Word formation.

In Chinese, the concept of words and the boundaries between them is not always transparent, and the Chinese script does not use spaces between words. Grammatically, some strings of characters behave as single words in some contexts, but are separable in others. Many English intransitive verbs are translated by verb+noun compounds, such as ( literally "to jump a dance", meaning "to dance"); such items may be regarded as single lexical words, although the two parts can become separated by (for example) aspect markers, and in fact they generally behave grammatically as a verb plus an object. Sometimes the behavior of such compounds is anomalous, however; for instance (, "to be concerned about") behaves as an inseparable word when the perfective particle "le" is attached, although it is separable in the phrase (, literally "concern what about", meaning "to be concerned about what").  Chinese morphemes, or minimum units of meaning, are mostly monosyllabic. Syllables, and thus in most cases morphemes, are represented as a rule by single characters. Some words consist of single syllables, but many words are formed by compounding two or more monosyllabic morphemes. These may be either free or bound – that is, they may or may not also be able to stand independently. Most two-syllable compound nouns have the head on the right, while in compound verbs the head is usually on the left. Loanwords from other languages may be polysyllabic; they are usually written using selected pre-existing characters that have the right phonetic values, for example, (, "sofa") is written with the characters" " (, originally "sand") and'(, originally "to send/to issue"). Native disyllabic morphemes such as'(, "spider") have consonant alliteration.  Many monosyllabic words have alternative disyllabic forms with virtually the same meaning, such as'(, literally "big garlic") for'(, "garlic"). Many disyllabic nouns are produced by adding the suffix " (, originally meaning "child") to a monosyllabic word or morpheme. There is a strong tendency for monosyllables to be avoided in certain positions; for example, a disyllabic verb will not normally be followed by a monosyllabic object. This may be connected with the preferred metrical structure of the language.

Reduplication.

A common feature in Chinese is reduplication, where a

Sentence structure.

Chinese, like English, is classified as an SVO (subject–verb–object) language. Transitive verbs precede their objects in typical simple clauses, while the subject precedes the verb. For example:  Chinese can also be considered a topic-prominent language: there is a strong preference for sentences that begin with the topic, usually "given" or "old" information; and end with the comment, or "new" information. Certain modifications of the basic subject–verb–object order are permissible and may serve to achieve topic-prominence. In particular, a direct or indirect object may be moved to the start of the clause to create topicalization. It is also possible for an object to be moved to a position in front of the verb for emphasis.  Another type of sentence is what has been called an ergative structure, where the apparent subject of the verb can move to object position; the empty subject position is then often occupied by an expression of location. Compare locative inversion in English. This structure is typical of the verb (, "there is/are"; in other contexts the same verb means "have"), but it can also be used with many other verbs, generally denoting position, appearance or disappearance. An example:  Chinese is also to some degree a pro-drop or null-subject language, meaning that the subject can be omitted from a clause if it can be inferred from the context. In the following example, the subject of the verbs for "hike" and "camp" is left to be inferred—it may be "we", "I", "you", "she", etc.  In the next example the subject is omitted and the object is topicalized by being moved into subject position, to form a passive-type sentence. For passive sentences with a marker such as, see the passive section.  Adverbs and adverbial phrases that modify the verb typically come after the subject but before the verb, although other positions are sometimes possible; see Adverbs and adverbials. For constructions that involve more than one verb or verb phrase in sequence, see Serial verb constructions. For sentences consisting of more than one clause, see Conjunctions.

Objects.

Some verbs can take both an indirect object and a direct object. Indirect normally precedes direct, as in English:  With many verbs, however, the indirect object may alternatively be preceded by prepositional "gěi" (); in that case it may either precede or follow the direct object. (Compare the similar use of "to" or "for" in English.)  In certain situations a direct object may be preceded by the accusative marker "bǎ" (). This generally denotes an action that results in a change of state in the object. For further details of this, see the "bǎ" construction section. Such a

Plurals.

Chinese nouns and other parts of speech are not generally marked for number, meaning that plural forms are mostly the same as the singular. However, there is a plural marker "men" (), which has limited usage. It is used with personal pronouns, as in "wǒmen" (, "we" or "us"), derived from "wǒ" (,

Noun phrases.

The head noun of a noun phrase comes at the end of the phrase; this means that everything that modifies the noun comes before it. This includes attributive adjectives, determiners, quantifiers, possessives, and relative clauses.  Chinese does not have articles as such; a noun may stand alone to represent what in English would be expressed as "the..." or "a[n]...". However the word "yī" (, "one"), followed by the appropriate classifier, may be used in some cases where English would have "a" or "an". It is also possible, with many classifiers, to omit the "yī" and leave the classifier on its own at the start of the noun phrase.  The demonstratives

Relative clauses.

Chinese relative clauses, like other noun modifiers, precede the noun they modify. Like possessives and some adjectives, they are marked with the final particle "de" ( ). A free relative clause is produced if the modified noun following the "de" is omitted. A relative clause usually comes after any determiner phrase, such as a numeral and classifier. For emphasis, it may come before the determiner phrase.  There is usually no relative

Classifiers.

Chinese nouns require "classifiers" called "liàngcí" () in order to be counted. That is, when specifying the amount of a countable noun, a classifier must be inserted which agrees with the noun. Hence one must say "liǎng tóu niú" (, "two head of cattle") for "two cows", with "tóu" being the measure word or classifier. This phenomenon is common in East Asian languages. In English, some words, as in the cited example of "cattle", are often paired with a noun used much like the Chinese measure word. "Bottle" in "two bottles of wine" or "sheet" in "three sheets of paper" are further examples. However, certain nouns representing units of measurement, time, or currency are themselves

Pronouns.

The Chinese personal pronouns are "wǒ" (, "I, me"), "nǐ" (, "you"), and "tā" (, "he; him/she; her/it (animals)/it (inanimate objects)". Plurals are formed by adding "men" (): "wǒmen" (, "we, us"), "nǐmen" (, "you"), "tāmen" (, "they/them"). There is also "nín" (), a formal, polite word for singular "you". The alternative "inclusive" word for "we/us"—"zán" () or "zá[n]men" (), referring specifically to the two people "you and I"—is not widely used. The third-person pronouns are not often used

Adjectives.

Adjectives can be used attributively, before a noun. The relative marker "de" () may be added after the adjective, but this is not always required; "black horse" may be either "hēi mǎ" () or "hēi de mǎ" (). When multiple adjectives are used, the order "quality/size – shape – color" is followed, although this is not necessary when each adjective is made into a separate phrase with the addition of "de".  Gradable adjectives can be modified by words meaning "very", etc.; such modifying adverbs normally precede the adjective, although some, such as "jíle" (, "extremely"), come after it.  When adjectives co-occur with classifiers, they normally follow the classifier. However, with most common classifiers, when the number is "one", it is also possible to place

Adverbs and adverbials.

Adverbs and adverbial phrases normally come in a position before the verb, but after the subject of the verb. In sentences with auxiliary verbs, the adverb usually precedes the auxiliary verb as well as the main verb. Some adverbs of time and attitude ("every day", "perhaps", etc.) may be moved to the start of the clause, to modify the clause as a whole. However, some adverbs cannot be moved in this way. These include three words for "often", "cháng" (), "chángcháng" () and "jīngcháng" (); "dōu" (, "all"); "jiù" (, "then"); and "yòu" (, "again").  Adverbs of manner can be formed from adjectives using the clitic "de" (). It is generally possible to move these adverbs to the start of the clause, although in some cases this may sound awkward, unless there is a qualifier such as "hěn" (, "very") and a pause after the adverb.  Some verbs take a prepositional phrase following the verb and its direct object. These are generally obligatory constituents, such that the sentence would not make sense if they were omitted. For example:  There are also certain adverbial "stative complements" which follow the verb. The character "dé" () followed by an adjective functions the same as the phrase "-ly" in English, turning the adjective into an adverb. The second is "hǎo le" (, "complete"). It is not generally possible for a single verb to be followed by both an object and an adverbial complement of this type, although there are exceptions in cases where the complement expresses duration, frequency or goal. To express both, the verb may be repeated in a special kind of serial verb construction; the first instance taking an object, the second taking the complement. Aspect markers can then appear only on the second instance of the verb.  The typical Chinese word order "XVO", where an oblique complement such as a locative prepositional phrase precedes the verb, while a direct object comes after the verb, is very rare cross-linguistically; in fact, it is only in varieties of Chinese that this is attested as the typical ordering.

Locative phrases.

Expressions of location in Chinese may include a preposition, placed before the noun; a postposition, placed after the noun; both preposition and postposition; or neither. Chinese prepositions are commonly known as coverbs – see the Coverbs section. The postpositions—which include "shàng" (, "up, on"), "xià" (, "down, under"), "lǐ" (, "in, within"), "nèi" (, "inside") and "wài" (, "outside")—may also be called "locative particles".  In the following examples locative phrases are formed from a noun plus a locative particle:  The most common preposition of location is "zài" (, "at, on, in"). With certain nouns that inherently denote a specific location, including nearly all place names, a locative phrase can be formed with "zài" together with the noun:  However other types of noun still require a locative particle as a postposition in addition to "zài":  If a noun is modified so as to denote a "specific" location, as in "this [object]...", then it may form locative phrases without any locative particle. Some nouns which can be understood

Comparatives and superlatives.

Comparative sentences are commonly expressed simply by inserting the standard of comparison, preceded by "bǐ" (, "than"). The adjective itself is not modified. The "bǐ" (, "than") phrase is an adverbial, and has a fixed position before the verb. See also the section on negation.  If there is no standard of comparison—i.e., a "than" phrase—then the adjective

Copula.

The Chinese copular verb is "shì" (). This is the equivalent of English "to be" and all its forms—"am", "is", "are", "was", "were", etc. However, "shì" is normally only used when its complement is a noun or noun phrase. As noted above, predicate adjectives

Aspects.

