Stately homes of England.

The term "stately home" is subject to debate, and avoided by historians and other academics. As a description of a country house, the term was first used in a poem by Felicia Hemans, "The Homes of England", originally published in "Blackwood's Magazine" in 1827. In the 20th century, the term was later popularised in a song by Noël Coward, and in modern usage it often implies a country house that is open to visitors at least some of the time.  In England, the terms "country house" and "stately home" are sometimes used vaguely and interchangeably; however, many country houses such as Ascott in Buckinghamshire were deliberately designed not to be stately, and to harmonise with the landscape, while some of the great houses such as Kedleston Hall and Holkham Hall were built as "power houses" to dominate the landscape, and were most certainly intended to be "stately" and impressive. In his book "Historic Houses: Conversations in Stately Homes", the author and journalist Robert Harling documents nineteen "stately homes"; these range in size from the vast Blenheim Palace to the minuscule Ebberston Hall, and in architecture from the Jacobean Renaissance of Hatfield House to the eccentricities of Sezincote. The book's collection of stately homes also includes George IV's Brighton town palace, the Royal Pavilion.

Evolution.

The country houses of England have evolved over the last five hundred years. Before this time, larger houses were usually fortified, reflecting the position of their owners as feudal lords, "de facto" overlords of their manors. The Tudor period of stability in the country saw the building of the first of the unfortified great houses. Henry VIII's Dissolution of the Monasteries saw many former ecclesiastical properties granted to the King's favourites, who then converted them into private country houses. Woburn Abbey, Forde Abbey and many other mansions with "abbey" or "priory" in their name became private houses during this period. Other terms used in the names of houses to describe their origin or importance include "palace", "castle", "court", "hall", "mansion", "park", "house", "manor", and "place".  It was during the second half of the reign of Elizabeth I, and under her successor, James I, that the first architect-designed mansions, thought of today as epitomising the English country house, began to make their appearance. Burghley House, Longleat House, and Hatfield House are among the best known examples of the showy prodigy house, often built with the intention of attracting the monarch to visit. By the reign of Charles I, Inigo Jones and his form of Palladianism had changed the face of English domestic architecture completely, with the use of turrets and towers as an architectural reference to the earlier castles and fortified houses completely disappearing. The Palladian style, in various forms, interrupted briefly by baroque, was to predominate until the second half of the 18th century when, influenced by ancient Greek styles, it gradually evolved into the neoclassicism championed by such architects as Robert Adam.  Some of the best known of England's country houses were built by one architect at one particular time: Montacute House, Chatsworth House, and Blenheim Palace are examples. While the latter two are ducal palaces, Montacute, although built by a Master of the Rolls to Queen Elizabeth I, was occupied for the next 400 years by his descendants, who were gentry without a London townhouse, rather than aristocracy. They finally ran out of funds in the early 20th century.  However, the vast majority of the lesser-known English country houses, often owned at different times by gentlemen and peers, are an evolution of one or more styles with facades and wings in different styles in a mixture of high architecture, often as interpreted by a local architect or surveyor, and determined by practicality as much as by the whims of architectural taste. An example of this is Brympton d'Evercy in Somerset, a house of many periods that is unified architecturally by the continuing use of the same mellow, local Ham Hill stone.  The fashionable William Kent redesigned Rousham House only to have it quickly and drastically altered to provide space for the owner's twelve children. Canons Ashby, home to poet John Dryden's family, is another example of architectural evolution: a medieval farmhouse enlarged in the Tudor era around a courtyard, given grandiose plaster ceilings in the Stuart period, and then having Georgian façades added in the 18th century. The whole is a glorious mismatch of styles and fashions that seamlessly blend together. These could be called the true English country house. Wilton House, one of England's grandest houses, is in a remarkably similar vein; although, while the Drydens, mere squires, at Canons Ashby employed a local architect, at Wilton the mighty Earls of Pembroke employed the finest architects of the day: first Holbein, 150 years later Inigo Jones, and then Wyatt followed by Chambers. Each employed a different style of architecture, seemingly unaware of the design of the wing around the next corner. These varying "improvements", often criticised at the time, today are the qualities that make English country houses unique.

Sizes and types.

There are no written terms for distinguishing between vast country palaces and comparatively small country houses; the descriptive terms, which can include "castle", "manor" and "court", provide no firm clue and are often only used because of a historical connection with the site of such a building. Therefore, for ease or explanation, Britain's country houses can be categorised according to the circumstances of their creation.

Power houses.

The great houses are the largest of the country houses; in truth palaces, built by the country's most powerful – these were designed to display their owners' power or ambitions to power. Really large unfortified or barely fortified houses began to take over from the traditional castles of the crown and magnates during the Tudor period, with vast houses such as Hampton Court Palace and Burghley House, and continued until the 18th century with houses such as Castle Howard, Kedleston Hall and Holkham Hall. Such building reached its zenith from the late 17th century until the mid-18th century; these houses were often completely built or rebuilt in their entirety by one eminent architect in the most fashionable architectural style of the day and often have a suite of Baroque state apartments, typically in enfilade, reserved for the most eminent guests, the entertainment of whom was of paramount importance in establishing and maintaining the power of the owner. The common denominator of this category of English country houses is that they were designed to be lived in with a certain degree of ceremony and pomp. It was not unusual for the family to have a small suite of rooms for withdrawing in privacy away from the multitude that lived in the household. These houses were always an alternative residence to a London house.  During the 18th and 19th centuries, for the highest echelons of English society, the country house served as a place for relaxing, hunting and running the country with one's equals at the end of the week, with some houses having their own theatre where performances were staged.  The country house, however, was not just an oasis of pleasure for a fortunate few; it was the centre of its own world, providing employment to hundreds of people in the vicinity of its estate. In previous eras, when state benefits were unheard of, those working on an estate were among the most fortunate, receiving secured employment and rent-free accommodation. At the summit of this category of people was the indoor staff of the country house. Unlike many of their contemporaries prior to the 20th century, they slept in proper beds, wore well-made adequate clothes and received three proper meals a day, plus a small wage. In an era when many still died from malnutrition or lack of medicine, the long working hours were a small price to pay.  As a result of the aristocratic habit of only marrying within the aristocracy, and whenever possible to a sole heiress, many owners of country houses owned several country mansions, and would visit each according to the season: Grouse shooting in Scotland, pheasant shooting and fox hunting in England. The Earl of Rosebery, for instance, had Dalmeny House in Scotland, Mentmore Towers in Buckinghamshire, and another house near Epsom just for the racing season. For many, this way of life, which began a steady decline in 1914, continued well into the 20th century, and for a very few continues to this day.

Minor country houses.

In the second category of Britain's country houses are those that belonged to the squirearchy or landed gentry. These tend either to have evolved from medieval hall houses, with rooms added as required, or were purpose-built by relatively unknown local architects. Smaller, and far greater in number than the "power houses", these were still the epicentre of their own estate, but were often the only residence of their owner.  However, whether the owner of a "power house" or a small manor, the inhabitants of the English country house have become collectively referred to as the ruling class, because this is exactly what they did in varying degrees, whether by having high political influence and power in national government, or in the day-to-day running of their own localities or "county" in such offices as lord/deputy lieutenant, magistrates, or occasionally even clergy.  The Country house mystery was a popular genre of English detective fiction in the 1920s and 1930s; set in the residence of the gentry and often involving a murder in a country house temporarily isolated by a snowstorm or similar with the suspects all at a weekend house party.

Victorian houses.

Following the Industrial Revolution of the 19th century, a third category of country houses was built as newly rich industrialists and bankers were eager to display their wealth and taste. By the 1850s, with the English economy booming, new mansions were built in one of the many revivalist architectural styles popular throughout the 19th century. The builders of these new houses were able to take advantage of the political unrest in Europe that gave rise to a large trade in architectural salvage. This new wave of country house building is exemplified by the Rothschild properties in the Home counties and Bletchley Park (rebuilt in several styles, and famous for its code-breaking rôle in World War II).

Decline.

The slow decline of the English country house coincided with the rise not just of taxation, but also of modern industry, along with the agricultural depression of the 1870s. By 1880, this had led some owners into financial shortfalls as they tried to balance maintenance of their estates with the income they provided. Some relied on funds from secondary sources such as banking and trade while others, like the severely impoverished Duke of Marlborough, sought to marry American heiresses to save their country houses and lifestyles.  The ultimate demise began immediately following World War I. The members of the huge staff required to maintain large houses had either left to fight and never returned, departed to work in the munitions factories, or filled the void left by the fighting men in other workplaces. Of those who returned after the war, many left the countryside for better-paid jobs in towns. The final blow for many country houses came following World War II; having been requisitioned during the war, they were returned to the owners in poor repair. Many estate owners, having lost their heirs, if not in the immediately preceding war then in World War I, were now paying far higher rates of tax, and agricultural incomes had dropped. Thus, the solution for many was to hold contents auctions and then demolish the house and sell its stone, fireplaces, and panelling. This is what happened to many of Britain's finest houses.  Despite this slow decline, as late as 1920, so necessary was the country house for entertaining and prestige that, following the election of the first Labour Government in 1921, Viscount Lee of Fareham donated his country house Chequers to the nation for the use of a prime minister who might not possess one of his own. Chequers still fulfills that need today as do both Chevening House and Dorneywood, donated for sole use of high-ranking ministers of the Crown.

Today.

