Geography.

It covers an area of 898 km, making up 27% of the territory of Northern Cyprus. It is much less densely populated than the average of Northern Cyprus, with a population density of 26 people per km in 2010. The town of Trikomo/İskele, the district capital, is considered to be the "gateway" and the geographical starting point of the peninsula, along with the neighboring village of Boğaz. Apart from Trikomo, the most important towns and municipalities in the area are Yialousa, Galateia, Rizokarpaso, Komi Kebir and Akanthou.  The peninsula hosts a number of historical sites such as the Kantara Castle, Apostolos Andreas Monastery, ruins of the ancient cities of Karpasia and Aphendrika, Ayias Trias Basilica among numerous others.  There are more than 46 sandy beaches in the peninsula, which are the primary Eastern Mediterranean nestling grounds for the loggerhead ("Caretta caretta") and green sea turtles ("Chelonia mydas"). The Golden Beach, also known traditionally in Greek-Cypriot as 'Pashi-Amos' (Fat Sand beach), or Nangomi Beach, is situated around 15 km from the town of Rizokarpaso and is considered one of the finest and most remote beaches of Cyprus. With a total length exceeding 3700 m, it is one of the least tourist-frequented beaches in the island. The Karpasian Peninsula is home to the Karpasian donkey, known as a symbol of Cyprus; there are campaigns carried out jointly by Turkish and Greek Cypriots to conserve the rare donkeys of Karpasia.

Activities.

Most of the activities in the Karpasian Peninsula are related to agriculture, fishing, hunting, and some to micro-tourism. Local farmers take advantage of this natural environment to grow different fruits and vegetables mostly as sub-subsistence farming (although for local commerce too). The region is mostly known for its "Karpuz" (Turkish for "Watermelon"). Several tourist businesses can be found in the town of Rizokarpaso. These are generally restaurants serving traditional Turkish-Cypriot Cuisine, including "Meze".  Due to its geographical position, the Karpass Peninsula is somewhat protected from human interference. This makes it a pristine natural environment, home to many inland and marine species. When hunting season starts, the Karpass forests are a popular location to go hunting for "Keklik" (Famous Grouse). Meanwhile, the coastal region, with its clear waters, moderate Northern currents, and rocky bottom with cave-like structures, is home to two of the most highly valued fish species: Orfoz (Dusky Grouper) and Lahos (Broomtail Grouper). The price/kg of each species ranges from 35-80 Turkish Lira, depending on the location and the season. However, fishing rates in the Karpass Region and most of North Cyprus dramatically decreased last Century because of the use of dynamite. This is why the "Zafer Burunu" (the end-nose of the peninsula) is now a protected, natural heritage area, where marine species are slowly recovering to healthy population parameters.

The Peninsula of Karpasia (; ), also known as the Karpas Peninsula or simply Karpasia, is a long, finger-like peninsula that is one of the most prominent geographical features of the island of Cyprus. Its farthest extent is Cape Apostolos Andreas, and its major population centre is the town of Rizokarpaso (; ). "De facto", the peninsula forms the İskele District of Northern Cyprus, while "de jure" it lies in the Famagusta District of the Republic of Cyprus.

Der Karpas ( Karpasía, ), auch Karpass, ist eine knapp 900 km2 umfassende und mindestens 80 km lange Halbinsel im Nordosten der Mittelmeerinsel Zypern. Sie bildet den östlichsten Teil des Kyrenia-Gebirges. Seine östliche Spitze bildet das Kap Apostolos Andreas, dem die unbewohnten Kleides-Inseln („Schlüssel“) vorgelagert sind.


History.

The origins of the Antaifasy are uncertain. Beginning in the 1680s, the Antaifasy entered into a conflict with the neighboring Antaimoro people. Skirmishes between the clans continued through the 18th century without either clan ever clearly achieving victory over the other. For a short time, the Antaifasy were dominated by the Antaimoro, but were liberated by an Antaifasy king named Maseba. During the 18th century the Antaifasy engaged in coastal trade. Ifara became the most important king during this period by monopolizing trade with European ships, becoming powerful enough to be seen as having control over all trade and travel on the Manampatra river.  In 1827, the Antaifasy kingdom was invaded by the Merina army and made a vassal state of the Kingdom of Imerina in the central highlands. Following years of Antaifasy resistance to Merina rule, Rainivoninahitriniony, later Prime Minister of Madagascar, led another military campaign in 1852 to strengthen Merina authority over the area. During this campaign the Antaifasy fled to an island called Anosinandriamba where they believed they would be safe, but the Merina army crafted rafts out of bamboo to cross the sea and captured the Antaifasy by surprise. In the Merina military conquests between 1820 and 1853, captured Antaifasy men were typically killed, but women and children were often taken as slaves back to Imerina. Over a million slaves were captured during this time, with the majority from the Antaifasy, Antaisaka, Antanosy and Betsileo ethnic groups.  The Antaifasy remained resistant to Merina domination and were never fully subjugated. In an effort to weaken them, the Merina provided support to the Zafisoro, a people who the Antaifasy had previously ruled. Despite French colonization in 1896 and the collapse of the Merina monarchy in 1897, animosity between the two groups has remained and occasionally flared up into violent conflict, as occurred in 1922, 1936 and 1990, resulting in dozens of deaths. During the Malagasy Uprising of 1947, the Malagasy leaders of the resistance movement against French rule (some of whom were aligned with Merina interests) took advantage of the unstable political context to act on old grudges by instigating the Zafisoro to attack the Antaifasy.In the run up to independence from France, two Antefasy brothers founded "l'Union Démocratique et Sociale" (1957), one of the most successful cross-island political parties. Their representatives took the top position in the Provincial Councils of Tuléar and Fianarantsoa. One of the party's founders, Norbert Zafimahova, was twice elected as president of the Territorial Assembly, delegated to represent Madagascar's interests in the French Senate in 1958. Since 1990, this has manifested in competition for control of disputed territory, the most significant being in Farafangana prefecture.

Society.

There are approximately 150,000 Antaifasy as of 2013. Their name means "people of the sand." Antaifasy society is traditionally divided into three clans, each governed by its own king: the Randroy, Andrianseranana and Marofela.

Culture.

The moral codes that guide Antaifasy social life are very strict.  Traditional clothing among the Antaifasy was made of bark cloth or woven mats of beaten reeds or sedges sewn together. The bark cloth from the Antaifasy region was made from a mix of fibers blended together for sheen and softness and became a specialty trade product of the area. For women, this material was sewn to form a tube that was belted at the waist or pulled up at the shoulder. Women and adolescent girls also often wore a "mahampy" reed band or short top with or without sleeves, to cover the breasts. Men wore a bark loincloth, and over it they would typically wear a vest or tunic; sleeves were added for older men. Woven hats were also commonly worn by Antaifasy men.

Funeral rites.

Like the Antaisaka, the Antaifasy do not bury their dead but instead place them in a "kibory" funeral house located in a sacred and distant patch of forest.

Language.

The Antaifasy speak a dialect of the Malagasy language, which is a branch of the Malayo-Polynesian language group derived from the Barito languages, spoken in southern Borneo.

Economy.

The cultivation of rice and fishing from freshwater lakes and rivers are traditional sources of livelihoods among the Antaifasy. In recent decades, there has been a large migration of Antaifasy from their coastal homeland to seek employment farther north.

The Antaifasy are an ethnic group of Madagascar inhabiting the southeast coastal region around Farafangana. Historically a fishing and farming people, many Antaifasy were heavily conscripted into forced labor ("fanampoana") and brought to Antananarivo as slaves under the 19th century authority of the Kingdom of Imerina. Antaifasy society was historically divided into three groups, each ruled by a king and strongly concentrated around the constraints of traditional moral codes. Approximately 150,000 Antaifasy inhabit Madagascar as of 2013.

Antaifasy (malagasy für „Volksstamm aus dem Sand“) ist ein kleiner Volksstamm ("Foko") von Waldbauern in Madagaskar. Das Siedlungsgebiet der Antaifasy erstreckte sich vor dem 19. Jahrhundert auf den Südosten der Insel in der Gegend von Farafangana, in den 1830er Jahren wurden jedoch viele Antaifasy auf den Plantagen der Ostküste versklavt. Die Antaifasy haben sich wahrscheinlich vor einigen 100 Jahren als eigenständige Gruppe von den Sakalava der Westküste abgesplittert. Sie leben nach einem sehr strengen Moralkodex. Ihre Clans haben noch heute ihre eigenen Fürsten und Könige. Durch strenge Fady grenzen sie sich von den anderen Volksgruppen stark ab. Ihre kollektiven Begräbnisstätten liegen im Walde.


History.

On 18 January 1839, the British East India Company landed Royal Marines at Aden. Their aims were to establish a supply port and stop attacks by Arab pirates against British shipping to India. The British Government thereafter considered Aden to be an important settlement due to its location, as the Royal Navy could easily access the port for resupply and repairs. Later, British influence extended progressively into the hinterland, both west and east, leading to the establishment of the Aden Protectorate. Aden soon became an important transit port and coaling station for trade between British India and the Far East, and Europe. The commercial and strategic importance of Aden increased considerably when the Suez Canal opened in 1869. From then and until the 1960s, the Port of Aden was to be one of the busiest ship-bunkering, duty-free shopping, and trading ports in the world.  In 1937, Aden was separated from British India to become a Crown Colony, a status that it retained until 1963. It consisted of the port city of Aden and its immediate surroundings (an area of 192 km2, 75 sq. miles). The Aden Settlement, and later Aden Colony, also included the outlying islands of Kamaran ("de facto"), Perim and Kuria Muria (see map).  Prior to 1937, Aden had been governed as part of British India (originally as the Aden Settlement under the Bombay Presidency, and then as a Chief Commissioner's province). Under the Government of India Act 1935 the territory was detached from British India, and was re-organised as a separate Crown Colony of the United Kingdom; this separation took effect on 1 April 1937.  Through the latter years of its existence, the Colony of Aden was plagued by civil unrest.

Administration.

“The town of Aden was tied much more closely into the fabric of the British Empire and developed more rapidly than its surrounding hinterland". The fundamental law for the Crown Colony of Aden is the Order of Council 28 September 1936, which follows the usual lines of basic legislation for British colonies.  Aden was notable in that Sharia law was not used in the Colony. "All suits, including those dealing with personal status and inheritance of Muslims, are entertained in the ordinary secular courts of the colony".  Within the Aden Colony there were three local government bodies. The Aden municipality, which covered the town, Tawali, Ma'alla and Crater, the Township authority of Sheikh Othman and finally Little Aden had been established in recent years as a separate body, covering the oil refinery and the workers' settlement. All of these bodies were under the overall control of the Executive Council, which in turn was kept in check by the Governor.  Until 1 December 1955, the Executive Council was entirely unelected. The situation improved only slightly after this date, as four members were elected. Judicial administration was also entirely in British hands. "Compared with other British possessions, the development towards self-government and greater local participation has been rather slow".  Education was provided for all children, both boys and girls, until at least intermediate level. Higher education was available on a selective basis through scholarships to study abroad. Primary and Intermediate education was conducted in Arabic while Secondary and independent schools conducted their lessons in Arabic, English, Urdu, Hebrew and Gujarati. There were also Quranic schools for both boys and girls, but these were unrecognised.

