Early life.

Fields was born in Port Allen, Louisiana, the seventh of ten children. His dock-worker father died when he was four, leaving his mother, Alice, to tend for the children herself. Their extreme poverty led to an eviction, after which they moved to South Baton Rouge. Alice took in laundry and worked as a maid to make ends meet. Fields reminisced in the Internet magazine Salon on having holes in the bottoms of his shoes and not being able to attend 25-cent school field trips. In the "Louisiana Political Review", he noted that during childhood he considered his life a normal one. "I didn't know what poor was. I thought mommas were supposed to put three patches in a pair of pants. In junior high school, it really hit me in the face. That's when I realized what my mother was going through."  He worked in a store and a McDonald's restaurant to help out the family. Yet the flames of ambition burned in Fields at an early age. During the seventh grade, he told the Memphis Commercial- Appeal, his teacher asked class members to stand up and state their aspirations. "My turn came around," he recalled. "I had on roach stompers and baggy pants. I said, `My name is Cleo Fields and I want to be president when I grow up.' Everybody laughed, including the teacher. I'll never forget that day." During high school, Fields worked for the Mayor's Office of Youth Opportunity, which helped pay for his college tuition.

Education and first Senate term.

Fields went on to attend Southern University, gaining both a bachelor's degree and a law degree. He was still in law school when he began his campaign for state senator, doing most of the organizational work himself, even writing his own jingles for radio commercials. Fields began by building a base with college students and worked tirelessly against a candidate many on the political scene considered unbeatable, long-time senator Richard Turnley. To the surprise of some experts, he unseated Turnley, who in the "Commercial-Appeal" referred to Fields as "a very ambitious young man and an astute campaigner." It was a close race, however, and even as the Fields camp received news of victory, local television stations were announcing Turnley's re-election. When Fields went to campaign headquarters to make his acceptance speech, he recollected in the "Louisiana Political Review", "People were telling my mother, `You got to get Cleo out of here. He's lost his mind.'" At the age of 24 — the same year he received his law degree — Fields joined the state legislature, becoming the youngest person ever to hold such office. "When I was elected to the state senate, I was a little kid," he admitted in "Salon". "I put on the best suit I had and my little polyester tie and I went to the state senate and took my seat. And this senator walked up to me and said, `Excuse me, son. Can you get me a cup of coffee?' I said, `I'm not a page. I'm a lawyer. But when you see a page, you tell him to get two cups of coffee.'"  According to "Congressional Quarterly", Fields "was a leader against illicit drug use and was regarded favorably by environmentalists, but not so much so that he was perceived as an enemy of the state's powerful natural gas industry." The publication added that the young legislator primarily "showed a knack for positioning himself to win elections. He also demonstrated the drive and energy to make good on his opportunities." Fields was particularly effective at pushing for minority opportunity in the state, helping to create a large number of political jobs for blacks. One source told the "Louisiana Political Review", "Cleo has placed more people up here than anyone." Much of his tenure in the state Senate was taken up with designing a congressional district that would give voice to the black population of his region. To this end, he chaired the redistricting committee, and helped shape the new district that would send him to the nation's capital.

Service in the United States House of Representatives.

Fields served in the state Senate for six years. In 1990, he entered the nonpartisan blanket primary for the 8th District, but was defeated in the first round by incumbent Republican Clyde Holloway.  He ran again in 1992, this time in the newly created 4th District, a 63 percent black majority district stretching in a "Z" shape from Shreveport to Baton Rouge. It ran like a long, thin snake along the Mississippi River, picking up most of the black neighborhoods in Monroe and Alexandria along the way. He finished first in a crowded seven-way primary, coming roughly 1,500 votes short of winning outright. He was forced into a runoff against fellow state senator Charles D. Jones of Monroe, which Fields won with more than 73 percent of the vote. At thirty, he was once again the youngest legislator. He advanced his agenda in Congress through the House Small Business Committee, the House Banking, Finance, and Urban Affairs Committee, the Housing and Community Opportunity Committee, and several others.  Fields used his voting power in the service of a liberal agenda. He could boast of a 0 percentage rating (out of a possible 100 percent) by such conservative organizations as the Christian Coalition and the Competitive Enterprise Institute. Meanwhile, progressive interest groups such as the National Abortion Rights Action League, PeacePAC, and the American Public Health Association, as well as a range of labor-affiliated organizations, gave him a perfect rating. His efforts as a legislator often involved channeling funds into education and protecting consumers from the excesses of insurers, banks, and other such institutions. "Congressional Quarterly" noted that Fields "has tried to use his seats on the Banking Committee and the Small Business Committee to leverage capital for small businesses willing to relocate in his district, where poverty rates are high." Though he made many political enemies with his voting record, his personal standing in Congress remained high. When his first child was born in 1995, he won cheers from his colleagues on the floor.  The gerrymandering of Fields' district was the subject of constant legal wrangling from late 1993 until well into his second term in Congress. The district was designed to collect a larger black populace — and more black votes — than a competing version. After various challenges, referrals to higher courts, and redraws, Fields was finally able to run in his custom-designed district and trounced a nominal Republican challenger in 1994. His district woes were far from over, however, and the district was ultimately thrown out by the Supreme Court as an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. His home in Baton Rouge was placed in the 6th District of Republican Richard Baker, while the northern portions were split between the 4th and 5th districts.

Running for Governor.

In 1995 he became a candidate for Louisiana governor. Another black candidate withdrew and endorsed Fields, leaving him the entire black vote. Many in his party were angered by his candidacy, since most felt that a black challenger could not seriously win the office and Mason-Dixon Polling released on October 17, 1995 showed Fields to be the loser in every possible head-to-head combination of candidates. "I know I'm going against the odds, but I am an odds-buster," he noted in "The Commercial Appeal". "I feel uncomfortable when it's even. I like to be the underdog. I've been the underdog all my life." He narrowly beat the top two white Democratic candidates in the primary and made it to a runoff with Republican Mike Foster. Though race had been a preeminent factor during his Congressional redistricting fight, Fields vowed not to emphasize color in the election, proclaiming, "I'm not running to be the African American governor, but to be the best governor," in a speech excerpted in the "Chicago Tribune". "Don't vote for me because I'm black,... don't vote against me because I'm black." His remarks in the "Los Angeles Times" continued this theme: "When a baby cries, it's not a white baby or a black baby — it's a hungry baby," he asserted. "When people cry for job opportunities, they're not black or white — they're unemployed." He was also outspoken in his support for gun control, which Foster roundly opposed. "Every time I hear a gunshot," he declared in a speech reported by the "Chicago Tribune", "I think about my child." Some analysts actually wagered that Fields chances in the election might be helped by the likelihood that many of Foster's supporters would go duck hunting on election day.  Fields believed his brief record as a Congressional representative would help him in the election. "Voters have had an opportunity to see me and see how I operate as an elected official," he explained during a news conference covered by the "Chicago Tribune". "So I think slowly we're breaking down those race barriers." Foster, meanwhile, knew better than to underestimate his opponent. "Anyone who thinks Cleo Fields is not tough is not living in this world," he noted in the Tribune. "Cleo's one of the toughest campaigners I've ever seen." Yet Fields' self-confidence was not enough to earn him an enthusiastic endorsement from fellow Democrats, and his alleged lack of cross-over appeal because of his color was a constant issue during the campaign. In the "Commercial-Appeal", Fields replied to such assertions after having knocked out all other Democratic candidates by saying that he expected "from the Democratic party what I have given the Democratic Party — loyalty and support." John Maginnis, a Baton Rouge political writer who was interviewed by the "Los Angeles Times", thought that Fields had become "the dominant black politician in the state, which also makes him probably the most important Democrat in the state."  Fields had underestimated the challenge he faced. Foster's conservative message, designed by media consultant Roy Fletcher, who also had handled Cleo Fields' campaign for Congress, resonated with Louisiana's voters, who in a previous election had given former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke nearly 40 percent of the popular vote. As the polls predicted, Fields was defeated soundly in the runoff. Exit polling showed that 95% of his votes came from the black community. During this race Fields began a feud with fellow Democrat Mary Landrieu who did not endorse him in the second round. Like many, she believing his bid had been funded by Republicans and was intended to be a spoiler to let Foster win. Fields retaliated by labeling her campaign racist and refusing to endorse her in her later race for United States Senate. It was revealed that Fields had abused his Congressional franking privileges by sending newsletters to his district — at a cost of about $46,000, paid for by taxpayers — that were clearly meant to boost his gubernatorial bid. "Of course, a newsletter like that doesn't have to say `reelect me' to be effective around election time," explained National Taxpayers Union vice-president Pete Sepp in "Insight on the News". "It can serve as a great, well-produced reminder to voters that their incumbent congressman is taking care of business." Fields was far from alone in engaging in such tactics, of course, but the exposure in a time when "government waste" was a handy political phrase wielded by conservatives, it did not help.

Return to Louisiana Senate.

In 1997 Fields was again elected to the Louisiana Senate for the 14th district. He served at the same time as his brother Wilson until Wilson Fields won a judgeship, the first time in Louisiana history that two brothers served together in the Senate.  Fields served until he became ineligible to run for re-election because of term limits. An amendment to the term limits law was meant to have enabled him to run for another term, but the new law was invalidated by the Louisiana Supreme Court. He was succeeded in 2008 by Yvonne Dorsey-Colomb.  In 2019, Dorsey-Colomb was herself term-limited, and Fields ran to succeed her. He defeated State Representative Patricia Haynes Smith with 53% of the vote.

Relationship with Edwin Edwards.

Fields achieved considerable notoriety in 1997 when prosecutors in the trial of former Louisiana Governor Edwin Edwards released an FBI surveillance videotape showed him receiving a large amount of cash ($20,000 to $25,000) which the FBI believed was to be used to influence votes in granting casino licenses. Fields was named an "unindicted co-conspirator", but was never formally charged. Jim Letten, leader of the prosecution team and later acting U.S. attorney, said Fields came close to being indicted. At the time, Fields stated that the incident was just an innocent business transaction between friends, and said there was a humorous explanation, which he would make public shortly thereafter. A cloud hung over Fields in Edwards' criminal trial and in the end Fields refused to deliver the promised "humorous" explanation, stating that at the time of the cash transfer, he was not an elected official, and therefore under no obligation to explain publicly.