Chinese does not have grammatical markers of tense. The time at which action is conceived as taking place—past, present, future—can be indicated by expressions of time—"yesterday", "now", etc.—or may simply be inferred from the context. However, Chinese does have markers of aspect, which is a feature of grammar that gives information about the temporal flow of events. There are two aspect markers that are especially commonly used with past events: the perfective-aspect "le" () and the experiential "guò" (). Some authors, however, do not regard "guo" "zhe" as markers of aspect. Both "le" and "guò" immediately follow the verb. There is also a sentence-final particle "le", which serves a somewhat different purpose.  The perfective "le" presents the viewpoint of "an event in its entirety". It is sometimes considered to be a past tense marker, although it can also be used with future events, given appropriate context. Some examples of its use:  The above may be compared with the following examples with "guò", and with the examples with sentence-final "le" given under Particles.  The experiential "guo" "ascribes to

Passive.

As mentioned above, the fact that a verb is intended to be understood in the passive voice is not always marked in Chinese. However, it may be marked using the passive marker 被 "bèi", followed by the agent, though "bèi" may appear alone, if the agent is not to

Negation.

The most commonly used negating element is "bù" (), pronounced with second tone when followed by a fourth tone. This can be placed before a verb, preposition or adverb to negate it. For example: "I don't eat chicken" (). For the double-verb negative construction with "bù", see Complement of result, below. However, the verb "yǒu" ()—which can mean either possession, or "there is/are" in existential clauses—is negated using "méi" () to produce "méiyǒu" ().  For negation of a verb intended to denote a completed event, "méi" or "méiyǒu" is used instead of "bù" (), and the aspect marker "le" () is then omitted. Also, "méi[yǒu]" is used to negate verbs that take the

Questions.

In "wh"-questions in Chinese, the question word is not fronted. Instead, it stays in the position in the sentence that would be occupied by the item being asked about. For example, "What did you say?" is phrased as "nǐ shuō shé[n]me" (, literally "you say what"). The word "shénme" (, "what" or "which"), remains in the object position after the verb.  Other interrogative words include:  Disjunctive questions can be made using the word "háishì" () between the options, like English "or". This differs from the word for "or" in statements, which is "huòzhě" ().  Yes-no questions can be formed using the sentence-final particle "ma" (), with word order otherwise the same as in

Imperatives.

Second-person imperative sentences are formed in the same way as statements, but like in English, the subject "you" is often omitted.  Orders may be softened

Serial verb constructions.

Chinese makes frequent use of serial verb constructions, or verb stacking, where two or more verbs or verb phrases are concatenated together. This frequently involves either verbal complements appearing after the main verb, or coverb phrases appearing before the main verb, but other variations of the construction occur as well.

Auxiliaries.

A main verb may be preceded by an auxiliary verb, as in English. Chinese auxiliaries include "néng" and "nénggòu" ( and, "can"); "huì" (, "know how to"); "kéyǐ" (,

Verbal complements.

The active verb of a sentence may be suffixed with a second verb, which usually indicates either the result of the first action, or the direction in which it took the subject. When such information is applicable, it is generally considered mandatory. The phenomenon is sometimes called "double verbs".

Complement of result.

A complement of result, or resultative complement () is a verbal suffix which indicates the outcome, or possible outcome, of the action indicated by the main verb. In the following examples, the main verb is "tīng" ( "to listen"), and the complement of result is "dǒng" (, "to understand/to know").  Since they indicate an absolute result, such double verbs necessarily represent a completed action, and are thus negated using "méi" ():  The infix "de" () is placed between the double verbs to indicate possibility or ability. This is not possible with "restrictive" resultative compounds such as "jiéshěng" (, literally "reduce-save", meaning "to save, economize").  To negate the above construction, "de" () is replaced by "bù" ():  With some verbs, the addition of "bù" and a particular complement of result is the standard method of negation. In many cases the complement

Complement of direction.

A complement of direction, or directional complement () indicates the direction of an action involving movement. The simplest directional complements are "qù" (, "to go") and "lái" (, "to come"), which may be added after a verb to indicate movement away from or towards the speaker, respectively. These may form compounds with other verbs that further specify the direction, such as "shàng qù" (, "to go up"), "gùo lái" (, "to come over"), which may then be added to another verb, such as "zǒu" (, "to walk"), as in "zǒu gùo qù" (, "to walk over"). Another example, in a whole sentence:  If the preceding verb has an object, the object may be placed either before or after the directional complement(s), or even between two directional complements, provided the second of these is not "qù" ().  The structure with inserted "de" or "bù" is not normally used with this type of double verb. There are exceptions, such as "to be unable to get out of bed" ( or ).

Coverbs.

Chinese has a class of words, called coverbs, which in some respects resemble both verbs and prepositions. They appear with a following object (or complement), and generally denote relationships that would be expressed by prepositions (or postpositions) in other languages. However, they are often considered to be lexically verbs, and some of them can also function as full verbs. When a coverb phrase appears in a sentence together with a main verb phrase, the result is essentially a type of serial verb construction. The coverb phrase, being an adverbial, precedes the main verb in most cases. For instance:  Here the main verb is "zhǎo" (, "find"), and "bāng" () is a coverb. Here "bāng" corresponds to the English preposition "for", even though in other contexts it might be used as a full verb meaning

Other cases.

Serial verb constructions can also consist of two consecutive verb phrases with parallel meaning, such as "hē kāfēi kàn bào", "drink coffee and read the paper" (). Each verb may independently be negated or given the "le" aspect marker. If both verbs would have the same object, it is omitted the second time.  Consecutive verb phrases may also be used to indicate consecutive events. Use of the "le" aspect marker with the first verb may imply that this is the main verb of the sentence, the second verb phrase merely indicating the purpose. Use of this "le" with the second verb changes this emphasis, and may require a sentence-final "le" particle in addition. On the

Particles.

Chinese has a number of sentence-final particles – these are weak syllables, spoken with neutral tone, and placed at the end of the sentence to which they refer. They are often called modal particles or "yǔqì zhùcí" (), as they serve chiefly to express grammatical mood, or how the sentence relates to reality and/or intent. They include:  This sentence-final "le" () should be distinguished from the verb suffix "le" () discussed in the Aspects section. Whereas the sentence-final particle is sometimes described as an inceptive or as a

Cleft sentences.

There is a construction in Chinese known as the "shì... [de]" construction, which produces what may be called cleft sentences. The copula "shì" () is placed before the element of the sentence which is to be emphasized, and the optional possessive particle "de" () is placed at the end of the

Conjunctions.

Chinese has various conjunctions () such as "hé" (, "and"), "dànshì" (, "but"), "huòzhě" (, "or"), etc. However Chinese quite often uses no conjunction where English would have "and".  Two or more nouns may be joined together by the conjunctions "hé" (, "and") or "huò" ( "or"); for example "dāo hé chā" (, "knife and fork"), "gǒu huò māo" (, "dog or cat").  Certain adverbs are often used as correlative conjunctions, where correlating words appear in each of the linked clauses, such as "búdàn... érqiě" (), "suīrán... háishì" (), "yīnwèi... suǒyǐ" (). Such connectors may appear at the start of a clause or before the verb phrase.  Similarly, words like "jìrán" (, "since/in response to"), "rúguǒ" () or "jiǎrú" () "if", "zhǐyào" ( "provided that") correlate with an adverb "jiù" (, "then") or "yě" (, "also") in the main clause, to form conditional sentences.  In some cases, the same word may be repeated when connecting items; these include "yòu... yòu..." (, "both... and..."), "yībiān... yībiān..." (, "... while..."), and "yuè... yuè..." (, "the more..., the more...").  Conjunctions of time such as "when" may be translated with a construction that corresponds to something like "at the time (+relative clause)", where as usual, the Chinese relative clause comes before the noun ("time" in this case). For example:  Variants include "dāng... yǐqián" ( "before...") and "dāng... yǐhòu" (, "after..."), which do not use the relative marker "de". In all of these cases, the initial "dāng" may be replaced by "zài" (), or may be omitted. There are also similar constructions for conditionals: "rúguǒ /jiǎrú/zhǐyào... dehuà" (, "if... then"), where "huà" () literally means "narrative, story".

The grammar of Standard Chinese or Mandarin shares many features with other varieties of Chinese. The language almost entirely lacks inflection, so that words typically have only one grammatical form. Categories such as number (singular or plural) and verb tense are frequently not expressed by any grammatical means, although there are several particles that serve to express verbal aspect, and to some extent mood.

标准汉语语法是清末国语运动以来马建忠、黎锦熙、高名凯、王力、张志公等学者仿造西方语法开创的学问,以及吸收了《马氏文通》以来各家的说法所形成的汉语语法体系《暂拟汉语教学语法》。1898年马建忠参照拉丁语法体系,在《马氏文通》一书中创造了一套汉语的语法体系。


Motivation.

Revealed preference theory tries to understand the preferences of a consumer among bundles of goods, given their budget constraint. For instance, if a consumer buys bundle of goods "A" over bundle of goods "B", where both bundles of goods are affordable, it is revealed that they directly prefer "A" over "B". It is assumed that the consumer's preferences are stable over the observed time period, i.e. the consumer will not reverse their relative preferences regarding "A" and "B".  As a concrete example, if a person chooses 2 apples/3 bananas over an affordable alternative 3 apples/2 bananas, then we say that the first bundle is "revealed preferred" to the second. It is assumed that the first bundle of goods is always preferred to the second, and that the consumer purchases the second bundle of goods only if the first bundle becomes unaffordable.

Definition and theory.

Let there be two bundles of goods, a and b, available in a budget set formula_1. If it is observed that a is chosen over b, we say that a is (directly) "revealed preferred" to b.

Two-dimensional example.