Today, many country houses have become hotels, schools, hospitals, museums and prisons, while others have survived as conserved ruins, but from the early 20th century until the early 1970s, hundreds of country houses were demolished. Houses that survived destruction are now mostly Grade I or II listed as buildings of historic interest—and only the most faithful, most accurate, and most precise restoration and re-creation is permitted. Such work, however, is usually very expensive, although the system does ensure that everything is done correctly and authentically. The negative side is that many owners cannot afford the work, so a roof remains leaking for the sake of a cheap roof tile. The first stately home to open to the public in England in the modern style is said to be Stoneleigh Abbey in Warwickshire.  Although the ownership or management of some houses has been transferred to a private trust, most notably at Chatsworth, other houses have transferred art works and furnishings under the Acceptance in Lieu scheme to ownership by various national or local museums, but are retained for display in the building. This enables the former owners to offset tax, the payment of which would otherwise have necessitated the sale of the art works. For example, tapestries and furniture at Houghton Hall are now owned by the Victoria and Albert Museum. In addition, increasing numbers of country houses hold licences for weddings and civil ceremonies. Another source of income is to use the house as a venue for parties, a film location and a corporate entertainment venue. While many country houses are open to the public, they remain inhabited private houses, in some cases by the descendants of their original owners.  The lifestyles of those living and working in a country house in the early 20th century were recreated in a BBC television programme, "The Edwardian Country House", which was filmed at Manderston House in Scotland. Another particularly popular television programme that features the dynamics of life in country houses is "Downton Abbey", which aired on iTV in the United Kingdom and PBS in the United States.

An English country house is a large house or mansion in the English countryside. Such houses were often owned by individuals who also owned a town house. This allowed them to spend time in the country and in the city—hence, for these people, the term distinguished between town and country. However, the term also encompasses houses that were, and often still are, the full-time residence for the landed gentry that ruled rural Britain until the Reform Act 1832. Frequently, the formal business of the counties was transacted in these country houses.

英格兰乡村别墅(English country house,也称country seat、great house、stately home)是指位于英格兰乡村地区的贵族和绅士阶级的宅第。大多数乡村别墅都建设于16世纪至1914年期间。亨利八世时,由于国王下令解散修道院,许多修道院被赐给国王的家臣。之后在伊丽莎白一世时期,随着别墅文化开始兴盛,不仅修道院被改建为乡村别墅,许多贵族也开始修建自己的乡村别墅。有约1500至2000栋别墅度过了两次世界大战的危机保留至今,部分对一般公众开放。英格兰乡村别墅也成为英格兰文化及建筑的重要象征。


新干线952型、953型电联车

Design.

The train consisted of nine cars arranged in two distinct "halves", with the Class 952 half-set consisting of four separate vehicles, and the Class 953 half-set consisting of five articulated vehicles using shared bogies.  Three different construction methods were used for the vehicle bodies. Cars 1 to 3 used welded hollow aluminium extrusions, cars 4 to 5 used brazed aluminium honeycomb panels, and cars 6 to 9 used an aircraft-style Duralumin fuselage construction.  The front-end design of the two driving vehicles (952-1 and 953-5) were slightly different, although both used a wedge-shaped profile with little lateral taper.  The external livery was light green for the Class 952 cars (including half of car 953-1), "snow" grey for cars 953-1 to 953-3, and beige for cars 953-3 to 953-5, with a light blue window band throughout the length of the train.  Internally, cars were fitted with passengers seats, arranged 2+2 abreast for standard class cars, and 2+1 abreast for the Green car (952-4). Five different types of lightweight seating design were tested.

Formation.

The set, designated S5, was initially formed as follows with some cars unpowered. Cars 1 to 3 were built by Nippon Sharyo, cars 4 to 5 were built by Hitachi, and cars 6 to 8 were built by Kawasaki Heavy Industries.  Cars 3 and 7 were fitted with pantographs.

History.

The train was delivered in March 1992, and unveiled to the press on 2 April.  On 30 October 1992, the train recorded a Japanese national speed record of on the Jōetsu Shinkansen between Urasa and Niigata, surpassing the record previously set by JR West's "WIN350" experimental train in August of the same year. On 1 November 1992, the record was raised to between Tsubame-Sanjō and Niigata.  In 1993, the train was modified with the addition of motors to all axles, increasing its overall rating to.  On 13 December 1993, the train reached, and on 21 December recorded a Japanese national speed record of on the Jōetsu Shinkansen between Tsubame-Sanjō and Niigata. This record stood until it was broken by JR Central's "300X" experimental train in July 1996.  The STAR21 trainset was officially withdrawn on 17 February 1998.

Preservation.

End car 952-1 is preserved outdoors at the RTRI large-scale wind tunnel test facility in Maibara, Shiga, first displayed to the public on 10 October 1998. Cars 953-1 and 953-5 are preserved at Sendai Shinkansen Depot. A DT9035B bogie from the train was donated in June 1998 by Sumitomo Metal Industries to the Nara National College of Technology in Nara, where it is kept on display.

"STAR21" was the name given to the 9-car experimental Shinkansen train developed in 1992 by the East Japan Railway Company (JR East) in Japan to test technology to be incorporated in next-generation shinkansen trains operating at speeds of or higher. The name was an acronym for "Superior Train for the Advanced Railway toward the 21st Century".

新干线952型、953型电联车,又称STAR21,是东日本旅客铁道(JR东日本)在E1～E4系动车组制造前,于1993年以次世代新干线技术制作的一款实验列车,亦是JR东日本首列采用交流传动技术及关节式转向架的高铁列车,运营速度为。


The inauguration of Çamlıca Mosque.

The current largest mosque in Turkey, Çamlıca Mosque was completed and opened on March 7th, 2019 in Uskudar, Istanbul, Turkey. The official inauguration of the mosque was on March 3rd, 2019 by the current President of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The president inaugurated the Çamlıca Mosque with a speech condemning terrorist attacks, stating that the people behind these deadly attacks were “common enemies of all humanity.” While cutting the ribbon to mark the official opening of the mosque, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stated that the terrorist attackers shared “a dark mentality.”

Çamlıca Mosque as part of Turkey’s megaprojects.

The cost of the Çamlıca Mosque was 150 million Turkish Lira, which was an investment into the megaprojects (Canal Istanbul) plan by the current Turkish government of the AK Party in an attempt to strengthen the economy. The megaprojects plan by the AK Party of Turkey sparked controversey and political turmoil about the management of a faltering economy. Others believe the project is visionary and will boost the country's touristic economy and infrastructure investments. The megaprojects plan on the canal has also sparked environmental controvsery where environmentalists have warned that the infrastructures could damage the canal ecosystem, making it uninhabitable. On another end, supporters are raving about the way the project is generating growth in the economy where the president replied with the statement, "We invested billions in Istanbul, and now they say we robbed the country?", accusing opponents of the AK Party of peddling lies and sparking controversy.

Architecture.

The architectural design planning of Çamlıca Mosque began in the year 2000 and was led by two female architects, Hayriye Gül Totu and Bahar Mızrak. The female architects designed the mosque to hold 63,000 people with special consideration for women as there is a separate area for women to pray and also a childcare space. The design of Çamlıca Mosque was inspired by the combination of Ottoman Islamic architecture as well as from local traditions of Denmark and Scandinavia. The design of the architecture considered the possibility of an earthquake. The designers of the project took into account the standards of what is ‘earthquake safe’ for the city of Istanbul and this was the reason that the mosque is able to accommodate 100,000 people in case of an earthquake.

Exterior.

Bellaigue describes the exterior of Çamlıca Mosque as “a huge box attached to a colonnaded courtyard; on top of the box, domes and half-domes swarm around a squat central dome surmounted by a golden, crescent-shaped finial." The design of the exterior was heavily inspired by the chief builder of the Ottoman classical age, architect Mimar Sinan. Sinan’s Ottoman designs had influence on the exterior design plan of the mosque where, “its use of concrete has relegated Sinan’s structural devices – the dome-clusters, for example, that he used to diffuse the downward thrust of the main dome – to mere ornament.” The mosque is located on Çamlıca Hill and stares out to one of Sinan’s creation, the Suleymaniye Mosque. The mosque is situated to rival the Suleymaniye Mosque, which was designed and built by the famous Mimar Sinan to be facing the hill on the European bank of the Bosphorus in Istanbul. At 72 metres in height, the main dome of Çamlıca Mosque symbolises the 72 nations residing in Istanbul, Turkey and the dome spanning 34 metres represents the city of Istanbul. The measurements of the main dome are 3.12 metre’s wide, 7.77 metres in height and weighs 4.5 tons. The mosque features some of the largest gates inside a place of worship in the world where the main gate is 5 metres in length, 6.5 metres in height and weighs 6 tons. The finial was coloured using nanotechnology and comprises of three parts. The finial of Çamlıca Mosque is the biggest in the world

Interior.

Çamlıca Mosque features a museum, underground parking space, an art gallery, library, conference hall, and a childcare. The art gallery is of 3,500 square metres and the library is that of 3,000 square metres in space.

Minarets.

Çamlıca Mosque has six minarets which represents the six pillars of the religion, Islam. Four of the six minarets feature three balconies that stand 107.1 metres high which is dedicated to the Turk’s Victory of Manzikert (Battle of Manzikert). The other two minarets feature two balconies and stand at 90 metres in height. The 72 metre main dome represents the 72 nations who reside in the city of Istanbul, the minarets are centred around the dome with the four minarets on even ends and the other two on the outer ends of the mosque.

Female design and female-specific features.

The architectural design planning of Çamlıca Mosque was led by two female architects, Bahar Mızrak and Hayriye Gül Totu. The architects planned to create a ‘female-friendly’ mosque that uses positive discrimination for women. The planning of the mosque incorporated a separate space for women to perform ablutions before prayer, a separate elevator to the prayer spaces and a childcare. The separate prayer space for women is located in the central hall of the mosque and holds up to 600 people. The childcare for children has a playground area and a car park. The architects stated that they wanted to change the tradition of more men going to mosques than females by designing Çamlıca Mosque to be ‘female-friendly.'

