艾奇逊、托皮卡和圣塔菲铁路

History.

Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway.

The Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway (AT&SF) was chartered on February 11, 1859, to join Atchison and Topeka, Kansas, with Santa Fe, New Mexico. In its early years, the railroad opened Kansas to settlement. Much of its revenue came from wheat grown there and from cattle driven north from Texas to Wichita and Dodge City by September 1872.  Rather than turn its survey southward at Dodge City, AT&SF headed southwest over Raton Pass because of coal deposits near Trinidad, Colorado and Raton, New Mexico. The Denver & Rio Grande Railroad (D&RG) was also aiming at Raton Pass, but AT&SF crews arose early one morning in 1878 and were hard at work with picks and shovels when the D&RG crews showed up for breakfast. At the same time the two railroads had a series of skirmishes over occupancy of the Royal Gorge west of Cañon City, Colorado; physical confrontations led to two years of armed conflict that became known as the Royal Gorge Railroad War. Federal intervention prompted an out-of-court settlement on February 2, 1880, in the form of the so-called "Treaty of Boston", wherein the D&RG was allowed to complete its line and lease it for use by the Santa Fe. D&RG paid an estimated $1.4 million to Santa Fe for its work within the Gorge and agreed not to extend its line to Santa Fe, while the Santa Fe agreed to forego its planned routes to Denver and Leadville.  Building across Kansas and eastern Colorado was simple, with few natural obstacles (certainly fewer than the railroad was to encounter further west), but the railroad found it almost economically impossible because of the sparse population. It set up real estate offices in the area and promoted settlement across Kansas on the land that was granted to it by Congress in 1863. It offered discounted fares to anyone who traveled west to inspect land; if the land was purchased, the railroad applied the passenger's fare toward the price of the land.  AT&SF reached Albuquerque in 1880; Santa Fe, the original destination of the railroad, found itself on a short branch from Lamy, New Mexico. In March 1881 AT&SF connected with the Southern Pacific (SP) at Deming, New Mexico, forming the second transcontinental rail route. The railroad then built southwest from Benson, Arizona, to Nogales on the Mexican border where it connected with the Sonora Railway, which the AT&SF had built north from the Mexican port of Guaymas.

Atlantic and Pacific Railway.

The Atlantic & Pacific Railroad (A&P) was chartered in 1866 to build west from Springfield, Missouri, along the 35th parallel of latitude (approximately through Amarillo, Texas, and Albuquerque, New Mexico) to a junction with the SP at the Colorado River. The infant A&P had no rail connections. The line that was to become the St. Louis–San Francisco Railway (the Frisco) would not reach Springfield for another four years, and SP did not build east from Mojave to the Colorado River until 1883. The A&P started construction in 1868, built southwest into what would become Oklahoma, and promptly entered receivership.  In 1879, the A&P struck a deal with the Santa Fe and the Frisco. Those railroads would jointly build and own the A&P railroad west of Albuquerque. In 1883 A&P reached Needles, California, where it connected with the SP, but the Tulsa-Albuquerque portion of the A&P was still unbuilt.

Expansion.

The Santa Fe began to expand: a line from Barstow, California, to San Diego in 1885 and to Los Angeles in 1887; control of the Gulf, Colorado & Santa Fe Railway (Galveston-Fort Worth-Purcell) in 1886 and a line between Wichita and Fort Worth in 1887; lines from Kansas City to Chicago, from Kiowa, Kansas to Amarillo, and from Pueblo to Denver (paralleling the D&RGW) in 1888; and purchase of the Frisco and the Colorado Midland Railway in 1890. By January 1890, the entire system consisted of some 7,500 miles of track.  The Panic of 1893 had the same effect on the AT&SF that it had on many other railroads; financial problems and subsequent reorganization. In 1895 AT&SF sold the Frisco and the Colorado Midland and wrote off the losses, but it still retained control of the A&P.  The Santa Fe Railway still wanted to reach California on its own rails (it leased the SP line from Needles to Barstow), and the state of California eagerly courted the railroad to break SP's monopoly. In 1897 the railroad traded the Sonora Railway of Mexico to SP for their line between Needles and Barstow, giving AT&SF its own line from Chicago to the Pacific coast. It was unique in that regard until the Milwaukee Road completed its extension to Puget Sound in 1909. AT&SF purchased the Southern California Railway on Jan. 17, 1906; with this purchase they also acquired the Los Angeles and San Gabriel Valley Railroad and the California Central Railway.  Subsequent expansion of the Santa Fe Railway encompassed lines from Amarillo to Pecos (1899); from Ash Fork, Arizona to Phoenix (1901); from Williams, Arizona to the Grand Canyon (1901); the Belen Cutoff from the Pecos line at Texico to Dalies (northwest of Belen), bypassing the grades of Raton Pass (1907); and the Coleman Cutoff, from Texico to Coleman, Texas, near Brownwood (1912).  In 1907, AT&SF and SP jointly formed the Northwestern Pacific Railroad (NWP), which took over several short railroads and built new lines connecting them to form a route from San Francisco north to Eureka, California. In 1928, Santa Fe sold its half of the NWP to SP. Also in 1928, Santa Fe purchased the U.S. portion of the Kansas City, Mexico & Orient Railway (the Mexican portion of the line became the Chihuahua-Pacific Railway, now part of National Railways of Mexico).  Because long stretches of its main line traverse areas without water, Santa Fe was one of the first buyers of diesel locomotives for freight service. The railroad was known for its passenger trains, notably the Chicago-Los Angeles "El Capitan" and "Super Chief" (currently operated as Amtrak's "Southwest Chief"), and for the on-line eating houses and dining cars that were operated by Fred Harvey. Several of these "Harvey Houses" survive - most notably the "El Tovar", which is positioned right alongside the Grand Canyon, and La Posada Hotel in Winslow, Ariz.  On, the railway was one of many companies that sponsored attractions in Disneyland with its 5-year sponsorship of all Disneyland trains and stations until 1974.  Post-World War II construction projects included an entrance to Dallas from the north, and relocation of the main line across northern Arizona, between Seligman and Williams. In 1960, AT&SF bought the Toledo, Peoria & Western Railroad (TP&W), then sold a half interest to the Pennsylvania Railroad (PRR). The TP&W cut straight east across Illinois from near Fort Madison, Iowa (Lomax, IL), to a connection with the PRR at Effner, Indiana (Illinois-Indiana border), forming a bypass around Chicago for traffic moving between the two lines. The TP&W route did not mesh with the traffic patterns Conrail developed after 1976, so AT&SF bought back the other half, merged the TP&W in 1983, then sold it back into independence in 1989.

Attempted Southern Pacific merger.

AT&SF began to talk mergers in the 1980s. The Southern Pacific Santa Fe Railroad (SPSF) was a proposed merger between the parent companies of the Southern Pacific and AT&SF announced on December 23, 1983. As part of the joining of the two firms, all rail and non-rail assets owned by Santa Fe Industries and the Southern Pacific Transportation Company were placed under the control of a holding company, the Santa Fe–Southern Pacific Corporation. The merger was subsequently denied by the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) on the basis that it would create too many duplicate routes.  The companies were so confident the merger would be approved that they began repainting locomotives and non-revenue rolling stock in a new unified paint scheme. While Southern Pacific (railroad) was sold off to Rio Grande Industries, all of the SP's real estate holdings were consolidated into a new company, Catellus Development Corporation, making it California state's largest private landowner, of which Santa Fe remained the owner (effectively “stealing” the land from SP shareholders). (In the early 1980s gold was discovered on several properties west of Battle Mountain Nevada along I-80, on ground owned by the Santa Fe Railroad (formerly SP). The property company created Santa Fe Pacific Corporation (a name correlation of Santa Fe and Southern Pacific) to develop the properties. It was sold to Newmont during 1997 in preparation of the merger with Burlington Northern). Sometime later, Catellus would purchase the Union Pacific Railroad's interest in the Los Angeles Union Passenger Terminal (LAUPT). After the sale of Southern Pacific to Rio Grande Industries, the SPSF name reverted to Santa Fe Industries, the holding company of AT&SF.

Burlington Northern merger.

On September 22, 1995, AT&SF merged with Burlington Northern Railroad to form the Burlington Northern & Santa Fe Railway (BNSF). Some of the challenges resulting from the joining of the two companies included the establishment of a common dispatching system, the unionization of AT&SF's non-union dispatchers, and incorporating AT&SF's train identification codes throughout. The two lines maintained separate operations until December 31, 1996 when it officially became BNSF.

Passenger service.

AT&SF was widely known for its passenger train service in the first half of the 20th century. AT&SF introduced many innovations in passenger rail travel, among these the "Pleasure Domes" of the "Super Chief" (billed as the ""...only dome car[s] between Chicago and Los Angeles"" when they were introduced in 1951) and the "Big Dome" Lounge cars and double-decker Hi-Level cars of the "El Capitan", which entered revenue service in 1954. The railroad was among the first to add dining cars to its passenger trains, a move which began in 1891, following the examples of the Northern Pacific and Union Pacific railroads. The AT&SF offered food on board in a dining car or at one of the many Harvey House restaurants that were strategically located throughout the system.  In general, the same train name was used for both directions of a particular train. The exceptions to this rule included the "Chicagoan" and "Kansas Cityan" trains (both names referred to the same service, but the "Chicagoan" was the eastbound version, while the "Kansas Cityan" was the westbound version), and the "Eastern Express" and "West Texas Express". All AT&SF trains that terminated in Chicago did so at Dearborn Station. Trains terminating in Los Angeles arrived at AT&SF's La Grande Station until May 1939, when Los Angeles Union Station was opened.  The railway's extensive network was also home to a number of regional services. These generally couldn't boast of the size or panache of the transcontinental trains, but built up enviable reputations of their own nonetheless. Of these, the Chicago-Texas trains were the most famous and impressive, and the San Diegan "Surfliners" were the most popular and durable. But Santa Fe flyers also served Tulsa, Oklahoma, El Paso, Texas, Phoenix, Arizona (the "Hassayampa Flyer"), and Denver, Colorado, among other cities not on their main line.  To reach smaller communities, the railroad operated mixed (passenger and freight) trains or gas-electric doodlebug rail cars. The latter were later converted to diesel power, and one pair of Budd Rail Diesel Cars were eventually added. After World War II, Santa Fe Trailways buses replaced most of these lesser trains. These smaller trains generally were not named; only the train numbers were used to differentiate services.  The ubiquitous passenger service inspired the title of the 1946 Academy-Award-winning Johnny Mercer tune "On the Atchison, Topeka and the Santa Fe." The song was written in 1945 for the film "The Harvey Girls", a story about the waitresses of the Fred Harvey Company's restaurants. It was sung in the film by Judy Garland and recorded by many other singers, including Bing Crosby. In the 1970s, the railroad used Crosby's version in a commercial.  AT&SF ceased operating passenger trains on May 1, 1971, when it conveyed its remaining trains to Amtrak. These included the "Super Chief"/"El Capitan", the "Texas Chief" and two "San Diegans". Discontinued were the "San Francisco Chief", the ex-"Grand Canyon", one "San Diegan", the "Tulsan", and a Denver–La Junta local. ATSF had been more than willing to retain the "San Diegan" and its famed "Chiefs." However, any railroad that opted out of Amtrak would have been required to operate "all" of its passenger routes until at least 1976. The prospect of having to keep operating its less successful routes, especially the money-bleeding 23/24 (the former "Grand Canyon") led ATSF to get out of passenger service altogether.  Amtrak still runs the "Super Chief" and "San Diegan" today as the "Southwest Chief" and "Pacific Surfliner," respectively, although the original routes and equipment have been modified by Amtrak.