Economy and finances.

After 1937, the economy of Aden continued to be largely dependent on the city's role as an entrepôt for East-West trade. During the course of 1955, 5239 vessels called at Aden, making its harbour the second busiest in the world after New York. However, tourism declined over the last years of the Colony with the number of tourists landing dropping by 37% from 204,000 in 1952 to 128,420 in 1966. At the end of British rule in 1967, the main revenues of the Colony were the Port Trust with an annual gross revenue of £1.75 million (2014 prices: £28.4 million) and the British Petroleum refinery which made direct payments to the Aden Government of £1.135 million (2014 prices: £18.4 million).  In 1956, Aden Colony had a revenue of £2.9 million (approximately £65 million in 2014 prices). This was equivalent to around £58 per capita, one of the highest per head revenue earners amongst Britain's smaller colonies behind only the Falkland Islands, Brunei and Bermuda. However, the benefit to the United Kingdom of this was tempered by their commitments to the Aden protectorates which had revenue per capita of only 2.5 pence (only 23p in 2014 prices).  By the time British rule was ending the Federation of South Arabia, of which the Colony was a part, was receiving £12.6 million (£209 million in 2014) from the British government to support its 1966–67 Budget.

Domestic issues.

Labour movements, trade unions and internal dissent.

Trade unions formed the basis for most of the outlet of social dissatisfaction in Aden. The first union, the Aden Harbour Pilots Association, had been formed in 1952, quickly followed by two more by the end of 1954. By 1956 most trades had formed a Union. There had been an assumption that the British model of Trade Union development would be followed. However, in the local tangle of grievances, the nationalist and economic were difficult to differentiate. As a result, strikes and demonstrations were often politically motivated, rather than by purely economic reasons.  The British Army returned to Aden in July 1955 after Yemeni-armed rebel tribesmen caused disturbances. Minor events continued into early 1956 when a British assistant adviser to part of the Western Aden Protectorate was wounded in a rebel ambush.  On the 19 March 1956, labourers at the Little Aden refinery went on strike. Workers stoned policemen at the refinery gates, with clashes resulting in some deaths. The strike lasted ten days, being called off on the 29 March, with agreement reached mainly on pay. The strikes in 1956 were marked by a good many attacks on non-Arab groups. It was during this time that the Army took over command of Aden from the Royal Air Force, with its presence maintained "in view of the importance of preserving internal security" according to War Secretary Antony Head. Days after the strike had ended, the Governor Sir Tom Hickinbotham conferred with almost all of the tribal leaders from the Aden Protectorates, where broad agreement was reached that they should "seek some form of close association with each other".  In May 1958 a state of emergency was declared and there were a number of bombings until the arrest of the principal instigators in July. However, in October 1958 there was a general strike, which was accompanied by widespread rioting and disorder which ended in the deportation of 240 Yemenis from Aden, as claimed by author Gillian King: "By ignoring the views of the local labour force, the British pushed much of the Arab population into opposition against their rule, who previously had been by no means captivated by Nasser".  At the time much of the blame for these disturbances was placed on the broadcasts from Radio Cairo encouraged by Nasser's anti-imperialist and Arab Nationalist regime there, as claimed by author R. J. Gavin: "Radio Cairo began to speak in the tones of revolutionary Arab Nationalism. Men who had long lived in isolation now found a common political language and a breathtaking, liberating community of sentiment across the Arab world".  In December 1963 there was a grenade attack by an unidentified assailant on the high commissioner who was unharmed; however, three bystanders were killed.

Jews in Aden.

There had been Jewish tribes in Aden and Yemen for millennia, where they had primarily constituted the artisans and craftsmen of these areas, but it was after the British occupation of 1839 that Aden became an important congregation.  During the two World Wars the Jews in Aden had prospered while those in Yemen suffered. The Balfour declaration had encouraged increased Jewish immigration into the Holy Land, and as a result many of the Jewish communities from all over the Middle East sought a new home there. The Palestine issue had a serious effect on British prestige in Aden.  During the Second World War, Jews from Yemen flocked in large numbers into the Colony of Aden while en route to Palestine, where they were placed in refugee camps, primarily for their own safety. However conditions in the camps were difficult and in 1942 there was an outbreak of Typhus. The need for the camps was apparent when in December 1947, following the UN declaration for the creation of a Jewish state, there were serious riots in Aden Town, where at least 70 Jews were killed and much of the Jewish Quarter was burnt and looted. Until this point nearly all the refugees had been from Yemen and the Aden Protectorate, but now after the growing violence against Jews in the Town itself, most tried to leave. This was shown by the population figures which from a high of roughly 4,500 in 1947 less than 500 were left in 1963. "The 1947 incident found Government policies at odds with the whole Arab community, including those who manned the police forces".  The 1948 Arab–Israeli War made immigration into Israel very difficult, as the Red Sea and Suez Canal were closed by the Egyptian government. By 1949 and after the declaration of a cease fire, 12,000 Jews from Yemen, Aden and the Protectorate were gathered in camps, from where they were airlifted on average 300 a day to Israel, in Operation Magic Carpet.

Foreign policy issues.

Aden was located in a vital strategic location, on the main shipping routes between the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. During the days of Empire, the value of the port was in providing key communications and bunkering facility between the Suez Canal and India. Even after the independence of India, Aden continued to be regarded as a vital asset in Britain's worldwide defence network. By 1958 Aden was the second busiest harbour in the World, after New York. "Its importance cannot be overestimated, as it is the base that protects British oil interests in the Persian Gulf". The Little Aden oil refinery was essential to the economy of Aden as it could process 5 million tons of crude oil annually and formed one of the Colony's only exports. The safety of this refinery was a clear priority for the government of Aden.  "As a temporary expedient, the Aden base has the merits of a stabiliser at a moment when the Yemen is split by civil war, when the Saudi Royal house has not yet made itself a name for consistent rule, when the Iraqi and Syrian governments are prone to overnight revolutions and when Egypt's relations with both of them are uncertain".  For much of Aden's later history, relations with the UAR (United Arab Republic) were of primary consideration. "The Formation of the UAR in 1958 increased the importance of Aden as a British military base in this troubled corner of the world". However even before the formation of the UAR, Arab Nationalism had been growing in the awareness of Adeni's. "In 1946 Students protested that the anniversary of the founding of the Arab league had not been made a public holiday"  The most serious problem facing Aden in the late 50s and 60s was the relationship with the Yemen and Yemeni raids along the borders. But the adherence of Yemen to the UAR created a delicate situation and several political problems arose. Immigration into the Colony was a major concern of the local Arab workforce.  Previously to the creation of the UAR, peace in Aden it was admitted came not from the presence of the tiny garrison, but from a lack of Arab poles of attraction for malcontents.  However some contemporary writers, such as Elizabeth Monroe thought that the British presence in Aden may have been self-defeating, as it provided a casus belli for Arab nationalists. So rather than supporting British peace efforts in the region, Aden was actually the cause of much anti-British sentiments in the region.  “As in Kuwait prosperous older men appreciate the advantages of the British connection, but young Arab nationalists and a vigorous trade union movement think it humiliating".

Monetary system in Aden.

Being an extension of British India, the British Indian rupee was the currency of Aden until shortly after India gained independence in 1947. In 1951, the rupee was replaced by the East African shilling which was on par with the shilling sterling. Then with the advent of the South Arabian Federation, a new South Arabian dinar was introduced in 1965 which was on par with the pound sterling. The South Arabian dinar was a decimal unit divided into fils.  Aden became independent as the South Yemen on 30 November 1967 without joining the Commonwealth, but the South Arabian dinar continued at the one-to-one parity with sterling until 1972. In June 1972, the British Prime Minister Edward Heath unilaterally reduced the sterling area to include only the United Kingdom, the Isle of Man, the Channel Islands and the Republic of Ireland (and Gibraltar the following year).  The South Yemen reciprocated immediately by introducing its own exchange controls and ending the fixed peg to sterling. South Yemen was still however listed in British law as being part of the overseas sterling area, that being a list of scheduled territories which continued to enjoy some exchange control privileges with the United Kingdom right up until 1979 when Geoffrey Howe abolished all United Kingdom exchange controls.

Federation and the end of Aden colony.

To solve many of the above problems, as well as continuing the process of self-determination that was accompanying the dismantling of the Empire, it was proposed that the Colony of Aden should form a federation with the protectorates of East and West Aden. It was hoped that this would lessen Arab calls for complete independence, while still allowing British control of foreign affairs and the BP refinery at Little Aden to continue. Federalism was first proposed by ministers from both the colony and protectorates, the suggested amalgamation would be beneficial they argued, in terms of economics, race, religion and languages. However the step was illogical in terms of Arab Nationalism, for it was taken just prior to some impending elections, and was against the wishes of Aden Arabs, notably many of the trade unions.  An additional problem was the huge disparity in political development, as at the time Aden colony was some way down the road to self-government and in the opinion of some dissidents, political fusion with the autocratic and backward Sultanates was a step in the wrong direction.  In the federation, Aden colony was to have 24 seats on the new council, while each of the eleven sultanates was to have six. While the federation as a whole would have financial and military aid from Britain.  On 18 January 1963, the colony was reconstituted as the State of Aden (Arabic: ولاية عدن "Wilāyat ʿAdan"), within the new Federation of South Arabia. With this Sir Charles Hepburn Johnston stepped down as the last Governor of Aden.  Many of the problems that Aden had suffered in its time as a colony did not improve on federation. Internal disturbances continued and intensified, leading to the Aden Emergency and the final departure of British troops. British rule ended on 30 November 1967.  The federation became the People's Republic of South Yemen, and in line with other formerly British Arab territories in the Middle East, it did not join the Commonwealth of Nations.

The Colony of Aden ( "") was a British Crown colony from 1937 to 1963 located in the south of contemporary Yemen. It consisted of the port of Aden and its immediate surroundings (an area of ).

Die Kolonie Aden war von 1937 bis 1963 Kronkolonie des Britischen Weltreichs und bestand aus der südarabischen Hafenstadt Aden und ihrer Umgebung. Von 1839 bis 1932 war das 121 km2 große Gebiet als Niederlassung Aden Teil der Präsidentschaft Bombay und dann noch bis 1937 unmittelbar Britisch-Indien unterstellt. Im Hinterland der Kolonie Aden befand sich das Protektorat Aden.


German ocean-going torpedo boats and destroyers of World War I

Liste deutscher Großer Torpedoboote (1898–1919)

Designation.

Officially they were called "large torpedo-boats" ("Große Torpedoboote") or "ocean-going torpedo-boats" ("Hochseetorpedoboote"), they were in many ways the equivalent of the contemporary destroyers in other navies (and were often referred to as such by their crews). The Imperial German Navy also had a number of vessels officially designated "destroyers" ("Zerstörer"), but numbered sequentially as torpedo-boats. These were, primarily, vessels under construction for foreign navies and taken over at the outbreak of the First World War.