The largest mosque in Turkey, Çamlıca Mosque () (also known as Çamlıca Masjid) is a place of Islamic worship which, was completed and opened in March of 2019. The mosque is located in Uskudar, Istanbul, Turkey and showcases an art gallery, library, and a conference hall. The cost of the mosque was 150 million Turkish Lira, which was an investment into the megaproject plan by the Turkish government in an attempt to strengthen the economy. The architectural design planning of Çamlıca Mosque began in the year 2000 and was led by two female architects, Bahar Mızrak and Hayriye Gül Totu. The design of the mosque was inspired by Ottoman Islamic architecture, Mimar Sinan and from local traditions of Denmark and Scandinavia.

强穆勒佳清真寺 ( )是一座位于伊斯坦布尔的清真寺,同时也是土耳其最大的清真寺。 该清真寺可容纳63,000人,其中包括博物馆、美术馆、图书馆、会议厅和可容纳3500辆车的地下停车场。


Career.

Ri was the first North Korean ever to win a gold medal on vault at the Asian Games, where he performed solidly at the 2006 Asian Games and was the first one for North Korea on that apparatus. He later went on to win a bronze medal on vault at the 2007 World Artistic Gymnastics Championships.  In 2009, Ri successfully performed an extremely difficult new vault, a Tsukahara (1/4 entry in the first flight) on the vaulting table, followed by a full twisting double backwards salto in tuck position. The new vault is named after Ri. The vault, now officially named the Ri Se Gwang, was valued a difficulty score of 7.2 and the second highest difficulty value in the world, with Yang Hak Seon's vault the Yang Hak Seon (front handspring triple twist) being the most difficult with a start value of 7.4 in the previous 2009-2012 Code of Points for men's artistic gymnastics (MAG).  Ri competed in the 2009 World Artistic Gymnastics Championships and qualified first for the individual vault final. He finished in seventh place in that event final after a fall on his first vault and going out of bounds on his second vault, with an average score of 15.650.  Together with the entire North Korean delegation team, Ri was banned from competing in artistic gymnastics at the 2012 London Olympics due to persistent issues with regards to age falsification accusations of their female gymnasts. The two-year ban ended on October 5, 2012, which came just a bit too late to try make that cycle's August Olympic Games.  At the 2014 Asian Games, Ri qualified in first place ahead of the 2012 Olympic champion on vault, Yang Hak Seon of South Korea, but finished just missing the bronze medal by the narrowest of margins (0.001) with an average combined score of 14.799 on the individual vault event behind Shek Wai Hung of Hong Kong (15.216), Yang Hak Seon (15.200) and Hung Xi of China (14.800).  At the 2014 World Artistic Gymnastics Championships held in Nanning, China, Ri defeated the reigning World and Olympic Champion Yang Hak Seon after Yang crashed in both his vaults during the event final, and won the gold medal with an average combined score of 15.413 ahead of Ihor Radivilov of Ukraine (15.333), 2012 Olympic bronze medalist on vault, and Jacob Dalton from the United States (15.199). Ri won thanks to the quad's highest difficulty scores of 6.4 assigned to both his vaults, and despite incurring a 0.3 penalty for stepping out-of-bounds in his second vault.  On November 1, 2015, Ri participated in the 2015 World Artistic Gymnastics Championships in Glasgow, Scotland, and successfully defended his individual vault title. He won with an average combined scored of 15.450 ahead of veteran Marian Drăgulescu of Romania (15.400) and Donnell Whittenburg of the United States (15.350).  With the defending 2012 Olympic vault champion Yang Hak Seon of South Korea out injured, Ri won gold in the individual vault final at the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro.  At the 2018 Asian Games, Ri qualified in sixth place and finished in fifth place with an average combined score of 13.400 on the individual vault event behind the 2014 defending Asian Games champion on vault, Shek Wai Hung of Hong Kong (14.612), who also qualified for the 2018 individual vault event final in first place.  At the 2018 World Artistic Gymnastics Championships, Ri won gold with two of the highest 6.0 difficulty vaults and an average combined score of 14.933 ahead of Artur Dalaloyan of Russia (14.883) and Kenzō Shirai of Japan (14.675).  The FIG announced in February 2020 that Ri had retired from gymnastics.

Eponymous skills.

Ri is the only gymnast to currently own more than one (two) of only five most difficult vaults to have officially been awarded the highest difficulty score (D-score) of 6.0 by the governing body of all disciplines in competitive gymnastics, International Gymnastics Federation (FIG), in their most recent 2017–2020 Code of Points for MAG.

Ri Se-gwang (; born January 21, 1985) is a North Korean artistic gymnast, representing the April 25 Sports Club. He can easily be considered a specialist on vault apparatus within the sport of men’s artistic gymnastics.

李世光(,1985年-1月21日),生于咸镜南道,是一名朝鲜男子体操运动员。跳马是他最为擅长的体操项目。他是四·二五体育队的成员。


Geography.

Fayette is located at (42.842414, -91.803013) on the Volga River.  According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of, all land.

Demographics.

2010 census.

As of the census of 2010, there were 1,338 people, 434 households, and 185 families living in the city. The population density was. There were 485 housing units at an average density of. The racial makeup of the city was 88.6% White, 6.7% African American, 1.9% Asian, 0.1% Pacific Islander, 1.0% from other races, and 1.6% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.8% of the population.  There were 434 households of which 20.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 34.8% were married couples living together, 5.8% had a female householder with no husband present, 2.1% had a male householder with no wife present, and 57.4% were non-families. 37.1% of all households were made up of individuals and 14% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.18 and the average family size was 2.94.  The median age in the city was 22.3 years. 11.9% of residents were under the age of 18; 45.3% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 12.7% were from 25 to 44; 16% were from 45 to 64; and 14.1% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the city was 51.9% male and 48.1% female.

2000 census.

As of the census of 2000, there were 1,300 people, 399 households, and 233 families living in the city. The population density was 870.9 people per square mile (336.9/km2). There were 446 housing units at an average density of 298.8 per square mile (115.6/km2). The racial makeup of the city was 88.54% White, 5.15% African American, 0.38% Native American, 2.54% Asian, 0.15% Pacific Islander, 1.38% from other races, and 1.85% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 3.23% of the population.  There were 399 households out of which 28.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 47.6% were married couples living together, 7.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 41.6% were non-families. 35.1% of all households were made up of individuals and 15.0% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.35 and the average family size was 3.05.  18.5% are under the age of 18, 37.0% from 18 to 24, 18.6% from 25 to 44, 14.5% from 45 to 64, and 11.3% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 23 years. For every 100 females, there were 124.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 128.2 males.  The median income for a household in the city was $28,750, and the median income for a family was $36,250. Males had a median income of $23,750 versus $19,135 for females. The per capita income for the city was $11,131. About 13.2% of families and 16.4% of the population were below the poverty line, including 11.0% of those under age 18 and 13.8% of those age 65 or over.

Education.

Fayette is a part of the North Fayette Valley Community School District. It was previously a part of the Fayette Community School District, which merged into the North Fayette Community School District on July 1, 1984. That one in turn merged into the North Fayette Valley district on July 1, 2018.

Fayette is a city in Fayette County, Iowa, United States. As of the 2010 census, the city population was 1,338. It was named after the Marquis de la Fayette, French hero of the American Revolutionary War. Fayette is the home of Upper Iowa University, a small private college. The Volga River State Recreation Area is located just north of Fayette, and many other parks and natural areas are nearby.

费耶特(英语:Fayette)是一个位于美国爱荷华州费耶特县的城市。


History.

The history of the reserve side of "Mainz 05" is strongly intertwined with the fortunes of the senior side, having risen to higher league levels when the first team started to enjoy 2. Bundesliga and Bundesliga success. The senior side was a long term member of the Oberliga Südwest from 1945, then a tier one league, to 1963 when the Bundesliga was introduced. Mainz did not qualify for the Bundesliga but played in the tier two Regionalliga Südwest instead. When the 2. Bundesliga was formed the club joined this league in 1974. Mainz played at this level for two seasons before disappearing into amateur football for 12 years. From 1990 the club reestablished itself in professional football and has been playing there since.  The reserve side, in the early years after the Second World War, played mostly in local amateur football. It rose to the tier three Amateurliga Südwest for a season in 1957–58 but came last and was promptly relegated again. It dropped through the 2. Amateurliga Rheinhessen as well but made a return to this league in 1973, being relegated again in 1977. It returned to what had now become the Bezirksliga Rheinhessen in 1981 for three seasons. After this the team did not make another appearance in the higher amateur leagues again until the late 1990s, having been disbanded for a time in between.  In 1996 the club, freshly promoted to the Bezirksliga Rheinhessen (VII), won a league title and promotion, followed by a championship in the Landesliga Südwest-Ost (VI) in 1997. It entered the Verbandsliga Südwest (V) for two seasons before another title in 1999 took the team up to the Oberliga.  The club spent the next four seasons in the Oberliga Südwest as a top of the table side, culminating in a second-place finish in 2002 and a league championship the year after. The later took the side to the side to the tier three Regionalliga Süd where it experienced two difficult seasons before being relegated again in 2005. In this era the club also saw five consecutive South West Cup wins from 2001 to 2005, a competition the team has been barred from like all reserve sides in Germany, following a rule change in 2008. Each of those cup wins entitled the club to enter the German Cup where it was knocked out in the first round at each occasion.  Another three good seasons in the Oberliga Südwest followed in which "Mainz 05 II" finished third, second and, eventually in 2008, league champions again. This time promotion took the club up to the Regionalliga West, a newly introduced league that was formed alongside the introduction of the 3. Liga that year. The first season there saw the club come fifth, the following three seasons after that it finished much lower.  Another change in the league system in 2012 saw the introduction of the Regionalliga Südwest, in which "Mainz 05 II" was now placed. In this league te club came eleventh in its first season there.  The 2013–14 Regionalliga season saw the best performance of the club at this level, finishing third. Because runners-up SC Freiburg II declined the opportunity to take part in the promotion round, choosing not to apply for a 3. Liga license, Mainz received its spot instead. There the team won promotion to the 3. Liga after overcoming Regionalliga Nordost champions TSG Neustrelitz 5–1 on aggregate in the promotion round.