Legal career.

Fields graduated from Southern University Law Center in Baton Rouge in 1987. Although he told "Salon" magazine that, upon first being elected to the Louisiana Senate, he identified himself as a lawyer to another senator (see above), he was not in fact a lawyer at that time. (Being a lawyer in Louisiana, or anywhere in the United States, is not simply a matter of having a law degree, although that is usually a prerequisite, but of being licensed to practice law, which almost always requires passing a bar examination. On April 9, 1998, he did become licensed to practice law. He has his own law firm in Baton Rouge, and handles a variety of matters.

"Rosa Parks sat...".

Fields is credited with the original version of a quotation that became popular following Barack Obama's victory in the 2008 presidential election. At the "State of the Black Union 2008" symposium in New Orleans, Louisiana in February 2008, Fields said, "Rosa Parks sat down so we could stand up. Martin Luther King marched so Jesse Jackson could run. Jesse Jackson ran so Obama could win." Another version has Fields saying, "W. E. B. Du Bois taught so that Rosa Parks could take a seat. Rosa took a seat so we all could take a stand. We all took a stand so that Martin Luther King Jr. could march. Martin marched so Jesse Jackson could run. Jesse ran so Obama could WIN." Fields's statement was shortened by the rapper Jay-Z in "My President Is Black": "Rosa Parks sat so Martin Luther could walk/ Martin Luther walked so Barack Obama could run/ Barack Obama ran so all the children could fly."  Governor of Louisiana, 1995  Threshold > 50%  First Ballot, October 21, 1995  Second Ballot, November 18, 1995

Cleo C. Fields (born November 22, 1962) is an American attorney, politician and member of the Democratic Party from the U.S. state of Louisiana. He represented in the United States House of Representatives from 1993 to 1997 and ran unsuccessfully for Governor of Louisiana in 1995. He currently serves as a state senator for Louisiana's 14th State Senate district, a position he held twice before.

Cleo Fields (* 22. November 1962 in Baton Rouge, Louisiana) ist ein US-amerikanischer Politiker. Zwischen 1993 und 1997 vertrat er den Bundesstaat Louisiana im US-Repräsentantenhaus.


History.

The companies roots extend back to 1983 and originally consisted of the assembly in the Integrated Complex settled factory covering an area of 541,070 m2. Since the opening of the plant, 13,000 vehicles per year produced in-house and more than 47,000 complete knock down kits are assembled for the local and surrounding markets.  Previously, the company assembled some of Proton models like Iswara, Satria, Putra, Tiara and Juara at 1990's prior to 2005.  The main products of the company are the Suzuki Swift and the Iveco Maxi. But they also produce trucks like Mitsubishi Fuso and Freightliner. Furthermore, in the main work force since 2010 is also the bus chassis of the Daewoo company.  In early 2005, assembly of the Mercedes-Benz C-Class and E-Class models commenced in Pekan. Prior to the 2005 model year, Malaysian-market Mercedes-Benz CKD models were assembled in the Oriental Assemblers Sdn. Bhd. (OASB) plant in Johor Bahru. In 2006, the Mercedes-Benz S-Class was added to the line-up.  On August 13, 2010, Volkswagen AG announced another joint venture. It is currently under the Growth Strategy 2018 and includes a production plant for passenger cars of the brand Volkswagen. Construction will take approximately 15 to 18 months, so the new plant is to open in 2012. The first cars here are the Mk5 Polo, B7 Passat and the A6 Jetta A6. Now they produce 12,000 per year. Total annually will be up to 80 cars per day units assembled in Malaysia. The design of VW's strategy also looks at making the cheapest car in the world that could be here in the Malaysian plant to be possibly produced.  There are rumours of the potential exciting ventures from other premium brand such as Jaguar, and the Indian giant carmaker Tata. However, the extent of the progress of the project it is not known at current moment.  In partnership with the company Weststar, since 2007 the Weststar LDV has been built. In April 2010 was a so-called memorandum of understanding signed in which the company committed from 2012 sports car, which the companies Potenza Sports Cars Limited, GTM Cars and Roadster Bil AB have been developed to produce in Malaysia.  To date, the company has employ 3,500 peoples, and successfully open various job opportunities for the locals. It is considered to be the best and the finest manufacturing employer around Pekan, salary wise. A latest survey done by an independent NGO agency has rated HICOM Automotive Manufacturers (HA), Deftech and DHAS as the top three companies with highest happiness rate among employees. This provide a synergy to the community and ensure political stability in the region.

Production.

HICOM Automotive currently assembles Mercedes-Benz and Volkswagen vehicles for the Malaysian market.  The plant had previously assembled vehicles from Tata, Isuzu, Suzuki, Citroën, Proton, Naza, Kia, Daewoo, BMC, Kamaz, MAN, SsangYong, Weststar, Mitsubishi and Fuso.

HICOM Automotive Manufacturers (Malaysia) Sdn. Bhd. (HA) is part of the DRB-HICOM Bhd. company for production and assembly of automobiles. The company's headquarters is located in Pekan, Malaysia. Previously, the company was also known as "Automotive Manufacturers (Malaysia) Sdn. Bhd."

HICOM Automotive Manufacturers (Malaysia) Sdn. Bhd. (kurz HAMM) ist ein Automobilhersteller in Pekan (Malaysia) und eine Tochtergesellschaft von DRB-HICOM Bhd.


History.

In 1927, Major Antônio Couto Pereira, the club's president at that time, acquired a 36,300 m2 area, paying for it a hundred contos de réis. Between the groundplot purchase, which should also accommodate the club's headquarters at the Alto da Glória neighborhood, and the stadium construction, almost five years passed.  The stadium was originally named after Belfort Duarte. The stadium was named after Belfort Duarte because the Coritiba counselors did not come to an agreement about the stadium name. The name Belfort Duarte was chosen by president Couto Pereira as a provisory name, which lasted 45 years.  The stadium floodlights were inaugurated in 1942, when Coritiba beat Avaí 4-2.  On February 28, 1977, a General Assembly renamed the stadium to Major Antônio Couto Pereira, after the club's former president died.  In 1988 a ditch around the pitch was built, to prevent supporters from entering the field, and to give a more modern look to the stadium. At the same time the cabins were built, which reduced the stadium capacity, but also made it more comfortable.  The inaugural match was played on November 20, 1932, when Coritiba beat América 4-2. The first goal of the stadium was scored by Coritiba's Gildo.  The stadium's attendance record in a football match currently stands at 65,943, set on May 15, 1983 when Atlético-PR beat Flamengo 2-0.  The stadium's general attendance record was set on August 5, 1980, when 70,000 people came to see Pope John Paul II.

Estádio Major Antônio Couto Pereira, often shortened to Couto Pereira, is the home of Coritiba Foot Ball Club, located in Curitiba, Paraná state, Brazil. Its formal name honors Major Antônio Couto Pereira, who was Coritiba's president in 1926, 1927, and between 1930 and 1933. He started the stadium construction.

Das Estádio Major Antônio Couto Pereira – in der Regel nur kurz Couto Pereira genannt, und bis 1977 als Estádio Belfort Duarte bekannt – ist ein Fußballstadion in Curitiba, der Hauptstadt des südbrasilianischen Bundesstaates Paraná. Das 1932 eingeweihte Stadion bietet Platz für 40.130 Zuschauer, womit es das größte des Staates ist, und gehört dem Coritiba FC, einem der drei bedeutenden Fußballvereine der Stadt.


Early life.

Odenkirk was born in Berwyn, Illinois, then raised in Naperville. He is one of seven siblings born to Walter Odenkirk (1930-1986), who was employed in the printing business, and Barbara Odenkirk (née Baier), Catholics of Irish, German, and Dutch descent. His parents divorced in part due to Walter's alcoholism, which influenced Bob's decision to avoid alcohol as much as possible. He describes his father as "remote, fucked-up, and not around." Odenkirk would later say that he grew up "hating" Naperville because "it felt like a dead end, like Nowheresville. I couldn't wait to move into a city and be around people who were doing exciting things." Walter Odenkirk died of bone cancer in 1986.  Odenkirk attended Naperville North High School and graduated at 16, he was "tired of high school", and because he had enough credits, he was able to leave high school when he was still a junior. Because he was so young and thought he would be awkward at any college, he decided to attend the local College of DuPage in Glen Ellyn, Illinois. After a year, he went to Marquette University in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, then transferred to Southern Illinois University in Carbondale, Illinois, "honing his sketch-writing and performance skills with live shows on both colleges' radio stations." He began his foray into comedy writing as a radio DJ for WIDB, the local non-broadcast college station at SIU. At WIDB he created a late-night (midnight to 4 am) radio comedy show called The Prime Time Special. He worked beside other fledgling stars like Greg Weindorf and Matt Helser. After three years of college, Odenkirk was three credits short of graduating when he decided to try writing and improv in Chicago. He completed the credits while living in Chicago, and received his bachelor's degree from SIU in 1984. First studying with Del Close, Odenkirk attended "The Players Workshop of the Second City" where he met Robert Smigel, and they began a collaboration that would last for years and take Odenkirk to "Saturday Night Live". He also performed at the Improv Olympic alongside notable comedians Chris Farley and Tim Meadows. Odenkirk said his strongest comedic influence was "Monty Python's Flying Circus", primarily due to its combination of cerebral and simple humor. Other influences included radio personality Steve Dahl, "SCTV", Steve Martin's "Let's Get Small", Woody Allen, The Credibility Gap, and Bob and Ray. He visited Chicago's Second City Theater at the age of fourteen. His younger brother is comedy writer Bill Odenkirk.

