Paul's letter to Roman Christians declares "For rulers hold no terror for those who do right, but for those who do wrong." However Christian anarchists point out an inconsistency if this text were to be taken literally and in isolation as Jesus and Paul were both executed by the governing authorities or "rulers" even though they did "right."  There are also Christians anarchists, such as Tolstoy and Hennacy, who do not see the need to integrate Paul's teachings into their subversive way of life. Tolstoy believed Paul was instrumental in the church's "deviation" from Jesus' teaching and practices, whilst Hennacy believed "Paul spoiled the message of Christ" (see Jesuism). Hennacy and Ciaron O'Reilly, in contrast to Eller, advocate nonviolent civil disobedience to confront state oppression.

Swearing of oaths.

In the Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5:33-37) Jesus tells his followers to not swear oaths in the name of God or Man. Tolstoy, Adin Ballou and Petr Chelčický understand this to mean that Christians should never bind themselves to any oath as they may not be able to fulfil the will of God if they are bound to the will of a fellow-man. Tolstoy takes the view that all oaths are evil, but especially an oath of allegiance.

Tax.

Some Christian anarchists resist taxes in the belief that their government is engaged in immoral, unethical or destructive activities such as war, and paying taxes inevitably funds these activities, whilst others submit to taxation. Adin Ballou wrote that if the act of resisting taxes requires physical force to withhold what a government tries to take, then it is important to submit to taxation. Ammon Hennacy, who, like Ballou also believed in nonresistance, eased his conscience by simply living below the income tax threshold.  Christian anarchists do not interpret the injunction in Matthew 22:21 to "give to Caesar what is Caesar's" as advocating support for taxes, but as further advice to free oneself from material attachment. For example, Dorothy Day said if we were to give everything to God there will be nothing left for Caesar, and Jacques Ellul believed the passage showed that Caesar may have rights over fiat money but not things that are made by God, as he explained:

Vegetarianism.

Vegetarianism in the Christian tradition has a long history commencing in the first centuries of Church with the Desert Fathers and Desert Mothers who abandoned the "world of men" for intimacy with the God of Jesus Christ. Vegetarianism amongst hermits and Christian monastics in the Eastern Christian and Roman Catholic traditions remains common to this day as a means of simplifying one's life, and as a practice of asceticism. Leo Tolstoy, Ammon Hennacy, and Théodore Monod extended their belief in nonviolence and compassion to all living beings through vegetarianism.

Present-day Christian anarchist groups.

Brotherhood Church.

The Brotherhood Church is a Christian anarchist and pacifist community. The Brotherhood Church can be traced back to 1887 when a Congregationalist minister called John Bruce Wallace started a magazine called ""The Brotherhood"" in Limavady, Northern Ireland. An intentional community with Quaker origins has been located at Stapleton, near Pontefract, Yorkshire, since 1921.

Catholic Worker Movement.

Established by Peter Maurin and Dorothy Day in the early 1930s, the Catholic Worker Movement is a Christian movement dedicated to nonviolence, personalism and voluntary poverty. Over 130 Catholic Worker communities exist in the United States where "houses of hospitality" care for the homeless. The Joe Hill House of hospitality (which closed in 1968) in Salt Lake City, Utah featured an enormous twelve feet by fifteen foot mural of Jesus Christ and Joe Hill. Present-day Catholic Workers include Ciaron O'Reilly, an Irish-Australian civil rights and anti-war activist.  Anne Klejment, professor of history at University of St. Thomas, wrote of the Catholic Worker Movement:  The Catholic Worker Movement has consistently protested against war and violence for over seven decades. Many of the leading figures in the movement have been both anarchists and pacifists, as Ammon Hennacy explains:  Maurin and Day were both baptized and confirmed in the Catholic Church and believed in the institution, thus showing it is possible to be a Christian anarchist and still choose to remain within a church. After her death, Day was proposed for sainthood by the Claretian Missionaries in 1983. Pope John Paul II granted the Archdiocese of New York permission to open Day's cause for sainthood in March 2000, calling her a Servant of God.  In literature, in Michael Paraskos's 2017 novel, "Rabbitman", a political satire prompted by Donald Trump's presidency, the heroine, called Angela Witney, is a member of an imagined Catholic Worker commune located in the southern English village of Ditchling, where the artist Eric Gill once lived.

Online communities.

Numerous Christian anarchist websites, social networking sites, forums, electronic mailing lists and blogs have emerged on the internet over the last few years. These include: The AnarchoChristian Podcast and Website, Biblical Anarchy: Obey God Rather Than Men, The Libertarian Christian Institute, started by Norman Horn, "A Pinch of Salt", a 1980s Christian anarchist magazine, revived in 2006 by Keith Hebden as a blog and bi-annual magazine; Libera Catholick Union founded in 1988 and re-organized in 2019; "Jesus Radicals" founded by Mennonites in 2000; "Lost Religion of Jesus" created in 2005; "Christian Anarchists" created in 2006; "The Mormon Worker", a blog and newspaper, founded in 2007 to promote Mormonism, anarchism and pacifism; and "Academics and Students Interested in Religious Anarchism" (ASIRA) founded by Alexandre Christoyannopoulos in 2008.