Named trains.

AT&SF operated the following named trains on regular schedules:

Special trains.

Occasionally, a special train was chartered to make a high-profile run over the Santa Fe's track. These specials were not included in the railroad's regular revenue service lineup, but were intended as one-time (and usually one-way) traversals of the railroad. Some of the more notable specials include:

Signals.

The Santa Fe employed several distinctive wayside and crossing signal styles. In an effort to reduce grade crossing accidents, the Santa Fe was an early user of wigwag signals from the Magnetic Signal Company beginning in the 1920s. They had several distinct styles that were not commonly seen elsewhere. Model 10's which had the wigwag motor and banner coming from halfway up the mast with the crossbucks on top were almost unique to the Santa Fe—the Southern Pacific also had a few as well. Upper quadrant Magnetic Flagmen were used extensively on the Santa Fe as well—virtually every small town main street and a number of city streets had their crossings protected by these unique wigwags. Virtually all the wigwags were replaced with modern signals by the turn of the 21st century.  The railroad was also known for its tall "T-2 style" upper quadrant semaphores which provided traffic control on its lines. Again, the vast majority of these have been replaced by the beginning of the 21st century with fewer than 50 still remaining in use in New Mexico as of 2015.

Paint schemes.

Steam locomotives.

The Santa Fe operated a large and varying fleet of steam locomotives. Among them was the 2-10-2 "Santa Fe", originally built for the railroad by Baldwin Locomotive Works in 1903. The railroad would ultimately end up with the largest fleet of them, at over 300. Aside from the 2-10-2, Santa Fe rostered virtually every type of steam locomotive imaginable, including 4-4-2 Atlantics, 2-6-0 Moguls, 2-8-0 Consolidations, 2-8-2 Mikados, 2-10-0 Decapods, 2-6-2 Prairies, 4-8-4 Northerns, 4-6-4 Hudsons, 4-6-2 Pacifics, 4-8-2 Mountains, 2-8-4 Berkshires, and 2-10-4 Texas. The railroad also operated a fleet of heavy articulated steam locomotives including 1158 class 2-6-6-2s, 2-8-8-0s, 2-10-10-2s, 2-8-8-2s, and the rare 4-4-6-2 "Mallet" type. The Railroad retired its last steam locomotive in 1959.  During the twentieth century, all but one of these was painted black, with white unit numbers on the sand domes and three sides of the tender. Cab sides were lettered "AT&SF" when operated in most parts of Texas, and "AT&SF" otherwise, also in white. The subsidiary Gulf, Colorado and Santa Fe often painted all or part of the smokebox (between the boiler and the headlight) white or silver. In 1940, the circle and cross emblem was applied to the tenders of a few passenger locomotives, but these were all later painted over. After World War II, "Santa Fe" appeared on tender sides of mainline road locomotives in white, above the unit number. Locomotives were delivered from Baldwin with white paint on the wheel rims, but the road did not repaint these "whitewalls" after shopping the locomotives. After World War II, side rods and valve gear were painted chrome yellow. For a short time, Pacific types 1369 and 1376 were semi-streamlined for "Valley Flyer" service, with a unique paint scheme in colors similar to those used on the new passenger diesels. More unique was the two-tone light blue over royal blue scheme of streamlined Hudson type 3460.  While most of the Santa Fe's steam locomotives were retired and sold for scrap, a handful were saved and a few ended up as notable locomotives. Among them is Santa Fe 3751, a 4-8-4 Northern type, built by Baldwin in 1927, was once on display at Viaduct Park near the AT&SF depot in San Bernardino, California. The locomotive was moved out of the park in 1986 to be restored and after almost 5 years of restoration, 3751 made its first run on a 4-day trip from Los Angeles to Bakersfield and return in December 1991. The trip marked the beginning of 3751's career in excursion service. The more-modern Santa Fe 2926, another 4-8-4 delivered by Baldwin in 1944 and based in Albuquerque, New Mexico, is being restored for operation by the New Mexico Steam Locomotive and Rail Historical Society of Albuquerque, which has expended 114,000 man-hours and $1,700,000 in donated funds on her restoration since 2002.

Diesel locomotives.

Passenger.

Santa Fe's first set of diesel-electric passenger locomotives was placed in service on the "Super Chief" in 1936, and consisted of a pair of blunt-nosed units (EMC 1800 hp B-B) designated as Nos. 1 and 1A. The upper portion of the sides and ends of the units were painted gold, while the lower section was a dark olive green color; an olive stripe also ran along the sides and widened as it crossed the front of the locomotive.  Riveted to the sides of the units were metal plaques bearing a large "Indian Head" logo, which owed its origin to the 1926 "Chief" "drumhead" logo. ""Super Chief"" was emblazoned on a plaque located on the front. The rooftop was light slate gray, rimmed by a red pinstripe. This unique combination of colors was called the "Golden Olive" paint scheme. Before entering service, Sterling McDonald<nowiki>'</nowiki>s General Motors Styling Department augmented the look with the addition of red and blue striping along both the sides and ends of the units in order to enhance their appearance. In a little over a year, the EMC E1 (a new and improved streamlined locomotive) would be pulling the "Super Chief" and other passenger consists, resplendent in the now-famous "Warbonnet" paint scheme devised by Leland Knickerbocker of the GM Art and Color Section. Its design is protected under a U.S. patent, granted on November 9, 1937. It is reminiscent of a Native American ceremonial headdress. The scheme consisted of a red "bonnet" which wrapped around the front of the unit and was bordered by a yellow stripe and black pinstripe. The extent of the bonnet varied according to the locomotive model, and was largely determined by the shape and length of the carbody. The remainder of the unit was either painted silver or was composed of stainless-steel panels.  All units wore a nose emblem consisting of an elongated yellow "Circle and Cross" emblem with integral "tabs" on the nose and the sides, outlined and accented with black pinstripes, with variances according to the locomotive model. "SANTA FE" was displayed on the horizontal limb of the cross in black, Art Deco-style lettering. This emblem has come to be known as the "cigar band" due to its uncanny resemblance to the same. On all but the "Erie-built" units (which were essentially run as a demonstrator set), GE U28CG, GE U30CG, and FP45 units, a three-part yellow and black stripe ran up the nose behind the band.  A "Circle and Cross" motif (consisting of a yellow field, with red quadrants, outlined in black) was painted around the side windows on "as-delivered" E1 units. Similar designs were added to E3s, E6s, the DL109/110 locomotive set, and ATSF 1A after it was rebuilt and repainted. The sides of the units typically bore the words "SANTA FE" in black, 5"– or 9"–high extra extended Railroad Roman letters, as well as the "Indian Head" logo, with a few notable exceptions.  Railway identity on diesel locomotives in passenger service:  In later years, Santa Fe adapted the scheme to its gas-electric "doodlebug" units. The standard for all of Santa Fe's passenger locomotives, the "Warbonnet" is considered by many to be the most recognized corporate logo in the railroad industry. Early after Amtrak's inception in 1971, Santa Fe embarked on a program to paint over the red bonnet on its F units that were still engaged in hauling passenger consists with yellow (also called "Yellowbonnets") or dark blue (nicknamed "Bluebonnets"), as it no longer wanted to project the image of a passenger carrier.

Freight.