Career.

Work in television.

"Saturday Night Live": 1987–1991.

Odenkirk was hired as a writer at "Saturday Night Live" in 1987 and worked there through 1991. Working alongside Robert Smigel and Conan O'Brien, he contributed to many sketches they created, but felt uncertain of the efficacy of his own writing at the show.  He acted in several small roles on the show, most visibly during a 1991 parody commercial for Bad Idea Jeans.  During his final year at "SNL", he worked alongside Adam Sandler, David Spade, Chris Rock and Chris Farley, but eventually he decided to leave the show in order to pursue performing. He has credited "SNL" with teaching him many lessons about sketch writing, from senior writers like Jim Downey and Al Franken, as well as his friends Smigel and O'Brien.  When "SNL" took its 1988 summer break, Odenkirk returned to Chicago to perform a stage show with Smigel and O'Brien, titled "Happy Happy Good Show". The following summer he did a one-man show, "Show-Acting Guy", directed by Tom Gianas. During his final summer hiatus, he wrote and acted in the Second City Mainstage show, "Flag Burning Permitted in Lobby Only". In that particular show, he wrote the character "Matt Foley, Motivational Speaker", for Chris Farley, which would later be reprised on "SNL".

Various writing and acting work: 1991–1994.

In 1991, Odenkirk was hired to write for the TV show "Get a Life", which starred "Late Night with David Letterman" alumnus Chris Elliott. He wrote for "The Dennis Miller Show".  Odenkirk's friendship with Ben Stiller, with whom he briefly shared an office at "SNL", would lead to his being hired for the cast of "The Ben Stiller Show" in 1992. Working as both a writer and actor on the show, he created and starred in the memorable sketch "Manson Lassie", and helped the show win an Emmy Award for writing. However, the show had already been canceled by the time it won the award. Odenkirk served as a writer on "Late Night with Conan O'Brien" for the show's 1993 and 1994 seasons.  Odenkirk met David Cross at "Ben Stiller"; shortly afterward, the pair began performing live sketch shows, which eventually evolved into "Mr. Show with Bob and David". In 1993, Odenkirk began a recurring role on "The Larry Sanders Show" as Larry Sanders' agent, Stevie Grant. He would continue the character through 1998. Also in 1993, he had brief acting roles on "Roseanne" and Tom Arnold's "The Jackie Thomas Show".

"Mr. Show": 1995–1998.

Created by Odenkirk and David Cross, "Mr. Show" ran on HBO for four seasons. The series featured a number of comedians in the early stages of their careers, including Sarah Silverman, Paul F. Tompkins, Jack Black, Tom Kenny, Mary Lynn Rajskub, Brian Posehn and Scott Aukerman. While nominated for multiple Emmy awards in writing and generally well liked by critics, it never broke out of a "cult" audience into larger mainstream acceptance due to being a premium cable show. After "Mr. Show", Bob and David and the writers from the staff wrote the movie "Run, Ronnie, Run". The film was an extension of a sketch from the first season of the show. However, the studio took production control away from Cross and Odenkirk during the editing stages, and the pair disowned the final product.

After "Mr. Show": 1999–2008.

Odenkirk starred in numerous television shows and some films. He has written and produced many TV pilots, including "The Big Wide World of Carl Laemke" and "David's Situation", but none have made it to air or been picked up as a series.  In 2004, Odenkirk received an unsolicited package including the work of Tim Heidecker and Eric Wareheim. Inspired by their unique voice, he connected with them and helped them develop a semi-animated show for Adult Swim called "Tom Goes to the Mayor". He assisted Tim and Eric with the development of their second series, "Tim and Eric Awesome Show, Great Job". He had a number of small featuring roles on TV shows, including "Everybody Loves Raymond", "Dr. Katz, Professional Therapist", "Seinfeld", "NewsRadio", "Just Shoot Me!", "Joey", "Curb Your Enthusiasm", "Arrested Development", "Entourage", "Weeds", and "How I Met Your Mother".  Odenkirk was in consideration to play Michael Scott in the pilot of "The Office", a role which ultimately went to Steve Carell. Odenkirk finally guested in the final season of "The Office" as a Philadelphia manager strongly reminiscent of Michael Scott.

"Breaking Bad" and other works: 2009–2014.

In 2009, Odenkirk joined the cast of AMC's "Breaking Bad" as corrupt lawyer Saul Goodman. He appeared as a guest star in three episodes of the second season, and eventually became a series regular for the seasons after and remained on the show until its final season.  In 2011, Odenkirk wrote and developed "Let's Do This!" for Adult Swim, starring as Cal Mackenzie-Goldberg a "two-bit movie mogul and head of Cal-Gold Pictures as he leads a collection of crazy, fame-hungry strivers chasing Hollywood dreams". The pilot can be seen on Adult Swim's website.  Odenkirk executive produced the sketch comedy show "The Birthday Boys" which starred the comedy group of the same name. Odenkirk also appeared in and directed a number of the sketches on the show as well. It premiered on IFC on October 18, 2013. In 2014, Odenkirk played Police Chief Bill Oswalt in FX's miniseries "Fargo".  In fall of 2014, Odenkirk played Dr. Stork, a podiatrist who specializes in cutting off people's toes, in Adult Swim's anthology series "Tim & Eric's Bedtime Stories".

"Better Call Saul": 2015–present.

Odenkirk currently stars in the title role of "Better Call Saul", a "Breaking Bad" spinoff. Primarily set in 2002, six years before the character's debut in "Breaking Bad", the series follows lawyer Saul Goodman's journey from court-appointed defense attorney origins to his eventual status as a successful, though unscrupulous, criminal defense lawyer. He has also been credited as a producer for the series since Season 1.  The first season consists of 10, 47 minute-long episodes, with a second and third season of 10 episodes following in early 2016 and 2017 respectively. The fourth season is available on Netflix as of February 9, 2020, and the fifth season premiered on AMC on February 23, 2020. The show will have a final sixth season, which has yet to start production.  Odenkirk has been nominated for the Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Lead Actor in a Drama Series for each of the series' four seasons.  In April 2020, with the end of "Better Call Saul" in sight, Odenkirk established his own production company Cal-Gold Pictures and signed a first-look deal with Sony Pictures Television. Odenkirk, with Cal-Gold, plans to develop stories that are unique with dynamic characters and social relevance. Former Comedy Central vice president Ian Friedman will served as Cal-Gold's head of television.

"With Bob and David": 2015.

It was reported in April 2015 that Odenkirk was teaming with former co-star David Cross to produce a new sketch comedy series based on their previous production, "Mr. Show", called "W/ Bob and David". The series was commissioned by Netflix with the first season having been released in November 2015, featuring four, 30 minute-long episodes along with an hour-long behind the scenes special. Odenkirk and Cross both write, star in and produce the show.  Odenkirk has expressed interest in doing more seasons.

"Girlfriend's Day": 2017.

Odenkirk co-wrote, produced and starred in "Girlfriend's Day", a Netflix original film. This film noir comedy about a greeting card writer was directed by Michael Stephenson and influenced by "Chinatown". It was a movie Odenkirk had wanted to make for 16 years, after "Mr. Show" writer Eric Hoffman sent him the original script and they began developing it.

Other work in film.

Odenkirk's first roles were very minor parts in films such as "Wayne's World 2", "The Cable Guy", "Can't Stop Dancing" and "Monkeybone". In 2003, Odenkirk directed "Melvin Goes to Dinner" and played the role of Keith. The film received positive reviews from critics and won the Audience Award at the SXSW Film and Music Festival. It was later self-released in five cities, then distributed on DVD by Sundance.  In 2006, Odenkirk directed "Let's Go to Prison", which was written by Thomas Lennon and Robert Ben Garant, and starred Will Arnett, Dax Shepard and Chi McBride. The film received a 12% "All Critics" score from the website Rotten Tomatoes and had a total box office gross of a little more than US$4.6 million. The following year Odenkirk directed "The Brothers Solomon", written by Will Forte and starring Forte, Will Arnett and Kristen Wiig. The film received a 15% "All Critics" score from Rotten Tomatoes and had a total box office gross of approximately $1 million.  After starring in "Breaking Bad", Odenkirk began to have more prominent roles in critically successful films, such as "Little Women", "The Post", "The Disaster Artist", "The Spectacular Now", which received the Special Jury Award for Acting at the 2013 Sundance Film Festival, and the Alexander Payne-directed "Nebraska", which was nominated for a Palme d'Or at the 2013 Cannes Film Festival.

Personal life.

In 1997, Odenkirk married Naomi Yomtov, who was later the executive producer of "W/ Bob and David". They have two children together.  Discussing costume choices on "Better Call Saul", Odenkirk stated he has a bit of color blindness, and leaves it to the costume managers to select the right outfits for his roles.  On December 15, 2019, his alma mater SIU announced it had awarded Odenkirk the honorary degree of Doctor of Performing Arts.

References.

Notes

Robert John Odenkirk (born October 22, 1962) is an American actor, comedian, writer, director, and producer. He is best known for his role as smooth-talking lawyer Saul Goodman on the AMC crime drama series "Breaking Bad" and its spin-off "Better Call Saul", and for the HBO sketch comedy series "Mr. Show with Bob and David", which he co-created and starred in with fellow comic and friend David Cross.

Robert John „Bob“ Odenkirk (* 22. Oktober 1962 in Berwyn, Illinois) ist ein US-amerikanischer Schauspieler, Komiker, Schriftsteller, Regisseur und Filmproduzent. Odenkirk ist vor allem für seine Rolle als Rechtsanwalt "Saul Goodman" in den AMC-Fernsehserien "Breaking Bad" und "Better Call Saul", sowie als Mitbegründer und Co-Star der HBO-Sketch-Comedyshow "Mr. Show with Bob and David" bekannt.


Early life and education.

Meloy was born in Helena, Montana. He attended the University of Oregon in Eugene for two years, studying English and theatre. He then returned to Montana and studied creative writing at the University of Montana in Missoula, graduating in 1998.