Background.

The first German Naval Law of 1898 legislated the construction of an ocean-going battle fleet by Imperial Germany. To accompany the squadrons of battleships and cruisers, the law called for the construction of flotillas of considerably larger, better armed and more seaworthy than the previous torpedo boats built by Germany. Although they were initially given numbers in the same series as the smaller torpedo-boats, they were separated in 1911, with the large torpedo boats numbered from SMS "V1", and the older vessels re-numbered with a 'T-'prefix. During the next 20 years a total of 336 such vessels were ordered for the German navy; these vessels are listed in this article.

General remarks.

Programs.

The German Navy's strength during the years prior to the outbreak of the First World War was mandated by a series of acts of the Reichstag, which prescribed the numbers of ships constituting the fleet, as well as age at which these ships should be replaced. The original 1898 Naval Law called for a force 19 Battleships (in two battle squadrons), 8 Armored Coastal Defense Vessels (forming a third battle squadron), 12 large and 30 small cruisers, supported by six flotillas of Ocean-going torpedo boats (two flotillas each for the three battle squadrons). Each flotilla consisted of 12 vessels, or 72 in total. Admiral Tirpitz, the originator of this law, called for these vessels to be large enough to cope with rough seas, but small enough to be commanded by a single officer (due to the man-power constraints of the German Navy at that time).  The 1900 Naval Law, which provided for a major expansion of the German Navy (in reaction to the growing antipathy towards Great Britain provoked by the outbreak of the Boer War) expanded the torpedo-boat force to 144 vessels, half in commission, half in reserve with 60% nucleus crews. From 1898 until 1905, torpedo boats were ordered at a rate of 6 per year.  The total number of torpedo boats remained the same under the 1906 Law, although the number in commission increased to 99, with 45 in material reserve. Older vessels were to be replaced after 12 years of service, so that the annual rate of construction increased to 12 vessels in 1906 and subsequent years.  Following the outbreak of war in August 1914, 48 new vessels of the latest design were quickly ordered. This was augmented in the following weeks by seizures of vessels and machinery under manufacture in Germany for foreign powers, resulting in the addition of 4 small and 12 extra-large torpedo boats (the later group officially being designated "destroyers"). More orders were placed in 1916 and later years, although the deteriorating war situation of Germany meant that only a portion of these vessels were ever completed.

Designations and builders.

As was common with other naval powers, the Germany Admiralty gave broad specifications for the vessels they ordered but allowed shipbuilders considerable latitude in the detail designs, with the result that there were various minor differences between vessels, even between vessels ordered in the same year. German torpedo-boats were not given names, but were numbered in a sequential series, with an initial letter to denote the builder:

Comparison with foreign vessels.

Germany's main naval adversary of this period was Great Britain. Generally speaking, German large torpedo-boats tended to be slightly smaller than contemporary British destroyers, with lighter gun armament but heavier torpedo armament. Germany favored a well-deck forward of the bridge, mounting torpedo tubes, with a short fo'c'sle mounting a single gun; the freeboard was kept small in order to reduce the silhouette (so that the vessel would be more difficult for an adversary to spot); these features made fighting in rough weather difficult, and in later designs the well-deck was deleted and the fo'c'sle extended. Germany was slower than Britain in adopting new propulsion technologies such as steam turbines, oil fuel and geared turbines.

Type 1898.

1898 Program  1899 Program 1900 Program 1901 Program 1902 Program 1903 Program 1904 Program 1905 Program

Type 1906.

1906 Program (II Flotilla) 1907 Program (VI Flotilla) 1908 Program (III Flotilla) 1909 Program (VIII Flotilla) 1910 Program (I Flotilla) 1910 supplementary order Replacements for the four vessels sold to Turkey in 1910.

Type 1911.

1911 Program (V Flotilla) On completion, these vessels formed the V Torpedo Boat Flotilla of the High Seas Fleet. 1912 Program (VII Flotilla) On completion, these vessels formed the VII Torpedo Boat Flotilla of the High Seas Fleet. 1912 Supplementary order Replacements for the two vessels sold to Greece in 1912.

Type 1913.

1913 Program (IX Flotilla) Ordered 1 Apr 1913. On completion, most of these vessels joined the IX Torpedo Boat Flotilla of the High Seas Fleet. 1914 Program (VI Flotilla) The last pre-war Flotilla, ordered 22 Apr 1914. On completion, most of these vessels joined the VI Torpedo Boat Flotilla of the High Seas Fleet, (replacing "V 151-V 161"). Mobilization Program 48 vessels ordered 6 Aug 1914 as part of the mobilization of the German armed forces for the First World War. The first two, "S 49" and "S 50" had been originally projected as replacements for "S35" and "S 36", which were sold to Greece in April 1914.

Destroyers ("Zerstörer").

Mobilization Program (Aug 1914)  Four vessels ordered on 7 Aug 1914 and 10 Aug 1914 to make use of machinery sets constructed in Germany for the Russian Orfey-class destroyers "Leitenant Ilin, Kapitan Konon-Zotov, Gavriil" and "Michail". October 1914 order  ex-Argentinian vessels Requisitioned 15 Aug 1914.

ex-Netherlands torpedoboats.

Designed and built as Z1 – Z4 for the Netherlands, seized 10 Aug 1914.

Type 1916.

Apr 1916 Program

1916 Mobilization Type.

June 1916 Program Nov 1916 Program 1917 Program Total: 22 vessels (none completed).

1918 Mobilization Type.

The final First World War-era German torpedo boat design were large (1,268 tons) vessels with geared turbines and a heavy armament (4-105mm guns and 6–50 cm torpedo tubes).  Jan 1918 Program "V 170-V 177", "S 178-S 185" and "H 186-H 193" (24 vessels in total; none completed). None had been launched by the time of the armistice, after which all contracts were cancelled.  Jun 1918 Program "H 194-H 202, V 203-V 210" and "S 211-S 223" (30 vessels in total, none completed). None of these proceeded further than a very preliminary stage of construction; all were cancelled after the armistice.

Tactical organization.

As an indication of the employment of the Imperial German Navy's large torpedo boats, the following provide skeleton orders of battle for these vessels at various dates during the First World War. The basic tactical unit was the Torpedo-Boat Flotilla, consisting of two half-flotillas (typically five vessels each) plus one vessel for the flotilla commander.

Mid-October 1914.

This list shows the dispositions early in the war, after mobilization was complete
 High Seas Fleet
 I. TBF: "V 191" (leader); 1. hf: "V 186, V 190, V 188, G 197, V 189"; 2. hf: "G 196, G 193, G 195, G 192, G 194"
 II. TBF: "S 149" (leader); 3. hf: "S 138, S 139, S 141, S 140, S 142"; 4. hf: "S 144, S 145, S 147, S 146, S 148"
 III. TBF: "S 167" (leader); 5. hf: "V 162, V 163, V 164, S 165, S 166"; 6. hf: "G 173, G 169, G 172, G 170, S 168"
 IV. TBF: "T 113" (leader); 7. hf: "S 119, S 122, S 117, S 118, S 115"; 8. hf: "S 128, T 111, S 129, S 126, T 110"
 V. TBF: "G 12" (leader); 9. hf: "V 6, V 1, V 3, V 4, V 5"; 10. hf: "G 11, G 9, G 7, G 8, G 10"
 VI. TBF: "V 150" (leader); 11. hf: "V 151, V 153, V 154, V 152, V 155"; 12. hf: "V 156, V 157, V 159, V 158, V 160"
 VII. TBF: "S 24" (leader); 13. hf: "S 14, S 15, S 13, S 16, S 18"; 14. hf: "S 19, S 21, S 23, S 20, S 22"
 VIII. TBF: "G 174" (leader); 15. hf: "V 181, V 183, V 182, S 130, S 131"; 16. hf: "S 176, S 177, S 179, V 180, G 175"
 IX. TBF: "S 28" (leader); 17. hf: "V 25, V 26, V 27, S 31, S 32"; 18. hf: "V 30, V 29, S 33, S 34, S 35, S 36"
 tenders to U-Boat Flotillas: "T 109, T 99, T 100, T 101"
 fleet tenders (attached to fleet flagship, battle Squadrons etc.): "T 98, T 96"  Other areas
 Baltic: 19. hf: "S 120, G 134, S 124, S 127, T 97"; 20. hf: "G 133, G 132, G 135, G 136"
 Coastal Defense: Jade/Weser Division : "T 91, T 93, T 94, T 95, T 107"; Elbe Division: "S 114"
 East Asia: "S 90"

May 1916.

The following list of front line torpedo boats reflects the situation immediately prior to the Battle of Jutland. High Seas Fleet I. TBF: "S 32" (leader); 1. hf: "G 39, G 40, G 38, V 190, G 197"; 2. hf: "G 192, G 195, G 196, G 193" II. TBF: "B 98" (leader); 3. hf: "G 101, G 102, B 112, B 97"; 4. hf: "B 109, B 110, B 111, G 103, G 104" III. TBF: "S 53" (leader); 5. hf: "V 71, V 73, V 74, G 88, G 85"; 6. hf: "V 48, V 70, S 55, S 54, G 42" V. TBF: "G 11" (leader); 9. hf: "V 6, V 2, V 3, V 1, V 4"; 10. hf: "G 8, G 7, V 5, G 9, G 10" VI. TBF: "G 41" (leader); 11. hf: "V 44, S 49, V 43, G 87, G 86"; 12. hf: "V 69, S 50, V 46, V 45, G 37" VII. TBF: "S 24" (leader); 13. hf: "S 15, S 17, S 20, S 16, S 18"; 14. hf: "S 19, S 23, V 186, V 189" IX. TBF: "V 28" (leader); 17. hf: "V 27, V 26, S 36, S51, S 52"; 18. hf: "V 30, S 34, S 33, V 29, S 35"  Baltic VI. Scouting Group: "V 100" IV. TBF: "V 160" (leader); 7. hf: "V 154, G 133, S 140, S 143, S 145, V 151, V 152, V 155, V 157, V 158, V 161" VIII. TBF: "S 178" (leader); 15. hf: "V 183, V 182, V 181, V 185, V 184"; 16. hf: "S 176, V 180, G 174, S 179, G 175" X. TBF: "S 56" (leader); 19. hf: "V 78, S 143, S 148, S 147, S 139"; 20. hf: "V 72, V 75, S 57, G 89, V 77" attached: "T 107, S 146"; 21. hf: "S 167, G 169, G 170, S 168, G 137".  Flanders Destroyer Flotilla: hf Cleve: "V 67, V 68, V 47"  Auxiliary service Minesweeper flotillas: "T 103, S 149, G 136, T 104" North Sea patrol flotillas: "S 127, S 128"; coastal defence: "T 93, S 131, T 110, T 106, T 97, T 105, G 135, T 112, T 113, S 114, S 120, S 138" Tenders to U-Boat flotillas: "T 159, T 99, G 137, T 101, G 132"; fleet tenders: "T 96, T 98" Training: "G 134, S 126, S 122, S 121, S 131, V106, V 108, T 102, T 108, V 105, S 130, S 125"

April 1918.