Diesels used as switchers between 1935 and 1960 were painted black, with just a thin white or silver horizontal accent stripe (the sills were painted similarly). The letters "A.T.& S.F." were applied in a small font centered on the sides of the unit, as was the standard blue and white "Santa Fe" box logo. After World War II, diagonal white or silver stripes were added to the ends and cab sides to increase the visibility at grade crossings (typically referred to as the "Zebra Stripe" scheme). "A.T.& S.F." was now placed along the sides of the unit just above the accent stripe, with the blue and white "Santa Fe" box logo below.  Due to the lack of abundant water sources in the American desert, the Santa Fe Railway was among the first railroads to receive large numbers of streamlined diesel locomotives for use in freight service, in the form of the EMD FT. For the first group of FTs, delivered between December 1940 and March 1943 (#100–#119), the railroad selected a color scheme consisting of dark blue accented by a pale yellow stripe up the nose, and pale yellow highlights around the cab and along the mesh and framing of openings in the sides of the engine compartment; a thin, red stripe separated the blue areas from the yellow.  Because of a labor dispute with the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, who insisted that every cab in a diesel-electric locomotive consist must be manned, FT sets #101-#105 were delivered in A-B-B-B sets, instead of the A-B-B-A sets used by the rest of Santa Fe's FT's. The Santa Fe quickly prevailed in this labor dispute, and FT sets from #106-onward were delivered as A-B-B-A sets. The words SANTA FE were applied in yellow in a 5"–high extended font, and centered on the nose was the "Santa Fe" box logo (initially consisting of a blue cross, circle, and square painted on a solid bronze sheet, but subsequently changed to baked steel sheets painted bronze with the blue identifying elements applied on top). Three thin, pale yellow stripes (known as "Cat Whiskers") extended from the nose logo around the cab sides. In January, 1951, Santa Fe revised the scheme to consist of three yellow stripes running up the nose, with the addition of a blue and yellow "Cigar Band" (similar in size and shape to that applied to passenger units); the blue background and elongated yellow "SANTA FE" lettering were retained.  The years 1960 to 1972 saw non-streamlined freight locomotives sporting the "Billboard" color scheme (sometimes referred to as the "Bookends" or "Pinstripe" scheme), wherein the units were predominantly dark blue with yellow ends and trim, with a single yellow accent pinstripe. The words "Santa Fe" were applied in yellow in large bold serif letters (logotype) to the sides of the locomotive below the accent stripe (save for yard switchers which displayed the "SANTA FE" in small yellow letters above the accent stripe, somewhat akin to the "Zebra Stripe" arrangement).  From 1972 to 1996, and even on into the BNSF era, the company adopted a new paint scheme often known among railfans as the "Yellowbonnet", which placed more yellow on the locomotives (reminiscent of the company's retired "Warbonnet" scheme); the goal again was to ensure higher visibility at grade crossings. The truck assemblies, previously colored black, now received silver paint. In 1965, the road took delivery of ten GE U28CG dual-service roadswitcher locomotives equally suited to passenger or fast freight service. These wore a variation of the "Warbonnet" scheme in which the black and yellow separating stripes disappeared. The "Santa Fe" name was emblazoned on the sides in large black letters, using the same stencils used on freight engines; these were soon repainted in red. In 1989, Santa Fe resurrected this version of the "Warbonnet" scheme and applied it to two SDFP45 units, #5992 and #5998. The units were re-designated as #101 and #102 and reentered service on July 4, 1989 as part of the new "Super Fleet" campaign (the first Santa Fe units to be so decorated for freight service). The six remaining FP45 units were thereafter similarly repainted and renumbered. From that point forward, most new locomotives wore red and silver, and many retained this scheme after the Burlington Northern Santa Fe merger, some with "BNSF" displayed across their sides.  For the initial deliveries of factory-new "Super Fleet" equipment, Santa Fe took delivery of the EMD GP60M and General Electric B40-8W which made the Santa Fe the only US Class I railroad to operate new 4-axle (B-B) freight locomotives equipped with the North American Safety Cab intended for high-speed intermodal service.  Several experimental and commemorative paint schemes emerged during the Santa Fe's diesel era. One combination was developed and partially implemented in anticipation of a merger between the parent companies of the Santa Fe and Southern Pacific (SP) railroads in 1984. The red, yellow, and black paint scheme with large yellow block letters on the sides and ends of the units of the proposed Southern Pacific Santa Fe Railroad (SPSF) has come to be somewhat derisively known among railfans as the "Kodachrome" livery, due to the similarity in colors to the boxes containing slide film sold by the Eastman Kodak Company under the same name. Santa Fe units repainted in this scheme were labeled "SF", Southern Pacific units "SP", and some (presumably new) units wore the letters " SPSF". After the ICC's denial of the merger, railfans joked that SPSF really stood for "Shouldn't Paint So Fast."  Paint schemes of the AT&SF locomotives

Ferry service.

Santa Fe maintained and operated a fleet of three passenger ferry boats (the "San Pablo", the "San Pedro", and the "Ocean Wave") that connected Richmond, California with San Francisco by water. The ships traveled the eight miles between the San Francisco Ferry Terminal and the railroad's Point Richmond terminal across San Francisco Bay. The service was originally established as a continuation of the company's named passenger train runs such as the "Angel" and the "Saint". The larger two ships (the "San Pablo" and the "San Pedro") carried Fred Harvey Company dining facilities.  Rival SP owned the world's largest ferry fleet (which was subsidized by other railroad activities), at its peak carrying 40 million passengers and 60 million vehicles annually aboard 43 vessels. Santa Fe discontinued ferry service in 1933 due to the effects of the Great Depression and routed their trains to Southern Pacific's ferry terminal in Oakland. The San Francisco–Oakland Bay Bridge opened in 1936, initiating a slow decline in demand for SP's ferry service, which was eventually discontinued circa 1958; starting in 1938, Santa Fe passenger trains terminated near San Pablo Avenue in Oakland/Emeryville, with passengers for San Francisco boarding buses that used the new bridge.

"Atlas Shrugged".

In 1946, the writer Ayn Rand met with Lee Lyles, assistant to the president of the Santa Fe, as part of her research for the novel "Atlas Shrugged" whose plot centers in a large railway company.  The "Journals of Ayn Rand", published in 1997 based on notes left after her death, preserve a list of detailed questions which Rand put to Lyles about the company's administrative structure and its practices in various situations and conditions. Later notes in the same journals show that Rand assigned to various characters in her book administrative titles in the book's fictional railway company, modeled on those in the Santa Fe Railway, and adjusted the actions which they are depicted as taking in various situations on the basis of what Lyles told her would be plausible acts for railway executives in similar situations.

The Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway, often referred to as the Santa Fe or AT&SF, was one of the larger railroads in the United States, named after the cities and towns of Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe. Chartered in February 1859, the railroad reached the Kansas–Colorado border in 1873 and Pueblo, Colorado, in 1876. To create a demand for its services, the railroad set up real estate offices and sold farmland from the land grants that it was awarded by Congress. Despite the namesake, its mainline did not directly serve Santa Fe, due to the mountainous terrain, the metropolitan city of Albuquerque instead served New Mexico and the Santa Fe area.

艾奇逊,托皮卡和圣塔菲铁路(Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway,系统代码ATSF),简称“圣塔菲铁路”或AT&SF,是美国历史上曾经存在的一家大型一级铁路公司,1859年特许成立。虽然该铁道以“圣塔菲”命名,但其主线由于地形缘故并未真正通过新墨西哥州圣塔菲市,而是通过由拉米分出的一条支线进入圣塔菲。1873年,线路延伸至堪萨斯州和科罗拉多州的州界,此后,继续向西拓展,1876年延伸至科罗拉多州普韦布洛。圣塔菲铁路在西部地区设立了地产业务,出售根据宅地法规定的农业用地,并且通过这些新建农场拉动铁路运输需求。


Geography and climate.

The area of Kōchi has three distinct geographic sections. The major settled part of the city lies at the head of Urado Bay, in a narrow alluvial plain crossed by several rivers, notably the Kagami River and Kokubu River. The plain is bounded by mountains to the north and a range of hills to the south and west.  The northern mountains form the least densely populated part of the city, with the only settlement being along narrow river valleys. The highest point in Kōchi is Kuishi-yama at.  To the south of the city centre, Urado Bay cuts through the hills to its outlet into the Pacific Ocean. The land surrounding the bay and a small strip of the coastline form the third part of the city. This area, although hillier and less dense than the plain, is nevertheless a major location of housing and port-related industry.  Kōchi has a very wet humid subtropical climate (Köppen climate classification "Cfa"), receiving twice as much rainfall as Shikoku's other chief cities Matsuyama and Takamatsu. It is also the most typhoon-prone of Japan's major cities owing to its location directly exposed to the open Pacific Ocean from which the storms enter the country, and has twice received over of rainfall in a day from a typhoon.

History.

The river plain now containing the city centre was originally settled as a castle town around the seat of the lords of Tosa Province, Kōchi Castle. The castle site was chosen by Lord Yamauchi Kazutoyo in 1601. The city takes its name from that of the castle. As the centre of administration for the province, and the prefecture which succeeded it, the town rapidly grew to become the largest settlement of the region.  During the time of the Meiji Restoration, Kōchi became famous as a centre of pro-imperial ideology, and later for incubating democratic and human rights movements.  The city was incorporated on April 1, 1889.  Tram service began in the city on May 2, 1904, and the city was connected to the national rail network on November 12, 1951.  On April 1, 1998, the city was designated as the first core city on Shikoku.  On January 1, 2005, the villages of Kagami and Tosayama, both from Tosa District were merged into Kōchi.  On January 1, 2008, the town of Haruno (from Agawa District) was also merged into Kōchi.

WWII air raid.

Kōchi was selected as a target by the United States' XXI Bomber Command because of the city's status as a prefectural capital, and the fact that it was a center for industry and commercial trade. On July 3, 1945 at 6:22 PM (JST) 129 Aircraft took off to bomb Kōchi. 1060 tons of incendiary bombs were dropped on Kōchi, destroying 48% of the built up areas of the city.

Government.

The administrative functions of the city of Kōchi are directed by an elected mayor and 42-member assembly. The current mayor (since 2003) is Seiya Okazaki.

Education.

Kōchi is home to two universities, Kōchi University (national) and University of Kochi (prefectural), and four junior colleges. The city directly administers Kōchi Commercial High School, and 15 other high schools are located within the city boundaries.

Events.

Kōchi's most famous festival is the Yosakoi which is held in August. Teams of dancers dance to traditional and modern songs at various places around Kōchi. The total number of dancers is in the thousands.

Transport.

The most visible form of transport within Kōchi is the tram service run by Tosaden Kōtsū. Its three lines with historic cars service the major north–south and east–west axes of the city.  The city also has an extensive bus network.  Kōchi is located on the JR Shikoku's Dosan Line connecting it to northern Shikoku, and via interchanges with the Tosa Kuroshio Railway to the eastern and western parts of Kōchi Prefecture. JR's central station in Kōchi is Kōchi Station.  Kōchi is also serviced by the Kōchi interchange of the Kōchi Expressway which connects to the national expressway system.  Kōchi Ryōma Airport in nearby Nankoku serves Kōchi.

Tourism.

Kōchi Castle still exists in its pre-restoration form, and is one of the main tourist attractions. Other places of interest in the city centre are the shopping arcade, the regular Sunday street markets which are close to a kilometre in length, and, a bridge that featured in a famous Kōchi song about the forbidden love of a Buddhist priest.  The mountain holds a public park with views of the city, and is home to stop 31 on the Shikoku Pilgrimage, Chikurin-ji, as well as the Makino Botanical Garden. Temples 30 (Zenrakuji) and 33 (Sekkeiji) are also in the city. The Shinto Shrine "Tosa jinja" is located to the west.  Off Museum Road (Kenritsu Bijutsukandori) is The Museum of Art, Kōchi, where the main collection is composed of expressionistic works related to Kōchi. The Former Yamauchi Residence and Tosa Yamauchi Family Treasury and Archives are also to be found in the city.  At the mouth of Urado Bay, the remnants of Urado Castle (an earlier provincial seat) stand above, a famous beach with an aquarium and statue of the Kōchi hero Sakamoto Ryōma. Nearby on the grounds is the Sakamoto Ryōma Memorial Museum.

In popular culture.

Studio Ghibli's animated TV feature "Ocean Waves" takes place mainly in Kōchi.