Stadium.

1. FSV Mainz 05 II plays its home games in the Bruchwegstadion which hosts 20,300 spectators and used to be the home ground of the first team until it moved to the Coface Arena in 2011.

Honours.

The club's honours:

Recent seasons.

The recent season-by-season performance of the club:

1. FSV Mainz 05 II is a German association football club from the town of Mainz, Rhineland-Palatinate.

缅恩斯05足球会二队()是德国缅恩斯的预备队,其主场设于可容纳 18,000 人的。该队在历史上取得的最大成就是在2014年首次升入了德国足球丙级联赛,这也是德国的预备队所允许参加的最高级别联赛。当一线队在职业联赛作赛时,该队被称为美因茨05业余队,但当一线队于1967年至1988年,以及1989年至1900年在业余联赛作赛时,该队则被称为美因茨05二队。自2005年起,该队开始固定使用美因茨05二队的名称。


2014年罗马尼亚总统选举

Background.

Traian Băsescu won the last presidential election in 2009 and was sworn in for his second term on 21 December 2009. According to the Article 83 of the Constitution of Romania, the "term of office of the President of Romania is five years, being exercised from the date the oath was taken," but only for up to two terms.  The dates were decided by the government in February:

Candidates.

Fourteen candidates submitted to the Central Electoral Bureau files with the number of signatures collected from citizens (at least 200,000) by 23 September 2014: Victor Ponta, Klaus Iohannis, Monica Macovei, Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu, Teodor Meleșcanu, Elena Udrea, Dan Diaconescu, Hunor Kelemen, Zsolt Szilágyi, Corneliu Vadim Tudor, Constantin Rotaru, William Brînză, Mirel Mircea Amariței and Gheorghe Funar.  The left-wing parties designated a single candidate: Victor Ponta, the current Prime Minister. He was rated with the best chance of winning the election by main opinion polls. On the other hand, the main right-wing parties, strengthened under the Christian Liberal Alliance, have designated Klaus Iohannis, the second favorite of the opinion polls. However, the so-called "right wing" was still divided, with many newly formed parties with small number of members designating their own presidential candidates, such as Elena Udrea, candidate from the People's Movement Party and supported by the Christian Democratic National Peasants' Party. There were four independent candidates: former Prime Minister Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu, former Minister of Justice Monica Macovei, former Chief of the Foreign Intelligence Service Teodor Meleșcanu and former Mayor of Cluj-Napoca Gheorghe Funar.  This was a record number of candidates since 1996, since in 2000, 2004 and 2009, only 12 candidates were admitted each election. Likewise, this was the first time women candidates (Elena Udrea and Monica Macovei) ran for the position of president of the country and the first time three ethnics of the national minorities figure on the ballot papers. A number of people announced they would be running was greater, but they failed to gather the 200,000 signatures needed for the submission of the candidature to the Central Electoral Bureau by the 23 September deadline, such as Ioan Ghișe.  Several candidates had announced their intention to run for president, but eventually withdrew in favor of other candidates:

Campaign.

Victor Ponta launched his campaign on his birthday, in a huge rally on the National Arena. Over 70,000 people from across the country attended the rally. One of the stadium lawns was covered with four large panels inscribed with the slogan "Proud to be Romanians" and depicting Romanian folk motifs. Many opposing political analysts, members of the opposition and even President Traian Băsescu have likened the event to the rallies in the communist period dedicated to Nicolae Ceaușescu or, more recently, those dedicated to Kim Jong-un, the Supreme Leader of North Korea. Likewise, he was criticized by PMP candidate Elena Udrea for the cost of organizing such an event which, she said, was around 2 million euros.  Klaus Iohannis launched his campaign in front of the Government, in the presence of up to 30,000 people. The special guest of the event was the Secretary General of the EPP, Antonio López-Istúriz White, who stated that "Victor Ponta cannot and should not become president of the European Romania". The vast majority of Romanians are Eastern Orthodox Christians like Ponta, while Iohannis is Protestant. Commenting on a poll, according to which 58.22% of the respondents said for them the religion of the President mattered, while 39.81% said they were indifferent to the issue, Ponta said he did not believe that a candidate for President "has a problem if he is Orthodox or is not of Romanian ethnicity". Iohannis has reacted strongly to the statement by his rival, saying that bringing the issue of religion is a "painful attempt" to poison the campaign. Iohannis' slogan in the presidential campaign was "less talk, more things done", alluding to frequent television appearances of his rival, Victor Ponta. In his presidential program are mentioned, among others: deepening of the strategic partnership with the United States, allocation of 2% of GDP for defense, 6% for health and 6% for education, restructuring of the management system of EU funds, development of the capital market, keeping the flat tax, return of VAT to 19%, etc. Iohannis proposes a liberal economy based on competitiveness and prosperity, encouragement of a highly developed agriculture, connection of Romania to the Western world through infrastructure or decentralization, as "vector of modernization". Likewise, for Klaus Iohannis, the European path of the Republic of Moldova is a national priority.  Elena Udrea launched her campaign for the presidency through an anti-governmental march attended by 10,000 people. She expressed her intention to dissolve the Parliament and form a new Government, in the eventuality that she would win the election. Udrea is supported by outgoing President Traian Băsescu who intended to join the party Udrea leads at the end of his mandate in December.  During the early days following the first round of the 2 November election, that saw the two main candidates from all opinion polls facing off in a 16 November runoff, several of the candidates that fell short of acceding into the second round have declared their support for one of the two remaining candidates. Prime Minister and PSD leader Victor Ponta, who came first with 40.4% of the votes ahead of Sibiu mayor and ACL candidate Klaus Iohannis who earned a distant 30.3%, received the backing of the second runner-up, former premier and Senate president Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu, from the Liberal Reformist Party, who would also have been Ponta's proposal to replace him as Prime Minister, had Ponta won.  Other candidates who also publicly declared their support for Ponta were: Dan Diaconescu, from PP-DD, Corneliu Vadim Tudor, from PRM and independent candidate Teodor Meleșcanu. Despite UDMR's presence in the government led by Ponta, Hunor Kelemen expressed neutrality and recommended Hungarian electorate "vote according to their own beliefs". He said that UDMR can't support Victor Ponta in the second round because the Social Democrats have allied with PRM, an ultra-nationalist party, with which UDMR had several conflicts over time. Internationally, Ponta received support from many current Prime Ministers across Europe, like the Moldovan premier Iurie Leancă, Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, Serbian premier Aleksandar Vučić, Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico, Czech premier Bohuslav Sobotka, Georgian premier Irakli Garibashvili and Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama, among others. Also, the Party of European Socialists expressed clear support for the candidature of Ponta to the Romanian presidency. Others were Sigmar Gabriel (Germany, SPD), Elio Di Rupo (Belgium, Parti Socialiste), Gianni Pittella (Italy) and Martin Schulz (President of the European Parliament).  Iohannis announced that he would not negotiate with other candidates, though he needed as much as 21% of the votes to recuperate and win. Elena Udrea, from the PMP–PNȚCD Alliance, didn't avowedly express her support for Klaus Iohannis, but stated that the vote on 16 November should be anti-Ponta. On the other hand, independents Monica Macovei and Mirel Mircea Amariței, as well as PPMT-backed Zsolt Szilágyi announced their support for Iohannis. Likewise, Iohannis enjoyed international support from the European People's Party and German Chancellor Angela Merkel.  Victor Ponta and key figures of his party accused Klaus Iohannis of wanting to separate Transylvania from the rest of Romania, because Iohannis won a large majority of the votes on 2 November in the intra-Carpathian region. Iohannis criticized these statements, describing them as "cretinisms". He also said that the idea of "breaking Transylvania" was "totally false, from another century and harmful", and came up because "people like the PRM are coopted for some votes". This topic was intensively discussed in local media. Many political commentators consider that dissimilar cultural heritage that each of the regions of Romania has is an exponent of the different vote expressed by Transylvania, Banat, Bukovina, Crișana and Maramureș, as opposed to Moldavia, Wallachia and Dobruja.

Opinion polls.

First round.

The problem of the seriousness and confidence in the opinion polls in the political domain is extremely controversial in Romania. Many people, especially members and supporters of the opposition, consider that the political affiliations of the directors of the main opinion polling firms have a significant impact in their results. For example, Sociopol is led by Mirel Palada, former spokesman for the government of Victor Ponta, while GSSC Avangarde is led by sociologist Marius Pieleanu, a confidant of the Conservative Party. The honorary president of CSCI is Bogdan Teodorescu, one of the strategists of Victor Ponta's campaign during these presidential elections. The main shareholder of IRES is Vasile Dâncu, former PSD senator. But not only the ruling party has tangents with the opinion polls. CCSCC published the results of a fictional survey during the European Parliament election of 25 May 2014, at liberal Horea Uioreanu's command, subsequently taken into custody for corruption.  Several opinion polls were conducted in the period preceding official announcement of the 14 candidates. Many of them showed Crin Antonescu instead of Klaus Iohannis or Cristian Diaconescu instead of Elena Udrea. In the polls also figured Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu and Cătălin Predoiu, which withdrew their candidacies after the political events in the summer of 2014. The following table displays the main candidates (at least 1%) and evolution of their percentages.