The following is the situation in the North Sea at the end of April 1918, at the time of the last offensive sortie of the High Seas Fleet.  High Seas Fleet I. TBF: "V 129" (leader); 1. hf: "G 39, G 38, G 40, G 86, S 32"; 2. hf: "V 130, S 135, S 133, S 134, S 139" II. TBF: "B 97" (leader); 3. hf: "G 101, G 103, V 100, G 104, G 102"; 4. hf: "B 109, B 110, B 112, B 98, B 111" V. TBF: "G 11" (leader); 9. hf: "V 6, S 23, V 3, V 2, V 1, T 196, T 197"; 10. hf: "G 8, V 5, G 10, G 7, G 9, T 183, T 181" VI. TBF: "V 128" (leader); 11. hf: "V 127, V 126, S 131, V 125, S 132"; 12. hf: "V 43, V 45, S 50, S 49, V 46, V 44" VII. TBF: "S 62" (leader); 13. hf: "V 78, S 65, S 66, V 83, S 56"; 14. hf: "T 182, G 92, G 89" ("G 87, G 93, G 94" were all sunk 30 Mar 1918) VIII. TBF: "T 180" (leader) ; 15. hf: "T 193, T 195, T 192, T 189, T 190"; 16. hf: "T 176, T 178, T 174, T 179, T 186" IX. TBF: "V 78" (leader); 17. hf: "V 80, S 52, S 51, S 60, S 36"; 18. hf: "V 30, V 26, V 28, S 34, S 33" Serving with Mine-sweeping Flotillas: "T 103, T 184, T 149, T 132" I. GF; 1. hf: "T 127, T 114, T 109, T 101, T 125, T 112, T 99, T 106, T 102, T 105, T 93"; 2. hf: "T 185, S 19, S 24, T 122, T 148, S 18, T 135, T 147, T 131, T 196, T 197"; 3. hf: "T 136, T 92, T 104, T 128, T 138, T 97" II. GF: "T 128"; 5. hf: "T 99"; 6. hf: "T 97"; 7. hf: "T 125"; 8. hf: "T 114"; 9. hf: "T 102"; 10. hf: "T 92", "T 128"; ("T 103" repairing)

September 1918.

The following is the disposition of all of Germany's ocean-going torpedo boats shortly before the end of the war.  High Seas Fleet I. TBF: 1. hf: "V 129, S 32, G 38, G 39, G 40, G 86"; 2. hf: "V 130, S 134, S 133, S 135, S 139" II. TBF: 3. hf: "B 98, G 101, G 102, G 103, G 104, V 100"; 4. hf: "B 97, B 109, B 110, B 111, B 112" V. TBF: 9. hf: "G 11, V 1, V 2, V 3, V 6, S 23"; 10. hf: "V 5, G 7, G 8, G 10" VI. TBF: 11. hf: "V 128, V 125, V 126, V 127, S 131, S 132"; 12. hf: "V 43, V 44, V 45, V 46, S 49, S 50" VII. TBF: ("V 116" to join); 13. hf: "V 83, V 78, S 65, S 56" ("S 138" to join); 14. hf: "G 92, G 89" ("S 136, S 137, H145" to join) VIII. TBF: 15. hf: "T 180, T 189, T 190, T 193, T 195"; 16. hf: "T 174, T 176, T 178, T 179, T 186" IX. TBF: 17. hf: "V 79, S 36, S 51, S 52, S 60, V 80"; 18. hf: "V 26, V 28, V 30, S 33, S 34" I. GF: 1. hf: "T 127, T 109, T 112, T 93, T 170, T 165, T 182, T 183, T 181"; 2. hf: "T 185, S 19, S 24, T 122, T 148, T 113, S 18, T 135, T 147, T 131, T 197, T 196"; 3. hf: "T 136, T 169" (plus twelve "A" Boats) II. GF: 5. hf: "T 99"; 6. hf: "T 97"; 7. hf: "T 125"; 8. hf: "T 114"; 9. hf: "T 102"; 10. hf: "T 92", "T 128"; ("T 103" repairing) Serving with Mine-sweeping Flotillas: "T 184, T 132, T 96, T 98"  Baltic IV. TBF: 7. hf: "T 160, T 133, T 139, T 140, T 143, T 145, T 151, T 152, T 154"; 19. hf: "T 155, T 157, T 158, T 104, T 106, T 175, T 101, T 105"  Flanders III. TBF: 5. hf: "V 71, S 53, V 73, V 81, G 41, V 77"; 6. hf: "S 54, S 55, V 70, G 91" Flanders Destroyer Flotilla: 1. hf: "V 47, V 67, G 95, S 61"; 2. hf: "S 63, V 69, V 82" out of service: "S 15, V 74"  Auxiliary service Baltic Training Flotilla: 1. hf: "T 173, T 166, T 134, V 108, T 107"; 2. hf: "T 167, T 163, T 142, T 126" Gunnery training: "T 144, T 146, T 168, V 105" Mine warfare vessels: "V 106, T 110, T 120" Tenders to U-boat flotillas: "T 130, T 137, T 153, T 159, T 161, T 164, T 108, T 121" Fleet tenders, etc.: "T 91, T 94, T 95, T 111, T 156, T 141".

See also.

English language  German language

The German large, or ocean-going, torpedo boats and destroyers of World War I were built by the Imperial German Navy between 1899 and 1918 as part of its quest for a “High Seas” or ocean-going fleet. At the start of the First World War Germany had 132 such ships, and ordered a further 216 during the conflict, 112 of which were actually completed. Of these, 55 were lost during the war, 50 were interned on 23 November 1918 under the terms of the Armistice, and subsequently scuttled at Scapa Flow on 21 June 1919. Of the survivors, 32 were included in the post-war Germany navy (some surviving to see service as auxiliaries in the Second World War), 36 were surrendered to Allied powers in 1920, and the remainder were scrapped in 1921.

Seit 1881 beschäftigte man sich im Deutschen Kaiserreich mit dem Entwurf von Torpedobooten. Nach dem Bau der ersten Prototypen, einem Vergleich konkurrierender Werft-Entwürfe und dem Feststellen taktischer und strategischer Zielsetzungen konnte 1884 bei der Schichau-Werft in Elbing die erste Serie Kleiner Torpedoboote in Auftrag gegeben werden. Die Kaiserliche Marine stellte bis 1898 insgesamt 89 konstruktiv aufeinander aufbauende Boote kontinuierlich verbesserter Entwürfe in Dienst. Ab dem Jahr 1895 stellte sich den Verantwortlichen in der Torpedo-Inspektion die Frage, ob die bisher gebauten Boote mit der internationalen Entwicklung, und hier insbesondere den in Großbritannien aufkommenden Zerstörern bzw. den französischen Hochsee-Torpedobooten, Schritt halten konnten. Im Jahr 1898 einigte man sich schließlich darauf, dass die neuen Boote wesentlich seefähiger sein und eine größere Seeausdauer bei einer verstärkten Bewaffnung besitzen sollten. Mit der Serie ab "S 90" baute die Kaiserliche Marine sogenannte Große Torpedoboote. Diese Liste enthält alle Großen Torpedoboote der Kaiserlichen Marine die in Auftrag gegeben worden sind resp. die Boote, die bis zum Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges bzw. dem Beginn der Weimarer Republik in Dienst kamen.


TA Midget.

The TA Midget replaced the PB in 1936. It was an evolution of the previous car and was wider in its track at and longer in its wheelbase at.  The previous advanced overhead-cam inline-four engine was by then not in use by any other production car so it was replaced by the MPJG OHV unit from the Wolseley 10, but with twin SU carburettors, modified camshaft and manifolding. The engine displaced just 1292 cc, with a stroke of and a bore of and power output was 50 hp (40.3 kW) at 4,500 rpm. The four-speed manual gearbox now had synchromesh on the two top ratios and was connected to the engine by a cork-faced clutch running in oil. Unlike the PB, hydraulic brakes were fitted with drums.  Like the PB, most were two-seat open cars with a steel body on an ash frame. A bench-type seat was fitted with storage space behind.  The T-type was capable of reaching almost in standard tune with a 0–60 mph time of 23.1 seconds. Allan Tomlinson won the 1939 Australian Grand Prix handicap driving an MG TA.  3,003 were made and in 1936 it cost £222 on the home market, the same as the PB.  When first introduced the model was known as the T Type and only after the advent of the TB did the TA designation come into use.

Tickford drophead coupé.

From 1938 the car could also be had with a more luxurious "Tickford" drophead coupé body by Salmons of Newport Pagnell, and 252 were made. The soft top could be used in three positions, fully open, closed or open just over the seats. Wind-up windows were fitted to the higher topped doors making the car more weathertight and individual bucket seats used in the fully carpeted interior. Complete chassis were fitted with a very basic body at the Abingdon factory and driven to Newport Pagnell to have their coachwork fitted.

Airline fixed head coupé.

A closed "Airline" coupé made by Carbodies, as fitted to the P type, was also offered but only one or two are thought to have been made.

TB Midget.

The TA was replaced by the TB Midget in May 1939. It had a smaller but more modern XPAG engine as fitted to the Morris Ten Series M, but in a more highly tuned state and like the TA with twin SU carburettors. This 1250 cc straight-four unit featured a slightly less undersquare bore and stroke and had a maximum power output of at 5200 rpm. The oil-immersed clutch was also replaced by a dry-plate type and gear ratios revised.  Available as an open two-seater or more luxurious Tickford drophead coupé, this is the rarest of the T-type cars, as production began just prior to Britain's entry into World War II. Only 379 TBs were made before the MG factory emptied its buildings and switched to making major aircraft components and modifying tanks.

TC Midget.

The TC Midget was the first postwar MG, and was launched in 1945. The TC is quite accurately well known as the (specific) car that caused the Sport Car "craze" in America. It was quite similar to the pre-war TB, sharing the same pushrod-OHV engine with a slightly higher compression ratio of 7.4:1 giving at 5200 rpm. The makers also provided information for several alternative stages of tuning for "specific purposes". The XPAG engine is well known for its tunability. The TC engine was a slightly improved version of the XPAG first introduced to MG in the TB. Notable improvement was through the addition of a hydraulically (oil pressure) adjusted timing chain tensioner. All TCs utilized a (single battery) 12 volt electrical system. All TCs came with 19" Dunlop wire wheels. Automatic mechanical timing advance was built into the ignition distributor.  It was exported to the United States, even though the car was only ever built in right-hand drive. The export version had slightly smaller US specification sealed-beam headlights (7-inch buckets) and twin tail lights, as well as turn signals and chromed front and rear bumpers with over riders.  The body was approximately 4 inches (100 mm) wider than the TB measured at the rear of the doors to give more cockpit space. The overall car width remained the same resulting in narrower running boards with two tread strips as opposed to the previous three. The tachometer was directly in front of the driver, while the speedometer/odometer was on the other side of the dash in front of the passenger, a nod to MG's trials history.  10,001 TCs were produced, from September 1945 (chassis number TC0251) to November 1949 (chassis number TC10251), more than any previous MG model. It cost £527 on the home (UK) market in 1947.  Fuel consumption was. Its 0–60 mph time was 22.7 seconds, a respectable performance at the time. A low fuel warning light would glow on the dash to alert the driver.