Kōchi is the main city of the prefecture with over 40% of its population. As of April 1, 2016, the city has an estimated population of 332,059 and a population density of 1,100 persons per km. The total area is 309.22 km. A symbol of the city is its most famous dish, katsuo tataki, made by lightly searing and seasoning bonito.

高知市()是位于日本四国地方中南部的城市,为高知县县府的所在地,也是四国岛太平洋沿岸的中心城市,是中核市。高知市的历史开始于长宗我部元亲的大高坂山城。自山内一丰入府之后,高知市作为土佐藩的城下町得到发展。高知市不仅是高知县的经济和政治中心,还集中了高知县近半数的人口,在昭和大合并之前是高知县唯一的市,规模远大于县内其他城市。高知市也是日本人均酒类消费量较多的城市。高知市现在仍有「曜市」(固定在每周特定的一日开市的集市),其中又以周日的日曜市规模最大。「高知」这一地名源自高知城。土佐藩第一代藩主山内一丰在修筑高知城时,因城址位于被河川包夹中的山上而给城起名为「河中山城」()。后因河中山城遭遇水患,第二代藩主为求吉利,在不改变发音下,将河中山城的汉字名称改为「高智山城」,之后再简称为「高知城」。


外高加索社会主义联邦苏维埃共和国

History.

The roots of a Transcaucasian condominium state trace back to the dissolution of the Russian Empire in 1918, following the October Revolution, when the provinces of the Caucasus seceded and formed their own state called the Transcaucasian Federation. Competing ethno-national interests and confrontation with the Ottoman Empire in World War I led to the dissolution of the Transcaucasian Federation only two months later, in April 1918.  The three successor states: the First Republic of Armenia, the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan, and the Democratic Republic of Georgia, lasted until the end of the Russian Civil War that was being fought across the mountains, when they were invaded by the Red Army and sovietized. Following the proposal by Vladimir Lenin the three now Soviet Republics, the Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian SSRs, were united into the Federative Union of Socialist Soviet Republics of Transcaucasia on 12 March 1922. On 13 December that year, the First Transcaucasian Congress of Soviets transformed this "federation of states" into a unified "federal state" and renamed it into the Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, though keeping formally the autonomy of its constituent republics. The congress also adopted the constitution, appointed the Central Executive Committee (the highest legislative body), and the Council of People's Commissars (the government). Mamia Orakhelashvili, a Georgian Bolshevik leader, became the first chairman of the Transcaucasian SFSR Council of People's Commissars. Tbilisi was the capital of the republic.  The republic became a founding member of the Soviet Union on 30 December along with the Russian SFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, and the Belorussian SSR. In December 1936, the Transcaucasian SFSR was dissolved and divided again among the Georgian, Armenian and Azerbaijani SSRs.

Autonomous republics within TSFSR.

After the Red Army invasion of Georgia, Abkhazia, hitherto an autonomous province within the Democratic Republic of Georgia, was declared a Soviet Republic, the SSR of Abkhazia, in March 1921 by the Abkhaz Revolutionary committee. However the republic's relations with Georgia and Russia were not formally settled. On December 16, 1921, Abkhazia signed a treaty of alliance with the Georgian SSR, which defined its status as a "treaty republic" (Russian: договорная республика) and established a military, political and financial union between the two Soviet republics, subordinating the SSR of Abkhazia to the Georgian SSR. Thus, through Georgia, Abkhazia joined the TSFSR and was initially on an equal footing with the other republics of the federation. On February 19, 1931, Abkhazia's republican status was downgraded to that of an Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic within the Georgian SSR.  The Adjar ASSR was established on July 16, 1921 within the Georgian SSR as a consequence of the Treaty of Kars. The treaty marking the end of the Caucasus Campaign in World War I provided for the division of the former Batum Oblast of the Kutais Governorate of the Russian Empire between Georgia and Turkey. According to the agreement the northern half with significant Georgian Muslim population would become part of the Soviet Georgia but granted autonomy.  Another autonomous republic was established in July 1920 in Nakhchivan, an area bordering Armenia, Turkey and Iran, which was claimed by Armenians and Azerbaijanis. After the occupation of the region by the Red Army, the Nakhchivan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was declared with "close ties" to the Azerbaijani SSR. The Treaty of Moscow and the Treaty of Kars affirmed the establishment of the autonomous republic as part of the Soviet Azerbaijan.

Stamps and postal history.

Before 1923, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan issued each its own postage stamps. The Transcaucasian Federation began issuing its own stamps on September 15, 1923, and superseded the separate republics' issues on October 1.  The first issues consisted of some of the stamps of Russia and Armenia overprinted with a star containing the five-letter acronym of the Federation inside the points. Massive inflation having set in, this was followed by an issue of the Federation's own designs, four values of a view of oil fields, and four with a montage of Soviet symbols over mountains and oil derricks, values ranging from 40,000 to 500,000 rubles. The 40,000 rubles and 75,000 rubles were then surcharged to 700,000 rubles. On October 24, the stamps were re-issued with values from 1 to 18 gold kopecks. Starting in 1924, the Federation used stamps of the Soviet Union. Most of the stamps of the Federation are not especially rare today, with 1998 prices in the US$1–2 range, although the overprints on Armenian stamps range up to US$200. As might be expected from a short period of usage, used stamps are less common than unused and covers are not often seen.

The Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (Transcaucasian SFSR or TSFSR), also known as the Transcaucasian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, was a republic of the Soviet Union that existed from 1922 to 1936.

外高加索社会主义联邦苏维埃共和国(,缩写为)是苏联历史上的第四个加盟共和国,也是第二个联邦共和国。从1922年到1936年间存在,它由格鲁吉亚、亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆组成,在苏联它也被简称为外高加索。


Sovereignty dispute.

Mauritius, Madagascar, and the Comoros dispute France's sovereignty over these islands. Mauritius claims Tromelin and states that the island, discovered by France in 1722, was not ceded by the Treaty of Paris in 1814. Madagascar claims sovereignty over the Glorioso Islands (Banc du Geyser included), though the islands were never a part of the Malagasy Protectorate, having been a part of the colony of Mayotte and dependencies, then a part of the French Comoros that had become a separately administered colony from Madagascar in 1946. The Comoros also claims the Glorioso Islands (Banc du Geyser included), as a part of the disputed French region of Mayotte. Furthermore, Madagascar has also claimed Juan de Nova, Europa, and Bassas da India since 1972, and a 1979 United Nations resolution demanded the cession of these islands to Madagascar. Seychelles claimed a part of the Scattered Islands too before the signing of the France–Seychelles Maritime Boundary Agreement.

Administration.

Since January 3, 2005, the Îles Éparses have been administered on behalf of the French state by the senior administrator of the French Southern and Antarctic Lands ("TAAF" — "les Terres Australes et Antartiques Françaises"), based in Réunion. The Îles Éparses had previously been under the administration of the prefect of Réunion since the independence of Madagascar in 1960. France maintains a military garrison of around 14 troops on each of the islands in the Mozambique Channel that are claimed by Madagascar. The Glorioso Islands are also claimed by the Comoros, while Mauritius claims Tromelin Island.  France claims an exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of 200 nautical miles around each of the small islands in the Îles Éparses, which together with the EEZ claims for the islands of Réunion and Mayotte totals more than one million square kilometres in the western Indian Ocean. There is considerable overlap of the EEZ with the neighbouring states.

The Scattered Islands in the Indian Ocean ( or "Îles Éparses de l'océan Indien") consist of four small coral islands, an atoll, and a reef in the Indian Ocean, and have constituted the 5th district of the French Southern and Antarctic Lands (TAAF) since February 2007, though sovereignty over some or all of the Islands is contested by Madagascar, Mauritius, and the Comoros. None of the islands has ever had a permanent population.

法属印度洋诸岛()包含印度洋中5组岛屿,分别为印度礁、欧罗巴岛、格洛里厄斯群岛、新胡安岛、特罗姆兰岛。总面积38.6平方公里,无常住居民。行政上属于法属南部和南极领地。


Categories.

Different economists have different views about what events are the sources of market failure. Mainstream economic analysis widely accepts that a market failure (relative to Pareto efficiency) can occur for three main reasons: if the market is "monopolised" or a small group of businesses hold significant market power, if production of the good or service results in an externality (external costs or benefits), or if the good or service is a "public good".

Nature of the market.

Agents in a market can gain market power, allowing them to block other mutually beneficial gains from trade from occurring. This can lead to inefficiency due to imperfect competition, which can take many different forms, such as monopolies, monopsonies, or monopolistic competition, if the agent does not implement perfect price discrimination.  It is then a further question about what circumstances allow a monopoly to arise. In some cases, monopolies can maintain themselves where there are "barriers to entry" that prevent other companies from effectively entering and competing in an industry or market. Or there could exist significant first-mover advantages in the market that make it difficult for other firms to compete. Moreover, monopoly can be a result of geographical conditions created by huge distances or isolated locations. This leads to a situation where there are only few communities scattered across a vast territory with only one supplier. Australia is an example that meets this description. A natural monopoly is a firm whose per-unit cost decreases as it increases output; in this situation it is most efficient (from a cost perspective) to have only a single producer of a good. Natural monopolies display so-called increasing returns to scale. It means that at all possible outputs marginal cost needs to be below average cost if average cost is declining. One of the reasons is the existence of fixed costs, which must be paid without considering the amount of output, what results in a state where costs are evenly divided over more units leading to the reduction of cost per unit.

Nature of the goods.

Non-excludability.

Some markets can fail due to the nature of the goods being exchanged. For instance, some goods can display the attributes of public goods or common goods, wherein sellers are unable to exclude non-buyers from using a product, as in the development of inventions that may spread freely once revealed, such as developing a new method of harvesting. This can cause underinvestment because developers cannot capture enough of the benefits from success to make the development effort worthwhile. This can also lead to resource depletion in the case of common-pool resources, where, because use of the resource is rival but non-excludable, there is no incentive for users to conserve the resource. An example of this is a lake with a natural supply of fish: if people catch the fish faster than the fish can reproduce, then the fish population will dwindle until there are no fish left for future generations.

Externalities.

A good or service could also have significant externalities, where gains or losses associated with the product, production or consumption of a product, differ from the private cost. These externalities can be innate to the methods of production or other conditions important to the market.  Traffic congestion is an example of market failure that incorporates both non-excludability and externality. Public roads are common resources that are available for the entire population's use (non-excludable), and act as a complement to cars (the more roads there are, the more useful cars become). Because there is very low cost but high benefit to individual drivers in using the roads, the roads become congested, decreasing their usefulness to society. Furthermore, driving can impose hidden costs on society through pollution (externality). Solutions for this include public transportation, congestion pricing, tolls, and other ways of making the driver include the social cost in the decision to drive.  Perhaps the best example of the inefficiency associated with common/public goods and externalities is the environmental harm caused by pollution and overexploitation of natural resources.