If the budget set formula_1 is defined for two goods; formula_3, and determined by prices formula_4 and income formula_5, then let bundle a be formula_6 and bundle b be formula_7. This situation would typically be represented arithmetically by the inequality formula_8 and graphically by a budget line in the positive real numbers. Assuming strongly monotonic preferences, we only need to consider bundles that graphically are located on the budget line, i.e. bundles where formula_9 and formula_10 are satisfied. If, in this situation, it is observed that formula_11 is chosen over formula_12, we conclude that formula_11 is (directly) revealed preferred to formula_12, which can be summarized as the binary relation formula_15 or equivalently as formula_16.

The Weak Axiom of Revealed Preference (WARP).

WARP is one of the criteria which needs to be satisfied in order to make sure that the consumer is consistent with his preferences. If a bundle of goods a is chosen over another bundle b when both are affordable, then the consumer reveals that they prefer a over b. WARP says that when preferences remain the same, there are no circumstances (budget set) where the consumer strictly prefers b over a. By choosing a over b when both bundles are affordable, the consumer reveals that their preferences are such that they will never choose b over a, while prices remain constant. Formally:  where formula_18 and formula_19 are arbitrary bundles and formula_20 is the set of bundles chosen in budget set formula_1, given preference relation formula_22.  Alternatively, if a is chosen over b in budget set formula_1 where both a and b are feasible bundles, but b is chosen over a when the consumer faces some other budget set formula_24, then a is not a feasible bundle in budget set formula_24. This equivalent statement of WARP can formally and more generally be expressed as  Such that formula_27.

Completeness: The Strong Axiom of Revealed Preferences (SARP).

The strong axiom of revealed preferences (SARP) is equivalent to the weak axiom of revealed preferences, except that the consumer is not allowed to be indifferent between the two bundles that are compared. That is, if WARP concludes formula_16, SARP goes a step further and concludes formula_29.  If A is directly revealed preferred to B, and B is directly revealed preferred to C, then we say A is "indirectly" revealed preferred to C. It is possible for A and C to be (directly or indirectly) revealed preferable to each other at the same time, creating a "loop". In mathematical terminology, this says that transitivity is violated.  Consider the following choices: formula_30, formula_31, formula_32, where formula_33 is the choice function taking a set of options (budget set) to a choice. Then by our definition A is (indirectly) revealed preferred to C (by the first two choices) and C is (directly) revealed preferred to A (by the last choice).  It is often desirable in economic models to prevent such loops from happening, for example if we wish to model choices with utility functions (which have real-valued outputs and are thus transitive). One way to do so is to impose completeness on the revealed preference relation with regards to the situations, i.e. every possible situation must be taken into consideration by a consumer. This is useful because if we can consider {A,B,C} as a situation, we can "directly" tell which option is preferred to the other (or if they are the same). Using the weak axiom then prevents two choices from being preferred over each other at the same time; thus it would be impossible for "loops" to form.  Another way to solve this is to impose the "strong axiom of revealed preference" (SARP) which ensures transitivity. This is characterized by taking the transitive closure of direct revealed preferences and require that it is antisymmetric, i.e. if A is revealed preferred to B (directly or indirectly), then B is not revealed preferred to A (directly or indirectly).  These are two different approaches to solving the issue; completeness is concerned with the input (domain) of the choice functions; while the strong axiom imposes conditions on the output.

Criticism.

Several economists criticized the theory of revealed preferences for different reasons.

Revealed preference theory, pioneered by economist Paul Samuelson, is a method of analyzing choices made by individuals, mostly used for comparing the influence of policies on consumer behavior. Revealed preference models assume that the preferences of consumers can be revealed by their purchasing habits.

显示性偏好理论(Revealed preference theory),经济学术语,由美国经济学家保罗·萨缪尔森提出的消费者行为理论。通过这个理论可以从消费者行为分辨最好的可能选择。换句话说,消费者的消费习惯可以显示他们的喜好。


Background.

The original inhabitants of what is now Namibia were the Bushmen and the Hottentots, both of whom were hunter-gatherers who spoke dialects of the Khoisan language. According to missionary accounts, however, during wartime, both tribes were known to practice not only the killing of men, but also cutting off the hands and feet of women and the disembowelment of children.  Herero, who spoke a Bantu language, were originally a group of cattle herders who migrated into what is now Namibia during the mid-18th century. The Herero seized vast swaths of the arable upper plateaus which were ideal for cattle grazing. Agricultural duties, which were minimal, were assigned to enslaved Hottentots and Bushmen. Over the rest of the 18th century, the Herero slowly drove the Hottentots into the dry, rugged hills to the South and East.  According to Robert Gaudi, "The newcomers, much taller and more fiercely warlike than the indigenous Khoisan people's, were possessed of the fierceness that comes from basing one's way of life on a single source: everything they valued, all wealth and personal happiness, had to do with cattle. Regarding the care and protection of their herds, the Herero showed themselves utterly merciless, and far more'savage' than the Hottentots had ever been. Because of their dominant ways and elegant bearing, the few Europeans who encountered Herero tribesmen in the early days regarded them as the region's 'natural aristocrats.'"  By the time of the Scramble for Africa, the area occupied by the Herero was known as Damaraland. The Nama were pastorals and traders and lived to the South of the Herero.  In 1883, Franz Adolf Eduard Lüderitz, a German merchant, purchased a stretch of coast near the Angra Pequena bay from the reigning chief. The terms of the purchase were fraudulent, but the German government nonetheless established a protectorate over it. At that time, it was the only overseas German territory deemed suitable for white settlement.  Chief of the neighbouring Herero, Maharero rose to power by uniting all the Herero. Faced with repeated attacks by the Khowesin, a clan of the Khoikhoi under Hendrik Witbooi, he signed a protection treaty on 21 October 1885 with Imperial Germany's colonial governor Heinrich Ernst Göring (father of World War I flying ace and Nazi Luftwaffe commander Hermann Göring) but did not cede the land of the Herero. This treaty was renounced in 1888 due to lack of German support against Witbooi but it was reinstated in 1890.  The Herero leaders repeatedly complained about violation of this treaty, as Herero women and girls were raped by Germans, a crime that the German authorities were reluctant to punish.  In 1890 Maharero's son, Samuel, signed a great deal of land over to the Germans in return for helping him to ascend to the Ovaherero throne, and to subsequently be established as paramount chief. German involvement in ethnic fighting ended in tenuous peace in 1894. In that year, Theodor Leutwein became governor of the territory, which underwent a period of rapid development, while the German government sent the "Schutztruppe" (imperial colonial troops) to pacify the region.

German colonial policy.

Under German colonial rule, natives were routinely used as slave labourers, and their lands were frequently confiscated and given to colonists, who were encouraged to settle on land taken from the natives; that land was stocked with cattle stolen from the Herero and Namas, causing a great deal of resentment. Over the next decade, the land and the cattle that were essential to Herero and Nama lifestyles passed into the hands of German settlers arriving in South West Africa.  Theodor Leutwein later wrote, "The Hereros from early years were a freedom-loving people, courageous and proud beyond measure. On the one hand, there was the progressive extension of German rule over them, and on the other their own sufferings increasing from year to year."  In January 1903, "a sex-starved German trader" named Dietrich was walking from his homestead to the nearby town of Omaruru to buy a new horse. Halfway to Dietrich's destination, a wagon carrying the son of a Herero chief, his wife, and their son stopped by. In a common courtesy in Hereroland, the Chief's son offered Dietrich a ride.  That night, however, Dietrich got very drunk and after everyone was asleep, he attempted to rape the wife of the Chief's son. When she resisted, Dietrich shot her dead. When he was tried for murder in Windhoek, Dietrich denied attempting to rape his victim. He alleged that he awake thinking the camp was under attack and fired blindly into the darkness. The killing of the Herero woman, he claimed, was an unfortunate accident. The court acquitted him, alleging that Dietrich was suffering from "tropical fever" and temporary insanity.  According to Major Theodor Leutwein, the new Governor of German Southwest Africa, the murder, "aroused extraordinary interest in Hereroland, especially since the murdered woman had been the wife of the son of a Chief and the daughter of another. Everywhere the question was asked: Have White people the right to shoot native woman?"  Against the violent objections of German settlers who considered him a "Race traitor," Leutwein intervened and insisted upon a second trial for Dietrich before the colony's supreme Court. This time, Dietrich was found guilty of manslaughter and imprisoned.

Revolts.