Christian anarchism in the arts.

"The Charter of the Forest" is a regularly updating Read-Opera that espouses Christian anarchist values such as opposition to hierarchy and complete commitment to non-violence. The composer, Matthew Buckwalter, is highly influenced by Tolstoy, particularly "The Kingdom of God is Within You", and the various speeches and writings of Noam Chomsky, among other philosophical sources.

Criticism.

Critics of Christian anarchism include both Christians and anarchists. Christians often cite Romans 13 as evidence that the State should be obeyed, while secular anarchists do not believe in any authority including God as per the slogan "no gods, no masters". Christian anarchists often believe Romans 13 is taken out of context, emphasizing that Revelation 13 and Isaiah 13, among other passages, are needed to fully understand Romans 13 text.

Christian anarchism is a movement in political theology that claims anarchism is inherent in Christianity and the Gospels. It is grounded in the belief that there is only one source of authority to which Christians are ultimately answerable—the authority of God as embodied in the teachings of Jesus. It therefore rejects the idea that human governments have ultimate authority over human societies. Christian anarchists denounce the state, believing it is violent, deceitful and, when glorified, idolatrous. Christian anarchists hold that the "Reign of God" is the proper expression of the relationship between God and humanity. Under the "Reign of God", human relationships would be characterized by divided authority, servant leadership, and universal compassion—not by the hierarchical, authoritarian structures that are normally attributed to religious social order. Most Christian anarchists are pacifists—they reject war and the use of violence.

Als christlicher Anarchismus werden verschiedene Versuche bezeichnet, den christlichen Glauben mit anarchistischen Denk- und Handlungsweisen zu verbinden. Die Bibel sowie das Leben und Wirken Jesu dienen als Grundlage für einen Entwurf einer herrschaftslosen und egalitären Gesellschaftsordnung, die mit jenem des Anarchismus identisch ist bzw. sehr große Ähnlichkeit hat. Christliche Anarchisten gehen davon aus, dass „die Prämisse des Anarchismus dem Christentum und der Botschaft des Evangeliums inhärent“ sei. Je nach konfessionellem Ausgangspunkt und Interpretation diverser Bibelstellen kann sich die konkrete Ausgestaltung voneinander unterscheiden.


Timber trestles.

One of the longest trestle spans created was for railroad traffic crossing the Great Salt Lake on the Lucin Cutoff in Utah. It was replaced by a fill causeway in the 1960s, and is now being salvaged for its timber.  Many wooden roller coasters are built using design details similar to trestle bridges because it is so easy to make the roller coaster very high. Since loads are well distributed through large portions of the structure it is also resilient to the stresses imposed. The structure also naturally leads to a certain redundancy (provided that economic considerations are not overly dominant). Such wooden coasters, while limited in their path (not supporting loops), possess a certain ride character (owing to structural response) that is appreciated by fans of the type.  The Camas Prairie Railroad in northern Idaho utilized many timber trestles across the rolling Camas Prairie and in the major grade, Lapwai Canyon. The viaduct across Lawyers Canyon was the exception, constructed of steel and in height.  The floodway of the Bonnet Carré Spillway in St. Charles Parish, Louisiana, is crossed by three wooden trestles each over in length. The trestles are owned by the Canadian National Railway (two trestles) and the Kansas City Southern Railroad. The trestles were completed in 1936, after construction of the Spillway. The trestles may be the longest wooden railroad trestles remaining in regular use in North America.  A coal trestle is a rigid-frame trestle supporting train tracks above chutes, used to deliver fuel to boats or trains beneath it. At the top of the trestle, rolling stock (typically hopper cars) open doors on their undersides or on their sides to discharge cargo. Coal trestles were also used to transfer coal from mining railroads to rail cars. They were prominent when coal was an important fuel for rail locomotion and steamships, before they were replaced with mechanical coal loaders during the 20th century. Coal trestles were used in the Great Lakes ports of Buffalo (on Lake Erie), Sodus Point and Oswego, New York (both on Lake Ontario).

In the United Kingdom.

In the United Kingdom, timber trestles were relatively short-lived as a structural type, one of their major uses being to cross the many deep valleys in Cornwall on the spinal rail route through the county. These were all replaced by masonry viaducts. Few timber trestles survived into the 20th century. Two that did, and which are still in daily use, cross the Afon Mawddach on the coast of Wales only a few miles apart, at Barmouth and Penmaenpool. The former, built in 1867, carries trains on the heavy rail Cambrian Coast Line travelling from England via Shrewsbury to the various small towns on Cardigan Bay. It also carries a toll-path for pedestrians. Road traffic at this location has to travel many miles around the estuary to cross at either (for light traffic) the second trestle bridge, at Penmaenpool, which is a toll bridge; or (for heavy traffic) at Dolgellau even further up the estuary.