Musical career.

While in high school, Meloy was in the band Happy Cactus, and when in college, in Missoula, he was the lead singer and songwriter for Tarkio. Both were indie/folk/alternative country bands. Soon after graduation, he left Tarkio and moved to Portland with the hope of establishing himself among the city's music scene. There, Meloy worked in a pizza parlor to pay rent while starting his musicianship anew by performing at various open mics, sometimes with no one listening except for the bartender. He later reflected in an interview with "The Montanan" that this experience helped to develop his musical style in the long run: "'When I was in that position, with nobody to appeal to or scare away, I thought, 'I might as well do whatever I want to do'...And that created a new thing.'"  The Decemberists formed in 2000 after Meloy met Nate Query, who introduced him to keyboardist Jenny Conlee, and the three scored a silent film together. Meloy had met multi-instrumentalist Chris Funk, who was a fan of Tarkio, at a solo show prior to meeting Conlee and Query. Since its formation, Meloy has served as the band's singer, guitarist, and principal songwriter. His work with The Decemberists thus far entails seven studio albums, eight EPs, thirteen singles, two compilations, and a live album.  In 2003 Meloy contributed vocals to the track "The Lady From Reims" on Reclinerland's "The Ideal Home Music Library". Meloy also contributed vocals on the tracks "Cemetery Row" and "Twilight Distillery" on The Minus 5's 2006 Yep Roc release. Meloy covered the Elliott Smith song "Clementine" for a compilation of Portland, Oregon artists to support a children's charity, and in mid-2006, he contributed the track "Lazy Little Ada" on the Kill Rock Stars compilation, "The Sound the Hare Heard". In 2007, Meloy lent his voice to an episode of "Lil' Bush". He appeared with Charlie Salas-Humara in the music video for "A Pillar of Salt" by The Thermals.  In 2005, Meloy went on his first solo tour to support the self-released six-song EP, "Colin Meloy Sings Morrissey", consisting of six Morrissey covers. Only 1000 copies of the album were made and they were sold only on this tour. Meloy did a second solo tour in January 2006, playing with Laura Veirs and Amy Annelle. On this tour, he sold an EP featuring covers of British folk artist Shirley Collins. 2006 tour performances were recorded for a live release.  Meloy contributed an online bonus track for Lavender Diamond on their "Imagine Our Love" album, performing a solo version of "Oh No."  Meloy began another solo tour in April 2008. This coincided with the release of his debut solo album, "Colin Meloy Sings Live!", on the Kill Rock Stars label. Singer-songwriter Laura Gibson was the supporting act for the full tour. As with previous EPs, Meloy sold an EP only available on this run: "Colin Meloy Sings Sam Cooke", a collection of five Sam Cooke songs, arranged and performed by Meloy, with Gibson singing harmonies.  Meloy appeared in the 2013 documentary film "Another Day, Another Time: Celebrating the Music of "Inside Llewyn Davis"", which detailed a one-off concert in New York City honoring traditional American folk music in preparation for the release of the Coen brothers' film "Inside Llewyn Davis". The concert, organized by T Bone Burnett, featured several notable musicians representing multiple generations; Meloy performed a cover of Jackson C. Frank's "Blues Run the Game" as well as a version of "Joe Hill" alongside Joan Baez and Gillian Welch.

Television.

In the 2014 two-part episode of Parks and Recreation entitled "Moving Up: Part 1" and "Moving Up: Part 2", Meloy made a cameo appearance as himself with the rest of The Decemberists at The Unity Concert along with other notable artists such as Jeff Tweedy, Ginuwine, and Yo La Tengo.

Personal life.

On February 24, 2006, Carson Ellis, Meloy's wife, gave birth to a son, Henry "Hank" Meloy. Ellis shares her birthday with Meloy, and produces much of the Decemberists' album and promotional artwork. In 2010, Meloy revealed that Hank has high functioning autism. On March 14, 2013, Ellis gave birth to another child, Milo Cannonball Meloy. Meloy's sister is Maile Meloy, a fiction writer often published in "The New Yorker" and "The New York Times", and his aunt is the late Ellen Meloy, who was also a writer.

Work with The Decemberists.

"See: The Decemberists discography"

Work as an author.

In 2004, Meloy wrote a 100-page book on The Replacements' third album, "Let It Be", released as part of the "331⁄3" series.  Meloy made his debut as a children's writer with "Wildwood", illustrated by his wife, Carson Ellis. He kicked off the book tour as the keynote of the AJC Decatur Book Festival on September 2, 2011. Meloy released a sequel, "Under Wildwood", in 2012, and the third book in the series, "Wildwood Imperium", was released in 2014.  In October 2017, Meloy released his fourth children's book "The Whiz Mob and the Grenadine Kid".

Colin Patrick Henry Meloy (born October 5, 1974) is an American musician, singer-songwriter and author best known as the frontman of the Portland, Oregon, indie folk rock band The Decemberists. In addition to vocals, he performs with an acoustic guitar, 12-string acoustic guitar, electric guitar, bouzouki, harmonica and percussion instruments.

Colin Patrick Henry Meloy (* 5. Oktober 1974 in Helena, Montana, Vereinigte Staaten) ist der Frontsänger und Songwriter der Folk-Rock-Band The Decemberists aus Portland, Oregon. Neben dem Gesang spielt er Akustische Gitarre, Zwölfsaitige Gitarre, E-Gitarre, Bouzouki und Perkussion. Im Jahr 2004 schrieb Meloy ein 160-seitiges Buch über das dritte Album von The Replacements "Let It Be", als Teil der 33 1⁄3-Reihe.


Background.

Quakers traditionally oppose violence in all of its forms and therefore many refuse to serve in the military, including when drafted. AFSC's original mission grew from the need to provide conscientious objectors (COs) with a constructive alternative to military service. In 1947 AFSC received the Nobel Peace Prize along with its British counterpart, the Friends Service Council (now called Quaker Peace and Social Witness) on behalf of all Quakers worldwide. Although established by Friends, acting individually, AFSC and the Society of Friends have no legal connections, as stated by its long-time Executive Secretary Clarence Pickett in 1945.

History.

In April 1917—days after the United States joined World War I by declaring war on Germany and its allies—a group of Quakers met in Philadelphia to discuss the pending military draft and how it would affect members of peace churches such as Quakers, Mennonites, Brethren, and the Amish. They developed ideas for alternative service that could be done directly in the battle zones of northern France. They also developed plans for dealing with the United States Army, since it had been inconsistent in its dealing with religious objectors to previous wars. Although legally members of pacifist churches were exempt from the draft, individual state draft boards interpreted the law in a variety of ways. Many Quakers and other COs were ordered to report to army camps for military service. Some COs, unaware of the significance of reporting for duty, found that this was interpreted by the military as willingness to fight. One of AFSC's first tasks was to identify CO's, find the camps where they were located, and then visit them to provide spiritual guidance and moral support. In areas where the pacifist churches were more well known (such as Pennsylvania), a number of draft boards were willing to assign COs to AFSC for alternative service.  In addition to conducting alternative service programs for COs, AFSC collected relief in the form of food, clothing, and other supplies for displaced persons in France. Quakers were asked to collect old and make new clothing; to grow fruits and vegetables, can them, and send them to AFSC headquarters in Philadelphia. AFSC then shipped the materials to France for distribution. The young men and women sent to work in France, working with British Quakers, provided relief and medical care to refugees, repaired and rebuilt homes, helped farmers replant fields damaged by the war, and founded a maternity hospital.  After the end of the war in 1918, AFSCs began working in Russia, Serbia, and Poland with orphans and with the victims of famine and disease, and in Germany and Austria, where they set up kitchens to feed hungry children. Eventually AFSC was chartered by President Herbert Hoover to provide the United States sponsored relief to Germans.  During the 1930s and through World War II, AFSC helped refugees escape from Nazi Germany, aiding people who were not being helped by other organizations, primarily non-religious Jews and Jews married to non-Jews. They also provided relief for children on both sides of the Spanish Civil War, and provided relief to refugees in Vichy France. At the same time AFSC operated several Civilian Public Service camps for a new generation of COs. When Japanese Americans were "evacuated" from the West Coast into inland concentration camps, the AFSC headed the effort to help college students transfer to Midwest and East Coast schools in order to avoid camp, and worked with Japanese Americans resettling in several cities during and after the war. After the war ended, they did relief and reconstruction work in Europe, Japan, India, and China. In 1947 they worked to resettle refugees during the partition of India, and in the Gaza Strip. Between 1937 and 1943, the AFSC built the Penn-Craft community for unemployed coal miners in Fayette County, Pennsylvania.  As the Cold War escalated, AFSC was involved in relief and service efforts, often supporting civilians on both sides of conflicts around the world including the Korean War, the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, the Algerian War, and the Nigerian-Biafran War. Beginning in 1966, AFSC developed programs to help children and provided medical supplies and artificial limbs to civilians in both North Vietnam and South Vietnam. Unable to secure U.S. State Department approval to send medical supplies to North Vietnam, the committee dispatched goods through Canada. AFSC also supported draft counseling for young American men throughout the conflict.  In 1955, the committee published "Speak Truth to Power: A Quaker Search for an Alternative to Violence", drafted by a group including Stephen G. Cary, A. J. Muste, Robert Pickus, and Bayard Rustin. Focused on the Cold War, the 71-page pamphlet asserted that it sought "to give practical demonstration to the effectiveness of love in human relations". It was widely commented on in the press, both secular and religious, and proved to be a major statement of Christian pacifism.  In the United States, AFSC supported the American Civil Rights Movement, and the rights of African-Americans, Native Americans, Mexican Americans, and Asian Americans. Since the 1970s AFSC has also worked extensively as part of the peace movement, especially work to stop the production and deployment of nuclear weapons.

Budget.

In fiscal year 2015, AFSC had revenues of US$28.6 million and expenses of US$36.1 million. AFSC had net assets of US$87.8 million.