In 1903, some of the Nama clans rose in revolt under the leadership of Hendrik Witbooi. A number of factors led the Herero to join them in January 1904.  One of the major issues was land rights. The Herero had already ceded over a quarter of their to German colonists by 1903, before the Otavi railway line running from the African coast to inland German settlements was completed. Completion of this line would have made the German colonies much more accessible and would have ushered a new wave of Europeans into the area.  Historian Horst Drechsler states that there was discussion of the possibility of establishing and placing the Herero in native reserves and that this was further proof of the German colonists' sense of ownership over the land. Drechsler illustrates the gap between the rights of a European and an African; the German Colonial League held that, in regards to legal matters, the testimony of seven Africans was equivalent to that of a colonist. Bridgman writes about racial tensions underlying these developments; the average German colonist viewed native Africans as a lowly source of cheap labour, and others welcomed their extermination.  A new policy on debt collection, enforced in November 1903, also played a role in the uprising. For many years, the Herero population had fallen in the habit of borrowing money from colonist moneylenders at extreme interest rates (see usury). For a long time, much of this debt went uncollected and accumulated, as most Herero had no means to pay. To correct this growing problem, Governor Leutwein decreed with good intentions that all debts not paid within the next year would be voided. In the absence of hard cash, traders often seized cattle, or whatever objects of value they could get their hands on, as collateral. This fostered a feeling of resentment towards the Germans on the part of the Herero people, which escalated to hopelessness when they saw that German officials were sympathetic to the moneylenders who were about to lose what they were owed.  In 1903 the Herero learned of a plan to divide their territory with a railway line and set up reservations where they would be concentrated; this was also one of the reasons for the revolt.  The Herero judged the situation intolerable, and revolted in early 1904, killing between 123 and 150 German settlers, as well as seven Boers and three women, in what Nils Ole Oermann calls a "desperate surprise attack".  A Herero warrior interviewed by German authorities in 1895 had described his people's traditional way of dealing with suspected cattle rustlers, a treatment which, during the uprising, was regularly extended to German soldiers and civilians, "We came across a few Hottentots whom of course we killed. I myself helped to kill one of them. First we cut off his ears, saying, 'You will never hear Herero cattle lowing.' Then we cut off his nose, saying, 'Never again shall you smell Herero cattle.' And then we cut off his lips, saying, 'You shall never again taste Herero cattle.' And finally we cut his throat."  The timing of their attack was carefully planned. After successfully asking a large Herero clan to surrender their weapons, Governor Leutwein was convinced that they and the rest of the native population were essentially pacified and so withdrew half of the German troops stationed in the colony. Led by Chief Samuel Maharero, the Herero surrounded Okahandja and cut links to Windhoek, the colonial capital. Maharero then issued a manifesto in which he forbade his troops to kill any Englishmen, Boers, uninvolved peoples, women and children in general, or German missionaries. The Heroro revolts catalysed a separate revolt and attack on Fort Namutoni in the north of the country a few weeks later by the Ondonga.  According to Robert Gaudi, "Leutwein knew that the wrath of the German Empire was about to fall on them and hoped to soften the blow. He sent desperate messages to Chief Samuel Maherero in hopes of negotiating an end to the war. In this, Leutwein acted on his own, heedless of the prevailing mood in Germany, which called for bloody revenge."  The Hereros, however, were emboldened by their success and had come to believe that, "the Germans were too cowardly to fight in the open," and rejected Leutwein's offers of peace.  One missionary wrote, "The Germans are filled with fearful hate. I must really call it a blood thirst against the Hereros. One hears nothing but talk of 'cleaning up,' 'executing,''shooting down to the last man,' no pardon,' etc."  According to Robert Gaudi, "The Germans suffered more than defeat in the early months of 1904; they suffered humiliation, their brilliant modern army unable to defeat a rabble of 'half-naked savages.' Cries in the Reichstag, and from the Kaiser himself, for total eradication of the Hereros grew strident. When a leading member of the Social Democratic Party pointed out that the Hereros were as human as any German and possessed immortal souls, he was howled down by the entire conservative side of the legislature."  Leutwein was forced to request reinforcements and an experienced officer from the German government in Berlin. Lieutenant-General Lothar von Trotha was appointed Supreme Commander () of South West Africa on 3 May 1904, arriving with an expeditionary force of 14,000 troops on 11 June.  Meanwhile, Leutwein was subordinate to the Colonial Department of the Prussian Foreign Office, which reported to Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow while General Trotha reported to the military German General Staff, which was only subordinate to Emperor Wilhelm II.  Leutwein wanted to defeat the most determined Herero rebels and negotiate a surrender with the remainder to achieve a political settlement. Trotha, however, planned to crush the native resistance through military force. He stated that:

Genocide.

In 1900, Kaiser Wilhelm II had been enraged by the killing of Baron Klemens von Ketteler, the Imperial German minister-plenipotentiary in Beijing, during the Boxer Rebellion. The Kaiser took it as a personal insult from a people he viewed as racially inferior, all the more because of his obsession with the "Yellow Peril". On 27 July 1900, the Kaiser gave the infamous "Hunnenrede" (Hun speech) in Bremerhaven to German soldiers being sent to Imperial China, ordering them to show the Boxers no mercy and to behave like Attilla's Huns. General von Trotha had served in China, and was chosen in 1904 to command the expedition to German Southwest Africa precisely because of his record in China. In 1904, Wilhelm was furious about a revolt in his colony by a people he also viewed as inferior, and likewise took the Herero rebellion as a personal insult, just as he had viewed the assassination of Ketteler. The bloodthirsty language that Wilhelm II used about the Herero in 1904 was strikingly similar to the language he used against the Chinese in 1900.  No written order by Wilhelm II ordering or authorising genocide has survived. In February 1945 a British bomb destroyed the building housing all of the documents of the Prussian Army from the Imperial period, creating a lacuna in the historical record, as hardly any documents relating to the Herero uprising and genocide survived the fire. The tactics used by Trotha were the same tactics that he had used in China, only on a more vaster scale, and were eerily similar to British war crimes against both Afrikaners and Black South Africans suspected of supporting them during the Second Boer War. It is also known that throughout the genocide Trotha remained in regular contact with both the General Staff and with the Kaiser. Regardless of if a written order was given or not, there are historians who believe that the Supreme Warlord had given Trotha verbal orders. The fact that Trotha was decorated by Wilhelm II and was not court-martialled after the genocide became public lends support to the thesis that he may have been acting under orders. General Trotha stated his proposed solution to end the resistance of the Herero people in a letter, before the Battle of Waterberg: Trotha's troops defeated 3,000–5,000 Herero combatants at the Battle of Waterberg on 11–12 August 1904 but were unable to encircle and annihilate the retreating survivors.  The pursuing German forces prevented groups of Herero from breaking from the main body of the fleeing force and pushed them further into the desert. As exhausted Herero fell to the ground, unable to go on, German soldiers killed men, women, and children. Jan Cloete, acting as a guide for the Germans, witnessed the atrocities committed by the German troops and deposed the following statement: A portion of the Herero escaped the Germans and went to the Omaheke Desert, hoping to reach British territory of Bechuanaland; fewer than 1,000 reached Bechuanaland, where they were granted asylum. To prevent them from returning, Trotha ordered the desert to be sealed off. German patrols later found skeletons around holes deep that had been dug in a vain attempt to find water. Some sources also state that the German colonial army systematically poisoned desert water wells. Maherero and 500–1,500 men crossed the Kalahari into Bechuanaland where he was accepted as a vassal of the Batswana chief Sekgoma.  On 2 October, Trotha issued a warning to the Herero: He further gave orders that:  Trotha gave orders that captured Herero males were to be executed, while women and children were to be driven into the desert where their death from starvation and thirst was to be certain; Trotha argued that there was no need to make exceptions for Herero women and children, since these would "infect German troops with their diseases", the insurrection Trotha explained "is and remains the beginning of a racial struggle". Regardless, German soldiers regularly raped young Herero women before killing them or letting them die in the desert. After the war, Trotha argued that his orders were necessary, writing in 1909 that "If I had made the small water holes accessible to the womenfolk, I would run the risk of an African catastrophe comparable to the Battle of Beresonia."  The German general staff was aware of the atrocities that were taking place; its official publication, named "Der Kampf", noted that: Alfred von Schlieffen (Chief of the Imperial German General Staff) approved of Trotha's intentions in terms of a "racial struggle" and the need to "wipe out the entire nation or to drive them out of the country", but had doubts about his strategy, preferring their surrender.  Governor Leutwein, later relieved of his duties, complained to Chancellor von Bülow about Trotha's actions, seeing the general's orders as intruding upon the civilian colonial jurisdiction and ruining any chance of a political settlement. According to Professor Mahmood Mamdani from Columbia University, opposition to the policy of annihilation was largely the consequence of the fact that colonial officials looked at the Herero people as a potential source of labour, and thus economically important. For instance, Governor Leutwein wrote that: Having no authority over the military, Chancellor Bülow could only advise Emperor Wilhelm II that Trotha's actions were "contrary to Christian and humanitarian principle, economically devastating and damaging to Germany's international reputation". Upon the arrival of new orders at the end of 1904, prisoners were herded into concentration camps, where they were given to private companies as slave labourers or exploited as human guinea pigs in medical experiments.

Concentration camps.

Survivors of the massacre, the majority of whom were women and children, were eventually put in places like Shark Island Concentration Camp, where the German authorities forced them to work as slave labour for German military and settlers. All prisoners were categorised into groups fit and unfit for work, and pre-printed death certificates indicating "death by exhaustion following privation" were issued. The British government published their well-known account of the German genocide of the Nama and Herero peoples in 1918.  Many Herero died later of disease, exhaustion, and malnutrition. Estimates of the mortality rate at the camps are between 45% and 74%.  Food in the camps was extremely scarce, consisting of rice with no additions. As the prisoners lacked pots and the rice they received was uncooked, it was indigestible; horses and oxen that died in the camp were later distributed to the inmates as food. Dysentery and lung diseases were common. Despite those conditions, the Herero were taken outside the camp every day for labour under harsh treatment by the German guards, while the sick were left without any medical assistance or nursing care.  Shootings, hangings, beatings, and other harsh treatment of the forced labourers (including use of sjamboks) were common. A 28 September 1905 article in the South African newspaper "Cape Argus" detailed some of the abuse with the heading: "In German S. W. Africa: Further Startling Allegations: Horrible Cruelty". In an interview with Percival Griffith, "an accountant of profession, who owing to hard times, took up on transport work at Angra Pequena, Lüderitz", related his experiences. During the war, a number of people from the Cape (in modern-day South Africa) sought employment as transport riders for German troops in Namibia. Upon their return to the Cape, some of these people recounted their stories, including those of the imprisonment and genocide of the Herero and Nama people. Fred Cornell, a British aspirant diamond prospector, was in Lüderitz when the Shark Island concentration camp was being used. Cornell wrote of the camp: Shark Island was the worst of the German South West African camps. Lüderitz lies in southern Namibia, flanked by desert and ocean. In the harbour lies Shark Island, which then was connected to the mainland only by a small causeway. The island is now, as it was then, barren and characterised by solid rock carved into surreal formations by the hard ocean winds. The camp was placed on the far end of the relatively small island, where the prisoners would have suffered complete exposure to the strong winds that sweep Lüderitz for most of the year.  German Commander Von Estorff wrote in a report that approximately 1700 prisoners (including 1203 Nama) had died by April 1907. In December 1906, four months after their arrival, 291 Nama died (a rate of more than nine people per day). Missionary reports put the death rate at 12–18 per day; as many as 80% of the prisoners sent to Shark Island eventually died there.  There are accusations of Herero women being coerced into sex slavery as a means of survival.  Trotha was opposed to contact between natives and settlers, believing that the insurrection was "the beginning of a racial struggle" and fearing that the colonists would be infected by native diseases.  Benjamin Madley argues that although Shark Island is referred to as a concentration camp, it functioned as an extermination camp or death camp.