Iron trestles.

Trestles in cast- or wrought-iron were used during the 19th Century on the developing railway network in the United Kingdom. These generally carried decking consisting of some form of trussed girder, as at Crumlin Viaduct, Belah and Meldon; though two rare examples, at Dowery Dell (demolished in 1962), and Bennerley had lattice girder decks.

Steel trestles.

The steel trestle at Martinez, California, shown below, is a modern structure with a long expected lifetime compared to a wooden trestle. Being less susceptible to fire damage in this brushy location is also an advantage. The approaches to the Kate Shelley High Bridge near Boone, Iowa, are steel trestles.  New Orleans utilizes steel trestles to support parts of I-10, the Pontchartrain Expressway, and Tulane Avenue. Also, trestles support the elevated railroad leading to and from the Huey P. Long Bridge.

Concrete trestles.

The new Kate Shelley High Bridge in Iowa is a concrete trestle.

A trestle bridge is a bridge composed of a number of short spans supported by closely spaced frames. A trestle (sometimes tressel) is a rigid frame used as a support, historically a tripod used both as stools and to support tables at banquets. Each supporting frame is a bent. Timber and iron trestles (i.e. bridges) were extensively used in the 19th century, the former making up from 1 to 3 per cent of the total length of the average railroad. In the 21st century, steel and sometimes concrete trestles are commonly used to bridge particularly deep valleys while timber trestles remain common in certain areas.

Trestle (englisch: "Gerüst") oder auch Bockbrücke oder Gerüstpfeilerviadukt ist eine Brückenbauart aus Tragelementen kurzer Spannweite, die auf gerüstartigen sich nach oben verjüngenden Stützen "(Böcken)" liegen. Sie ist am häufigsten als Eisenbahnbrücke im Gebrauch.


Background.

In 1763, Johann Nicolaus von Hontheim, auxiliary bishop of Trier, under the pseudonym "Justinus Febronius", wrote about Gallicanism in. Von Hontheim's ideas became known as Febronianism. His ideas were shared by some influential archbishops of Germany, who were encouraged and supported by Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor, who arrogated to himself both temporal and spiritual jurisdiction. As early as 1769, representatives of von Erthal, Maximilian Franz, and Clemens Wenceslaus met in Koblenz and wrote a list of thirty-one articles mostly directed against the Roman Curia.  In February 1785, Pope Pius VI erected the Apostolic Nunciature to Bavaria in Munich to represent the Holy See in the territories of Charles Theodore, Elector of Bavaria, which then comprised the Electorate of Bavaria, the Rhine Palatinate, the Duchy of Jülich and the Duchy of Berg. Archbishop Giulio Cesare Zoglio was appointed as nuncio with jurisdiction in those territories.  Pius VI erected this nunciature on the request of Charles Theodore, who was loath to have parts of his territory under the spiritual jurisdiction of bishops who, being electors like himself, were his equals than his subordinates. He had previously suggested to the Elector-Archbishops of Mainz, Cologne, and Trier to appoint special vicars-general for their districts in his territory. Upon their refusal he requested Pius VI to erect separate dioceses for his territory, but in deference to the wishes of the three elector-archbishops, the pope also refused. Finally the Elector of Bavaria asked for the above-mentioned nunciature, and despite the protests of the archbishops his wish was granted.  Meanwhile, Cardinal Carlo Bellisomi, the Apostolic Nuncio to Cologne, was transferred to Lisbon, and Archbishop Bartolomeo Pacca was appointed to succeed Bellisomi as nuncio. Archbishop Maximilian Franz, a brother of Joseph II, refused to see Pacca, and none of the three elector-archbishops honoured Pacca's credentials. Despite protests, both Pacca and Zoglio began to exercise their powers as nuncios.

The " of Ems".

Relying on the support which Joseph II had promised, the three elector-archbishops and the Archbishop of Salzburg planned concerted action against Rome and sent their representatives to Ems to hold a congress. Von Erthal, was represented by his auxiliary bishop, ; Franz, by his privy councillor Heinrich von Tautphäus; Clemens Wenceslaus, by his privy councillor and official representative in temporal matters, Joseph Ludwig Beck; Colloredo, by his consistorial councillor, Johann Michael Bönicke. On 25 August 1786, these representatives signed the " of Ems", consisting of twenty-three articles which aimed to make the archbishops within the Holy Roman Empire practically independent of the Holy See.  The maintains that all prerogatives and reservations which were not actually connected with the primacy during the first three centuries owe their origin to the pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, universally acknowledged as false, and, hence, that the bishops must look upon all interference of the Roman Curia with the exercise of their episcopal functions in their own dioceses as encroachments on their rights. Upon these principles the four archbishops requested that:  The articles advocated for independence of the archbishops from the pope; the four archbishops ratified the articles and sent them to Joseph II for his support.