Programs and projects.

Today AFSC programs address a wide range of issues, countries, and communities. AFSC describes the programs as united by "the unfaltering belief in the essential worth of every human being, non-violence as the way to resolve conflict, and the power of love to overcome oppression, discrimination, and violence".  AFSC employs more than two hundred staff working in dozens of programs throughout the United States and works in thirteen other nations. AFSC has divided the organization's programs between 8 geographic regions, each of which runs programs related to peace, immigrant rights, restorative justice, economic justice, and other causes. AFSC's international programs often work in conjunction with Quaker Peace and Social Witness (formerly the British Friends Service Council) and other partners.  AFSC also provides administrative support to the Quaker United Nations Office (QUNO) in New York City. This office is the official voice of Quakerism in the United Nations headquarters. There is a second QUNO office in Geneva, Switzerland; support for that office is provided by European Quakers. QUNO is overseen by the Friends World Committee for Consultation.  AFSC carries out many programs around the world. The organization's 2010 annual report describes work in several African countries, Haiti, Indonesia, and the United States. Recently AFSC opened a traveling art exhibit called "Windows & Mirrors", examining the impact on the war in Afghanistan on civilians.

Cost of War project.

"Cost of War" are real-time cost-estimation exhibits, each featuring a counter/estimator for the Iraq War and the Afghanistan War. These exhibits are maintained by the National Priorities Project. As of June 1, 2010 both wars had a combined estimated cost of over 1 trillion dollars, separately the Iraq War had an estimated cost of 725 billion dollars and the Afghanistan War had an estimated cost of 276 billion dollars. The numbers are based on US Congress appropriation reports and do not include "future medical care for soldiers and veterans wounded in the war".

Exhibits.

Based on National Priorities Project Cost of War concept, American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) launched an exhibit title titled "Cost of War" in May 2007, at the close of the National Eyes Wide Open Exhibit. It features ten budget trade-offs displayed on 3x7 foot full-color vinyl banners. AFSC uses to cost of the Iraq War estimated by economists Linda Bilmes and Joseph Stiglitz in the article "Economic Costs of the Iraq War: An Appraisal Three Years After The Beginning Of The Conflict", written in January 2006 that estimates the total daily cost of the Iraq War at $720 million. AFSC uses The National Priorities Project's per unit costs for human needs such as health care and education to make budget comparisons between the U.S. budget for human needs to "One Day of the Iraq War". The ten banners read:  There are currently 22 Cost of War exhibits located in Northern and Southern California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas/Missouri, Maryland, Massachusetts/Maine, Michigan, New Hampshire, New York/New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Virginia, West Virginia.

Eyes Wide Open project.

In 2004, AFSC started the project "Eyes Wide Open" in Chicago. "Eyes Wide Open" is an exhibition on the human cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Current key issues.

The AFSC has five key issues:

Criticism.

Throughout much of the group's history the US Federal Bureau of Investigation and other government agencies have monitored the work of this and many other similar organizations.  Since the 1970s, criticism has also come from liberals within the Society of Friends, who charge that AFSC has drifted from its Quaker roots and has become indistinguishable from other political pressure groups. Quakers expressed concern with AFSC's abolition of their youth work camps during the 1960s and what some saw as a decline of Quaker participation in the organization.  In June 1979, a cover article in The New Republic attacked AFSC for abandoning the tradition of pacifism. The criticisms became prominent after a gathering of Friends General Conference in Richmond, Indiana, in the summer of 1979 when many Friends joined with prominent leaders, such as Kenneth Boulding, to call for a firmer Quaker orientation toward public issues. Subsequent to the FGC Gathering, a letter listing the points of criticism was signed by 130 Friends and sent to the AFSC Board. In 1988, the book "Peace and Revolution" by conservative scholar Guenter Lewy repeated charges that AFSC had abandoned pacifism and religion. In response to Lewy's book, Chuck Fager published "Quaker Service at the Crossroads" in 1988.  In 2010, Fager described that AFSC was "divorced" from Quakers' life as faith community due to "an increasingly pronounced drift toward a lefty secularism" since the 1970s. It was reported that the Committee in 1975 adopted "a formal decision to make the Middle East its major issue".  Some Jewish supporters of Israeli government policies have accused AFSC of having an anti-Jewish bias. In 1993, Jacob Neusner called the Committee "the most militant and aggressive of Christian anti-Israel groups".  The AFSC's position on its web site is that it "supports the use of boycott and divestment campaigns targeting only companies that support the occupation, settlements, militarism, or any other violations of international humanitarian or human rights law. Our position does not call for a full boycott of Israel nor of companies because they are either Israeli or doing business in Israel. Our actions also never focus on individuals."

The American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) is a Religious Society of Friends ("Quaker") founded organization working for peace and social justice in the United States and around the world. AFSC was founded in 1917 as a combined effort by American members of the Religious Society of Friends to assist civilian victims of World War I. It continued to engage in relief action in Europe and the Soviet Union after the Armistice of 1918. By the mid-1920s it focused on improving racial relations in the U.S., as well as exploring ways to prevent the outbreak of another conflict before and after World War II. As the Cold War developed, it moved to employ more professionals rather than Quaker volunteers, over time attempting to broaden its appeal and respond more forcefully to racial injustice, women's issues, and demands of sexual minorities for equal treatment.

Das (AFSC) wurde während des Ersten Weltkriegs 1917 gegründet. Seine Mitglieder sind Quäker, die aus Glaubensgründen den Wehrdienst verweigern. Das AFSC organisierte zivile Friedensdienste. Dabei konzentrierten sie sich auf medizinische Versorgung und die Verteilung von Lebensmitteln und Kleidung. Hierbei machten sie keinen Unterschied zwischen Sieger und Besiegten. Nach Ende beider Weltkriege sorgten sie für das Überleben von vielen Kindern in Deutschland.


Historical Background.

Access to the Turkish Straits was governed by the 1841 London Straits Convention which stipulated the closure of the straits to warships and, after the Crimean War, by the Treaty of Paris (1856) which made universal the principle of commercial freedom at the same time as forbidding any militarization in and around the Black Sea, later amended by the Treaty of London (1871) and reaffirmed in the Treaty of Berlin (1878).  In early 1907, in the talks leading up to the Anglo-Russian Convention, Count Alexander Izvolsky, then Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, raised the question of the Straits and talks were carried on in London through the Russian ambassador, Count Alexander Benckendorff. Little is known but the "suggestion appears to have been made that Russia should have free egress from the Black Sea through the Straits, while other powers should have the right to send their vessels of war into the Straits without going into the Black Sea" together with some talk of "Russia's occupying the Bosphorus and England the Dardanelles, after which the Straits might be opened to other warships as well." In the event nothing came of the discussions at the time.  On 12 October 1908, the Russian Ambassador to France, Aleksandr Nelidov in a conversation with the British Ambassador to France, Lord Bertie said that since Japan would not allow Russia to keep a fleet in the Far East, and since the Baltic was practically closed throughout the winter, it was essential for Russia that the Black Sea should be made "the home for the Russian fleet whence she can move to the Mediterranean, the Baltic and the Far East as necessity may require."  Alexander Izvolsky, the Russian Foreign Minister, in the latter part of 1908 was able to get conditional support for a change in the Straits regime from Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs Tommaso Tittoni and the German Ambassador to Paris, Wilhelm von Schoen as well as from Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Sir Edward Grey, the latter on 14 October, 1908, being clearest on the subject while at the same time indicating that Turkish agreement was a prerequisite.  During the Bosnian Crisis of 1908, in the Italo-Turkish War of 1911/12 as well as during the Balkan Wars of 1912/13 Russia made attempts to obtain the opening of the straits for Russian warships but failed for want of support from the Great powers. In April/May of 1912, the straits were closed for some weeks and in response to subsequent threats of closure, Russia indicated that it would take action in the event of a prolonged closure.  At the outbreak of war, the Ottoman Empire was diplomatically isolated; it had sought alliance with Britain at the end of 1911 and between May and July 1914 with France, Russia and on 22 July with Germany, to no avail. Russia was concerned about the potential arrival in the Black Sea region, of two modern warships being built by British shipyards for the Ottoman navy, the, which had been completed and was making preparations to leave, and the. On 30 July, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Sazonov instructed Benckendorff: it is a matter of the highest importance for us that Turkey should not receive the two dreadnoughts..point out to the English government the immense importance of this matter for us, and energetically insist upon the retention of these two shps in England." First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill had by then already decided on requisition and when the Turkish ambassador protested on 1 August, he was informed that "in view of the serious situation abroad it was not possible to allow a battleship to leave these waters and pass into the hands of a foreign buyer".  The Pursuit of Goeben and Breslau German battleships led to their being allowed to enter the Dardanelles on the 10 August, 1914.

Details.

Historian Dmitrii Likharev, analysing key contributions in the historiography of the subject points to contributions of C. Jay Smith who obtained access to the Asquith papers in the 1960s and to William Renzi in 1970 who made use of records released by the British National Archives to date Britain's promise of Constantinople to the Russians as of November 1914 and it's genesis as being earlier in September, prior to the Ottoman entry into the war.  From 4 March to 10 April 1915, the Triple Entente (Britain, France, and Russia) secretly discussed how to divide up the lands of the Ottoman Empire. Britain was to control an even larger zone in Iran while Russia would get the Ottoman capital, Constantinople. The Dardanelles were also promised to Russia. The language of the agreement described the following boundaries:...the city of Constantinople, the western bank of the Bosphorus, of the Sea of Marmara and of the Dardanelles, as well as southern Thrace to the Enez-Midye line... and... that part of the Asiatic shore that lies between the Bosphorus, the Sakarya River and a point to be determined on the Gulf of Izmit, and the islands of the Sea of Marmara, the Imbros Islands and the Tenedos Islands.  Even though the British and the French sought to limit Russian claims, they were not able to do so and also had to contend with the possibility that Russia might make a separate peace with the Central Powers. The agreement was one of a series of agreements regarding the partition of the Ottoman Empire by the Triple Entente and Italy following the war, including the Treaty of London (1915), the Sykes–Picot Agreement (1916) and the Agreement of Saint-Jean-de-Maurienne (April to August 1917).  The British Gallipoli Campaign (1915–16) was aimed at seizing the Dardanelles and Constantinople but was defeated by the Ottomans, and the Allies did not gain control of the region until occupying it in November 1918, after the end of the war. By that time, the Communist Bolsheviks had seized power in Russian during the October Revolution of 1917 and had signed a separate peace with the Central Powers in March 1918, dropping out of the war. As the Allies therefore no longer considered Russia among their number, and, indeed, did not even recognise the legitimacy of the Bolshevik government, the agreement was never implemented.