TD Midget.

The 1950 TD Midget announced in January 1950 combined the TC's drivetrain, a modified hypoid-geared rear axle, the MG Y-type chassis, a familiar T-type style body and independent suspension on front axle using coil springs from the MG Y-type saloon: a 1950 road-test report described as "most striking" the resulting "transformation... in the comfort of riding". The reference cited here was incorrect to infer the entire drive train was lifted from the TC, as along with the new hypoid differential, a completely different transmission was used (albeit also a four-speed). Also lifted from the company's successful 11⁄4-litre saloon was the (still highly geared) rack and pinion steering. In addition the TD featured smaller disc type road wheels, a left-hand drive option and standard equipment bumpers and over-riders. The car was also wider with a track of. It was seen by enthusiasts at the time as a disappointment, mild and "not a sports car". "... the new model is largely designed to consolidate and expand the car's sale in North America." The first TDs were actually built in late 1949.  For the driver the "all-weather protection" was good by the standards of the time. For night driving, instrument illumination was "effective but not dazzling, by a pale green lighting effect". There was still no fuel gauge, but the of tank capacity gave a range between refuelling stops of about 300 miles (480 km) and a green light on the facia flashed a "warning" when the fuel level was down to about.  In 1950 the TD MkII Competition Model was introduced, produced alongside the standard car, with a more highly tuned engine using an 8.1:1 compression ratio giving at 5,500 rpm. The higher compression ratio engine was offered with export markets in mind, and would not have been suitable for the UK, where thanks to the continued operation of wartime fuel restrictions, buyers were still limited to 72 octane "pool petrol". The TD MkII also featured twin fuel pumps, additional Andrex dampers, and a higher ratio rear-axle.  Nearly 30,000 TDs had been produced, including about 1700 Mk II models, when the series ended in 1953 with all but 1656 exported, 23,488 of them to the US alone. The main complaint that US owners had with the MG TD sold in the US was the British 12-volt electrical system, which was hard to service when most US cars were still using 6 volts. Also, they had minor complaints over the lack of water temperature and fuel gauges. But in general in surveys, owners of the Americanised MG TD had more positive remarks than negative. The 0– time was 22.7 seconds according to "Popular Mechanics".  An example tested by "The Motor" magazine in 1952 had a top speed of and could accelerate from 0– in 18.2 seconds. A fuel consumption of was recorded.  In 1998, the rights, intellectual properties and trademarks associated with the production of the MG TD were acquired by TD Cars Sdn Bhd in Malaysia to reproduce the TD series as TD2000.

TF and TF 1500 Midget.

The TF Midget, launched on 15 October 1953, was a facelifted TD, fitted with the TD Mark II engine, headlights faired into the fenders, a sloping radiator grille concealing a separate radiator, and a new pressurised cooling system along with a simulated external radiator cap. This XPAG engine's compression ratio had been increased to 8.1:1 and extra-large valves with stronger valve springs and larger carburettors increased output to 57.5 bhp at 5,500 rpm.  In mid-1954 the engine capacity was increased by 17 per cent to 1466 cc and designated XPEG. The bore was increased to and compression raised to 8.3:1 giving at 5,000 rpm and a 17 per cent increase in torque. The car was designated TF1500, and externally distinguished by a cream background enamel nameplate on both sides of the bonnet, placed just to the rear of the forward bonnet-release buttons.  Production ended at chassis number TF10100 on 4 April 1955 after 9,602 TFs had been manufactured, including two prototypes and 3,400 TF1500s. The TF was superseded by the MGA.

References.

Notes Bibliography

The MG T-Type is a series of body-on-frame open two-seater sports cars that were produced by MG from 1936 to 1955. The series included the MG TA, MG TB, MG TC, MG TD, and MG TF Midget models. The last of these models, the TF, was replaced by the MGA. Although the design was similar to contemporary cars of the 1930s, it came to be considered outdated by the 1950s.

Der MG T-Type mit den Modellen TA, TB, TC, TD und TF war ein einfacher Roadster mit separatem Rahmen, den MG von 1936 bis 1955 herstellte. Danach wurde er durch den MGA ersetzt.


History.

The present island of Lindau originally consisted of three separate islands, which were formed by the moraine of the Rhine Glacier: On an 1822 map (long before the construction of the railway, which opened in 1854) the three individual islands can be made out:  Even in 1831 it was said that: "the little town of Lindau lies on three islands in Lake Constance, linked by bridges..."  The remaining history of the island of Lindau is inextricably bound up with the history of the town of Lindau itself.

Geography.

The island of Lindau currently has about 3,000 inhabitants on an area of 68 hectares (0.68 km2). The last official figures from the population census of 25 May 1987 gave the population as 2755, making Lindau the second-largest island in Lake Constance after Reichenau in terms of area and population. For centuries, Lindau was the most populous island and it was only after the decline in population in the old town in the late 1980s that it passed the baton to Reichenau at the other end of the lake, which was six times the size and more rural in character. In the 1970 census, the island's population was still 4,413, and in 1904 as much as 5,853.  The island is separated from the Lindau quarter of Aeschach on the mainland by the Kleiner See. The "Kleiner See" is bounded in the east by the 150-metre-long Landtor Bridge ("Landtorbrücke"), over which the "Chelles Allee" runs, and in the west by the 410-metre-long railway causeway and covers an area of around 20 hectares. There was a bridge at this spot as early as the 13th century; by contrast the railway embankment was built in the 19th century. The railway causeway carries four tracks and has a heavily used cycleway and footpath on its eastern side. It has two bridges under which boats may pass. The railway running over the causeway from Aeschach to the island of Lindau was the last section of the Ludwig South-North Railway, to be taken into operation. It was opened on 1 March 1854 as part of the Allgäu Railway.  The old town of Lindau, which is a listed monument, occupies the large eastern part of the island of Lindau, also known as the "main island" ("Hauptinsel"). In the centre is the main street of "Maximilianstraße" with the two gable fronts of the town hall on the "Reichsplatz". Parallel to "Maximilianstraße" there is the "Ludwigstraße" in the south and the "Grub" in the north. The curvature of both roads enables the line of the medieval fortifications of the island to be seen. The smaller formerly separate island of "Hintere Insel" is located west of the historical town wall and the old moat. This rear part of the island was enlarged around 1970 by a good four hectares, by the reclamation of an area of the lake between the "Pulverschanze" and the "Sternschanze". It now covers an area of eleven hectares, about one sixth of the island and is dominated by the Lake Constance Clinic of ENT physician and cosmetic surgeon, Werner Mang. The westernmost point of the "Hintere Insel" and of the whole island is marked by the 1508 Powder Tower and the former Luitpold-Kaserne built in 1902/03.

On the island of Lindau in the eastern Lake Constance is the "Altstadt" of the Bavarian county town of Lindau, which occupies the eastern part of the island. The island of Lindau, which forms 2% of the area and 12% of the population of the entire town, is one of the town's ten administrative districts. The district is just called "Insel" ("Island").

Auf der Insel Lindau im östlichen Bodensee befindet sich die Altstadt der bayerischen Großen Kreisstadt Lindau, die den größeren östlichen Teil der Insel einnimmt. Die Insel Lindau, die flächenmäßig zwei Prozent und nach der Bevölkerung zwölf Prozent der Gesamtstadt auf sich vereinigt, bildet einen der zehn verwaltungsmäßigen Stadtteile der Stadt Lindau. Der Stadtteil heißt schlicht "Insel".


Production.

David Bottrill produced the record, after having previously worked with Tool, Muse, Silverchair, Remy Zero, and dEUS. James Brown, who worked on the band's 2006 album "Meds", engineered. It is also the first album with the new drummer, Steve Forrest. Recording took place at Metalworks Studios, Mississauga, Ontario.  On "Battle for the Sun", the band utilize new instruments, such as trumpets and saxophones. Molko even experimented with the Springtime (experimental electric guitar made by Yuri Landman).

Content.

The material on the album has influences from such bands as PJ Harvey and My Bloody Valentine.  Frontman Brian Molko said on the concept of the album: We've made a record about choosing life, about choosing to live, about stepping out of the darkness and into the light. Not necessarily turning your back on the darkness because it's there, it's essential; it's a part of who you are, but more about the choice of standing in the sunlight instead.  Molko has also stated that "Battle for the Sun" is the band's first album with a discernible thematic unity. Molko states that his favourite track from the album is "Speak in Tongues".  Molko was inspired to write bonus track "Unisex" by the movie "Cloverfield".  The mastered album features a slight peculiarity on track 9 ("Julien"): the vocals are doubled for a short duration, with a phrase, sung in low volume, preceding itself. Such artifacts can stem from a variety of sources such as production errors, or from encoding within the.mp3 or.mp4 formats, both of which suffer from just such a flaw.

Release.

The title track debuted on Zane Lowe's BBC Radio 1 show 17 March 2009. After the world première, it became available for free download on the band's official site. At an exclusive secret gig held on 17 March 2009, in London, the band played a number of new songs from the album, including the tracks "Ashtray Heart", "Julien", "Kitty Litter", and "Devil in the Details". They also covered Nik Kershaw's "Wouldn't It Be Good". The album was made available for streaming on the band's official website between 29 May and 31 May 2009.  "Battle for the Sun" was released on 8 June 2009 as a download, CD, limited edition CD and DVD, LP, and a limited edition box set. It reached number 8 in the UK Albums Chart. Its debut in US marked 10,000 copies sold, and worldwide shipments were 500,000 copies worldwide.  In 2009. It was awarded a diamond certification from the Independent Music Companies Association which indicated sales of at least 250,000 copies throughout Europe.  The box set features the full album plus two extra studio tracks, a CD to access exclusive live recorded tracks, a DVD of the December 2008 Angkor Wat performance, a DVD of exclusive studio footage and a 32-page photo book featuring exclusive artwork, photos and handwritten lyrics as well as the full album on 2 x Heavy Vinyl LP.

Critical reception.

"Battle for the Sun" received a generally favourite reaction from critics. Eddie Fleisher of "Alternative Press" gave the album 4 and a half out of 5 stars, writing that "Battle for the Sun" "takes the best elements of their sound and focuses it into a cohesive listening experience... there's no filler to be found". The review also notes how Steve Forrest as drummer gives the band a much-needed kick and how Brian Molko's lyrics are given more clarity. Fleisher also says the album contains two of the best Placebo songs ever, "Happy You're Gone" and "Kings of Medicine".  Others, however, have been less than receptive. "NME" said that "Battle for the Sun" was "a desperately transparent copy of originality. For those who still believe in them, Placebo will, at least, remain an efficacious live band at festivals this summer, but only given that the real thing (Suede, Muse, David Bowie, Nirvana et al) isn't currently on offer.". "Rolling Stone" added that "too many songs ("Devil in the Details") are full of bombast and bland angst, as if these smart guys know better but can't help themselves".