Aftermath.

Joseph II was pleased with the articles but, on the advice of his council and especially Wenzel Anton, Prince of Kaunitz-Rietberg, did not unconditionally support the articles for political reasons. In November 1786, Joseph II made his support dependent on the condition that the archbishops gain the consent of their suffragan bishops, the superiors of the exempt monasteries, and the imperial estates into whose territories their spiritual jurisdiction extends. The suffragan bishops, especially the prince-bishops August Philip of Limburg Stirum of Speyer and Franz Ludwig von Erthal of Würzburg-Bamberg (brother of Friedrich Karl von Erthal), protested against the articles and saw the anti-papal procedure of the four archbishops as an attempt to increase their own power. The Elector of Bavaria likewise remained a defender of the pope and his nuncio at Munich, and even the Protestant King Frederick II of Prussia was an opponent of the and favoured Pacca.  Still the four archbishops insisted on their demands. When Pacca granted a matrimonial dispensation from the second degree of consanguinity to Prince von Hohenlohe-Bartenstein and Countess Blankenheim, Maximilian Franz forbid Pacca from exercising any jurisdiction in the Archdiocese of Cologne. The archbishops themselves now began to grant dispensations from such degrees of relationship as were not contained in their ordinary quinquennial faculties, just as if the was in full force.  When Pacca, by order of the pope, informed the pastors that all marriages contracted without Holy See dispensations were invalid, the four archbishops ordered their pastors to return the circular to the nuncio and to obtain all future dispensations directly from their ordinaries, the archbishops. The Church in Germany was now near to a schism. At that time, von Erthal of Mainz needed the services of Rome. He desired Karl Theodor von Dalberg as coadjutor, and, to obtain the consent of Rome, he withdrew, at least apparently, from the and obtained a renewal of his quinquennial faculties from Rome on 9 August 1787. Similarly the Archbishop of Trier asked for quinquennial faculties as Bishop of Augsburg, but not as Archbishop of Trier.  Von Erthal's submission to Rome was only a pretended one. He continued his opposition and on 2 June 1788, requested Joseph II, in the name of himself and the three other archbishops, to bring the affair concerning both nuncios before a Diet. The archbishops discovered that all the imperial estates were opposed to the and that a diet would rather retard than accelerate the fulfilment of their wishes. For this reason they wrote to the Holy See, in December 1788, asking the pope to withdraw the faculties from both nuncios and send legates to the imperial estates with authorized to negotiate an agreement with the archbishops.  Pius VI replied to the in 1789. Pius VI refuted all the arguments of the archbishops against papal nunciatures, argued it was wrong for the archbishops to rebel against papal authority, explained that the pope cannot send representatives to states who have no right to pass judgment on ecclesiastical affairs, and admonished the archbishops to give up their untenable position towards the Holy See.  Clemens Wenceslaus, desired an amicable settlement of the affair, publicly withdrew from the on 20 February 1790, and admonished his colleagues to follow his example. They, however, continued their opposition and on occasion of the imperial capitulation of Emperor Leopold II (1790) and that of Emperor Franz II (1792) obtained the promise that their complaints concerning the nunciatures would be attended to as soon as possible by a decree of the Diet. The threatening progress of the French Revolution finally changed the attitude of the Archbishops of Cologne and Salzburg, but the Archbishop of Mainz clung to the until the victorious French army invaded his electorate, and he was deprived of all his possessions west of the Rhine, at the Peace of Campo Formio, in 1797.

The Congress of Ems was a meeting set up by the four prince-archbishops of the Holy Roman Empire, and held in August 1786 at Bad Ems in the Electorate of Trier. Its object was to protest against papal interference in the exercise of episcopal powers, and to fix the future relations between the participating archbishops and the pope. Representatives of the three elector-archbishops: Friedrich Karl von Erthal of Mainz, Maximilian Franz of Cologne, Clemens Wenceslaus of Trier, as well as of Prince-Archbishop Hieronymus von Colloredo of Salzburg took part.

Emser Punktation war eine im August 1786 beschlossene Erklärung, Punktation genannt, der vier der deutschen Nation zugehörigen Erzbischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, nämlich der drei geistlichen Kurfürsten und des Fürsterzbischofs von Salzburg. Darin wurde die Unabhängigkeit der bischöflichen Gewalt gegenüber der päpstlichen betont. Der Kongress tagte im heutigen Bad Ems, im sogenannten Mainzer Haus auf der linken, damals kurmainzischen Lahnseite.