Graphical summary.

The following graph depicts the evolution of the standing of each candidate in the poll aggregators from September to October 2014.

Results.

The first round of voting was held on 2 November. Because no candidate obtained the support of more than 50% of registered voters, a second round was scheduled to be held two weeks later, on 16 November, with Victor Ponta and Klaus Iohannis running against each other.  Elena Udrea (lightblue), Monica Macovei (lightgray) and Kelemen Hunor (green) openly endorsed Klaus Iohannis in the second round. Dan Diaconescu (purple) positioned himself against Victor Ponta, without openly endorsing Klaus Iohannis. Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu (blue) and Teodor Meleșcanu (turquoise) openly endorsed Victor Ponta in the second round.

Confirmation of results.

On 21 November 2014, the Constitutional Court confirmed the results of the election and validated the election of Klaus Iohannis as President of Romania.

Reactions.

Protests.

Several protests broke out in many cities abroad with large communities of Romanians. In Paris, London, Chișinău, Munich, Stuttgart, Vienna, Turin and other cities, Romanians expressed their dissatisfaction concerning the hindering of the voting process and closure before 9 p.m. of the polling stations. Protesters demanded the resignation of Foreign Minister Titus Corlățean and booed the Romanian Government led by PSD candidate Victor Ponta. In Paris, the Romanian Embassy was assaulted by angry protesters. However, the situation defused after the intervention of special forces. Protests in solidarity with Romanian diaspora also took place in major Romanian cities. Organized on Facebook, the protests attracted between 10,000 and 15,000 people in Cluj-Napoca, 5,000 in Timișoara, 4,000 in Bucharest, 2,000 in Craiova and Sibiu, 1,000 in Arad. Many of the protesters were students, young people, intellectuals and people with higher education. They demanded fair elections and Victor Ponta's resignation as PM, whose image was associated with cartoon figures like Mickey Mouse and Pinocchio. Counter-protests organized by sympathizers of PSD also took place in Galați, Alba Iulia, Bistrița, Bacău, Craiova and Brașov, but were attended by fewer people.  During a campaign visit at Millenium Hall, Baia Mare, on 6 November, Victor Ponta was booed by hundreds of people protesting against his disinformation and manipulation uttered at his rival, Klaus Iohannis, and condemning the statements in previous days of the premier and ministers Liviu Dragnea, Titus Corlățean and Bogdan Stanoevici regarding the unfolding of voting process in diaspora. In order to avoid any incidents, Prime Minister Victor Ponta was evacuated from the building by SPP agents and local policemen using a van-minibus.  Victor Ponta accused rival party ACL of organizing the protests, but ACL denied these accusations. Moreover, leaders of ACL and candidate Klaus Iohannis saluted "the civic spirit of all Romanians who in recent days have protested (...) against candidate Victor Ponta's attempt to manipulate the Romanians vote".  Poor organization of the second round in diaspora, but also violent dispersal of Romanian voters after the polls closed angered people in Romania that gathered in their tens of thousands in the largest protest against Ponta's government since the demonstrations against the Roșia Montană Project in the autumn of 2013.

Post-election.

The final result was widely seen as a surprise, as all polls before the second round showed Ponta as a clear favorite over Iohannis. Ponta did not give a speech at 9 p.m. when the polling ended, and a few hours later he conceded defeat, declaring that "the people are always right" and congratulating Klaus Iohannis over the phone. Cristian Ghinea of the Romanian Center for European Policies considered that "Iohannis did a poor job in the two debates, but Ponta mobilized the people against himself (...) He ran a dirty campaign which blew up in his face", while Sergiu Miscoiu, an analyst, thought that "a major mistake was ostracizing the diaspora". Ponta ruled out quitting as prime minister until the parliamentary elections in 2016. Only about 10% of diaspora ended up voting for Ponta.  Upon closing of the polls in Romania, Klaus Iohannis thanked voters for the high turnout and asked the Government to extend the voting period in diaspora to allow everyone in line to vote. Later in the evening, when the victory became clear, he went to University Square, Bucharest, where up to 20,000 people were celebrating, and declared that "we took our country back". On Monday morning Iohannis declared that he will be a free president that will represent all Romanians.  Following the elections, a wave of resignations occurred in the PSD. Foreign Minister Teodor Meleșcanu also resigned following the diaspora voting fiasco, thus setting a record for the shortest term as minister in Romania's post-Communist history, having served for only eight days. PSD senator Mircea Geoană, who ran unsuccessfully against Traian Băsescu in the 2009 presidential elections, characterized the result as a "dramatic moment for the Romanian Left" and warned that the PSD needs to "reinvent itself". President-elect Iohannis stated that he want to topple the government. In this regard, PNL leaders intend to file a motion of censure at the beginning of 2015.

Controversies.

The candidate of Christian Liberal Alliance, Klaus Iohannis, publicly asked Prime Minister Victor Ponta for the cancellation of Ordinance 45 of 2014, that amends the legislation on presidential elections, affirming that these changes might lead to electoral fraud by favoring multiple voting. In this regard, PNL brought to trial the Government. Cristian Diaconescu, then the presidential candidate of PMP, notified by letter the Venice Commission about this issue.  In September, the candidacies of Victor Ponta and Monica Macovei were contested at the Constitutional Court, but the complaints were rejected by the court. On the other hand, the National Integrity Agency (ANI) announced in April 2013 that it believed Klaus Iohannis was in a'state of incompatibility', because he has been the representative of Sibiu in the General Meeting of Shareholders of SC Apă Canal SA Sibiu (since 5 August 2010) and of SC Piețe SA (since 30 April 2009), which contravenes legal provisions governing conflicts of interest. Iohannis repeatedly said that ANI's claims to that effect were mistaken.  Iohannis was also attacked by his rivals, especially Victor Ponta, on the topic of the provenance of his six estates. Many supporters of PSD and TV stations with some sympathies for this party stated that Iohannis bought these houses illicitly, statements which were later refuted by Iohannis. He explained that he has bought the six houses by "honest work" and that the money to purchase them originated either from his own sources – salaries, tutoring, rents - or from money received from his parents and parents-in-law or from loans from friends.

Undercover officer allegations.

In a worsening institutional conflict between the Presidency and the Government, outgoing President Traian Băsescu accused Prime Minister Victor Ponta of serving as an undercover intelligence officer between 1997 and 2001. Ponta dismissed the charge as "all lies". His rival Klaus Iohannis demanded an immediate clarification of the situation, while the Minister of Justice Robert Cazanciuc labelled Băsescu's statements as "campaign statements", and the topic as "ridiculous".  Espionage was already a talking point during the electoral campaign. Teodor Meleșcanu, who ran the Foreign Intelligence Service, resigned in September and joined the presidential race as an independent candidate one day later. Around the same time, Robert Turcescu, a popular television anchor, confessed live on air that he had been an undercover lieutenant-colonel for an espionage service and resigned his post. Under Romanian law, outing oneself as a spy is illegal, but prosecutors did not press charges.

Alleged electoral bribe.

Members of PMP and PNL expressed outrage over the announced distribution of 18 kg of food to more than 6.5 million people during the electoral campaign, in October and November. In a press release, PNL stated that "in the mad rush for votes for presidential candidate Victor Ponta, PSD doesn't have the slightest reluctance to use EU funds for masked electoral bribe". This initiative was endorsed by the Ministry of European Funds, who published on 20 September a notice of auction in which the Romanian government said it wants to provide 6,652,986 food packages within the Fund of European aid for the most deprived persons. More specifically, over 150,000 food packages would be sent to each county, totaling 100 million euros. PNL argues that the way this auction is organized raises serious questions about its legality. The Minister for European Funds, Eugen Teodorovici, said that EU funds are not used for electoral purposes and any claims of their diversion is "misinformation".  President Traian Băsescu repeatedly stated that Victor Ponta "bribes the electorate" and "makes electoral alms from borrowed money". In a press conference critical to Victor Ponta and Klaus Iohannis, Băsescu mentioned the figure of 4.8 billion euros, money that would go towards electoral alms and will be paid by the population.  During a large meeting in Iași, Klaus Iohannis mentioned that Ponta's figure is on each pole and tree, asking rhetorically where the money for his campaign came from. He also stated that every Romanian pays Ponta's campaign from the taxes and dues he introduced. During the same meeting, Iohannis refuted all rumors regarding his intentions to cut the pensions after the election, after many pensioners received flyers in the mail, with messages such as "Only Ponta protects the pensions" and "Klaus Iohannis wants to cut your pension" written on them. In a press release, ACL accused PSD that it engages in a campaign against Klaus Iohannis by misinforming and deceiving voters. The Romanian Post signed contracts with PSD, but also with PMP, Macovei and Tăriceanu, agreeing to send newspapers, catalogs, leaflets, brochures and other electoral advertising materials to homes around the country. Over 4 million anti-Iohannis flyers were distributed by the Romanian Post, totaling up to 50,000 euros.

Vote rigging in Moldova.