The Constantinople Agreement (also known as the Straits Agreement) comprised a secret exchange of diplomatic correspondence between members of the Triple Entente from 4 March to 10 April, 1915 during World War I. France and Great Britain promised to give Constantinople, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, and the Dardanelles (land on either coast in Thrace and Asia Minor), which at the time were part of the Ottoman Empire, to the Russians in the event of victory. Britain and France put forward their own claims, to an increased sphere of influence in Iran in the case of Britain and to annexation of Syria (including Palestine) and Cilicia for France, all sides also agreeing that the governance of the Holy Places and Arabia to be under independent Moslem rule. The Greek government was neutral, but in 1915 it negotiated with the Allies, offering soldiers and especially a geographical launching point for attacks on the Straits. Greece itself wanted control of Constantinople. Russia vetoed the Greek proposal, because its main war goal was to control the Straits, and take control of Constantinople.

Das Abkommen über Konstantinopel und die Meerengen war eine geheime vertragliche Vereinbarung, bestehend aus diplomatischen Notenwechseln von bis, in der Großbritannien und Frankreich dem Russischen Kaiserreich im Falle eines Sieges im Ersten Weltkrieg die Herrschaft über dieses Gebiet zubilligten.


Early life.

Otto Jindra was born on 18 March 1886 in Chlumetz. He grew to be an athletic young man; he was an equestrian, a swimmer, and a skier. He was an enthusiastic cyclist, and learned to drive both automobiles and locomotives.

Pre-aviation service.

Jindra graduated from the Artillery Academy in Vienna in 1905, and went into the 14th Mountain Artillery Regiment. He was promoted to Oberleutnant in December 1912. With the outbreak of war, Jindra served as battery commander and regimental adjutant as his regiment swung into combat at the Battle of Lemberg on the Eastern Front. He won the Bronze Military Merit Medal in this action.

Aviation service.

Jindra applied for a transfer to aviation. When it came through, he was directly assigned to Flik 1 as an observer on 10 September 1914. Jindra began using a radio transmitter installed by Benno Fiala von Fernbrugg for overhead direction of artillery fire. Given his long prior training as an artillery officer, he was deadly effective. However, on 14 November 1914, Jindra and his pilot were brought down by the riddling fire of a Russian cavalry unit. They counted 180 bullet holes in their crashlanded plane, pulled their personal gear from the wreckage, and headed home, leaving a torched wreck behind them.  In late January 1915, Flik 1's commanding officer was taken prisoner. Despite being a non-pilot, Jindra was selected to replace him. Although Flik 1 was primarily a reconnaissance unit operating a wide range of two-seater aircraft, it still nurtured several flying aces; Godwin von Brumowski, Benno Fiala von Fernbrugg, Kurt Gruber, and Karl Kaszala all began their careers as aces under Jindra's command.  On 13 June 1915, Jindra was flying as an observer for Max Libano in an unarmed Albatros B.I when the pair were attacked by two Russian Morane-Saulnier monoplanes. Despite being armed with only a pistol and a carbine, the Austro-Hungarians managed to down both attackers. On 27 August, Jindra scored again. On 1 September, he was raised to Hauptmann. Later in the year, he began to learn piloting right there in his squadron. By 11 December, he was qualified as a Feldpilot, receiving his badge on the 20th.  On 5 January 1916, Jindra fought his first dogfight as a pilot. He made a forced landing when slightly wounded, with a punctured gas tank. It was not until 29 March that he would score his first win as a pilot. On 9 April 1916, he became an ace. Three days later, he would participate in an air raid that would rattle the Russians; Jindra took Godwin Brumowski as his gunner, and they attacked a military parade being reviewed by Czar Nicholas II. They scattered the parade with seven small bombs and shot down two of the four intercepting Russian planes.  Jindra would score twice more in 1916, but flying a Hansa-Brandenburg C.I. On 29 September, Jindra and his gunner would hit an attacking Russian pilot in the throat, and the Russian would die immediately after crash-landing. On 18 December, Jindra would swoop on a Russian observation balloon and Jindra's observer would kill the observer and destroy the balloon.  In January 1918, Jindra was reassigned to command Flek 11. However, he was soon reassigned again, to command the five squadrons of a bomber group, Fliegergruppe G. Before he could settle into this command, he was severely injured in a night flying accident, which ended his participation in the war.

Post World War I.

After the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Jindra became a Czechoslovakian citizen. He was instrumental in raising a Czechoslovak Air Force. He eventually rose to become its Chief of Staff.

Hauptmann Otto Jindra was an Austro-Hungarian flying ace during World War I, credited with nine aerial victories while flying as an aerial observer. His abilities as both leader and administrator led to his accelerated promotion and appointments to command of aviation units despite his lack of pilot's credentials. After World War I and Austria-Hungary both ended, Jindra became a major mover in founding a Czechoslovakian air arm, which he eventually rose to command.

Otto Jindra (* 18. März 1896 in Chlum u Třeboně, Königreich Böhmen; † 2. Mai 1932 in Prag, Tschechoslowakei) war ein Offizier und Militärflieger der k.u.k. Luftfahrtruppen Österreich-Ungarns im Ersten Weltkrieg. Er erlangte neun Luftsiege als Beobachter. Jindra galt ferner als exzellenter Kommandeur und Koordinator. Nach dem Weltkrieg und dem Ende der Donaumonarchie wurde Jindra wesentlicher Promotor für die Aufstellung einer tschechoslowakischen Luftwaffe, die später unter seinem Kommando stand.


UK Peace Work.

"Peace Campaigning and Networking": aims to encourage a wider and deeper understanding of the peace testimony and to promote disarmament and work against militarism.  "Turning The Tide": promotes positive social change and helps groups to increase their effectiveness using active nonviolence.  "Peace Education": supports a range of initiatives for peace education in schools through advising and supporting teachers involved in conflict resolution and peer mediation programmes.

Social Witness.

"Economic Issues": works with grassroots organisations to bring change to UK government, IMF and World Bank policies. QPSW also aims to influence the environmental and social policies of UK based transnational companies.  "Crime & Community Justice": works to promote the concept of restorative justice, responds to government papers and oversees the "Circles" Scheme.  "Circles of Support & Accountability": works with groups of trained volunteers and recently released sex offenders. It aims to reduce re-offending and enable the ex-offender to integrate into society in a healthy way. In 2007-8, the initiative has been passed to Circles.uk, and while Quakers may continue to be involved as volunteers, the organisation has shifted into a new phase as an emerging national network of volunteers of all faiths and none.  "Quaker Prison Ministers": work within multi-faith prison chaplaincy teams to offer spiritual support and friendship to prisoners of all faiths and none.  "Quaker Housing Trust": is Britain Yearly Meeting’s own housing charity. QHT helps local Quaker-supported social housing projects through advice, loans and grants.  "Parliamentary Liaison": seeks to express the values of the Society of Friends in the context of current political discussion.  "The Friends Educational Foundation": is a group of charitable funds, which QPSW administers on behalf of Meeting for Sufferings.

Global Work.

"Uganda": the role of QPSW in Uganda is to support, train and offer consultancy to groups and organisations working on peacemaking and peacebuilding.  "Post Yugoslav countries": working on the background facilitation of real truth and reconciliation and dealing with the past, QPSW has workers in Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia.  "Middle East": QPSW manages the UK/Ireland Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel, sending human rights observers to accompany peace activists in their nonviolent actions.  "Quaker United Nations Office": QUNO in Geneva concentrates on three areas; Disarmament and Peace, Human Rights and Refugees and Global Economic Issues. QUNO works in Geneva and New York City to consult with the United Nations Economic and Social Council on behalf of the Friends World Committee for Consultation.  "South Asia": QPSW works to strengthen the nonviolence movement in the Indian sub-continent by helping to link peace and social change organisations.  QPSW and AFSC received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1947, as representatives of the Quakers.

History.

The roots of QPSW are in the missionary work done under the name of "Friends Foreign Mission Association" (1868–1927). With the decline of the missions, the "Mission Association" merged with the "Council for International Service" (1919–1927) to form the "Friends Service Council" (1927–1978). Which was renamed "Quaker Peace and Service" (1979–2000), known as "Quaker Peace & Social Witness" since 2001.

Quaker Peace & Social Witness (QPSW), previously known as the Friends Service Council, and then as Quaker Peace and Service, is one of the central committees of Britain Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends - the national organisation of Quakers in Britain. It works to promote British Quakers' testimonies of equality, justice, peace, simplicity and truth. It works alongside both small local and large international pressure groups.

Die Organisation Quaker Peace and Social Witness (QPSW) ist eine Quäkerorganisation in Großbritannien, die 1927 als "Friends Foreign Mission Association" als Zusammenschluss der "Friends Foreign Mission Association" (1868–1927) und dem "Council for International Service" (1919–1927) gegründet wurde. Von 1979 trug sie den Namen "Quaker Peace and Service" und seit 2001 ist sie unter dem heutigen Namen tätig.


Sun City.

Sun City was a place where the South African government allowed entertainment that was banned in most of the country. In protest of apartheid, an international boycott by performers continued for years, although some, such as Queen, ignored it.

Writing and recording.