Nature of the exchange.

Some markets can fail due to the nature of their exchange. Markets may have significant transaction costs, agency problems, or informational asymmetry. Such incomplete markets may result in economic inefficiency but also a possibility of improving efficiency through market, legal, and regulatory remedies. From contract theory, decisions in transactions where one party has more or better information than the other is an asymmetry. This creates an imbalance of power in transactions which can sometimes cause the transactions to go awry. Examples of this problem are adverse selection and moral hazard. Most commonly, information asymmetries are studied in the context of principal–agent problems. George Akerlof, Michael Spence, and Joseph E. Stiglitz developed the idea and shared the 2001 Nobel Prize in Economics.

Bounded rationality.

In "Models of Man", Herbert A. Simon points out that most people are only partly rational, and are emotional/irrational in the remaining part of their actions. In another work, he states "boundedly rational agents experience limits in formulating and solving complex problems and in processing (receiving, storing, retrieving, transmitting) information" (Williamson, p. 553, citing Simon). Simon describes a number of dimensions along which "classical" models of rationality can be made somewhat more realistic, while sticking within the vein of fairly rigorous formalization. These include:  Simon suggests that economic agents employ the use of heuristics to make decisions rather than a strict rigid rule of optimization. They do this because of the complexity of the situation, and their inability to process and compute the expected utility of every alternative action. Deliberation costs might be high and there are often other, concurrent economic activities also requiring decisions.

Coase theorem.

The Coase theorem, developed by Ronald Coase and labeled as such by George Stigler, states that private transactions are efficient as long as property rights exist, only a small number of parties are involved, and transactions costs are low. Additionally, this efficiency will take place regardless of who owns the property rights. This theory comes from a section of Coase's Nobel prize-winning work "The Problem of Social Cost". While the assumptions of low transactions costs and a small number of parties involved may not always be applicable in real-world markets, Coase's work changed the long-held belief that the owner of property rights was a major determining factor in whether or not a market would fail. The Coase theorem points out when one would expect the market to function properly even when there are externalities.  A market is an institution in which individuals or firms exchange not just commodities, but the "rights" to use them in particular ways for particular amounts of time. [...] Markets are institutions which organize the "exchange of control" of commodities, where the nature of the control is defined by the property rights attached to the commodities.  As a result, agents' control over the uses of their commodities can be imperfect, because the system of rights which defines that control is incomplete. Typically, this falls into two generalized rights – "excludability" and "transferability". Excludability deals with the ability of agents to control who uses their commodity, and for how long – and the related costs associated with doing so. Transferability reflects the right of agents to transfer the rights of use from one agent to another, for instance by selling or leasing a commodity, and the costs associated with doing so. If a given system of rights does not fully guarantee these at minimal (or no) cost, then the resulting distribution can be inefficient. Considerations such as these form an important part of the work of institutional economics. Nonetheless, views still differ on whether something displaying these attributes is meaningful without the information provided by the market price system.

Business cycles.

Macroeconomic business cycles are a part of the market. They are characterized by constant downswings and upswings which influence economic activity. Therefore, this situation requires some kind of government intervention.

Interpretations and policy examples.

The above causes represent the mainstream view of what market failures mean and of their importance in the economy. This analysis follows the lead of the neoclassical school, and relies on the notion of Pareto efficiency, which can be in the "public interest", as well as in interests of stakeholders with equity. This form of analysis has also been adopted by the Keynesian or new Keynesian schools in modern macroeconomics, applying it to Walrasian models of general equilibrium in order to deal with failures to attain full employment, or the non-adjustment of prices and wages.  Policies to prevent market failure are already commonly implemented in the economy. For example, to prevent information asymmetry, members of the New York Stock Exchange agree to abide by its rules in order to promote a fair and orderly market in the trading of listed securities. The members of the NYSE presumably believe that each member is individually better off if every member adheres to its rules – even if they have to forego money-making opportunities that would violate those rules.  A simple example of policies to address market power is government antitrust policies. As an additional example of externalities, municipal governments enforce building codes and license tradesmen to mitigate the incentive to use cheaper (but more dangerous) construction practices, ensuring that the total cost of new construction includes the (otherwise external) cost of preventing future tragedies. The voters who elect municipal officials presumably feel that they are individually better off if everyone complies with the local codes, even if those codes may increase the cost of construction in their communities.  CITES is an international treaty to protect the world's common interest in preserving endangered species – a classic "public good" – against the private interests of poachers, developers and other market participants who might otherwise reap monetary benefits without bearing the known and unknown costs that extinction could create. Even without knowing the true cost of extinction, the signatory countries believe that the societal costs far outweigh the possible private gains that they have agreed to forego.  Some remedies for market failure can resemble other market failures. For example, the issue of systematic underinvestment in research is addressed by the patent system that creates artificial monopolies for successful inventions.

Objections.

Public choice.

Economists such as Milton Friedman from the Chicago school and others from the Public Choice school, argue that market failure does not necessarily imply that the government should attempt to solve market failures, because the costs of government failure might be worse than those of the market failure it attempts to fix. This failure of government is seen as the result of the inherent problems of democracy and other forms of government perceived by this school and also of the power of special-interest groups (rent seekers) both in the private sector and in the government bureaucracy. Conditions that many would regard as negative are often seen as an effect of subversion of the free market by coercive government intervention. Beyond philosophical objections, a further issue is the practical difficulty that any single decision maker may face in trying to understand (and perhaps predict) the numerous interactions that occur between producers and consumers in any market.

Austrian.

Some advocates of "laissez-faire" capitalism, including many economists of the Austrian School, argue that there is no such phenomenon as "market failure". Israel Kirzner states that, "Efficiency for a social system means the efficiency with which it permits its individual members to achieve their individual goals." Inefficiency only arises when means are chosen by individuals that are inconsistent with their desired goals. This definition of efficiency differs from that of Pareto efficiency, and forms the basis of the theoretical argument against the existence of market failures. However, providing that the conditions of the first welfare theorem are met, these two definitions agree, and give identical results. Austrians argue that the market tends to eliminate its inefficiencies through the process of entrepreneurship driven by the profit motive; something the government has great difficulty detecting, or correcting.

Marxian.

Objections also exist on more fundamental bases, such as that of equity, or Marxian analysis. Colloquial uses of the term "market failure" reflect the notion of a market "failing" to provide some desired attribute different from efficiency – for instance, high levels of inequality can be considered a "market failure", yet are not Pareto inefficient, and so would not be considered a market failure by mainstream economics. In addition, many Marxian economists would argue that the system of private property rights is a fundamental problem in itself, and that resources should be allocated in another way entirely. This is different from concepts of "market failure" which focuses on specific situations – typically seen as "abnormal" – where markets have inefficient outcomes. Marxists, in contrast, would say that markets have inefficient and democratically unwanted outcomes – viewing market failure as an inherent feature of any capitalist economy – and typically omit it from discussion, preferring to ration finite goods not exclusively through a price mechanism, but based upon need as determined by society expressed through the community.

Ecological.

In ecological economics, the concept of externalities is considered a misnomer, since market agents are viewed as making their incomes and profits by systematically'shifting' the social and ecological costs of their activities onto other agents, including future generations. Hence, externalities is a "modus operandi" of the market, not a failure: The market cannot exist without constantly 'failing'.  The fair and even allocation of non-renewable resources over time is a market failure issue of concern to ecological economics. This issue is also known as 'intergenerational fairness'. It is argued that the market mechanism fails when it comes to allocating the Earth's finite mineral stock fairly and evenly among present and future generations, as future generations are not, and cannot be, present on today's market. In effect, today's market prices do not, and cannot, reflect the preferences of the yet unborn. This is an instance of a market failure passed unrecognized by most mainstream economists, as the concept of Pareto efficiency is entirely static (timeless). Imposing government restrictions on the general level of activity in the economy may be the only way of bringing about a more fair and even intergenerational allocation of the mineral stock. Hence, Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen and Herman Daly, the two leading theorists in the field, have both called for the imposition of such restrictions: Georgescu-Roegen has proposed a minimal bioeconomic program, and Daly has proposed a comprehensive steady-state economy. However, Georgescu-Roegen, Daly, and other economists in the field agree that on a finite Earth, geologic limits will inevitably strain most fairness in the longer run, regardless of any present government restrictions: "Any" rate of extraction and use of the finite stock of non-renewable mineral resources will diminish the remaining stock left over for future generations to use.  Another ecological market failure is presented by the overutilisation of an otherwise renewable resource at a point in time, or within a short period of time. Such overutilisation usually occurs when the resource in question has poorly defined (or non-existing) property rights attached to it while too many market agents engage in activity simultaneously for the resource to be able to sustain it all. Examples range from over-fishing of fisheries and over-grazing of pastures to over-crowding of recreational areas in congested cities. This type of ecological market failure is generally known as the 'tragedy of the commons'. In this type of market failure, the principle of Pareto efficiency is violated the utmost, as "all" agents in the market are left worse off, while nobody are benefitting. It has been argued that the best way to remedy a 'tragedy of the commons'-type of ecological market failure is to establish enforceable property rights politically – only, this may be easier said than done.  The issue of anthropogenic global warming presents an overwhelming example of a 'tragedy of the commons'-type of ecological market failure: The Earth's atmosphere may be regarded as a 'global common' exhibiting poorly defined (non-existing) property rights, and the waste absorption capacity of the atmosphere with regard to carbon dioxide is presently being heavily overloaded by a large volume of emissions from the world economy. Historically, the fossil fuel dependence of the Industrial Revolution has unintentionally thrown mankind out of ecological equilibrium with the rest of the Earth's biosphere (including the atmosphere), and the market has failed to correct the situation ever since. Quite the opposite: The unrestricted market has been exacerbating this global state of ecological "dis"-equilibrium, and is expected to continue doing so well into the foreseeable future. This particular market failure may be remedied to some extent at the political level by the establishment of an international (or regional) cap and trade property rights system, where carbon dioxide emission permits are bought and sold among market agents.  The term 'uneconomic growth' describes a pervasive ecological market failure: The ecological costs of further economic growth in a so-called 'full-world economy' like the present world economy may exceed the immediate social benefits derived from this growth.

Chang's criticism.