Sebastian Ghiță, PSD deputy and Victor Ponta's fellow, would be part of a pyramidal mechanism of defrauding the 2014 presidential election, according to prosecutors from the National Anticorruption Directorate, Ploiești branch. He would have given money from illegal deals to persuade voters from Moldova to elect Ponta as president.  Sebastian Ghiță would hand in the PSD headquarters in Bucharest 400,000 euros to Alin Petran, an intermediary sent over the Prut to gather the necessary votes. Subsequently, the intermediary has recruited ten coordinators who, in turn, managed 200 people. Each was responsible to provide between 50 and 100 votes to the social democrat candidate. Electors who demonstrated that voted with Victor Ponta received watches, clothes or food. Total costs of these operations were estimated at 350,000 euros. Investigators also determined that Sebastian Ghiță and his friends would have created a database that included 20,000 Romanian citizens from Moldova, with voting rights in the 2014 presidential election. According to a witness, Victor Ponta was aware "about this fraudulent attempt to win the presidential election".  As of 24 June 2015, Sebastian Ghiță is prosecuted for influence peddling, money laundering and bribing the voters. Moreover, Ghiță is forbidden to exercise his function of deputy, a premiere in the Romanian justice, but also to talk with Victor Ponta or to leave Ploiești. Ghiță accuses a "prosecutors coup", in an attempt to overthrow the Ponta Government.

Cyber attacks.

In a debate organized by the PNL parliamentary group on 12 February 2015, Marcel Opriș, head of the Special Telecommunications Service (STS), stated that during the presidential election were used cyber attacks for political purposes, being involved a Romanian television through which a signal was given for "a devastating qualified attack for IT-ists". PNL deputy Mihăiță Calimente announced he'll propose at the Defence Commission of the Chamber of Deputies as the director of STS to be heard on this subject.

Diaspora voting.

The first round of voting was marked by a scandal concerning the small number of polling stations in countries with large communities of Romanian citizens. 294 polling stations were organized in 95 states, given that over 3 million Romanians with voting right are living and working abroad. In cities like London, Paris, Madrid, Vienna, Munich, Stuttgart, Turin, Rome or Chișinău huge queues of voters were reported at embassies or other polling stations. They claim they were prevented from exercising their right to vote, inasmuch as thousands of voters were locked outside the embassies and could not vote until the polls closed. Presidential candidates Klaus Iohannis, Elena Udrea and Monica Macovei urged the prolongation of the voting process in these countries. Moreover, the Presidential Administration demanded in a release the immediate resignation of Foreign Minister Titus Corlățean and Minister Delegate for Romanians Abroad Bogdan Stanoevici for poor organization of election in diaspora. Likewise, independent candidate Gheorghe Funar submitted an application to the President of BEC, demanding the cancellation of the first round of voting and its resumption because he considers that the equality of citizens before the law was not ensured, and the right to vote of Romanians abroad was seriously violated. These problems determined Gunther Krichbaum, the chairman of the Commission for European Affairs in the Bundestag to declare that the issue at stake does not concern "possible difficulties in the organisation of elections, but a wilful hindrance of the free expression of the votes", based on the current leftist government's knowledge of the fact that "Romanians living abroad have the tendency to vote with the parties and candidates of the centre-right".<ref name="actmedia.eu/daily/the-chairman-of-the-commission-for-european-affairs-in-bundestag-writes-to-juncker-the-sections-outside-romania-received-indications-from-bucharest-to-hinder-the-vote/54970_2014-11-29"></ref> Irregularities were also reported in the country's major university centers, where students were forced to form queues of hundreds of people or were redirected to other polling stations, as the standardized affidavit forms had run out.  Angry voters staged spontaneous protests in front of the polling stations in Paris, Vienna, London, Madrid, New York City, Strasbourg and many other locations, chanting slogans like "Down with Ponta!", "Plagiarized vote" or "We want to vote". In Paris, Vienna, London and Turin protests escalated in storming embassies and consulates. Spirits were calmed only after the intervention of law enforcement.  Under pressure from street protests that followed the first round, Titus Corlățean resigned on 10 November. Prime Minister Victor Ponta proposed former presidential candidate Teodor Meleșcanu to occupy this position. The same day, Meleșcanu took the oath in front of President Traian Băsescu at the Cotroceni Palace.  Despite measures taken by new Minister of Foreign Affairs, the scandal in the first round repeated in the second one, but in higher proportions. Kilometer-long queues were reported in several European cities, including Paris, Strasbourg, London, Dublin, Brussels, Oslo, Bonn, Munich, Stuttgart, Turin, Rome and Madrid. Once more, ACL and Monica Macovei urged the prolongation of voting process. Spontaneous protests broke out again in front of embassies and consulates in major European cities. Protesters expressed anger over Ponta's government and poor organization of the election. Shortly after the polls closed, angry voters forced the entrances into the embassies and consulates, to be able to exercise their right to vote. In Paris and Turin, things degenerated into street fighting between voters and law enforcement. Displeased voters were dispersed by police with tear gas and batons. Four people were injured and one arrested after the intervention of Carabinieri in Turin. Having followed the election process, the chairman of the Commission for European Affairs in Bundestag, Gunther Krichbaum, suggested that the voting rights of Romanian citizens had been hindered to such an extent, that the Diaspora voting problems should be investigated as "fraud", and that Victor Ponta should withdraw from office, having lost all authority to serve the public, in any position or qualification.<ref name="gunther-krichbaum.de/_2014-11-29"></ref

Presidential elections were held in Romania in 2014. In the first round on 2 November, the top two of the fourteen candidates qualified in a run-off on 16 November. Victor Ponta, Prime Minister and leader of the Social Democratic Party won around 40% of the vote, and Klaus Iohannis, mayor of Sibiu and leader of Christian Liberal Alliance, won around 30%. Following large protests on how Ponta's government organized the elections in the diaspora, Klaus Iohannis staged a surprising come-back and won the run-off with 54.5%, or more than a million votes than his contender.

2014年罗马尼亚总统选举举行了两轮,在11月2日和11月16日。


Geography.

The Tannu-Ola mountains form the northern border of Ubsunur Hollow., the only freshwater lake of the basin, lies, like Uvs Lake, on the Russian-Mongolian border. The more eastern part of the Uvs Lake drainage basin extends, in the north, to the Sengilen ridge of the Sayan Mountains, and in the east, to the basin of Sangiin Dalai Lake. The southern part of the hollow is bordered by the basin of Khyargas Lake, with the Khan Khökhii mountains separating both basins of the Great Lakes Depression. More to the east, the forms the southern border of Uvs Lake's drainage basin. West of the Uvs Lake Basin lies the endorheic basin of Üüreg Lake, bordered by the Altai Mountains. The separates, in part, the Uvs and Üüreg lake basins. The south-western tip of the Uvs Lake Basin covers most of the range, and includes the north-eastern slopes of

Archaeology.

According to Greenpeace, Ubsunur Hollow counts 40,000 archaeological sites from nomadic Scythians, Turks, Huns and other tribes. A number of its archaeological artefacts remain unstudied. In Central Asia, it has the highest concentration of burial mounds, constituting around half of its archaeological sites, and many of which are older than the Egyptian pyramids. Thousands of rock carvings and stone sculptures remain from medieval settlements and Buddhist temples.  Archaeological searches carried out in 2007–2008 on the Por-Bazhyn ruins, which are situated on an islet in the Russian part of Tere-Khol' Lake, suggested that the enclosure was built around the middle of the second half of the 8th century, under the Uyghur Khaganate.

Population.

The population density is low in the Ubsunur Hollow. Populated almost exclusively by the nomadic Tuvan people, cattle breeders living in yurts, The lack of industry and the reliance of the inhabitants on traditional ways of life, such as nomadic pasturing, have had little impact on the landscape and have allowed the ecosystem to remain relatively free from the negative effects that human presence can impose. Both the Russian and the Mongolian parts of the hollow are home to nomadic Tuvan cattle herders, who live in yurts and make up virtually all of the population.

Flora and fauna.

The Hollow, located on the border between Mongolia and Russia, lies at the intersection of complex ecosystems. Its area is. The terrain includes glaciers, taiga, desert, alpine tundra, sub alpine meadows, and a vast mountain taiga areas. There are also forested steppes, treeless steppes, semi-arid deserts, and ever shifting sand dunes. It is a diversified natural habitat, producing an interaction of Euro-Siberian and Central Asian-Mongolian plant and animal life.  Due to its location on the cusp of the Siberian and Central Asian-Mongolian terrains, the flora and fauna of the hollow exhibit a high biodiversity for mid-latitudes. Animal species that inhabit both mountains and tundra, such as the Siberian roe deer, and Altai snowcock, flourish here. The endangered snow leopard is also present, as well as taiga dwellers such as the Caspian red deer, lynx and wolverine. Steppe dwellers include the Mongolian lark, demoiselle crane and long-tailed Siberian squirrel. Desert inhabitants include the bustard and midday gerbil. The bird species alone number some 359. Since the hollow is a protected area, many ancient species extinct in other regions have found refuge here.

Conservation instruments.

In 1993 Russia protected the Tuvan parts of Ubsunur Hollow as the Ubsunurskaya Kotlovina State Nature Biosphere Reserve. In 1995 Greenpeace Russia prepared its proposal to nominate Ubsunur Hollow, in conjunction with Mongolia, as World Heritage Site, describing it as "one of the largest intact watersheds in Central Asia".

Biosphere Reserve.

Ubsunur Hollow Biosphere Reserve is a fragile mountain hollow or depression located on the territorial border of Mongolia and the Republic of Tuva in the Russian Federation among the mountains — Tannu-Ola Mountains, and the Altay Mountains region — part of a combination of raised lands and depressions. Here the world's most northern desert meets the world's most southern tundra zone.  Ubsunur Hollow Reserve (Tuva) was awarded international Biosphere Reserve status in 1998, as a step toward protecting Southern Siberia's wilderness which contain Russia's largest intact tracts of Siberian Pine and Siberian Fir-dominated ecosystems.