Battle for the Sun is the sixth studio album by English alternative rock band Placebo. It was recorded in Canada in 2008 and released on 8 June 2009 by record label PIAS. It is their first album with new drummer Steve Forrest, following the departure of Steve Hewitt in 2007.

Battle for the Sun ist das sechste Studioalbum der internationalen Alternative-Rock-Band Placebo. Es erschien am 5. Juni 2009 unter dem Label Play It Again Sam (PIAS).


History.

European settlement in the Northern Territory was attempted over a period of about forty years. Settlement finally succeeded in 1870, and an influx of both English and Chinese speakers followed. In order to communicate between these two groups and the local Aboriginal people, pidgins developed throughout the territory based on Port Jackson Pidgin English. By 1900, Northern Territory Pidgin English (NTPE) was widespread and well understood.  It creolised first in the Roper River Mission (Ngukurr), where cattle stations were established and a township developed.  During this period, the relations between the native and European people were strained. Aboriginal people fiercely defended their lands. However, the control of lands was eventually seized by the settlers, when a cattle company acquired much of the area. The settlers became more determined to take full control of the land from the native people and carried out a campaign to do so.  The resettlements and land seizures nearly annihilated the indigenous population and also provided one major factor in the development of the creole: drastic social change accompanied by severe communication difficulties.  The second requirement for the development of the creole was a new community, which came about when Anglican missionaries set up a refuge in the Roper River region in 1908. This brought together around 200 people from 8 different aboriginal ethnic groups, who spoke different native languages. Although the adults were multilingual because of frequent meetings and ceremonies, the children had yet to acquire their native language skills and so used the only common language they had: the NTPE. In their lifetime, these children were almost totally responsible for developing the pidgin into a full language.  Although the relations between the missionaries and Aboriginal people were friendly, the missions were not responsible for the development of Kriol. In fact, they tried to introduce Standard English as the official language for the mission, which the Aboriginal children used in class and with the missionaries, but Kriol still flourished.  Kriol was not recognised as a language until the 1970s, as it was regarded as a dialect of English rather than a language in its own right.

Varieties.

Kriol is very widely spoken in the Katherine area, but there are minor differences between the varieties of Kriol spoken in particular areas. Some speakers of Kriol prefer to refer to their language by their unique name. However, the varieties are quite similar. Debate is ongoing about whether the varieties should be named differently to highlight their different social significance or the varieties should all be lumped into one big category of Kriol.  The differences are not actually that large: Mari Rhydwen compares the distinction to the distinction between American and British English.  Roper River (Ngukurr) Kriol is also spoken in Barunga, and in the Daly River area a mutually intelligible variety is spoken, but Daly River speakers do not consider themselves to be Kriol speakers. There is the question of whether the varieties should be understood as different forms of Kriol to strengthen the identities of the respective region or they all should be seen as Kriol and potentially have a better chance of funding for bilingual education programs.

Kriol Bible translation.

On 5 May 2007, the first complete edition of the Bible in the Kriol language was launched at Katherine in the Northern Territory. Translation took over 29 years. It was undertaken by a team of native Kriol speakers led by Rev. Canon Gumbuli Wurrumara and specialists from the Society for Australian Indigenous Languages.  The Kriol Bible is the first complete edition of the Bible in any indigenous Australian language. The publication was a joint venture of The Bible Society, Lutheran Bible Translators, The Church Missionary Society, the Anglican church, Wycliffe Bible Translators and the Australian Society of Indigenous Languages. The following is Genesis 1:1,2 from this translation: "Orait, longtaim wen God bin stat meigimbat ebrijing, nomo enijing bin jidan. Imbin jis eniwei, nomo garram enijing. Oni strongbala woda bin goran goran ebriwei, en imbin brabli dakbala, en det spirit blanga God bin mubabat ontop langa det woda."

Dialects.

Dialects of the Kriol includes Roper River Kriol (Roper River Pidgin), Bamyili Creole (from Barunga area), Barkly Kriol, Fitzroy Valley Kriol, and Daly River Kriol.

Current issues.

A problem facing many communities in Northern Australia is that creole-speaking children are treated as though they speak English, but speak it badly; so they do not receive education in English as a second language. On the other hand, because they are not regarded as having a native mother tongue, they are denied access to education in their traditional language.  The only official bilingual language program in Kriol is at Barunga, which was established during the Whitlam government, and has successfully included Kriol as both a medium and an object of study. Funding is scarce for any further development of programs. Although Kriol is widely spoken, its literal translation is minimal, with the exception of the Bible, and stories produced for the bilingual program which are available through the Living Archive of Aboriginal Languages. This means that literacy rates of Kriol are quite low. Apart from practical implications of this, especially if English literacy is also low (i.e., written communication, education opportunities), it means that traditional stories are either not recorded in written form, or the Ngukurr people must rely on texts from Barunga, which may lessen the identity distinction between the two groups. However, Aboriginal cultures are not traditionally rooted in written records, so the lack of written versions of texts may be a function of the oral nature of Aboriginal storytelling.

Australian Kriol is an English-based creole language that developed from a pidgin used initially in the region of Sydney and Newcastle in New South Wales, Australia in the early days of European colonisation. Later, it moved west and north. The pidgin died out in most parts of the country, except in the Northern Territory, where the contact between European settlers, Chinese and other Asians and the Aboriginal Australians in the northern regions has maintained a vibrant use of the language, spoken by about 30,000 people. Despite its similarities to English in vocabulary, it has a distinct syntactic structure and grammar and is a language in its own right. It is distinct from Torres Strait Creole.

Kriol ist eine australische Kreolsprache, die sich aus dem Kontakt zwischen europäischen Siedlern und der indigenen Bevölkerung in den nördlichen Regionen Australiens entwickelte. Zurzeit wird Kriol von rund 4000 Menschen gesprochen. Trotz der Ähnlichkeit der Sprache mit dem englischen Vokabular hat es eine eigene Syntax und Grammatik und ist damit eine eigene Sprache.


Authors.

"The Courage to Heal" is written by Ellen Bass, a poet and creative writing teacher and her student Laura Davis, an author and incest survivor. Bass worked as a counselor and group facilitator with survivors of child sexual abuse. Bass is the wife of a survivor of child sexual abuse and Davis was sexually abused as a child and participated in one of Bass' creative writing workshops. Bass and Davis attributed efforts to confront incest and child sexual abuse to the women's liberation movement. While working with students, Bass and Davis came to believe that the stories of some students were trying to convey painful memories of incest. From this idea, the two developed methods to assist students in recovering memories of abuse in childhood.  Neither Bass nor Davis have any training in psychotherapy or science, and they state that nothing in the book is based on any psychological theories. They have defended their lack of training, saying that a PhD is not necessary "to listen carefully and compassionately to another human being". Bass and Davis still define themselves as healers and experts in the area of child sexual abuse, due to leading workshops with victims.

Summary.

The 2008 edition is divided into six sections:  The book includes in-depth interviews, writing exercises and a resource list.  The third edition featured an afterword called "Honoring the Truth: A Response to the Backlash", which was added to respond to and rebut negative reactions to the book. The section has been characterized as an effort to dismiss all research contradicting the book as being part of a backlash against victims of incest. The chapter was removed from the 20th anniversary edition.  The book was written as a response to the authors' frequent encounters with women who were the victims of sexual abuse during their childhood and adolescence, and is predicated on the belief that extreme childhood trauma, of which sexual abuse is one, is spontaneously repressed. The authors suggest that people experiencing dysfunction in their lives (including a wide-ranging set of problems such as depression, anxiety, alcoholism, drug addiction, dysfunctional relationships, dissociative identity disorder, self-injury and suicidal thoughts) or feel there was something traumatic in their childhood should investigate these feelings; Bass and Davis also present what they believe is a path to healing from the trauma of alleged childhood abuse. The latest edition features language more inclusive of male sexual abuse victims.  The original edition of the book contained an influential chapter discussing satanic ritual abuse (though satanic ritual abuse is now considered a moral panic, the case specifically discussed in "The Courage to Heal" is that of Judith Spencer, which has since been discredited) and the discredited autobiography "Michelle Remembers" - citing the latter approvingly along with other alleged survivor stories of satanic ritual abuse. Subsequent editions renamed the phenomenon "sadistic ritual abuse". "The Courage to Heal" was part of the vision that childhood sexual abuse could be discovered with no corroborating evidence beyond a vague set of symptoms.  Psychologists Carol Tavris and Elliot Aronson state that basic errors regarding the science of memory have never been corrected between editions; in the third edition, the book stated that for a small number of women their symptoms may have originated in emotional rather than sexual abuse.

Reception.