Van Zandt became interested in writing a song about Sun City to make parallels with the plight of Native Americans. Danny Schechter, a journalist who was then working with ABC News' "20/20", suggested turning the song into a different kind of "We Are the World", or as Schechter explains, "a song about change not charity, freedom not famine."  When Van Zandt was finished writing "Sun City", he, Schechter and producer Arthur Baker spent the next several months searching for artists to participate in the project. Van Zandt initially declined to invite Springsteen, not wanting to take advantage of their friendship, but Schechter had no problem asking and Springsteen accepted the invitation. Van Zandt was also shy about calling legendary jazz artist Miles Davis. Schechter initiated the contact and Davis also accepted. Eventually, Van Zandt, Baker and Schechter would gather an array of artists, described by rock critic Dave Marsh as "the most diverse line up of popular musicians ever assembled for a single session", including DJ Kool Herc, Grandmaster Melle Mel, Ruben Blades, Bob Dylan, Pat Benatar, Herbie Hancock, Ringo Starr and his son Zak Starkey, Lou Reed, Run–D.M.C., Peter Gabriel, Bob Geldof, Clarence Clemons, David Ruffin, Eddie Kendricks, Darlene Love, Bobby Womack, Afrika Bambaataa, Kurtis Blow, The Fat Boys, Jackson Browne, Daryl Hannah, Peter Wolf, Bono, George Clinton, Keith Richards, Ronnie Wood, Bonnie Raitt, Hall & Oates, Jimmy Cliff, Big Youth, Michael Monroe, Stiv Bators, Peter Garrett, Ron Carter, Ray Barretto, Gil Scott-Heron, Nona Hendryx, Kashif, Lotti Golden, Lakshminarayana Shankar and Joey Ramone.  These artists also vowed never to perform at Sun City, because to do so would in their minds seem to be an acceptance of apartheid.  Schechter had also taken on the job of documenting the sessions on video and producing a behind-the-scenes documentary, working with 16 mm crews and independent production companies, directed by Jonathan Demme. Paul "Lucky" Goldberg, director, producer and cinematographer for ThunderVision Media Ltd and president of Hollywood New York International since 1993, worked with producer and partner Paul Allen of ThunderVision Media Ltd, based in New York at Kaufman Astoria Studios to capture the action. Lucky and Paul introduced a new camera technology to work alongside the 16mm crews, the one-piece camera - Panasonic's Recam format for extensive handheld coverage of two days of the artists in the streets of Manhattan as well as a rendition of "Sun City" in Washington Square Park. Approximately 150 policemen surrounded the entire park on horseback and foot to secure the area for the performance, which included Van Zandt, Bono, Springsteen, the Fat Boys, Mötley Crüe, Afrika Bambaataa, Nona Hendryx and many others. One of the most notable shots was caught when Bono gave a huge kiss on the cheek to one of the Fat Boys, in his signature yellow satin jacket and red hat. They went on to shoot Sun City II in Central Park, capturing the politics and music of the spirit of Little Steven's award-winning "Sun City", including interviews with Peter Gabriel and Bono.  Schechter invited MTV to get involved and asked a friend, Hart Perry, to film the sessions. During the course of the film, Schechter asks the artists to explain their involvement in the project in their own words: "Sun City's become a symbol of a society which is very oppressive and denies basic rights to the majority of its citizens," said Jackson Browne. "In a sense, Sun City is also a symbol of that society's 'right' to entertain itself in any way that it wants to, to basically try to buy us off and to buy off world opinion." Recalls Schechter, "I was surprised that many of the best-known rock 'n rollers were so publicity shy. Most of them had publicists who staged their media appearances. They weren't used to cameras poking them in the face. Bruce Springsteen at first turned down my request for an interview, but just as I was walking away from him dejected, he ran after me and agreed to say a few words for the documentary.  "When Miles started improvising in the studio...Steven and Arthur [Baker] insisted I not approach him with a camera. 'It's Miles, man," Baker said. "He's erratic, idiosyncratic, explosive. Wild. Don't mess with him when he's playing...' I barged into the booth while Davis was setting up, introduced myself and asked if we could videotape him. Through the glass I could see Steve and Arthur, heads in hands, convinced that I had blown it. Miles smiled. 'Bring it on,' he ordered, 'bring it on.' And we did, getting priceless footage in the bargain."  In addition to "Sun City," a number of other songs were recorded, making up the album "Sun City".

Release.

For a time Van Zandt and Baker were making the record without a record company or any outside financial support. Van Zandt financed much of it while producer Arthur Baker (notable for his work with Afrika Bambaataa and New Order) donated studio time. Manhattan Records, under Bruce Lundvall's direction, came on board, acquiring rights to the recording and enabling Van Zandt and Baker to pay some of the bills. A committed record company attorney, the late Rick Dutka, also donated his time, along with noted music industry attorney, the late Owen Epstein as well as Van Zandt's assistant, Zoë Yanakis. Also, some New York's top recording engineers, studio musicians and recording studios donated their time as well as the artists who participated in recording Sun City. As well as lead vocals provided by notable artists Bruce Springsteen, Bono, Darlene Love, Run DMC, Lou Reed, Eddie Kendricks, Bonnie Raitt, Nona Hendryx and others, the signature background vocal sound was created by Lotti Golden, B.J.Nelson and Tina B.  Schechter's connections with ABC News posed some risks. "I couldn't tell ABC what I was doing on the side," recalls Schechter. "They would not have approved. I knew I couldn't propose a story about Sun City either, because I had stepped over the line and become part of the story. I tried and mostly succeeded in keeping my name out of the papers and my mug out of the video. I was terrified that 20/20 would dump me if they knew what I was doing, especially if my affiliation with ABC was dragged into it, even though the network had nothing to do with the project. I worked even harder at ABC, producing more stories than many of my colleagues, so I couldn't be accused of slacking off."

Reaction.

Song.

The song "Sun City" was only a modest success in the US, reaching #38 on the "Billboard" Hot 100 chart in December 1985. Only about half of American radio stations played "Sun City," with some objecting to the lyrics' explicit criticism of President Ronald Reagan's policy of "constructive engagement."  Meanwhile, "Sun City" was a major success in countries where there was little or no radio station resistance to the record or its messages, reaching #4 in Australia, #10 in Canada, #3 in The Netherlands and #21 in the UK. The song was banned in South Africa.

Documentary.

Van Zandt and Schechter also struggled to get the documentary seen. Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) refused to broadcast the non-profit film "The Making of Sun City" even though it won the International Documentary Association's top honors in 1986; PBS claimed the featured artists were also involved in making the film and were therefore "self-promoting." (In contrast, PBS chose to broadcast "The Making of "Raiders of the Lost Ark"", which was made as a promotional exercise by the for-profit Paramount Pictures and Lucasfilm Ltd.) In 1987, WNYC-TV, the New York City-owned public television station, aired an updated version of the documentary, produced by filmmaker Bill Lichtenstein along with Schechter. The film included updates about the Sun City resort and apartheid as well as the success of the Sun City video. In addition to airing the documentary, WNYC-TV made the film available over the PBS system to public television stations across the country for broadcast.

Overall impact.

The album and single raised more than a million U.S. dollars for anti-apartheid projects. It premiered at the United Nations, thanks to the Special Committee Against Apartheid and UN officers such as Aracelly Santana.  The record never achieved the financial success of "We Are the World," although Oliver Tambo and the ANC's school in Tanzania "was sure happy when we gave them a big check," according to Schechter.  In South Africa, "Sun City" would later inspire musician Johnny Clegg to create a local organization similar to Van Zandt's, and "Sun City" also became the catalyst for the "South Africa Now" TV series.

Post-apartheid.

With the end of the apartheid regime in 1994 and the reintegration of Sun City and other former nominally-independent regions into the South African state, "Sun City" ceased to be a contemporary protest and became a historical document.  In 1997, the man who created Sun City, Sol Kerzner, came to the United States to build the Mohegan Sun, a Native American gambling casino.

Artists United Against Apartheid was a 1985 protest group founded by activist and performer Steven Van Zandt and record producer Arthur Baker to protest against apartheid in South Africa. The group produced the song "Sun City" and the album "Sun City" that year, which is considered a notable anti-apartheid song.

Artists United Against Apartheid war eine Allstar-Band und ein Hilfsprojekt, das 1985 von Little Steven, dem langjährigen Gitarristen Bruce Springsteens, initiiert wurde. Arthur Baker war der Produzent des Albums "Sun City" und der gleichnamigen Single, die beide in New York entstanden. Darauf befand sich Rockmusik, die von Funk, Pop und Reggae geprägt war.


Plot.

Sabata, a former Confederate army officer and steely eyed, quick-drawing, impossibly accurate gunman with a trick gun, is working for a travelling circus as a stunt marksman. The circus comes to a small Texas town, where a former subordinate officer, a lieutenant from the army is running a crooked casino. The man owes Sabata $5,000 from sometime ago. Then the circus manager runs off with the circus funds, so Sabata decides to stay in town and try to collect on the debt from his friend. Sabata then runs into conflict with the town's land baron, McIntock, who imposes high taxes on gambling, drinking and prostitution with the supposed idea of building the town up, using the money. Sabata, who is after the money himself, finds out that the townspeople's money in McIntock's safe is counterfeit and that he and the priest have hidden it elsewhere, in the form of gold coins. After a few attempts on his life and lots of badmen dying under his guns, Sabata and the lieutenant are apparently killed so McIntock goes for the money, only to find them both still alive. Sabata is helped throughout by his friends; the acrobat, his partner and a fat, pompous man who is anything but what he seems.

Release.

"Return of Sabata" was released in Italy on 3 September 1971.

Reception.

From a retrospective review, Donald Guarisco of AllMovie stated that the film "falls prey to the principle of diminishing returns" noting that it followed the plot of the original "Sabata" films too closely and that it had "erratic pacing" and was too long.