World Heritage site.

Ubsunur Hollow was nominated for inclusion in Russia's second World Heritage Site (the first being the Virgin Komi Forests) in 1995 as "one of the largest intact watersheds in Central Asia where up to 40,000 unexcavated burial mounds and other archaeological sites can be found from historically famous nomadic tribes such as the Scythians, the Turks and the Huns." The nomination was submitted in conjunction with the Tuva Republic and Mongolia and included 75,000 square kilometres of forest and steppe and associated cultural and natural heritage. Other sites included in this first Russian listing proposal were:  The Uvs Lake Basin World Heritage site, designated as 769rev in 2003, includes:

Uvs Lake Basin (also Uvs Nuur Basin or Ubs Nuur Basin; ) is an endorheic basin located on the territorial border of Mongolia and Tuva, a republic of the Russian Federation. The basin is part of the Central Asian Internal Drainage Basin and is named after Uvs Lake (Uvs Nuur, Ubsu Nur), a large saline lake situated in the western part of its drainage basin and is one of the last remnants of the mammoth steppes. Uvs Lake is a shallow lake with an area of. Its entire basin, which includes several smaller lakes, is.

乌布苏盆地(,字面意思为“乌布苏湖盆地”),是一个横跨蒙古国乌布苏省、扎布汗省、库苏古尔省与俄罗斯联邦图瓦共和国的盆地。


Supercentenarian.

A supercentenarian, sometimes hyphenated as super-centenarian, is a human who has reached the age of 110, something only achieved by about one in 1,000 centenarians.  Even rarer is a person who has lived to age 115 – there are fewer than 100 people in recorded history who have indisputably reached this age, of whom only Kane Tanaka, Lucile Randon, Jeanne Bot, and Shigeyo Nakachi are living as of 2020.

Current incidences.

The United Nations predicts that there are 573,000 centenarians currently, almost quadrupling from the suggestions 151,000 in the year 2000. According to a 1998 United Nations demographic survey, Japan is expected to have 272,000 centenarians by 2050; other sources suggest that the number could be closer to 1 million. The incidence of centenarians in Japan was one per 3,522 people in 2008.  In Japan, the number of centenarians is highly skewed towards females. Japan in fiscal year 2016 had 57,525 female centenarians, while males were 8,167, a ratio of 7:1. The increase of centenarians was even more skewed at 11.6:1.

Centenarian populations by country.

The total number of living centenarians in the world remains uncertain. It was estimated by the Population Division of the United Nations as 23,000 in 1950, 110,000 in 1990, 150,000 in 1995, 209,000 in 2000, 324,000 in 2005 and 455,000 in 2009. However, these older estimates did not take into account the contemporary downward adjustments of national estimates made by several countries such as the United States; thus, in 2012, the UN estimated there to be only 316,600 centenarians worldwide. The following table gives estimated centenarian populations by country, including both the latest and the earliest known estimates, where available.

Recognition and congratulations worldwide.

In many countries, people receive a gift or congratulations from federal/state institutions on their 100th birthday.

Europe.

Ireland.

Centenarians born in Ireland receive a €2,540 "Centenarians' Bounty" and a letter from the President of Ireland, even if they are resident abroad.

The Netherlands.

In the Netherlands, the King and the King's Commissioner sends a letter on the 100th birthday and on every birthday beginning with the 105th.

Italy.

Centenarians born in Italy receive a letter from the President Of The Republic Of Italy.

Sweden.

Swedish centenarians receive a telegram from the King and Queen of Sweden.

United Kingdom and Commonwealth.

In the United Kingdom and the other Commonwealth realms, the monarch sends greetings (formerly as a telegram) on the 100th birthday and on every birthday beginning with the 105th. The tradition of Royal congratulations dates from 1908, when the Secretary for King Edward VII sent a congratulatory letter to Reverend Thomas Lord of Horncastle in a newspaper clipping, declaring, "I am commanded by the King to congratulate you on the attainment of your hundredth year, after a most useful life." The practice was formalised from 1917, under the reign of King George V, who also sent congratulations on the attainment of a 60th Wedding anniversary. Queen Elizabeth II sends a greeting card style with the notation: "I am so pleased to know that you are celebrating your one-hundredth birthday, I send my congratulations and best wishes to you on such a special occasion", thereafter each few years the card is updated with a current picture of the Queen to ensure people do not receive the same card more than once. The Queen further sends her congratulations on one's 105th birthday and every year thereafter as well as on special wedding anniversaries; people must apply for greetings three weeks before the event, on the official British Monarch's website.

Russian Federation.

In 2019, there were reported to be over 20,000 centenarians living in Russia, a sharp increase from 6,700 in 2007.  Centenarians in Russia receive a letter from the President of Russia, currently Vladimir Putin, officially congratulating them for reaching one hundred years.

North America.

United States.

In the United States, centenarians traditionally receive a letter from the President, congratulating them for their longevity.

Asia.

Japan.

Japanese centenarians receive a silver cup and a certificate from the Prime Minister of Japan upon the Respect for the Aged Day following their 100th birthday, honouring them for their longevity and prosperity in their lives.

India.

In Madhya Pradesh, the award known as Shatayu Samman is given out to persons who live at least a 100 years to promote awareness of good health.

Worldwide cultural traditions and rituals.

An aspect of blessing in many cultures is to offer a wish that the recipient lives to 100 years old. Among Hindus, people who touch the feet of elders are often blessed with "May you live a hundred years". In Sweden, the traditional birthday song states, "May he/she live for one hundred years." In Judaism, the term "May you live to be 120 years old" is a common blessing. In Poland, "Sto lat", a wish to live a hundred years, is a traditional form of praise and good wishes, and the song "sto lat, sto lat" is sung on the occasion of the birthday celebrations—arguably, it is the most popular song in Poland and among Poles around the globe.  Chinese emperors were hailed to live ten thousand years, while empresses were hailed to live a thousand years. In Italy, "A hundred of these days!" ("cento di questi giorni") is an augury for birthdays, to live to celebrate 100 more birthdays. Some Italians say "Cent'anni!", which means "a hundred years", in that they wish that they could all live happily for a hundred years. In Greece, wishing someone Happy Birthday ends with the expression "να τα εκατοστήσεις" ("na ta ekatostisis"), which can be loosely translated as "may you make it one hundred birthdays". In Sri Lanka, it is a custom to bless as " you may live 220 instead of 120".

Centenarians in antiquity.

While the number of centenarians per capita was much lower in ancient times than today, the data suggest that they were not unheard of.  Estimates of life expectancy in antiquity are far lower than modern values mostly due to the far greater incidence of deaths in infancy or childhood. Those who lived past early childhood had a reasonable chance of living to a relatively old age. The assumption of what constitutes "old age", or being "elderly", at least, seems to have remained unchanged since antiquity, the line being generally drawn at either sixty or sixty-five years; Psalm 90:10 in the Hebrew Bible appears to give seventy to eighty years as the natural life expectancy of a person surviving into old age, "The years of our life are seventy, or even by reason of strength eighty".  A survey of the lifespans of male individuals with entries in the "Oxford Classical Dictionary" (i.e., a sample pre-selected to include those who lived long enough to attain historical notability) found a median lifespan of 72 years, and a range of 32 to 107 years, for 128 individuals born before 100 BC (though the same study found a median lifespan of 66 years for 100 individuals born after 100 BC but no later than 602 AD); by comparison, male individuals listed in "Chambers Biographical Dictionary" who died between 1900 and 1949 had a median lifespan of 71.5 years, with a range between 29 and 105 years.  The author of the 1994 study concluded that it was only in the second half of the 20th century that medical advances have extended the life expectancy of those who live into adulthood.  Reliable references to individuals in antiquity who lived past 100 years are quite rare, but they do exist. For instance, Cicero's wife Terentia was reported by Pliny the Elder to have lived from 98 BC to 6 AD, 104 years. Regnal dates of Bronze Age monarchs are notoriously unreliable; the sixth dynasty Egyptian ruler Pepi II is sometimes listed as having lived c. 2278 – c. 2184 BC, as he is said to have reigned for 94 years, but alternative readings cite a reign of just 64 years. Addagoppe of Harran, mother of the last king of the Neo-Babylonian Empire Nabonidus lived from c. 648-544 BC according to an apparently autobiographical account.  Diogenes Laërtius (c. AD 250) gives one of the earliest references regarding the plausible centenarian longevity given by a scientist, the astronomer Hipparchus of Nicea (c. 185 – c. 120 BC), who, according to the doxographer, assured that the philosopher Democritus of Abdera (c. 470/460 – c. 370/360 BC) lived 109 years. All other ancient accounts of Democritus appear to agree that the philosopher lived at least 90 years. The case of Democritus differs from those of, for example, Epimenides of Crete (7th and 6th centuries BC), who is said to have lived an implausible 154, 157 or 290 years, depending on the source.  Other ancient Greek philosophers thought to have lived beyond the age of 90 include Xenophanes of Colophon (c. 570/565 – c. 475/470 BC), Pyrrho of Ellis (c. 360 - c. 270 BC), and Eratosthenes of Cirene (c. 285 – c. 190 BC).  Hosius of Córdoba, the man who convinced Constantine the Great to call the First Council of Nicaea, reportedly lived to age 102. A rare record of an ordinary person who lived to be a centenarian is the tombstone of Roman British legionary veteran Julius Valens, inscribed "VIXIT ANNIS C".  In the medieval period, Albert Azzo II, Margrave of Milan (d. 1097) is reported by Bernold of Constance as having lived past 100 years ("iam maior centenario").