Reception of the book was "polarizing".  The book was a bestseller in North America and Europe, and has been described as "the bible of the'survivors' movement". Discussing the book in relation to narratives of incest, professors of English Janice Doane and Devon Hodges believe the book's popularity is due to it offering "an enormously enabling fantasy that by the same token refuses a complex analysis of the very means of recovery, writing, that it so confidently touts" and for promising to completely make sense of the reader's lives through the simple process of writing. A large number of therapists who used the book lacked training in research and awareness of the confirmation bias failed to appreciate the risks of seeing incest behind any symptom, or even a lack of symptoms and did not consider that other factors besides incest may have caused sexual problems in their clients.  A 1991 review states that "...reading and completing the exercises [does not] always results in all survivors overcoming all effects of child sexual abuse. Rather, survivors who have read the book have reported to me that it was helpful in dealing with the effects of the abuse." The book has been praised for being the first book for women to break open the taboo about sexual abuse. The book has also been praised for encouraging disclosure of abuse.  A 1995 review by psychologist and clinician Susan Contratto states that the book was perceived as dangerous by the antifeminist backlash since it legitimized stories of abuse as told by the survivors.  Bass and Davis have no formal training or qualifications in psychiatry, psychology or any form of treatment for mental illness. Psychologists Carol Tavris and Elliot Aronson state that despite the authors' lack of knowledge about the workings of memories, the scientific approach or information and lack of qualifications, neither author has ever acknowledged the errors they have made in their descriptions of memory and trauma. They accuse the authors of basic errors regarding the science of memory that they say have never been corrected between editions; in the third edition, the book stated that for a small number of women their symptoms may have originated in emotional rather than sexual abuse. This lack of qualifications resulted in Bass, Davis and others who adopted their approach leaping to conclusions that caused considerable harm, irrespective of their intentions. They have been accused of creating an industry which has isolated and separated family members despite having no positive proof the abuse occurred, and for replacing individual identities with that of a "survivor". Bass and Davis also never acknowledged criticisms that their description of how memory works was flawed or incorrect. Paul R. McHugh, professor of psychiatry at Johns Hopkins University and award-winning researcher in the field of memory describes the book as the "bible of incompetent therapists". A report for the Australian branch of the False Memory Syndrome Foundation (FMSF) found the book was linked to nearly 50% of the cases in which a false allegation of child sexual abuse was made based on recovered memories and a 2005 report by the Health Services Commissioner to the Minister for Health of Australia stated that some respondents from families where there were accusations of child sexual abuse called for the book to be banned, believing that it promotes the practice of recovered memory therapy. Frederick Crews has criticized the book for appealing not to women who have always remembered abuse, but rather being aimed at those who struggle to convince themselves they were abused as children in the absence of previously-existing memories, and that the authors' claim to promote self-esteem are actually based "on a shattering of their readers' prior sense of identity and trust".  Elizabeth Loftus, an award-winning researcher on memory, stated that the book was certainly very comforting to individuals living with memories of abuse, but questioned the effect it would have on people who do not have such memories, and suggested "The Courage to Heal" may be one of many sources of false memories for some individuals. Loftus also stated that "All roads on the search for popular writings inevitably lead to [the book]". "The Courage to Heal" encourages the use of strategies such as guided imagery to access and attempting to elaborate details and emotions and discouraging individuals from questioning the memories recovered.  According to psychologist Bryan Tully, the authors believe that children frequently forget and repress memories of abuse, and claim that intuition and symptoms are sufficient to confirm abuse.  Professors of English Doane and Hodges note that the book was widely condemned for its use of checklists to determine if the reader was abused, describing the complaints made against the book as being as formulaic as the stories it engenders (in part due to things like the "notorious") and only criticizing parts of the book. Doane and Hodges also state that the use of "you" throughout the book blinds Davis and Bass to their shaping of the identity of the reader and their story.  Bass and Davis responded to the controversy surrounding the book by writing "Honoring the Truth: A Response to the Backlash", a new chapter included the 1994 edition to respond to and rebut criticisms of the book, though this was removed from the 20th anniversary edition. Since its second edition, the book has contained a case study of an individual who was allegedly a victim of satanic ritual abuse, now considered a moral panic.  A 2009 newsletter from the American branch of the False Memory Syndrome Foundation (FMSF) criticizes the 20th anniversary edition, saying, "No book did more to spread false memory syndrome". The book was described as vicious, and filled with factual errors about the FMSF and the nature of memory, though the anniversary edition is described as better, without the outrageous features of earlier publications and that in the new edition, the FMSF is not mentioned in the book's index. The book is still dedicated to recovering memories, and does not warn the reader of the doubts scientists have about its premises. The book's final case study is still a depiction of satanic ritual abuse, without noting the FBI's report that concluded there was no evidence for the phenomenon.  The third edition of the book, published in 1994, included a chapter entitled "Honoring the Truth," in which the authors respond to the book’s critics. The FMSF criticized the chapter about their organization as filled with factual errors and written by a man who had no known credentials and no scientific publications in the relevant fields; the discussion of the FMSF was removed from the 20th anniversary edition.

The Courage to Heal: A Guide for Women Survivors of Child Sexual Abuse (first published in 1988, with three subsequent editions, the last being a 20th anniversary edition in 2008) is a self-help book by poet Ellen Bass and Laura Davis that focuses on recovery from child sexual abuse and has been called "controversial and polarizing".

The Courage to Heal: A Guide for Women Survivors of Child Sexual Abuse (deutsch: Trotz allem – Wege zur Selbstheilung für Frauen, die sexuelle Gewalt erfahren haben) ist ein populäres Selbsthilfebuch für Personen (vor allem Frauen), die sexuelle Gewalt erfahren haben. Autorinnen sind Ellen Bass (eine feministische Aktivistin) und Laura Davis (eine Inzestüberlebende).


Biography.

Early life and education.

Leonard was born in Seattle, Washington, where she also grew up. She graduated from the Lakeside School, and received an undergraduate degree from Barnard College in 1987 and a graduate degree from Cornell University in City and Regional Planning.

Career.

After interning at the National Wildlife Federation in the late 1980s, Leonard began working with Greenpeace on a campaign to ban international waste dumping, traveling around the world to track garbage and hazardous waste sent from developed to less developed countries. "I was sneaking into the factories where it was being disposed, interviewing the workers, taking hair samples and soil samples to prove the environmental health harm," she later explained in an interview with Cornell University.  In 1992, she testified in front of the US Congress on the topic of international waste trafficking. The work of Greenpeace and other organizations led to the 1992 Basel Convention, an international treaty to protect less developed countries from the dumping of hazardous waste by transnational corporations based in developed countries.  Leonard is best known as the creator and narrator of the animated documentary about the life cycle of material goods, "The Story of Stuff" (2007). The documentary began as an hour-long talk and was made into a condensed film version based on popular demand. She also wrote a book version of the film, published in 2010 in the United States by Free Press of Simon & Schuster, in the UK by Constable & Robinson, and in Germany by Econ Verlag.  After "The Story of Stuff", she created "The Story of Cap and Trade" (2009), which addresses emissions trading. Subsequent productions include "The Story of Bottled Water", "The Story of Cosmetics", "The Story of Electronics", "The Story of Citizens United v. FEC", "The Story of Broke", "The Story of Change", and "The Story of Solutions".  In addition to her work on the "Story of Stuff" films, Leonard was co-creator and coordinator of GAIA (the Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives), serving on the boards of International Forum on Globalization (IFG) and the Environmental Health Fund. She previously worked for Health Care Without Harm, Essential Information, and Greenpeace International, and was coordinator of the Funders Workgroup for Sustainable Production and Consumption.  Leonard was named the Executive Director for Greenpeace USA in May 2014.

Personal life.

Leonard lives in the San Francisco Bay Area with her daughter Dewi, born in 1999.

Annie Louise Leonard (born 1964) is an American proponent of sustainability and a critic of consumerism. She created the animated film "The Story of Stuff" (2007), which describes the life cycle of material goods. In 2014, she became the Executive Director of Greenpeace USA.

Annie Leonard (* 1964 in Seattle, Washington) ist eine US-amerikanische Kritikerin, die sich vornehmlich mit internationalen Wirtschaftsbeziehungen, Entwicklung, Gesundheitswesen und Nachhaltigkeit beschäftigt. Sie ist vor allem bekannt für ihre Internet-Dokumentation "The Story of Stuff" über den Lebenszyklus von Gütern und Dienstleistungen. Seit 2014 ist Leonard Executive Director von Greenpeace USA.


Early life and education.

He was born in Belgravia in London, the eldest son of Lady Violet Manners, daughter of the 8th Duke of Rutland, and Capt. Hugo Francis Charteris, Lord Elcho, who was killed in action in 1916 in Egypt while serving in the First World War. He was educated at Eton College and at Balliol College, Oxford (BA 1933), and also studied agriculture at both Oxford and Cambridge as a postgraduate student. At age 25, he succeeded his grandfather in the family titles in 1937.

Career.

Wemyss was commissioned into the Lovat Scouts (Territorial Army) as a 2nd Lieutenant in 1932. He was promoted to Lieutenant in 1935 and transferred to the TA Reserve of Officers in 1937, and served as a Colonial Administrator in Basutoland from 1937 until 1944. During the Second World War, he did not rejoin the Lovat Scouts but instead served as a major with Basuto troops in the African Auxiliary Pioneer Corps from 1941 to 1944 in North Africa, on account of his fluency in Sotho.  He was Deputy Lieutenant from 1959 to 1967 and Lord Lieutenant of East Lothian from 1967 until 1987, and a Justice of the Peace since 1957. He was appointed as Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland in 1959, 1960 and 1977. He held the honorary appointment of Lord Clerk Register from 1974 until 2007.  He was a Lieutenant in the Royal Company of Archers. He was Chairman of the Council of the National Trust for Scotland 1947 to 1967, President from 1967 to 1991, and had been President Emeritus since 1991. He was Chairman of the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland from 1949 to 1984, President of the Royal Scottish Geographical Society from 1958 to 1962, and President of the National Bible Society of Scotland from 1960 to 1983. He was formerly a director of Standard Life and of Scottish Television.

Personal life.

He married, first, in 1940, Mavis Lynette Gordon Murray (d. 1988), daughter of Edwin Edward Murray, of Hermanus, Cape Province, South Africa. They had two daughters and two sons. The elder son, Iain David Charteris, Lord Elcho & Methil, was born on 20 June 1945 and died in a motor accident on 3 April 1954. Their younger daughter Caroline Letty Charteris was born on 5 November 1946 and died on 22 November 1946. Lord Wemyss married, secondly, in 1995, Shelagh Kathleen Kennedy, "née" Thrift.  He lived in Gosford House, Longniddry, East Lothian. He died on 12 December 2008 at the Royal Victoria Hospital, Edinburgh, aged 96. He is buried in the family enclosure on the north side of Aberlady Churchyard. Lady Wemyss died in 2019.  His younger son, James Donald Charteris, Lord Neidpath (b. 22 June 1948), succeeded his father.

Honours.

Wemyss was made a Knight of the Thistle in 1966. He held an honorary LLD from the University of St Andrews awarded in 1953, and an honorary DUniv from the University of Edinburgh awarded in 1983.

Francis David Charteris, 12th Earl of Wemyss and 8th Earl of March (19 January 1912 – 12 December 2008), styled Lord Elcho from 1916 to 1937, was a Scottish peer, landowner and conservationist. From 1946 to 1991, he served as chairman of the board and then president of the National Trust for Scotland.

Francis David Charteris, 12. Earl of Wemyss, 8. Earl of March KT (* 12. Januar 1912 in Stanway; † 12. Dezember 2008 in Edinburgh) war ein britischer Peer.


Contents.

A range of views on various world religions is explored as Bill Maher travels to numerous religious destinations including Jerusalem, the Vatican, and Salt Lake City, interviewing believers from a variety of backgrounds and groups. These include a former member of Jews for Jesus, Christians, Muslims, former Mormons, and Hasidic Jews. Maher travels to Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park, London, where he "preaches" Scientology beliefs.  Maher also takes a tour around Creation Museum and the Holy Land Experience.

Production.

Maher said he used a fake title "A Spiritual Journey" for the film to obtain interviews. Creationist Ken Ham of the group Answers in Genesis, who appeared in the film, was critical of what he called Maher's "deception" to obtain the interview.  The documentary was produced by Thousand Words and distributed by Lions Gate Entertainment. Originally slated for an international release date coinciding with the Christian Easter holiday 2008 (March 23), post-production delays resulting from a screenwriters guild strike pushed the release date back. The film was eventually released on October 3, 2008.

Reception.

Box office.