Chang states that "it is (implicitly) assumed the state knows everything and can do everything.” Thus, this implies several assumptions about government in relation to market failures. There are three main statements. First of all, government representatives are able to evaluate the scope of market failures and to what extent it differs from efficient outcome. Secondly, having acquired the aforementioned knowledge they have capacity to re-establish market efficiency. Lastly, there has arisen an idea according to which decisions of policy-makers are not influenced by self-interest, but they are driven by altruism.

Lipsey and Lancaster criticism.

They came up with the theory of the so-called the “second best.” They refuse Chang's theory and state that is it not possible to restore Pareto optimality even if policy makers possess the sufficient knowledge, intervene efficiently and altruism serves as stimulus for their decisions. On the other hand, the “second best” theory holds that when market failure occurs in one branch of the economy, it should be feasible to increase social welfare in another branch of the economy by violating Pareto efficiency instead of restoring Pareto efficiency by government intervention.

Zerbe and McCurdy.

Zerbe and McCurdy connected criticism of market failure paradigm to transaction costs. Market failure paradigm is defined as follows:  "A fundamental problem with the concept of market failure, as economists occasionally recognize, is that it describes a situation that exists everywhere.”  Transaction costs are part of each market exchange, although the price of transaction costs is not usually determined. They occur everywhere and are unpriced. Consequently, market failures and externalities can arise in the economy every time transaction costs arise. There is no place for government intervention. Instead, government should focus on the elimination of both transaction costs and costs of provision.

In neoclassical economics, market failure is a situation in which the allocation of goods and services by a free market is not Pareto efficient, often leading to a net loss of economic value. Market failures can be viewed as scenarios where individuals' pursuit of pure self-interest leads to results that are not efficient– that can be improved upon from the societal point of view. The first known use of the term by economists was in 1958, but the concept has been traced back to the Victorian philosopher Henry Sidgwick. Market failures are often associated with public goods, time-inconsistent preferences, information asymmetries, non-competitive markets, principal–agent problems, or externalities.

市场失灵(英文:英语:Market Failure)为微观经济学术语,系立基于竞争市场的运作所发生问题的经济理论。传统自由经济学者认为,一个社会中的供给与需求可以构成完全竞争市场。而完全竞争的经济状态,系指生产者追求利益极大化,而消费者追求效用极大化,而达到所谓「帕累托效率(英语:Pareto efficiency)」的状态,即没有任何人的效用受损,资源分配获得最佳效率,价格像一双看不见的手(英语:An Invisible Hand),主导市场内经济活动。在竞争状况下,无法达到完全竞争市场所假定的帕累托效率点,称为市场失灵。


History.

The first gasoline pump was invented and sold by Sylvanus Bowser in Fort Wayne, Indiana on September 5, 1885. This pump was not used for automobiles, as they were not yet being sold. It was instead used for some kerosene lamps and stoves. He later improved upon the pump by adding safety measures, and also by adding a hose to directly dispense fuel into automobiles. For a while, the term "bowser" was used to refer to a vertical gasoline pump. Although the term is not used anymore in the United States, except as a term for trucks that carry and dispense fuel to large aircraft at airports, it still is used sometimes in Australia and New Zealand.  The first fuel dispenser was patented by Norwegian John J. Tokheim in 1901. The Tokheim pump was named for him. Fuel retail industry giant OPW (a Dover company) acquired Tokheim in 2016.  Many early gasoline pumps had a calibrated glass cylinder on top. The desired quantity of fuel was pumped up into the cylinder as indicated by the calibration. Then the pumping was stopped and the gasoline was let out into the customer's tank by gravity. When metering pumps came into use, a small glass globe with a turbine inside replaced the measuring cylinder, but assured the customer that gasoline really was flowing into the tank.  In the United States, federal requirements to upgrade pumps resulted in some stations improving the pumping experience for customers by adding news, weather, entertainment and commercials on TV screens in the pumps. Advertising on the pumps might include the station where the pump is located, and even the capability to print out coupons. As of 2014, the company Gas Station TV had increased its number of stations from five in Texas eight years earlier to 2,600, reaching an estimated 50 million people. The advertisements were customized based on the IP address. As of 2018, GSTV had installed TV screens in pumps at 18,000 gas stations in 200 markets. The company claimed 87 percent of people pumping gas watch advertising on the screens and that they remember the ads twice as often as when watching traditional TV. GSTV also claims to have 75 million unique viewers each month, or one-third of adults.

Design.

A modern fuel dispenser is logically divided into two main parts — an electronic "head" containing an embedded computer to control the action of the pump, drive the pump's displays, and communicate to an indoor sales system; and secondly, the mechanical section which in a ‘self contained’ unit has an electric motor, pumping unit, meters, pulsers and valves to physically pump and control the fuel flow.  In some cases the actual pump may be sealed and immersed inside the fuel tanks on a site, in which case it is known as a submersible pump. In general, submersible solutions in Europe are installed in hotter countries, where suction pumps may have problems overcoming cavitation with warm fuels or when the distance from tank to pump is longer than a suction pump can manage.  In modern pumps, the major variations are in the number of hoses or grades they can dispense, the physical shape, and the addition of extra devices such as pay at the pump devices and attendant "tag" readers.  Light passenger vehicle pump flow rate ranges up to about per minute (the United States limits this to per minute); pumps serving trucks and other large vehicles have a higher flow rate, up to per minute in the UK, and airline refueling can reach per minute. Higher flow rates may overload the vapor recovery system in vehicles equipped with enhanced evaporative emissions controls (required since 1996 in the US), causing excess vapor emissions, and may present a safety hazard.  Historically, fuel dispensers had a very wide range of designs to solve the mechanical problems of mechanical pumping, reliable measurement, safety, and aesthetics. This has led to some popularity in collecting antique dispensers, especially in the USA.

Fuel nozzles.

Nozzles are attached to the pump via flexible hoses, allowing them to be placed into the vehicle's filling inlet. The hoses are robust to survive heavy wear and tear, including exposure to weather and being driven over, and are often attached using heavy spring or coil arrangements to provide additional strength. A breakaway valve is also fitted to the hose to allow the nozzle and hose to break off and fuel flow to be stopped in the case a vehicle drives off with the nozzle still in the filler.  The nozzles are usually color-coded to indicate which grade of fuel they dispense, however, the color-coding differs between countries or even retailers. For example, a black hose and handle in the UK indicate that the fuel dispensed is diesel, and a green dispenser indicates unleaded fuel; the reverse is common in the US.  Some different types of fuel have specially sized nozzles to prevent accidentally filling a tank with an incompatible fuel. The nozzle on diesel pumps is supposed to be larger so that it cannot fit into the filler pipe on a vehicle tank designed for gasoline. However, the larger diameter diesel nozzles are not an actual requirement, and many diesel pumps at auto islands have been fitted with standard gasoline nozzles. Also, the nozzle for leaded gasoline is wider than for unleaded, and the fill pipe on vehicles designed for unleaded-only was made narrower to prevent misfueling. Some diesel fuel tanks are designed to prevent wrong type of nozzle to be used.

Blending.

In some countries, pumps are able to mix two fuel products together before dispensing; this is referred to as blending or mixing. Typical usages are in a "mix" pump to add oil to petrol for two-stroke motorcycles, to produce an intermediate octane rating from separate high and low octane fuels, or to blend hydrogen and compressed natural gas (HCNG). The benefit of blending for retailers is that it allows them to offer 3 grades of fuel while only having to maintain inventory of two grades. This frees up both working capital and tank capacity and improves fuel turnover.

Flow measurement.

One of the most important functions for the pump is to accurately measure the amount of fuel pumped. Flow measurement is almost always done by a 4 stroke piston meter connected to an electronic encoder. In older gas pumps, the meter is physically coupled to reeled numerical displays (moving wheels or cylinders with numbers on the side), while newer pumps turn the meter's movement into electrical pulses using a rotary encoder. In the U.S. flow speed is limited to 10 gallons per minute for cars and 40 gallons per minute for trucks. This flow rate is based on the diameter of the vehicle's fuel filling pipe, which limits flow to these amounts.

The metrology of gasoline.

Gasoline is difficult to sell in a fair and consistent manner by volumetric units. It expands and contracts significantly as its temperature changes. A comparison of the coefficient of thermal expansion for gasoline and liquid water at 20 °C indicates that the volume of gasoline changes at about 4.5 times the rate of water.  In the United States, the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) specifies the accuracy of the measurements in Handbook 44, though states set their own legal standards. The standard accuracy is 0.3%, meaning that a purchase may actually deliver to.  The reference temperature for gasoline volume measurement is 60 °F or 15 °C. Ten gallons of gasoline at that temperature expands to about at and contracts to about at. Each of the three volumes represents the same theoretical amount of energy. In one sense, ten gallons of gasoline purchased at 30 °F is about 3.2% more potential energy than ten gallons purchased at 85 °F. Most gasoline is stored in tanks underneath the filling station. Modern tanks are non-metallic and sealed to stop leaks. Some have double walls or other structures that provide inadvertent thermal insulation while pursuing the main goal of keeping gasoline out of the soil around the tank. The net result is that while the air temperature can easily vary between, the gasoline in the insulated tank changes temperature much more slowly, especially in underground tanks, as deep soil temperature tends to remain in a narrow range throughout the year, regardless of air temperature.  Temperature compensation is common at the wholesale transaction level in the United States and most other countries. At the retail consumer level, Canada has converted to automatic temperature compensation, and the UK is undergoing conversion, but the United States has not. Automatic temperature compensation, known as Standard Temperature Accounting in the UK, may add a tiny amount of additional uncertainty to the measurement, about 0.1%.  There are far fewer retail outlets for gasoline in the United States today than there were in 1980. Larger outlets sell gasoline rapidly, as much as in a single day, even in remote places. Most finished product gasoline is delivered in 8,000- to 16,000-gallon tank trucks, so two deliveries in a 24-hour period is common. The belief is that the gasoline spends so little time in the retail sales system that its temperature at the point of sale does not vary significantly from winter to summer or by region. Canada has lower overall population densities and geographically larger gasoline distribution systems, compared with the United States. Temperature compensation at the retail level improves the fairness under those conditions.  In the United States, each of the 50 states has a Department of Weights and Measure, with the authority to perform all testing and certification, issuing fines for non-compliance. For example, in 2007 Arizona found that 9% of all pumps were at off by at least 2.5% (the threshold for fines), evenly split between overcounting and undercounting fuel. In some regions, regular required inspections are conducted to ensure the accuracy of fuel dispensers. For example, in the U.S. state of Florida, the Florida Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services conducts regular tests of calibration and fuel quality at individual dispensers. The department also conducts random undercover inspections using specially designed vehicles that can check the accuracy of the dispensers. The department issues correction required notices to stations with pumps found to be inaccurate. Most other US states conduct similar inspections. In Canada, inspections are regularly conducted by the federal government agency Measurement Canada. Inspection dates and test results are required, by law, to be displayed on a sticker on fuel dispensers for consumers to see. Under a recently proposed legislation by the House of Commons (C-14: Fairness at the Pumps Act), fines for a vendor with a modified fuel dispenser or poorly maintained dispenser would be up to $50,000. However, virtually all pumps that fail inspection in Canada do so for general calibration errors caused by use over time. Intentional modification for the purpose of deceiving consumers is extremely rare.