Research.

Research in Italy.

Research in Italy suggests that healthy centenarians have high levels of both vitamin A and vitamin E and that this seems to be important in causing their extreme longevity. Other research contradicts this, however, and has found that this theory does not apply to centenarians from Sardinia, for whom other factors probably play a more important role. A preliminary study carried out in Poland showed that, in comparison with young healthy female adults, centenarians living in Upper Silesia had significantly higher red blood cell glutathione reductase and catalase activities, although serum levels of vitamin E were not significantly higher. Researchers in Denmark have also found that centenarians exhibit a high activity of glutathione reductase in red blood cells. In this study, the centenarians having the best cognitive and physical functional capacity tended to have the highest activity of this enzyme.  Other research has found that people whose parents became centenarians have an increased number of naïve B cells. It is well known that the children of parents who have a long life are also likely to reach a healthy age, but it is not known why, although the inherited genes are probably important. A variation in the gene FOXO3A is known to have a positive effect on the life expectancy of humans, and is found much more often in people living to 100 and beyond - moreover, this appears to be true worldwide.  Men and women who are 100 or older tend to have extroverted personalities, according to Thomas T. Perls, the director of the New England Centenarian Study at Boston University. Centenarians will often have many friends, strong ties to relatives and high self-esteem. In addition, some research suggests that the offspring of centenarians are more likely to age in better cardiovascular health than their peers.

DNA repair.

Lymphoblastoid cell lines established from blood samples of centenarians have significantly higher activity of the DNA repair protein PARP (Poly ADP ribose polymerase) than cell lines from younger (20 to 70 years old) individuals. The lymphocytic cells of centenarians have characteristics typical of cells from young people, both in their capability of priming the mechanism of repair after HO sublethal oxidative DNA damage and in their PARP capacity. PARP activity measured in the permeabilized mononuclear leukocyte blood cells of thirteen mammalian species correlated with maximum lifespan of the species. These findings suggest that PARP mediated DNA repair activity contributes to the longevity of centenarians, consistent with the DNA damage theory of aging.

Japanese bio-study.

Many experts attribute Japan's high life expectancy to the typical Japanese diet, which is particularly low in refined simple carbohydrates, and to hygienic practices. The number of centenarians in relation to the total population was, in September 2010, 114% higher in Shimane Prefecture than the national average. This ratio was also 92% higher in Okinawa Prefecture. In Okinawa, studies have shown five factors that have contributed to the large number of centenarians in that region:  Although these factors vary from those mentioned in the previous study, the culture of Okinawa has proven these factors to be important in its large population of centenarians.  A historical study from Korea found that male eunuchs in the royal court had a centenarian rate of over 3%, and that eunuchs lived on average 14 to 19 years longer than uncastrated men.

Centenarian controversy in Japan.

The number of Japanese centenarians was called into question in 2010, following a series of reports showing that hundreds of thousands of elderly people had gone "missing" in the country. The deaths of many centenarians had not been reported, casting doubt on the country's reputation for having a large population of centenarians.  In July 2010, Sogen Kato, a centenarian listed as the oldest living male in Tokyo, registered to be aged 111, was found to have died some 30 years before; his body was found mummified in his bed, resulting in a police investigation into centenarians listed over the age of 105. Soon after the discovery, the Japanese Justice Ministry found that at least 234,354 other Japanese centenarians were "missing", and began a nationwide search in early August 2010.

Epigenetic studies.

By measuring the biological age of various tissues from centenarians, researchers may be able to identify tissues that are protected from aging effects. According to a study of 30 different body parts from centenarians and younger controls, the cerebellum is the youngest brain region (and probably body part) in centenarians (about 15 years younger than expected) according to an epigenetic biomarker of tissue age known as epigenetic clock.  These findings could explain why the cerebellum exhibits fewer neuropathological hallmarks of age related dementias compared to other brain regions. Further, the offspring of semi-supercentenarians (subjects who reached an age of 105–109 years) have a lower epigenetic age than age-matched controls (age difference=5.1 years in peripheral blood mononuclear cells) and centenarians are younger (8.6 years) than expected based on their chronological age.

Media references.

Centenarians are often the subject of news stories, which often focus on the fact that they are over 100 years old. Along with the typical birthday celebrations, these reports provide researchers and cultural historians with evidence as to how the rest of society views this elderly population. Some examples:

A centenarian is a person who has reached the age of 100 years. Because life expectancies worldwide are below 100 years, the term is invariably associated with longevity. In 2012, the United Nations estimated that there were 316,600 living centenarians worldwide.

人瑞,或称百岁人瑞、皇玉全,常指年纪100岁以上的人,由于德高望重常受敬重。110岁以上的人被称为超级人瑞。


Description.

Songpyeons are half-moon shaped rice cakes that typically contain sweet or semi-sweet fillings, such as soybeans, cowpeas, chestnuts, jujubes, dates, red beans, sesame seeds, or honey. They are steamed over a layer of pine needles, which gives them a distinctive taste and the fragrant smell of fresh pine trees. The name Songpyeon comes from the use of pine needles—"song" means pine tree, thus, songpyeon translates to “pine cakes.”

Culture.

Songpyeon is quintessential to Korean families' Chuseok celebrations. Traditionally, songpyeon was made by Korean families using freshly harvested rice and then offered to their ancestors on the morning of Chuseok as thanks for the bountiful harvest during charye (차례, 茶禮), an ancestral memorial ritual. Songpyeon is also given to other family members and close neighbors. Such offerings are viewed as signs of respect and efforts to avoid bad luck within the family.  Songpyeon is used to show gratitude for the year's harvest by placing it on a table with other foods, included newly harvested fruit, and taro. These three foods symbolize, respectively, the fruit of the heavens, the fruit of the earth, and the fruit of the underground.  Songpyeon is also said to represent the moon and wishes, which is why people will say their wishes while making and eating it. Many stories describe why songpyeon is in the shape of a half moon rather than a full moon. The most common belief is that Korean ancestors thought that a round-shaped full moon could only wane while a half-moon would fill up. This is considered a sign of abundance and prosperity.  An old Korean anecdote says that the person who makes beautifully-shaped songpyeon will meet a good spouse or give birth to a beautiful baby.

Preparation.

Songpyeon is made by kneading rice flour with salt and hot water until it is smooth in order to create a dough. Small pieces of the dough are torn off, rolled into balls and then indented in the center using a thumb. The filling of choice is placed inside the now hollowed center and then the ball is sealed closed and shaped. The rice cakes are steamed on top of pine needles for about 20-30 minutes and then rinsed with cold water in order to maintain their chewy texture. The rice cakes are then blotted dry and typically finished by being brushed with sesame oil.  Steaming the rice cakes on top of pine needles doesn’t only give them a unique taste and scent, but helps to prevent the rice cakes from sticking together while steaming and from spoiling due to the presence of terpene. Pine trees also produce large amounts of phytoncide, which effectively kills germs.  According to the Dongui Bogam (동의보감, 東醫寶鑑), the most well-known Joseon medical book, the pine needles are also said to have medicinal effects on the food.

Regional Differences.

Although the cultural significance of songpyeon remains the same, differences in color, shape, ingredients, and even thickness can be found across Korea.

Chungcheon Province.

As pumpkin is widely grown in this region, Chungcheong Province is known for its pumpkin songpyeon. The pumpkins are dried and ground into a powder which is then mixed with the rice flour to make the dough. The rice cakes are often shaped to look like small pumpkins. The result is a sweet rice cake that is bright in color.

Gangwon Province.

With an abundance of potato crops and oak trees, Gangwon Province is known for its potato songpyeon and acorn songpyeon. These rice cakes are made with potato starch and acorn powder, respectively. The songpyeon in this region are typically flat with ridges from pressing down using fingers and in Gangneung, people leave their handprints on the rice cakes.

Gyeongsang Province.

Songpyeon made in Gyeongsang Province are typically larger than the songpyeon found in other regions. A popular type of songpyeon found here is ramie songpyeon, which consists of boiled ramie leaves which are added to the rice cakes to make them healthier.

Jeju Province.

A traditional filling for songpyeon made on Jeju Island is sweetened peas. The songpyeon are sometimes shaped with a concave center to resemble a volcanic crater and are often pan-fried after being steamed.

Jeolla Province.

Songpyeon made in Jeolla Province sometimes contains arrowroot starch which is combined with rice flour to make the rice cake dough. Jeolla Province is also known for its flower songpyeon which are made with natural dyes and made to resemble flowers either by hand or by using a mold.

Seoul.

Seoul is known for its small, five-colored or "osaek" songpyeon (오색송편). The five colors—white, brown, pink, green, and yellow—represent the harmony of nature. White songpyeon lacks any color additives, but the other colors are obtained using natural ingredients. Brown is created using cinnamon; pink, by using strawberry or "omija" syrup; green, by using mugwort; and yellow, by using gardenia seeds.

North Korea.

The traditional songpyeon made in Pyeongan Province in North Korea is seashell songpyeon. The name of this songpyeon is attributed to its seashell shape. Its filling consists of sesame seeds, sugar, and soy sauce.

Songpyeon (, 松餠) is a traditional Korean food made of rice powder. It is a type of "tteok", small rice cakes, traditionally eaten during the Korean autumn harvest festival, Chuseok. It is a popular symbol of traditional Korean culture. The earliest records of songpyeon date from the Goryeo period.

松片,中文里有时也称为松饼。是一种以糯米制成的朝鲜传统食品。是朝鲜饼食的一种,朝鲜人会于他们称为「秋夕」()的中秋节食用。是朝鲜传统文化的代表食品之一。