"Religulous" had an opening weekend take of $3.5 million from an early October 1 release in Los Angeles and New York City and also a limited 502-theater release, averaging $6,972 per theater. As a result, the film was ranked at #10 at the box office that weekend. Its per-screen receipts were almost three times those of a competing film to which it has been compared in the media, the politically conservative "An American Carol", which edged out "Religulous" to finish at #9 over the same weekend, but had a per theater average of only $2,325. Only the #1 movie, "Beverly Hills Chihuahua", at $9,020, had a higher per-screen average than "Religulous".  For the second weekend, "Religulous" had a 35.5% drop in box office receipts and dropped to #13 with a gross of $2,200,000 at 568 theaters for a per screen average of $3,873.  "Religulous" grossed over $13 million after having a production budget of $2.5 million., it is 27th among the highest grossing documentaries in the US and was the highest grossing documentary of 2008.

Critical response.

"Religulous" received mixed to positive reviews. On Rotten Tomatoes the film has an approval rating of 69%, based on 154 reviews, with an average rating of 6.31/10. The site's critical consensus reads, ""Religulous" is funny and offensive in equal measure, and aims less to change hearts and minds than to inspire conversation." On Metacritic the film has a score of 56 out of 100, based on 31 critics, "mixed or average reviews".  Film critic Roger Ebert gave the film a rating of three and a half out of four stars, and wrote: "I report faithfully that I laughed frequently. You may very well hate it, but at least you've been informed. Perhaps you could enjoy the material about other religions, and tune out when yours is being discussed. That's only human nature."  Robert W. Butler of "The Kansas City Star" gave the film a rating of three stars, and commented: "The film is one-sided, less a measured argument than a bunch of rants and barbed observations. But it’s also very funny, which trumps everything else." Owen Gleiberman of "Entertainment Weekly" gave the film a rating of A-, and wrote: "The movie is funny as...well, hell." "The Canadian Press" said the movie "delivers a laugh-out-loud attack on the most sacred of cows." Christie Lemire, of the Associated Press, wrote: "If you're an atheist or an agnostic, you'll be completely on board and happy to tag along with Maher as he travels the globe asking people about their faith — everywhere from Jerusalem to the Vatican to Amsterdam, where he finds not only the Cannabis Ministry but also a Muslim gay bar (with two people in it)." John Anderson of "Newsday" wrote: "much that's funny, insightful and thought-provoking. But it certainly doesn't give the religious a lot of slack."  The documentary received some negative reviews, with Rick McGinnis of "Metro" concluding that, "Maher is preaching to the choir with an undisguised dishonesty that only the true believers will forgive." James Berardinelli wrote, "If the subject of religion is as important to Maher as he claims during his end comments, then he should have followed those words with actions and made a movie that's more than a sum of inauthentic interviews, ranting attacks, and obvious observations. The choir may hum along with Maher but the rest of those watching this movie will be singing the blues." Nick Schager of "Slant Magazine" called it an "atheistic wannabe-dissection of modern faith."  In a review for "The New York Times", Stephen Holden notes that when Maher "turns from evangelical Christianity to Judaism and Islam, its tone becomes uncertain and its rhythm choppy". Sam Greenspan argues that "Jewish people seemed to get handled with kid gloves" by Maher. Muslims, however, are portrayed as relentlessly anti-Semitic and as holding views on freedom of speech and of religion incompatible with Western culture.  In his review Stephen Holden also wrote that "the movie has the same loose, on-the-road structure" as Larry Charles' previous film "" and commented: "Much of Mr. Maher’s film is extremely funny in a similarly irreverent, offhanded way." Claudia Puig of "USA Today" wrote: "those with a taste for irreverent humor and clear-eyed analysis will find it funny, enlightening and disturbing." Kirk Honeycutt of "The Hollywood Reporter" characterized the film as "An often hilarious but relentlessly shallow attack on religious fundamentalism by humorist Bill Maher". Louis Peitzman of the "San Francisco Bay Guardian" wrote that "It doesn't even matter that he goes out of his way to be offensive, as he's consistently funny enough to pull it off." Scott Indrisek wrote at "Style.com" that: ""Religulous" earns many of its laughs from skillful editing, with Maher's interviews jazzed up by video clips". Ben Kenigsberg of "Time Out New York" gave the film a rating of three out of six stars, and wrote: "The worst scenes in "Religulous" are appalling for their methods; the best are appalling for their information."  Harry Forbes of Catholic News Service condemned the film, deeming it "morally offensive."  The 3rd Annual Independent Investigative Group IIG Awards presented an award to "Religulous" recognizing the promotion of science and critical thinking in popular media on May 18, 2009.

DVD release.

Lions Gate Entertainment released the film on DVD February 17, 2009. Special features on the DVD include a commentary with Bill Maher and director Larry Charles, deleted scenes, and extended Bill Maher monologues from around the world that were either edited down or not included in the film at all.

Possible sequel.

On January 4, 2015, Maher tweeted a photo of himself and director Larry Charles with the caption: "Director Larry Charles on the Hawaii trip this year...was ""Religulous II"" discussed??", suggesting the possibility of a sequel.

Religulous () is a 2008 American documentary film written by and starring comedian Bill Maher and directed by Larry Charles. The title of the film is a portmanteau derived from the words "religious" and "ridiculous". The documentary examines and challenges religion and religious belief.

Religulous [] (Kofferwort gebildet im engl. aus "religion" – Religion – und "ridiculous" – lächerlich) ist ein US-amerikanischer satirischer Dokumentarfilm aus dem Jahr 2008. Das Drehbuch stammt von dem politischen Satiriker und Agnostiker Bill Maher, der zugleich im Mittelpunkt des Films steht. Regie führt Larry Charles. Der Film ähnelt im Stil teilweise dem Film "Borat" desselben Regisseurs, es handelt sich bei "Religulous" aber anders als bei "Borat" nicht um eine Mockumentary. Inhaltlich geht es um Religionsgemeinschaften und Glauben. Im Mittelpunkt stehen insbesondere, aber nicht nur, radikale Gläubige.


History.

In 1901, statistics were collected by each state for their individual use. While attempts were made to coordinate collections through an annual Conference of Statisticians, it was quickly realised that a National Statistical Office would be required to develop nationally comparable statistics.  The Commonwealth Bureau of Census and Statistics (CBCS) was established under the Census and Statistics Act in 1905. Sir George Knibbs was appointed as the first Commonwealth Statistician. Initially, the Bureau was located in Melbourne and was attached to the Department of Home Affairs. In 1928, the Bureau was relocated to Canberra and in 1932, it moved to the Treasury portfolio.  Initially, the states maintained their own statistical offices and worked together with the CBCS to produce national data. However, some states found it difficult to resource a state statistical office to the level required for an adequate statistical service. In 1924, the Tasmanian Statistical Office transferred to the Commonwealth. On 20 August 1957, the NSW Bureau of Statistics was merged into the Commonwealth Bureau. Unification of the state statistical offices with the CBCS was finally achieved in the late 1950s under the stewardship of Sir Stanley Carver, who was both NSW Statistician and Acting Commonwealth Statistician.  In 1974, the CBCS was abolished and the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) was established in its place. The Australian Bureau of Statistics Act in 1975, established the ABS as a statutory authority headed by the Australian Statistician and responsible to the Treasurer.

Organisational vision and values.

The ABS purpose is to "inform Australia's important decisions by partnering and innovating to deliver relevant, trusted, objective data, statistics and insights".  The ABS values work in conjunction with the broader Australian Public Service (APS) values and include impartiality, commitment to service, accountability, respect and ethical behaviour.

Modernisation.

From 2015 an investment of $250 million over five years by the Australian Government is being used to modernise ABS systems and processes, with the aim of delivering the best possible statistical program in more efficient and innovative ways.

Census of population and housing.

The ABS undertakes the Australian census of population and housing (census). The census is conducted every five years under the authority of the federal "Census and Statistics Act 1905".  The last Australian census was held on 9 August 2016. This was Australia's 17th national census.  The census of population and housing is the largest statistical collection undertaken by the ABS and one of the most important. The census aims to accurately measure the number of people and dwellings in Australia on census night, and a range of their key characteristics. This information is used to inform public policy as well as electoral boundaries, infrastructure planning and the provision of community services. Users of census data include government, the media, not for profit organisations, researchers and academics, among others.  Results from the 2016 census were available on the ABS website from 27 June 2017.

2016 census.

A move was undertaken by the ABS to largely implement the census online through their website and logins rather than through traditional paper forms. The 2016 census was unavailable for 43 hours from 7.30 pm on 9 August due to a series of events which prompted the ABS to take the form offline. The Chief Statistician, David Kalisch, said the website was closed after multiple internet (distributed) denial-of-service attacks targeted the online form. The Australian Signals Directorate (ASD) confirmed the incident was a DDoS attack and that it did not result in any unauthorised access to, or extraction of, any personal information.  The online census web page was back up at 2:30 pm on 11 August. A Senate inquiry was held into the census events. An independent panel established by the Australian Statistician to quality assure the data from the 2016 census found it was fit for purpose, comparable to previous Australian and international censuses and can be used with confidence.

Work program.

The ABS has an extensive work program covering a vast range of topics, and releases several hundred publications yearly. Topics include:  The ABS previously published the "Year book, Australia", available on the ABS site under various ISSNs and title iterations (Commonwealth yearbook, Official yearbook of the Commonwealth of Australia). It was first published in 1908, and ceased in 2012.

Main economic indicators.

The ABS publishes a suite of monthly and quarterly economic publications that are part of the core of the organisation's work program. These statistics are integral to the functioning of Australia's economy and impact areas such as interest rates, property prices, employment, the value of the Australian dollar, commodity prices and many more areas. Popular publications include:  Other major publications Outside the main economic indicators, the ABS has a number of other major publications covering diverse topics including:  In August 2017 the Treasurer issued a direction to the ABS to undertake a statistical collection into the views of Australians on the electoral roll about same sex marriage. This is now referred to as the Australian Marriage Law Postal Survey.

International engagement.

The ABS engages in international and regional statistical forums including United Nations Statistical Commission (UNSC), Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Committee on Statistics and Statistical Policy (CSSP), and United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) Conference for European Statisticians (CES).  The ABS has a partnership with DFAT to deliver statistical and institutional capability building programs for the Indo-Pacific region, both in-country, and by hosting development visits. The ABS has also hosted international development and study visits from countries including China, Japan, Canada, Korea, and Nepal.

Australian Statistician.

Since 1975, the head of the ABS has been known as the "Australian Statistician". Previously, the office was titled the "Commonwealth Statistician".  The incumbent since 11 December 2019 is David Gruen. Previous incumbents have included David Kalisch and Brian Pink. Pink retired in January 2014. Ian Ewing acted in the role from 13 January to 14 February 2014, and Jonathan Palmer acted from 17 February to 12 December 2014.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) is the independent statistical agency of the Government of Australia. The ABS provides key statistics on a wide range of economic, population, environmental and social issues, to assist and encourage informed decision making, research and discussion within governments and the community.

Das Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) ist das australische Amt für Statistik. Es wurde am 8. Dezember 1905 als "Commonwealth Bureau of Census and Statistics " (CBCS) gegründet. Das Amt mit Sitz in Canberra hat 2.824 Mitarbeiter.