Return of Sabata () is a 1971 Spaghetti Western film directed by Gianfranco Parolini. The third film in "The Sabata Trilogy", it features the return of Lee Van Cleef as the title character, which he had played in the first film, "Sabata", but was replaced by Yul Brynner in the second film, "Adiós, Sabata", due to a scheduling conflict. "Return of Sabata" was listed in the 1978 book "The Fifty Worst Films of All Time".

Sabata kehrt zurück (Originaltitel: "È tornato Sabata... hai chiuso un'altra volta") ist ein Italowestern von Regisseur Gianfranco Parolini aus dem Jahr 1971. Es ist der dritte Film der Sabata-Trilogie. Deutschsprachige Erstaufführung war am 28. Mai 1972.


History.

The railway line from Munich to Starnberg was opened in 1854. On 1 July 1865, Feldafing station was opened along with the extension of the line to Weilheim. In 1900 and 1901 platform subway was built at the station. In 1902 the line was duplicated. Since 1972, the station has only been served by Munich S-Bahn trains.

Station building.

The station building of 1865 was built on the Munich–Garmisch-Partenkirchen line to a design in the style of the Maximilian age by Georg von Dollmann, the district engineer of the Royal Bavarian State Railways.  Dollmann created a two-storey entrance building with flat hip roof and exposed brick. It allegedly used stones that were intended for the castle in the park. The main building is flanked by two symmetrical pavilions that are connected by wings to the main building. On the ground floor of the main building there were a ticket hall, a freight-handling office and a waiting room for royalty. In the attached buildings there were first-, second- and third-class waiting rooms. Upstairs were the living and service rooms for rail employees and the stationmaster. There is a platform canopy in front of the entrance building on the home platform. The facade of the building has external elements made of Haustein stone and classical details.

Infrastructure.

The station is served by line S 6 of the Munich S-Bahn. There is a bus stop and parking nearby, but the station does not have barrier-free access for the disabled.  The two side platforms in Feldafing station are 210 metres long and 76 cm high.

Feldafing station is the only station of the Bavarian town of Feldafing and a station on the Munich S-Bahn. It is classified by Deutsche Bahn as a category 5 station and has two platform tracks. The station is located on the Munich–Garmisch-Partenkirchen railway.

Der Bahnhof Feldafing ist ein S-Bahn-Haltepunkt in der oberbayerischen Gemeinde Feldafing. Er besitzt zwei Bahnsteiggleise und gehört der Bahnhofskategorie 5 der DB Station&Service an. Der Bahnhof liegt an der Bahnstrecke München–Garmisch-Partenkirchen.


Origin.

Richilde is most likely a daughter of Reinier of Hasnon (died c.1049) and Adelheid of Egisheim. She was born c. 1018. In 1040, she married Herman of Mons, who became Count of Hainaut.

Countess of Hainaut.

For a long time, Richilde's own rights and position were not well understood. She is counted as ruling countess of Hainaut for different periods in different sources. In a first phase, she followed in the marche of Valenciennes c.1049 as only heir of her father, Reinier of Hasnon, who was installed in 1047 as margrave of Valenciennes to replace Baldwin V of Flanders (who rebelled against the Empire and lost his fiefs). Her first husband, Herman of Mons, count of Hainaut, died c.1050/1051, and left Richilde in the position of "heiress of Hainaut". As such, she was countess in her own right in Valenciennes and in her husband's rights in Hainaut.  Her position as "heiress of Hainaut", made her an attractive bride, but this placed the county in a dangerous position. She was forced by Baldwin V of Flanders to marry his eldest son Baldwin. It was indeed her future father-in-law Baldwin V who, under threat of force, arranged the marriage between his son and Richilde.  As Hainaut and Valenciennes were imperial fiefs and Henry III had not been consulted, the marriage resulted in a war between the emperor and the Baldwin's, ending in a total defeat of the latter in 1054.  Her husband Baldwin became ruling count of Hainaut "jure uxoris". Her father-in-law also arranged to disinherit the two children she had with Herman, Hainaut and Valenciennes being inherited by the count of Flanders.  Baldwin VI followed as count of Flanders in 1067, unifying as such Hainaut, Valenciennes and Flanders, and ruled until his death (17 July 1070).

Regency of Flanders.

Baldwin VI left Flanders to their eldest son, Arnulf III, and the County of Hainaut to the younger son, Baldwin II, with the provision that if either son preceded the other in death, he would inherit the other's county as well. Baldwin VI also obtained assurances from his brother Robert who gave his oath of homage and promised to protect his nephew. After Baldwin VI's death their son Arnulf III became Count of Flanders, but as he was a minor, Richilde served as Regent of Flanders.  Almost immediately Arnulf's uncle, Robert the Frisian, broke his oath to his brother Baldwin VI and disputed Arnulf's right to Flanders. Richilde asked for help from William Fitzosbern of Normandy who married her. Despite help from King Philip I of France, her forces were defeated at the Battle of Cassel and William Fitzosbern was killed along with her oldest son, Arnulf. Richilde herself was captured and released, King Philip later recognized Robert as Count of Flanders.

Later reign.

Richilde and her younger son, Baldwin II, retained Hainaut, but made subsequent unsuccessful attempts to recover Flanders. Richilde built the castle at Beaumont along with a chapel there dedicated to St. Venantius. She, along with her son Baldwin, founded the monastery of Saint-Denis-en-Broqueroie.  At the end of her regency she retired to the Abbey of Messines. In 1076, she was evidently deposed by her son.  Richilde died on 15 March 1086.

Family.

Richilde married Herman, Count of Hainaut. They had two children:  Richilde married secondly Baldwin VI, Count of Flanders. They were the parents of:  In 1071 Richilde married thirdly William Fitzosbern, 1st Earl of Hereford (c. 1025 – 1071).

Richilde, Countess of Mons and Hainaut ( – 15 March 1086), was a ruling countess of Hainaut from c. 1050 until 1076, in co-regency with her husband Baldwin VI of Flanders and son Baldwin II of Hainaut. She was also countess of Flanders by marriage to Baldwin VI. She ruled Flanders as regent during the minority of her son Arnulf III in 1070-1071.

Richilde († 15. März 1087 in Mesen) war eine Gräfin von Hennegau und Regentin von Flandern. Ihre familiäre Herkunft war lange Zeit undeutlich: wahrscheinlich war sie eine Tochter von Reginar von Hasnon, Markgraf von Valenciennes von 1045 bis 1049 aus der Familie der Reginare.


Early years.

Chandler was born in Council Bluffs, Iowa. He attended Will Rogers High School in Tulsa, Oklahoma, and he played for the Will Rogers Ropers high school football team.

College career.

After graduating from high school, Chandler first attended Bacone College in Muskogee, Oklahoma, and then transferred to the University of Florida in Gainesville, Florida, where he played halfback, punter and placekicker for coach Bob Woodruff's Florida Gators football team in 1954 and 1955. As a senior in 1955, Chandler led all major college punters with an average kick of 44.3 yards, narrowly beating out Earl Morrall of the Michigan State Spartans. Memorably, Chandler also kicked a 76-yard punt against the Georgia Tech Yellow Jackets in 1955, which remains tied for the second longest punt in Gators history. Woodruff ranked him and Bobby Joe Green as the Gators' best kickers of the 1950s.  Chandler graduated from Florida with a bachelor's degree in 1956, and was later inducted into the University of Florida Athletic Hall of Fame as a "Gator Great."

Professional career.

After college, he was selected in the fifth round (57th pick overall) of the 1956 NFL Draft, and played with the New York Giants and Green Bay Packers. He played in the first two overtime games ever in the NFL, in 1958 with the Giants against the Baltimore Colts and again in 1965 when he kicked the winning field goal for the Packers against the same Colts in a Western Conference playoff game at Green Bay. Chandler's fourth-quarter field goal that tied the game at 10–10 stirred controversy, as many Baltimore players and fans thought he missed the kick to the right. Chandler was named the punter on the NFL 1960s All-Decade Team. He went to the Pro Bowl after the 1967 season.  He led the NFL in average yards per punt with 44.6 yards in 1957 and led the league with a field goal percentage of 67.9 percent on 19 of 28 attempts in 1962. Chandler still holds the record for most field goals scored in a Super Bowl with four in the 1968 Super Bowl against the Oakland Raiders, clinching the championship for the Packers.  Chandler helped Vince Lombardi's Green Bay Packers teams win Super Bowls I and II. Memorably, he kicked a 90-yard punt against the San Francisco 49ers in 1965. He was named to the All Pro team in 1967.  In his 12-season NFL career, Chandler played in 154 regular season games, kicked 660 punts for a total of 28,678 yards, 248 extra points on 258 attempts, and 94 field goals on 161 attempts. He also rushed for 146 yards on 13 carries, and completed a perfect three passes on three attempts for a total of 67 yards.

Life after football.

Chandler was inducted into the Packer Hall of Fame in 1975, along with tight end Ron Kramer, defensive end Willie Davis, guards Jerry Kramer and Fuzzy Thurston and Vince Lombardi. He was selected as the premier punter for the decade in the 1960s. In 2002, he was named to the Oklahoma Team of the Century by "The Oklahoman". In 2003, he was added to the list of Oklahoma's Greatest Athletes by the "Tulsa World". Chandler is also a member of the Oklahoma Sports Hall of Fame and the New York Giants Wall of Fame.  Chandler died at his home in Tulsa, Oklahoma on August 11, 2011; he was 76 years old.

Donald Gene "Babe" Chandler (September 5, 1934 – August 11, 2011) was a professional American football player who was a punter and placekicker in the National Football League (NFL) for 12 seasons in the 1950s and 1960s. Chandler played college football for the University of Florida, and thereafter, he played professionally for the New York Giants and the Green Bay Packers of the NFL.

Donald Gene „Don“ Chandler (* 5. September 1934 in Council Bluffs, Iowa; † 11. August 2011 in Tulsa, Oklahoma) war ein US-amerikanischer American-Football-Spieler. Er spielte als Punter und Kicker in der National Football League (NFL) bei den New York Giants und den Green Bay Packers.