Medical experiments and scientific racism.

Prisoners were used for medical experiments and their illnesses or their recoveries from them were used for research.  Experiments on live prisoners were performed by Dr. Bofinger, who injected Herero that were suffering from scurvy with various substances including arsenic and opium; afterwards he researched the effects of these substances via autopsy.  Experimentation with the dead body parts of the prisoners was rife. Zoologist (1872–1955) noted taking "body parts from fresh native corpses" which according to him was a "welcome addition", and he also noted that he could use prisoners for that purpose.  An estimated 300 skulls were sent to Germany for experimentation, in part from concentration camp prisoners. In October 2011, after 3 years of talks, the first 20 of an estimated 300 skulls stored in the museum of the Charité were returned to Namibia for burial. In 2014, 14 additional skulls were repatriated by the University of Freiburg.

Number of victims.

A census conducted in 1905 revealed that 25,000 Herero remained in German South West Africa.  According to the "Whitaker Report", the population of 80,000 Herero was reduced to 15,000 "starving refugees" between 1904 and 1907. In "Colonial Genocide and Reparations Claims in the 21st Century": "The Socio-Legal Context of Claims under International Law by the Herero against Germany for Genocide in Namibia" by Jeremy Sarkin-Hughes, a number of 100,000 victims is given. German author Walter Nuhn states that in 1904 only 40,000 Herero lived in German South West Africa, and therefore "only 24,000" could have been killed.  Newspapers reported 65,000 victims when announcing that Germany recognized the genocide in 2004.

Aftermath.

With the closure of concentration camps, all surviving Herero were distributed as labourers for settlers in the German colony. From that time on, all Herero over the age of seven were forced to wear a metal disc with their labour registration number, and banned from owning land or cattle, a necessity for pastoral society.  About 19,000 German troops were engaged in the conflict, of which 3,000 saw combat. The rest were used for upkeep and administration. The German losses were 676 soldiers killed in combat, 76 missing, and 689 dead from disease. The Reiterdenkmal () in Windhoek was erected in 1912 to celebrate the victory and to remember the fallen German soldiers and civilians. Until after Independence, no monument was built to the killed indigenous population. It remains a bone of contention in independent Namibia.  The campaign cost Germany 600 million marks. The normal annual subsidy to the colony was 14.5 million marks. In 1908, diamonds were discovered in the territory, and this did much to boost its prosperity, though it was short-lived.  In 1915, at the start of World War I, the German colony was taken over and occupied in the South West Africa Campaign by the Union of South Africa, acting on behalf of the British Imperial Government. South Africa received a League of Nations Mandate over South West Africa in 1919 under the Treaty of Versailles.

Recognition.

In 1985, the United Nations' Whitaker Report classified the massacres as an attempt to exterminate the Herero and Nama peoples of South West Africa, and therefore one of the earliest cases of genocide in the 20th century.  In 1998, German President Roman Herzog visited Namibia and met Herero leaders. Chief Munjuku Nguvauva demanded a public apology and compensation. Herzog expressed regret but stopped short of an apology. He pointed out that international law requiring reparation did not exist in 1907, but he undertook to take the Herero petition back to the German government.  The Herero filed a lawsuit in the United States in 2001 demanding reparations from the German government and Deutsche Bank, which financed the German government and companies in Southern Africa. With a complaint filed with the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York in January 2017, descendants of the Herero and Nama people sued Germany for damages in the United States. The plaintiffs sued under the Alien Tort Statute, a 1789 U.S. law often invoked in human rights cases. Their proposed class-action lawsuit sought unspecified sums for thousands of descendants of the victims, for the "incalculable damages" that were caused. Germany seeks to rely on its state immunity as implemented in US law as the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, arguing that, as a sovereign nation, it cannot be sued in US courts in relation to its acts outside the United States.  On 16 August 2004, at the 100th anniversary of the start of the genocide, a member of the German government, Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, Germany's Minister for Economic Development and Cooperation, officially apologised and expressed grief about the genocide, declaring in a speech that: She ruled out paying special compensations, but promised continued economic aid for Namibia which in 2004 amounted to $14M a year. This number has been significantly increased since then, with the budget for the years 2016–17 allocating a sum total of €138M in monetary support payments.  The Trotha family travelled to Omaruru in October 2007 by invitation of the royal Herero chiefs and publicly apologised for the actions of their relative. Wolf-Thilo von Trotha said,

Repatriation.

Peter Katjavivi, a former Namibian ambassador to Germany, demanded in August 2008 that the skulls of Herero and Nama prisoners of the 1904–1908 uprising, which were taken to Germany for scientific research to "prove" the superiority of white Europeans over Africans, be returned to Namibia. Katjavivi was reacting to a German television documentary which reported that its investigators had found over 40 of these skulls at two German universities, among them probably the skull of a Nama chief who had died on Shark Island near Lüderitz. In September 2011 the skulls were returned to Namibia. In August 2018, Germany returned all of the remaining skulls and other human remains which were examined in Germany to scientifically promote white supremacy. This was the third such transfer, and shortly before it occurred, German Protestant bishop Petra Bosse-Huber stated “Today, we want to do what should have been done many years ago – to give back to their descendents the remains of people who became victims of the first genocide of the 20th century.”  As part of the repatriation process, the German government announced on 17 May 2019 that it would return a stone symbol it took from Namibia in the 1900s.

Link between the Herero genocide and the Holocaust.

The Herero genocide has commanded the attention of historians who study complex issues of continuity between the Herero genocide and the Holocaust. It is argued that the Herero genocide set a precedent in Imperial Germany that would later be followed by Nazi Germany's establishment of death camps.  According to Benjamin Madley, the German experience in South West Africa was a crucial precursor to Nazi colonialism and genocide. He argues that personal connections, literature, and public debates served as conduits for communicating colonialist and genocidal ideas and methods from the colony to Germany. Tony Barta, an honorary research associate at La Trobe University, argues that the Herero genocide was an inspiration for Hitler in his war against the Jews, Slavs, Gypsies, and others who he described as "non-Aryans".  According to Clarence Lusane, Eugen Fischer's medical experiments can be seen as a testing ground for medical procedures which were later followed during the Nazi Holocaust. Fischer later became chancellor of the University of Berlin, where he taught medicine to Nazi physicians. Otmar Freiherr von Verschuer was a student of Fischer, Verschuer himself had a prominent pupil, Josef Mengele. Franz Ritter von Epp, who was later responsible for the liquidation of virtually all Bavarian Jews and Roma as governor of Bavaria, took part in the Herero genocide as well.  Mahmood Mamdani argues that the links between the Herero genocide and the Holocaust are beyond the execution of an annihilation policy and the establishment of concentration camps and there are also ideological similarities in the conduct of both genocides. Focusing on a written statement by General Trotha which is translated as: Mamdani takes note of the similarity between the aims of the General and the Nazis. According to Mamdani, in both cases there was a Social Darwinist notion of "cleansing", after which "something new" would "emerge".

The Herero and Nama genocide was the first genocide of the 20th century, waged by the German Empire against the Ovaherero, the Nama, and the San in German South West Africa (now Namibia). It occurred between 1904 and 1908.

赫雷罗人和纳马人大屠杀是1904年至1908年德意志帝国在德属西南非洲针对赫雷罗人、纳马人、萨恩人实行了连坐屠杀,被认为是二十世纪的第一场种族屠杀。出于对赫雷罗人和纳马人的报复,德国人共屠杀了24000至100000名赫雷罗人,10000名纳马人以及不明数量的萨恩人。1985年,联合国人权理事会将此事件划分为灭绝西南非赫雷罗人与纳马人的企图。2004年德国政府承认并为事件此道歉,但拒绝向被害人后代做出赔偿。


Early life.

Victor Turner was born in Glasgow, Scotland, son to Norman and Violet Turner. His father was an electrical engineer and his mother a repertory actress, who founded the Scottish National Players. Turner initially studied poetry and classics at the University College London.  In 1941, Turner was drafted into World War II, and served as a noncombatant until 1944. During his three years of service he met and married Edith Brocklesby Davis, who was serving during the war as a "land girl". Their five children include scientist Robert Turner, poet Frederick Turner, and Rory Turner, an anthropology professor at Goucher College.  Turner returned to University College in 1946 with a new focus on anthropology. He later pursued graduate studies in anthropology at Manchester University.

Career.

Turner worked in Zambia (then Northern Rhodesia) as research officer for the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute. It was through the position that Turner started his lifelong study of the Ndembu people of Zambia. He completed his PhD at University of Manchester in 1955. Like many of the Manchester anthropologists of his time, he also became concerned with conflict. He developed the new concept of social drama in order to account for the symbolism of conflict and crisis resolution among Ndembu villagers.  Turner spent his career exploring rituals. As a professor at the University of Chicago in the late 1950s, Turner began to apply his study of rituals and rites of passage to world religions and the lives of religious heroes. He and his wife converted to Catholicism in 1958.  Turner explored Arnold van Gennep's threefold structure of rites of passage and expanding theories on the liminal phase. Van Gennep's structure consisted of a pre-liminal phase (separation), a liminal phase (transition), and a post-liminal phase (reincorporation). Turner noted that in liminality, the transitional state between two phases, individuals were "betwixt and between": they did not belong to the society that they previously were a part of and they were not yet reincorporated into that society. Liminality is a limbo, an ambiguous period characterized by humility, seclusion, tests, sexual ambiguity, and communitas.  Turner was also a committed ethnographer and produced work on ritual. He and his wife Edith L. B. Turner co-authored "Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture" (1978).