The metrology of hydrogen.

The hydrogen fuel dispensers in use on hydrogen stations dispense the fuel by the kilogram. In the United States, the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) specifies the accuracy of the measurements in Handbook 44. The current accuracy is specified at 2.0%. Worldwide regulations are discussed under OIML R 139 (compressed hydrogen).

Communications components.

The technology for communicating with gas pumps from a point of sale or other controller varies widely, involving a variety of hardware (RS-485, RS-422, current loop, and others) and proprietary software protocols. Traditionally these variations gave pump manufacturers a natural tie-in for their own point-of-sale systems, since only they understood the protocols.  An effort to standardize this in the 1990s resulted in the International Forecourt Standards Forum, which has had considerable success in Europe, but has less presence elsewhere. ("Forecourt" refers to the land area on which the fuel dispensers are located.)  By October 2017, all United States gas pumps had to use EMV technology for payment. A year before this change was required, a third of 750,000 pumps needed upgrading at a cost of $17,000 plus the cost of hardware and software. With some software not expected to be ready, some fleet cards not having chip technology available in time, not enough technicians for the installations, and many businesses having a difficult time affording the upgrade, it was predicted the conversion would take until 2021.

Automatic cut-off in fuel dispenser.

The shut-off valve was invented in Olean, New York in 1939 by Richard C. Corson. At a loading dock at the Socony-Vacuum Oil Company, Corson observed a worker filling a barrel with gasoline and thought it inefficient. The sound of a toilet flushing later gave him the idea for a "butterfly float." After developing a prototype with his assistant, Paul Wenke, Corson gave the suggestion to the company who later filed for a patent in his name. The initial intent of the device was to "allow a person to fill more than one barrel [of gasoline] at the same time." This mechanism eventually developed into the modern gasoline pump cut-off valve.  Most modern pumps have an auto cut-off feature that stops the flow when the tank is full. This is done with a second tube, the sensing tube, that runs from just inside the mouth of the nozzle up to a Venturi pump in the pump handle. A mechanical valve in the pump handle detects this change of pressure and closes, preventing the flow of fuel.

Other components.

A modern fuel pump will often contain control equipment for the vapor recovery system, which prevents gasoline vapor from escaping to the air. In the UK, for example, any new forecourt with a predicted throughput in excess of 500 m per month is required to have active vapour recovery installed.

Regulations.

Since fuel dispensers are the focal point of distributing fuel to the general public, and fuel is a hazardous substance, they are subject to stringent requirements regarding safety, accuracy and security. The exact details differ between countries and can depend to some extent on politics.  For example, in countries fighting corruption, such as Mexico, gas pumps may be more stringently monitored by government officials, in order to detect attempts to defraud customers.  Typically, individual pumps must be certified for operation after installation by a government weights and measures inspector, who tests that the pump displays the same amount that it dispenses. Measurement Canada is the federal agency responsible for pump regulations in Canada and stickers are displayed on the pumps.  Hydrogen fuel dispensers may be regulated under terms drawn from an industry technical standard, SAE J2601.  In Taiwan, continuous fuel flow is not allowed for self service pumps; the driver must grip the nozzle until the desired amount of fuel has been delivered or until the shutoff switch is triggered.

A fuel dispenser is a machine at a filling station that is used to pump gasoline, petrol, diesel, CNG, CGH2, HCNG, LPG, LH2, ethanol fuel, biofuels like biodiesel, kerosene, or other types of fuel into vehicles. Fuel dispensers are also known as bowsers (in Australia), petrol pumps (in Commonwealth countries), or gas pumps (in North America).

燃料加-{注}-机(英语:Fuel dispenser),一般简称加油机,是一种设置在填注站(Filling station)的机械。它使用泵将汽油、柴油、压缩天然气、压缩氢气、混氢天然气(HCNG)、液化石油气、液氢、燃料乙醇、生物燃料(如生物柴油)、煤油等类型的燃料加入车辆。


Chess career.

Friðrik was born in Reykjavík, Iceland. A first-time winner of the Icelandic Chess Championship in 1952 and of the Nordic Chess Championship a year later, he rapidly became recognised as the strongest Icelandic player of his generation. Friðrik's first result of international note was his shared first with Viktor Korchnoi at Hastings 1955–56.  Friðrik's best result in World Chess Championship competition was in the 1958 Interzonal tournament at Portorož, where he finished equal 5th–6th, automatically earning the grandmaster title (the first for Iceland) and qualifying for the 1959 Candidates Tournament (the last stage to determine the challenger to the World Chess Champion) in 1960. In the event, held at Bled, Zagreb and Belgrade, however, he finished seventh of eight with 10/28. He also played in the following Interzonal (Stockholm 1962) but failed to qualify for the Candidates. Among his best tournament results were joint third in the first Piatigorsky Cup, Los Angeles 1963, with 71⁄2/14 and shared first with Ljubomir Ljubojević at Wijk aan Zee 1976, ahead of Mikhail Tal. According to Chessmetrics, Olafsson at his best was rated 2692 on the October 1958 rating list, ranked #13 in world.  In 1978, he succeeded Max Euwe as President of the international chess governing body FIDE. During the tenure he presided over the 1981 Karpov–Korchnoi World Championship match. Since Korchnoi defected from the Soviet Union in 1976, the Soviets were holding Korchnoi's son, Igor. Olafsson delayed the planned September 19 start date of the match in a bid to get the Soviets to release Victor's son. For this attempt, Olafsson drew the wrath of the Soviets, who then backed the FIDE Vice-President, Florencio Campomanes for Presidency of FIDE. After losing the election in 1982, Olafsson was appointed Secretary to the Icelandic Parliament. Friðrik continued to play occasionally into the 21st century, winning a rapid match against fellow veteran Bent Larsen in 2003 by a score of 5–3. Friðrik usually played the Sicilian Defence against 1.e4 and the King's Indian Defence and Nimzo-Indian Defence against 1.d4. With White, he usually played the English Opening, but he also played 1.d4, 1.e4 and 1.Nf3 many times.

Personal life.

In life outside of chess, Friðrik is married and has two adult daughters. Prior to 1974, when he became a chess professional, he worked as a lawyer at the Icelandic Ministry of Justice.

Friðrik Ólafsson (born 26 January 1935) is an Icelandic chess grandmaster. He was president of FIDE from 1978 to 1982. He is a six-time Icelandic Chess Champion and a two-time Nordic Chess Champion.

弗里德里克·奥拉夫松(Friðrik Ólafsson,1935年-1月26日),冰岛国际象棋特级大师、世界国际象棋联合会前主席。


History.

The biwa came to Japan in the 7th century and it was evolved from the Chinese instrument pipa, while the pipa itself was derived from similar instruments in Western Asia. This type of biwa is called the gaku-biwa and was used in gagaku ensembles and is the most commonly known type. While the route is unclear, another type of biwa found its way to the Kyushu region, and this thin biwa (called mōsō-biwa or kōjin-biwa) was used in ceremonies and religious rites. Before long, as the Ritsuryō state collapsed, the court music musicians were faced with the reconstruction and sought asylum in Buddhist temples. There they assumed the role of Buddhist monks and encountered the mōsō-biwa. They incorporated the convenient aspects of mōsō-biwa, its small size and portability, into their large and heavy gaku-biwa, and created the heike-biwa, which, as indicated by its namesake, was used primarily for recitations of The Tale of the Heike.  Through the next several centuries, players of both traditions intersected frequently and developed new music styles and new instruments. By the Kamakura period (1185–1333), the heike-biwa had emerged as a popular instrument. The heike-biwa could be described as a cross between both the gaku-biwa and mōsō-biwa. It retained the rounded shape of the gaku-biwa and was played with a large plectrum like the mōsō-biwa. The heike biwa was also small, like the mōsō-biwa (actually smaller) and was used for similar purposes.  While the modern satsuma-biwa and chikuzen-biwa both find their origin with the mōsō-biwa, the Satsuma biwa was used for moral and mental training by samurai of the Satsuma Domain during the Warring States period, and later in general performances. The Chikuzen biwa was used by Buddhist monks visiting private residences to perform memorial services, not only for Buddhist rites, but also for telling entertaining stories and news while accompanying themselves on the biwa, and this form of storytelling was thought to be spread in this way.  Not much seems to have been written about biwas from roughly the 16th century to the mid-19th century. What is known is that three main streams of biwa emerged during that time: zato (the lowest level of the state-controlled guild of blind biwa players), shifu (samurai style), and chofu (urban style). These styles emphasized ()—vocalization with biwa accompaniment—and formed the foundation for () styles such as shinnai and kota. From these styles also emerged the two principal survivors of the biwa tradition: satsuma-biwa and chikuzen-biwa. From roughly the Meiji Era (1868–1912) until the Pacific War, the satsuma-biwa and chikuzen-biwa were popular across Japan, and, at the beginning of the Showa Era (1925–1989), the nishiki-biwa was created and gained popularity. Of the remaining biwa traditions, only higo-biwa remains a style almost solely performed by blind persons in the post-war era. The higo-biwa is closely related to the heike-biwa and, similarly, relies on an oral-narrative tradition focusing on wars and legends.  By the middle of the Meiji period (1868–1912), improvements had been made on the instruments and easily understandable songs were composed in quantity. In the beginning of the Taishō period (1912–1926), the Satsuma biwa was modified into the Nishiki biwa which was popular among female players at the time. With this the biwa met a great period of prosperity, and the songs themselves were not just about the Tale of the Heike but songs connected to the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War such as "Takeo Hirose", "Hitachimaru", "203 Hill" gained popularity. However, the playing of the biwa nearly became extinct during the Meiji period as Western music and instruments became popular, until players such as Tsuruta Kinshi and others revitalized the genre with modern playing styles and collaborations with Western composers.