Death.

Turner died on 18 December 1983 in Charlottesville, Virginia. After his death, his widow Edith Turner embarked on her own career as an anthropologist. She developed upon Victor's "anthropology of experience" with a publication on communitas.

Influence.

Author Chuck Palahniuk was quoted in "The Believer" as saying, "So often what I’m doing is dramatizing the writings of Victor Turner, who wrote a lot about liminal and liminoid events." Turner's work on liminality and performance has strongly influenced developments in the field of Performance Studies, particularly due to his friendship and professional collaboration with Richard Schechner with whom he explored the relationship between ritual and theater.

Victor Turner Prize.

The Victor Turner Prize in Ethnographic Writing is awarded annually by The Society for Humanistic Anthropology (SHA). Eligible works are "published books in various genres including ethnographic monographs, narratives, essays, biographies, memoirs, poetry, and drama." Kirin Narayan's "Storytellers, Saints and Scoundrels: Folk Narrative in Hindu Religious Teaching" (1989) was the first Victor Turner Prize winner in 1990.

Victor Witter Turner (28 May 1920 – 18 December 1983) was a British cultural anthropologist best known for his work on symbols, rituals, and rites of passage. His work, along with that of Clifford Geertz and others, is often referred to as symbolic and interpretive anthropology.

维克多·威特·特纳 (英语:Victor Witter Turner,1920年-5月28日-1983年-12月18日),苏格兰文化人类学家,因他的象征、仪式与通过仪式的研究作品而闻名。他的作品,连同克利弗德·格尔茨和其他学者的作品,往往称为象征人类学或象征与诠释人类学。


Overview.

In primary schools in European countries, children often learn to play instruments such as keyboards or recorders, sing in small choirs, and learn about the elements of music and history of music. In countries such as India, the harmonium is used in schools, but instruments like keyboards and violin are also common. Students are normally taught basics of Indian Raga music. In primary and secondary schools, students may often have the opportunity to perform in some type of musical ensemble, such as a choir, orchestra, or school band: concert band, marching band, or jazz band. In some secondary schools, additional music classes may also be available. In junior high school or its equivalent, music usually continues to be a required part of the curriculum.  At the university level, students in most arts and humanities programs receive academic credit for music courses such as music history, typically of Western art music, or music appreciation, which

Instructional methodologies.

While instructional strategies are determined by the music teacher and the music curriculum in his or her area, many teachers rely heavily on one of many instructional methodologies that emerged in recent generations and developed rapidly during the latter half of the 20th Century.

Major international music education methods.

Dalcroze method.

The Dalcroze method was developed in the early 20th century by Swiss musician and educator Émile Jaques-Dalcroze. The method is divided into three fundamental concepts − the use of solfège, improvisation, and eurhythmics. Sometimes referred to as "rhythmic gymnastics," eurhythmics teaches concepts of rhythm, structure, and musical expression using movement, and is the concept for which Dalcroze is best

Kodály method.

Zoltán Kodály (1882–1967) was a prominent Hungarian music educator and composer who stressed the benefits of physical instruction and response to music. Although not really an educational method, his teachings reside within a fun, educational framework built on a solid grasp of basic music theory and music notation in various verbal and written forms. Kodály's primary goal was to instill a lifelong love of

Orff Schulwerk.

Carl Orff was a prominent German composer. Orff Schulwerk is considered an "approach" to music education. It begins with a student's innate abilities to engage in rudimentary forms of music, using basic rhythms and melodies. Orff considers the whole body a percussive instrument and students are led to

Suzuki method.

The Suzuki method was developed by Shinichi Suzuki in Japan shortly after World War II, and uses music education to enrich the lives and moral character of its students. The movement rests on the double premise that "all children can be well educated" in music, and that learning to play music at a high level also involves learning certain character traits or virtues which make a person's soul more beautiful. The primary method for achieving this is centered around creating the same environment for learning music that a person has for learning their native language. This 'ideal' environment includes love, high-quality examples, praise, rote training and repetition, and a time-table set by the student's developmental readiness for learning a particular technique. While the Suzuki Method is quite popular internationally, within Japan its influence is less significant than the Yamaha Method, founded by Genichi Kawakami in association with the Yamaha Music Foundation.

Other notable methods.

In addition to the four major international methods described above, other approaches have been influential. Lesser-known methods are described below:

Gordon's music learning theory.

Edwin Gordon's music learning theory is based on an extensive body of research and field testing by Edwin E. Gordon and others in the larger field of music learning theory. It provides music teachers with a comprehensive framework for teaching musicianship through audiation, Gordon's term for hearing music in the mind with understanding and comprehension when the sound is not physically present. The sequence of instructions is

World music pedagogy.

The growth of cultural diversity within school-age populations prompted music educators from the 1960s onward to diversify the music curriculum, and to work with ethnomusicologists and artist-musicians to establish instructional practices rooted in musical traditions. 'World music pedagogy' was coined by Patricia Shehan Campbell to describe world music content and practice in

Conversational Solfège.

Influenced by both the Kodály method and Gordon's Music Learning Theory, Conversational Solfège was developed by Dr. John M. Feierabend, former chair of music education at the Hartt School, University of Hartford. The program begins by immersing students in the musical literature of their own

Carabo-Cone nethod.

This early-childhood approach, sometimes referred to as the sensory-motor approach to music, was developed by the violinist Madeleine Carabo-Cone. This approach involves using props, costumes,

Popular music pedagogy.

'Popular music pedagogy' — alternatively called rock music pedagogy, modern band, popular music education, or rock music education — is a 1960s development in music education consisting of the

Manhattanville Music Curriculum Project.

The Manhattanville Music Curriculum Project was developed in 1965 as a response to declining student interest in school music. This creative approach aims to shape attitudes, helping students see music not as static content to be mastered, but as personal, current, and evolving. Rather than imparting factual knowledge, this method centers around the student, who learns through investigation, experimentation, and discovery. The teacher gives a group of students a specific problem to solve together and allows freedom to create, perform, improvise, conduct, research, and investigate different facets of music in a spiral curriculum. MMCP is viewed as the forerunner to projects in creative music composition and improvisation activities in schools.

History of music education in the United States.

18th century.

After the preaching of Reverend Thomas Symmes, the first singing school was created in 1717 in Boston for the purposes of improving singing and music reading in the church. These singing schools gradually spread throughout the colonies. Music education continued to flourish with the creation of the Academy of Music in Boston. Reverend John Tufts published "An Introduction to the Singing of Psalm Tunes

19th century.

In 1832, Lowell Mason and George Webb formed the Boston Academy of Music with the purposes of teaching singing and theory as well as methods of teaching music. Mason published his "Manuel of Instruction" in 1834 which was based upon the music education works of Pestalozzian System of Education founded by Swiss educator Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi. This handbook gradually became used by many singing school teachers. From 1837–1838, the Boston School Committee allowed Lowell Mason to teach music in the Hawes School as a demonstration. This is regarded as the first time music education was introduced to public schools in the United States. In 1838 the Boston School Committee approved the inclusion of music in the curriculum

Early 20th century.

In the United States, teaching colleges with four-year degree programs developed from the Normal Schools and included music. Oberlin Conservatory first offered the Bachelor

Middle 20th century to 21st century.

The following table illustrates some notable developments from this period:  Music course offerings and even entire degree programs in online music education developed in the first decade of the 21st century at various institutions, and the fields of world music pedagogy and popular music pedagogy have also seen notable expansion.  In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, social aspects of teaching

India.

Institutional music education was started in colonial India by Rabindranath Tagore after he founded the Visva-Bharati University. At present, most universities have a faculty of music with some universities specially dedicated to fine arts such as Indira Kala Sangeet University, Swathi Thirunal College of Music or Rabindra Bharati University.Indian classical music is based on the Guru-Shishya parampara system.

Java.

The Indonesian island of Java is known for its rich musical culture, centered around gamelan music. The two oldest gamelan instrument sets, dating from the twelfth century, are housed in the kratons (palaces) in the cities of Yogyakarta and Surakarta. Gamelan music is an integral part of the Javanese culture: it is a part of religious ceremonies, weddings, funerals, palace activities, national holidays, and local community gatherings. In recent years, there has been an increasing market for gamelan associated tourism: several companies arrange visits for tourists wishing to participate in and learn gamelan.  Gamelan music has a

Africa.

The South African Department of Education and the ILAM Music Heritage Project SA teach African music using western musical framework. ILAM's "Listen and Learn" for students 11–14 is "unique" in teaching curriculum requirements for western music using recordings of traditional African music.  From the time that Africa was colonized up to 1994, indigenous music and arts being taught in schools was a rare occurrence. The African National Congress (ANC) attempted to repair the neglect of indigenous knowledge and the overwhelming emphasis on written musical literacy in schools. It is not well known that the learning of indigenous music actually has a philosophy and teaching procedure that is different from western “formal” training. It involves the whole community because indigenous songs are

South America.

Among the Aztecs, Mayans, and Incas, music was used in ceremonies and rituals to teach the history of their civilizations and was also used for worship. The Aztec people were mainly educated by their priests. Music remained an important way to teach religion and history and was taught by priests for many centuries. When Spain and Portugal colonized parts of South America, music started to be influenced by European ideas and qualities. Several priests of European descent, such as Antonio Sepp, taught European systems of music notation and theory based on their knowledge of playing instruments throughout the 1700-1800s. Since music was taught to the general public by rote, very few knew how to read music other than those

Cross-cultural music education.

The music, languages, and sounds we are exposed to within our own cultures determine our tastes in music and affect the way we perceive the music of other cultures. Many studies have shown distinct differences in the preferences and abilities of musicians from around the world. One study attempted to view the distinctions between the musical preferences of English and Japanese speakers, providing both groups of people with the same series of tones and rhythms. The same type of study was done for English and French speakers. Both studies suggested that the language spoken by the listener determined which groupings of tones and rhythms were more appealing, based on the inflections and natural rhythm groupings of their language.  Another study had Europeans

Standards and assessment.

Achievement standards are curricular statements used to guide educators in determining objectives for their teaching. Use of standards became a common practice in many nations during the 20th century. For much of its existence, the curriculum for music education

Integration with other subjects.

Some schools and organizations promote integration of arts classes, such as music, with other subjects, such as math, science, or English, believing that integrating the different curricula will help each subject to build off of one another, enhancing the overall quality of education.  One example is the Kennedy Center's "Changing Education Through the Arts" program. CETA defines arts integration as finding a natural connection(s) between one or more art forms (dance, drama/theater, music, visual arts, storytelling, puppetry, and/or creative writing) and one or more other curricular areas (science, social studies, English language arts, mathematics, and others) in order to teach and assess objectives in both the art form and the other subject area. This allows a simultaneous focus on creating, performing, and/or responding to the arts while still addressing content in other subject areas.  The European Union Lifelong Learning Programme 2007–2013 has funded three projects that use music to support language learning. Lullabies of Europe (for pre-school and early learners), FolkDC (for primary), and the recent PopuLLar (for secondary). In addition, the ARTinED project is also using music for all subject areas.

Significance.

A number of researchers and music education advocates have argued that studying music enhances academic achievement, such as William Earhart, former president of the Music Educators National Conference, who claimed that "Music enhances knowledge in the areas of mathematics, science, geography, history, foreign language, physical education, and vocational training." Researchers at the University of Wisconsin suggested that students with piano or keyboard experience performed 34% higher on tests that measure spatial-temporal lobe activity, which is the part of the brain that is

Non-musical benefits.

Studies have shown that music education can be used to enhance cognitive achievement in students. In the United States an estimated 30% of students struggle with reading, while 17% are reported as having a specific learning disability linked to reading. Using intensive music curriculum as an intervention paired alongside regular classroom activities, research shows that students involved with the music curriculum show increases in reading comprehension, word knowledge, vocabulary recall, and word decoding. When a student is singing a melody with text, they are using multiple areas of their brain to multitask. Music effects language development, increases IQ, spatial-temporal skills, and improves test scores. Music education has also shown to improve the skills of dyslexic children in similar areas as mentioned earlier by focusing on visual auditory and fine motor skills as strategies to combat their disability. Since research in this area is sparse, we cannot convincingly conclude these findings to be true, however

Music advocacy.

In some communities – and even entire national education systems – music is provided little support as an academic subject area, and music teachers feel that they must actively seek greater public endorsement for music education as a legitimate subject of study. This perceived need to change public opinion has resulted in the development of a variety of approaches commonly called "music advocacy". Music advocacy comes in many forms, some of which are based upon legitimate scholarly arguments and scientific findings, while other examples controversially rely on emotion, anecdotes, or unconvincing data.  Recent high-profile music advocacy projects include the "Mozart Effect", the National Anthem Project, and the movement in World Music Pedagogy (also known as Cultural Diversity in Music Education) which seeks out means of equitable pedagogy across students regardless of their race, ethnicity, or socioeconomic circumstance. The Mozart effect is particularly controversial as while the initial study suggested listening to Mozart positively impacts spatial-temporal reasoning, later studies either failed to replicate the results, suggested no effect on IQ or spatial ability, or suggested the music of

Role of women.

While music critics argued in the 1880s that "...women [composers] lacked the innate creativity to compose good music" due to "biological predisposition", later, it was accepted that women would have a role in music education, and they became involved in this field "...to such a degree that women dominated music education during the later half of the 19th century and well into the 20th century.""Traditional accounts of the history of music education [in the US] have often neglected the contributions of women, because these texts have emphasized bands and the top leaders in hierarchical music organizations." When looking beyond these bandleaders and top leaders, women had many music education roles in the "...home, community, churches, public schools, and teacher-training institutions" and "...as writers, patrons, and through their volunteer work in organizations."  Despite the limitations imposed on women's roles in music education in the 19th century, women were accepted as kindergarten teachers, because this was deemed to be a "private sphere". Women also taught music privately, in girl's schools, Sunday schools, and they trained musicians in school music programs. By the turn of the 20th century, women began to be employed as music supervisors in elementary schools, teachers in normal schools and professors of music in universities. Women also became more active in professional organizations in music education, and women presented papers at conferences. A woman, Frances Clarke (1860-1958) founded the Music Supervisors National Conference in 1907. While a small number of women served as President of the Music Supervisors National Conference (and the following renamed versions of the organization over the next century) in the early 20th century, there were only two female Presidents between 1952 and 1992, which "[p]ossibly reflects discrimination."  After 1990, however, leadership roles for women in the organization opened up. From 1990 to 2010, there were five female Presidents of this organization. Women music educators "outnumber men two-to-one" in teaching general music, choir, private lessons, and keyboard instruction. More men tend to be hired as for band education, administration and jazz jobs, and more men work in colleges and universities. According to Dr. Sandra Wieland Howe, there is still a "glass ceiling" for women in music education careers, as there is "stigma" associated with women in leadership positions and "men outnumber women as administrators."

Music education is a field of practice, in which educators are trained for careers as elementary or secondary music teachers, school or music conservatory ensemble directors. As well, music education is a research area in which scholars do original research on ways of teaching and learning music. Music education scholars publish their findings in peer-reviewed journals, and teach undergraduate and graduate education students at university education or music schools, who are training to become music teachers.

音乐教育主要是在学校进行的活动,包括对幼儿的音乐教育,是研究教育和音乐的边缘学科,包括教育课程的设置,教学方法,幼儿教育,对身心不健全的儿童音乐教育内容和方法等。研究音乐教育包括许多分支,如音乐教育哲学、音乐教育心理学、音乐教育社会学、音乐教育工程学、业余音乐教育、幼儿音乐教育、特种儿童音乐教育、专业音乐教育等。


Terminology.

The term "real-time clock" is used to avoid confusion with ordinary hardware clocks which are only signals that govern digital electronics, and do not count time in human units. RTC should not be confused with real-time computing, which shares its three-letter acronym but does not directly relate to time of day.

Purpose.

Although keeping time can be done without an RTC, using one has benefits:  A GPS receiver can shorten its startup time by comparing the current time, according to its RTC, with the time at which it last had a valid signal. If it has been less than a few hours, then the previous ephemeris is still usable.

Power source.

RTCs often have an alternate source of power, so they can continue to keep time while the primary source of power is off or unavailable. This alternate source of power is normally a lithium battery in older systems, but some newer systems use a supercapacitor, because they are rechargeable and can be soldered. The alternate power source can also supply power to battery backed RAM.

Timing.

Most RTCs use a crystal oscillator, but some have the option of using the power line frequency. The crystal frequency is usually 32.768 kHz, the same frequency used in quartz clocks and watches. Being exactly 2 cycles per second, it is a convenient rate to use with simple binary counter circuits. The low frequency saves power, while remaining above human hearing range. The quartz tuning fork of these crystals does not change size much from temperature, so temperature does not change its frequency much.  Some RTCs use a micromechanical resonator on the silicon chip of the RTC. This reduces the size and cost of an RTC by reducing its parts count. Micromechanical resonators are much more sensitive to temperature than quartz resonators. So, these compensate for temperature changes using an electronic thermometer and electronic logic.  Typical crystal RTC accuracy specifications are from ±100 to ±20 parts per million (8.6 to 1.7 seconds per day), but temperature-compensated RTC ICs are available accurate to less than 5 parts per million. In practical terms, this is good enough to perform celestial navigation, the classic task of a chronometer. In 2011, chip-scale atomic clocks became available. Although vastly more expensive and power-hungry (120 mW vs. <1 μW), they keep time within 50 parts per trillion ().

Examples.

Many integrated circuit manufacturers make RTCs, including Epson, Intersil, IDT, Maxim, NXP Semiconductors, Texas Instruments, STMicroelectronics and Ricoh. A common RTC used in single-board computers is the Maxim Integrated DS1307.  The RTC was introduced to PC compatibles by the IBM PC/AT in 1984, which used a Motorola MC146818 RTC. Later, Dallas Semiconductor made compatible RTCs, which were often used in older personal computers, and are easily found on motherboards because of their distinctive black battery cap and silkscreened logo.  In newer systems, the RTC is integrated into the southbridge chip.  Some microcontrollers have a real-time clock built in, generally only the ones with many other features and peripherals.

Radio-based RTCs.

Some modern computers receive clock information by digital radio and use it to promote time-standards. There are two common methods: Most cell phone protocols (e.g. LTE) directly provide the current local time. If an internet radio is available, a computer may use the network time protocol. Computers used as local time servers occasionally use GPS or ultra-low frequency radio transmissions broadcast by a national standards organization (i.e. a radio clock).

Software-based RTCs.