Types.

There are more than seven types of biwa, characterised by number of strings, sounds it could produce, type of plectrum, and their use. As the biwa does not play in tempered tuning, pitches are approximated to the nearest note.

Style.

Generally speaking, biwa is considered one of Japan's principal traditional instruments, and, as such, it has both influenced and been influenced by other traditional instruments and compositions throughout its long history in Japan.  In Hogaku, musical instruments usually serve as accompaniments to vocal performances. Song dominates hogaku, and the overwhelming majority of hogaku compositions are vocal. In this context, the biwa was one of the prominent instruments.  Gagaku was usually patronized by the imperial court or the shrines and temples. Gagaku ensembles were composed of string, wind, and percussion instruments, where string and wind instruments were more respected and percussion instruments were considered lesser instruments. Among the string instruments, the biwa seems to have been the most important instrument in gagaku orchestral performances.  While biwa was not used in shōmyō, the style of biwa singing is closely tied to shōmyō, especially mōsō and heike style biwa singing. Both shōmyō and mōsō are rooted in Buddhist rituals and traditions. Before arriving in Japan, shōmyō was used in Indian Buddhism. The mōsō-biwa was also rooted in Indian Buddhism, and the heike-biwa, as a predecessor to the mōsō-biwa, was the principal instrument of the biwa hōshi, who were blind Buddhist priests.

Biwa Aesthetics.

Generally speaking, biwas have four strings. That being said, modern satsuma and chikuzen biwas might have five strings. The first string is thickest and the fourth string is thinnest (the second string is the thickest on the chikuzen-biwa, and the fourth and fifth strings are the same thickness on five-stringed chikuzen and satsuma-biwas). The varying string thickness creates different timbres when stroked from different directions.  In biwa, tuning is not fixed. General tones and pitches can fluctuate up or down entire steps or microtones. When singing in a chorus, biwa singers often stagger their entry and often sing through non-synchronized, heterophony accompaniment. In solo performances, a biwa performer sings monophonically, with melismatic emphasis throughout the performance. These monophonic do not follow a set harmony. Instead biwa singers tend to sing with a flexible pitch without distinguishing soprano, alto, tenor, or bass roles. This singing style is complemented by the biwa, which biwa players use to produce short glissandi throughout the performance. Biwa singing style tends to be nasal, particularly when singing vowels, the consonant, and notes containing "g" (e.g., ). Also, biwa performers vary the volume of their voice between barely audible to very loud (rarely deafening). Since biwa performances were generally for small groups, singers did not need to project their voices as do opera singers in the Western tradition.  Biwa music is based on a pentatonic scale (sometimes referred to as a five-tone or five-note scale), meaning that each octave contains five notes. This scale sometimes includes supplementary notes, but the core remains pentatonic. The rhythm in biwa performances allows for a broad flexibility of pulse. Songs are not always metered, although more modern collaborations are metered. Notes played on the biwa usually begin slow and thin and progress through gradual accelerations, increasing and decreasing tempo throughout the performance. The texture of biwa singing is often described as "sparse".  The plectrum also contributes to the texture of biwa music. Different sized plectrums produced different textures; for example, the plectrum used on a moso-biwa was much larger than that used on a gaku-biwa, producing a harsher, more vigorous sound. The plectrum is also critical to creating the sawari sound, which is particularly utilized with satsuma-biwas. What the plectrum is made of also changes the texture, with ivory and plastic plectrums creating a more resilient texture to the wooden plectrum's twangy hum.

Use in modern music.

Biwa usage in Japan has declined greatly since the Heian period. Outside influence, internal pressures, and socio-political turmoil redefined biwa patronage and biwa image; for example, the Ōnin War during the Muromachi period (1338–1573) and the subsequent Warring States period (15th–17th centuries) disrupted the cycle of tutelage for heikyoku performers. As a result, younger musicians turned to other instruments and interest in biwa music decreased. Even the biwa hoshi transitioned to other instruments such as the shamisen (a three stringed lute).  Interest in the biwa revived during the Edo period (1600–1868) when Tokugawa Ieyasu unified Japan and established the Tokugawa shogunate. Ieyasu favored biwa music and became a major patron. He helped strengthen biwa guilds (called Todo) by financing them and allowing them special privileges (142). Shamisen players and other musicians found it financially beneficial to switch to the biwa, and, as they crossed over, they brought new styles. The Edo period proved to be one of the most prolific and artistically creative periods for the biwa in its long history in Japan (143).  In 1868, the Tokugawa shogunate collapsed, giving way to the Meiji period and the Meiji Restoration. In Meiji, the samurai class was abolished, and the Todo lost their patronage. Biwa players no longer enjoyed special privileges and were forced to support themselves. At the beginning of Meiji (1868), it was estimated that there were at least one hundred traditional court musicians in Tokyo. Yet, by the 1930s, there were only forty-six traditional court musicians in Tokyo. A quarter of these musicians died in the war. Life in Post-war Japan was difficult, and many musicians abandoned their music in favor of more sustainable livelihoods.  While many styles of biwa flourished in the early 1900s (e.g., Kindai-biwa from the 1900s–1930s), the cycle of tutelage was broken yet again. Currently, there are no direct means of studying biwa in many biwa traditions. Even higo-biwa players, who were quite popular in the early 20th century, may no longer have a direct means of studying oral composition, as the bearers of the tradition have either died or are no longer able to play. Kindai biwa still retains a significant number of professional and amateur practitioners, but zato, heike, and moso-biwa styles have all but died out.  As biwa music declined in post-Pacific War Japan, many Japanese composers and musicians found ways to revitalize interest in it. They recognized that studies in music theory and music composition in Japan almost entirely consisted in Western theory and instruction. Beginning in the late 1960s, these musicians and composers began to incorporate Japanese music and Japanese instruments into their compositions; for example, one composer, Tōru Takemitsu, collaborated with Western composers and compositions to include the distinctly Asian biwa. His well-received compositions such as November Steps, which incorporates biwa heikyoku with Western orchestral performance, revitalized interest in the biwa and sparked a series of collaborative efforts by other musician in genres ranging from J-Pop and enka to shin-hougaku and gendaigaku.  Other musicians, such as Yamashika Yoshiyuki, who is considered by most ethnomusicologists to be the last of the biwa hoshi, preserved scores of songs that were almost lost forever. Yamashika, born in the late Meiji, continued the biwa hoshi tradition until his death in 1996. Beginning in the late sixties to the late eighties, composers and historians from all over the world visited Yamashika and recorded many of his songs. Up to that time, the biwa hoshi tradition of songs was completely an oral tradition. When Yamashika died in 1996, the era of the biwa hoshi tutelage died with him, but the music and genius of that era continues thanks to his recordings.

The is a Japanese short-necked fretted lute, often used in narrative storytelling. The "biwa" is the chosen instrument of Benten, goddess of music, eloquence, poetry, and education in Japanese Buddhism. The biwa is a plucked string instrument that was first popular in China and then spread throughout East Asia. It is said to have arrived in Japan from China during the Nara period (710 - 794), and is even thought to have roots that trace back to Persia. It is generally 60 - 106 cm in length and made from wood. The instrument consists of a water-drop-shaped body with a handle, and while there are generally four strings, five-stringed varieties also exist. In Japan, the biwa is generally plucked with a bachi instead of the fingers, and is often used to play gagaku. In addition, it is used as musical accompaniment when blind monks recite scriptural texts, or when reciting The Tale of the Heike, a war chronicle from the Kamakura era (1185 - 1333).

日本琵琶于7-8世纪时由中国传入日本,正仓院的宝物藏品中仍留有当时传来的琵琶。演奏时用半扇形似银杏叶的拨子拨弦,种类有五弦琵琶、乐琵琶、平家琵琶、盲僧琵琶、唐琵琶、萨摩琵琶、筑前琵琶等,不同种类的日本琵琶较少用于合奏。现今我们所研究的日本琵琶基本上可以分为盲僧琵琶和雅乐琵琶两种。以日本琵琶为主奏乐器的音乐在当地被日本人统称为「琵琶乐」。


Orbit.

Ijiraq orbits Saturn at an average distance of 11.1 Gm in 451 days on an orbit very similar to Kiviuq's. Ijiraq is believed to be in Kozai resonance: its orbit is cyclically reducing the inclination while increasing the eccentricity and vice versa. The orbital argument of pericenter oscillates around 90° with an amplitude of 60°.

Physical characteristics.

While Ijiraq is a member of the Inuit group of irregular satellites, recent observations revealed that it is distinctively redder than Paaliaq, Siarnaq and Kiviuq. Its spectral slope (a measure of body reflectance in function of the wavelength) is twice as steep as that of other Inuit-group satellites (20% per 100 nm), typical for red trans-Neptunian objects like Sedna but unknown for irregular satellites. In addition, the Ijiraupian (Ijiraqan) spectrum lacks the weak absorption near 0.7 μm, attributed to a possible water hydration, found in the other three.

Name.

Ijiraq was named in 2003 after the "ijiraq", a creature of Inuit mythology.  Kavelaars, an astronomer at McMaster University, suggested this name to help astronomical nomenclature to get out of its Greco-Romano-Renaissance rut. He spent several months trying to find names that were both multi-cultural and Canadian, consulting Amerindian scholars without finding a name that seemed appropriate. In March 2001, he was reading an Inuit tale to his children and had a revelation. The "ijiraq" plays at hide-and-seek, which is what these small moons of Saturn do: they are hard to find, and cold like the Canadian arctic (the team of discoverers includes Canadians, Norwegians and Icelanders—nordicity is their common trait). Kavelaars contacted the author of the tale, Michael Kusugak, to get his assent, and the latter also suggested the names for Kiviuq and 90377 Sedna.

Ijiraq, or Saturn XXII (22), is a small prograde irregular satellite of Saturn. It was discovered by the team of Brett Gladman, John J. Kavelaars, "et al." in 2000, and given the temporary designation. It was named in 2003 after the ijiraq, a creature in Inuit mythology.

土卫二十二(S/2000 S 6, Ijiraq)是环绕土星运行的一颗正转不规则卫星,在2000年被 约翰·卡维拉斯和布莱特·格莱德曼发现,随后并给它一个暂时性的编号S/2000 S 6。直到2003年才替它取了一个正式的英文名伊耶拉克(Ijiraq),而伊耶拉克在因努伊特神话中的一个怪物。