The following system is well-known to embedded systems programmers, who sometimes must construct RTCs in systems that lack them. Most computers have one or more hardware timers from quartz crystals or ceramic resonators with inaccurate absolute timing (more than 100 parts per million) that is very repeatable (often less than 1 ppm). Software can do the math to make these into RTCs. The hardware timer can produce a periodic interrupt, e.g. 50 Hz, to mimic a historic RTC (see below). However, it uses math to adjust it for accuracy:  time = time + rate.  When the "time" variable exceeds a constant, usually a power of two, the nominal, calculated clock time (say, for 1/50 of a second) is subtracted from "time", and the clock's timing-chain software is invoked to count fractions of seconds, seconds, etc. With 32-bit variables for time and rate, the mathematical resolution of "rate" can exceed one part per billion. The clock remains accurate because it will occasionally skip a fraction of a second, or increment by two fractions. The tiny skip is imperceptible for almost all real uses of an RTC.  The complexity with this system is determining the instantaneous corrected value for the variable "rate". The simplest system tracks RTC seconds and reference seconds between two settings of the clock, and divides reference seconds by RTC seconds to find "rate". Internet time is often accurate to less than 20 milliseconds, so 8000 or more seconds (2.2 or more hours) of separation between settings can usually divide the forty milliseconds (or less) of error to less than 5 parts per million to get chronometer-like accuracy. The main complexity with this system is converting dates and times to counts of seconds, but methods are well known.  If the RTC runs when a unit is off, usually the RTC will run at two rates, one when the unit is on and another when off. This is because the temperature and power-supply voltage in each state is consistent. To adjust for these states, the software calculates two rates. First, software records the RTC time, reference time, on seconds and off seconds for the two intervals between the last three times that the clock is set. Using this, it can measure the accuracy of the two intervals, with each interval having a different distribution of on and off seconds. The rate math solves two linear equations to calculate two rates, one for on and the other for off.  Another approach measures the temperature of the crystal with an electronic thermometer, (e.g. a thermistor and analog-to-digital converter) and uses a polynomial to calculate "rate" about once per minute. The most common quartz crystals in a system are SC-cut crystals, and their rates over temperature can be characterized with a 3rd-degree polynomial. So, for these, the rate is measured at four temperatures. The common tuning-fork-style crystals used in watches and many RTC components have parabolic (2nd-degree) equations of temperature, and can be characterized with only three measurements. Then a linear regression can find the equation of temperature. Something like this approach might be used in commercial RTC ICs, but the actual methods of efficient high-speed manufacturing are proprietary.

Historic RTCs.

Some older computer designs such as Novas and PDP-8s used a real-time clock that was notable for its high accuracy, simplicity, flexibility and low cost. The computer's power supply produces a pulse at logic voltages for either each half-wave or each zero crossing of AC mains. A wire carries the pulse to an interrupt. The interrupt handler software counts cycles, seconds, etc. In this way, it can provide an entire clock and calendar.  The clock also usually formed the basis of computers' software timing chains; e.g. it was usually the timer used to switch tasks in an operating system. Counting timers used in modern computers provide similar features at lower precision, and may trace their requirements to this type of clock. (e.g. in the PDP-8, the mains-based clock, model DK8EA, came first, and was later followed by a crystal-based clock, DK8EC.)  A software-based clock must be set each time its computer is turned on. Originally this was done by computer operators. When the Internet became commonplace, network time protocols were used to automatically set clocks of this type.  In Europe, North America and some other grids, this RTC works because the frequency of the AC mains is adjusted to have a long-term frequency accuracy as good as the national standard clocks. That is, in those grids this RTC is superior to quartz clocks and less costly.  This design of RTC is not practical in portable computers or grids (e.g. in South Asia) that do not regulate the frequency of AC mains. Also it might be thought inconvenient without Internet access to set the clock.

Clockless CPUs.

Some motherboards are made without real time clocks. The real time clock is omitted either out of the desire to save money (as in the Raspberry Pi system architecture) or because real time clocks may not be needed at all (as in the Arduino system architecture).

A real-time clock (RTC) is a computer clock (most often in the form of an integrated circuit) that keeps track of the current time.

实时时钟(Real-time clock,RTC)是指可以像时钟一样输出实际时间的电子设备,一般会是集成电路,因此也称为时钟芯片。此名词常用来表示在个人电脑、服务器或嵌入式系统中有此机能的设备,不过许多需要精确时的系统都会有此功能。


Geography.

Pereslavl-Zalessky is located in south of Yaroslavl Oblast, near a border with Moscow Oblast, northeast of Moscow, and southwest of Yaroslavl.

Climate.

Climate of Pereslavl-Zalessky is humid continental: long, cold and snowy winters and short, warm and rainy summers. Average temperatures range from in January to in July.

History.

Known as Pereyaslavl until the 15th century, it was founded in 1152 by Prince Yury Dolgoruky as a projected capital of Zalesye. In 1175–1302, the town was the seat of the Principality of Northern Pereyaslavl (not to be confused with the Principality of Pereyaslavl in modern-day Ukraine). In 1302, it became a part of the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Pereslavl-Zalessky was devastated numerous times by the Mongols between the mid-13th century and the early 15th century. In 1611–1612, it suffered from the Polish invasion.  In 1688–1693, Peter the Great built his famous "fun flotilla" on Lake Pleshcheyevo for his own amusement, including the so-called Peter's little boat, which would be considered the forefather of the Russian fleet. The "Botik" (small boat) museum chronicles the history of the first Russian fleet and keeps one of the original model boats.  In 1708, the town became a part of Moscow Governorate.  Just before the Moscow Olympics in 1980, the city of Moscow rounded up a large number of people it considered 'undesirable', many thousands, and decreed that they must be moved at least 120km from Moscow in order to improve the city's image. Pereslavl is approx 130km from Moscow and as such the population of the town soared prior to the Olympics.

Administrative and municipal status.

Within the framework of administrative divisions, Pereslavl-Zalessky serves as the administrative center of Pereslavsky District, even though it is not a part of it. As an administrative division, it is incorporated separately as the town of oblast significance of Pereslavl-Zalessky—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, the town of oblast significance of Pereslavl-Zalessky is incorporated as Pereslavl-Zalessky Urban Okrug.

Science and education.

There is Institute for Program Systems of the Russian Academy of Sciences in the town. The University of Pereslavl is also based in the town.

Sights and architecture.

The town is a part of the Golden Ring of Russia. Monuments of church architecture include six architecture complex convents and nine churches. Notable historic buildings are:  The town has a bewildering array of'museums' that cater to the tourist trade in the summer, some are quite bizarre, the museum of Cunning and Wit for example. If you can think of it, they have a museum for it in Pereslavl.  The Kleshin complex, an archaeological monument, is located about from the town proper.  The original earthworks (which are still quite substantial) from the defensive wall that circled the town originally are still here, it is possible to walk along these defensive structures. As are portions if the original road that was at its base. Although identifying a 12th-century road from a modern one would be a task in itself. Lake Pleshcheyevo  The town sits on the banks of Lake Pleschayevo, a large lake that draws tourists throughout the season. Kite surfing is particularly popular, as is camping.

Pereslavl-Zalessky (, lit. "Pereslavl beyond the woods"), also known as Pereyaslavl-Zalessky, is a town in Yaroslavl Oblast, Russia, located on the main Moscow–Yaroslavl road and on the southeastern shore of Lake Pleshcheyevo at the mouth of the Trubezh River. Population:

佩列斯拉夫尔-扎列斯基(俄语:)是俄罗斯首都莫斯科周边著名的金环上的一座城市,以旅游业闻名。


History.

The wall is named after the sixth Roman King, Servius Tullius. The literary tradition stating that there was some type of defensive wall or earthen works that encircled the city of Rome dating to the 6th century BCE has been found to be false. The main extent of the Servian Wall was built in the early 4th century, during what is known as the Roman Republic.

Construction.

The Servian Wall was originally built from large blocks of Cappellaccio tuff (a volcanic rock made from ash and rock fragments that are ejected during a volcanic eruption) that was quarried from Alban Hills volcanic complex. This initial wall of Cappellaccio tuff was partially damaged and in need of restoration by the late 390s (either because of rapid disintegration or damage sustained after the Sack of Rome in 390 BC). These reparations were done using he superior Grotta Oscura tuff which had become available after the Romans had defeated Veii in the 390s. This tuff was quarried by the vanquished Veientines. In addition to the tuff blocks, some sections of the structure incorporated a deep "fossa", or a ditch, in front of the wall, as a means to effectively heighten the wall. This second itteration of the wall containing Grotta Oscura tuff is dated by Livy to have been completed in 378 BC.  Along part of the topographically weaker Northern perimeter was an agger, a defensive ramp of earth that was built up along the inside of the Servian Wall. This effectively thickened the wall and also gave the defenders of Rome a base to stand while repelling an attack. The wall was also outfitted with defensive war engines, including catapults.

Usage.

The Servian Wall was maintained through the end of the Late Republic and into the Roman Empire. By this time, Rome had already begun to outgrow the original boundaries of the Servian Wall.  The Servian Wall became unnecessary as Rome became well protected by the ever-expanding strength of the field armies Republic and of the later Empire. As the city continued to grow and prosper, Rome was essentially unwalled for the first three centuries of the Empire. Expanding domestic structures simply incorporated existing wall sections into their foundations, an example of which survives in the Auditorium of Maecenas. When German tribes made further incursions along the Roman frontier in the 3rd century CE, Emperor Aurelian had the larger Aurelian Walls built to protect the city of Rome.

Present day.

Several sections of the Servian Wall are still visible in various locations around the city of Rome. The largest section is preserved outside the Termini Station, the main railway station in Rome (including a section in a McDonald's dining area at the station). Another notable section on the Aventine which incorporates an arch that was supposedly for a defensive catapult from the late Republic.

Gates along the Servian Wall.

The following lists the gates that are believed to have been built, clockwise from the westernmost. (Many of these are inferred only from writings, with no known remains.)

The Servian Wall (; ) was an ancient Roman defensive barrier constructed around the city of Rome in the early 4th century BCE. The wall was built of volcanic tuff and was up to in height in places, wide at its base, long, and is believed to have had 16 main gates, though none survive, and it enclosed a total area of 608 acres. In the 3rd century CE it was superseded by the construction of the larger Aurelian Walls as the city of Rome grew beyond the boundary of the Servian Wall.

塞维安城墙(, )是罗马的一道城墙,塞维安城墙用大块凝灰岩砌筑,城墙高达10米,底宽3.6米,长11公里,据信有16个大门,其中许多只在著作中提到。