Course of reforms.

Origin.

In September 1976, Mao Zedong died, and in October, Hua Guofeng together with Ye Jianying and Wang Dongxing arrested the Gang of Four, putting an end to the Cultural Revolution.  Economic reforms began during the "Boluan Fanzheng" period, especially after Deng Xiaoping and his reformist allies rose to power with Deng replacing Hua Guofeng as the paramount leader of China in December 1978. By the time Deng took power, there was widespread support among the elite for economic reforms. As the "de facto" leader, Deng's policies faced opposition from party conservatives but were extremely successful in increasing the country's wealth.

1979–1984.

In 1979, Deng Xiaoping emphasized the goal of "Four Modernizations" and further proposed the idea of "xiaokang", or "moderately prosperous society". The achievements of Lee Kuan Yew to create an economic superpower in Singapore had a profound effect on the Communist leadership in China. Leaders in China made a major effort, especially under Deng Xiaoping, to emulate his policies of economic growth, entrepreneurship, and subtle suppression of dissent. Over the years, more than 22,000 Chinese officials were sent to Singapore to study its methods.  Deng's first reforms began in agriculture, a sector long mismanaged by the Communist Party. By the late 1970s, food supplies and production had become so deficient that government officials were warning that China was about to repeat the "disaster of 1959", the famines which killed tens of millions during the Great Leap Forward. Deng responded by decollectivizing agriculture and emphasizing the household-responsibility system, which divided the land of the People's communes into private plots. Under the new policy, peasants were able to exercise formal control of their land as long as they sold a contracted portion of their crops to the government. This move increased agricultural production by 25 percent between 1975 and 1985, setting a precedent for privatizing other parts of the economy. The bottom-up approach of the reforms promoted by Deng, in contrast to the top-down approach of the Perestroika in the Soviet Union, is considered an important factor contributing to the success of China's economic transition.  Reforms were also implemented in urban industry to increase productivity. A dual-price system was introduced, in which (State-owned enterprise reform 1979) state-owned industries were allowed to sell any production above the plan quota, and commodities were sold at both plan and market prices, allowing citizens to avoid the shortages of the Maoist era. Moreover, the adoption of Industrial Responsibility System 1980s further promote the development of state-owned enterprise by allowing individuals or groups to manage the enterprise by contract. Private businesses were allowed to operate for the first time since the Communist takeover, and they gradually began to make up a greater percentage of industrial output. Price flexibility was also increased, expanding the service sector.  At the same time, in December 1978, Deng announced a new policy, the Open Door Policy, to open the door to foreign businesses that wanted to set up in China. For the first time since the Kuomintang era, the country was opened to foreign investment. Deng created a series of Special Economic Zones, including Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Xiamen, for foreign investment that were relatively free of the bureaucratic regulations and interventions that hampered economic growth. These regions became engines of growth for the national economy. On January 31, 1979, the Shekou Industrial Zone of Shenzhen was founded, becoming the first experimental area in China to "open up". Under the leadership of Yuan Geng, the "Shekou model" of development was gradually formed, embodied in its famous slogan "Time is Money, Efficiency is Life", which then widely spread to other parts of China. In January 1984, Deng Xiaoping made his first inspection tour to Shenzhen and Zhuhai, praising the "Shenzhen Speed" of development as well as the success of the special economics zones.

1984–1993.

During this period, Deng Xiaoping's policies continued beyond the initial reforms. Controls on private businesses and government intervention continued to decrease, notably in the agrifood sector which saw relaxation of price controls in 1985, and there was small-scale privatization of state enterprises which had become unviable. A notable development was the decentralization of state control, leaving local provincial leaders to experiment with ways to increase economic growth and privatize the state sector. Township and village enterprises, firms nominally owned by local governments but effectively private, began to gain market share at the expense of the state sector. With the help of Yuan Geng, the first joint-stock commercial bank in China, the China Merchants Bank, and the first joint-stock insurance company in China, the Ping An Insurance, were both established in Shekou. In May 1984, fourteen coastal cities in China including Shanghai, Guangzhou and Tianjin were named "Open Coastal Cities (沿海开放城市)".  On the other hand, conservative elder opposition, led by Chen Yun, prevented many major reforms which would have damaged the interests of special interest groups in the government bureaucracy. Corruption and increased inflation increased discontent, contributing to the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 and a conservative backlash after that event which ousted several key reformers and threatened to reverse many of Deng's reforms. However, Deng stood by his reforms and in 1992, he affirmed the need to continue reforms in his southern tour. He also reopened the Shanghai Stock Exchange in November 1990 which was closed by Mao 40 years earlier, while the Shenzhen Stock Exchange was founded in December 1990.  Although the economy grew quickly during this period, economic troubles in the inefficient state sector increased. Heavy losses had to be made up by state revenues and acted as a drain upon the economy. Inflation became problematic in 1985, 1988 and 1992. Privatizations began to accelerate after 1992, and the private sector grew as a percentage of GDP. China's government slowly expanded recognition of the private economy, first as a "complement" to the state sector (1988) and then as an "important component" (1999) of the socialist market economy.

1993–2005.

In the 1990s, Deng forced many of the conservative elders such as Chen Yun into retirement, allowing radical reforms to be carried out. Despite Deng's death in 1997, reforms continued under his handpicked successors, Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji, who were ardent reformers. In 1997 and 1998, large-scale privatization occurred, in which all state enterprises, except a few large monopolies, were liquidated and their assets sold to private investors. Between 2001 and 2004, the number of state-owned enterprises decreased by 48 percent. During the same period, Jiang and Zhu also reduced tariffs, trade barriers, and regulations; reformed the banking system; dismantled much of the Mao-era social welfare system; forced the Chinese army (PLA) to divest itself of military-run businesses; reduced inflation; and joined the World Trade Organization. These moves invoked discontent among some groups, especially laid-off workers of state enterprises that had been privatized.  The domestic private sector first exceeded 50% of GDP in 2005 and has further expanded since. Also in 2005, China was able to surpass Japan as the largest economy in Asia. However, some state monopolies still remained, such as in petroleum and banking.

2005–2012.

Hu Jintao and his conservative administration began to reverse some of Deng Xiaoping's reforms in 2005. Observers note that the government adopted more egalitarian and populist policies. It increased subsidies and control over the health care sector, halted privatization, and adopted a loose monetary policy, which led to the formation of a U.S.-style property bubble in which property prices tripled. The privileged state sector was the primary recipient of government investment, which under the new administration, promoted the rise of large "national champions" which could compete with large foreign corporations. China would finally surpass Japan's economy in 2010.

2012–present.

Under Party general secretary Xi Jinping and his administration, the Communist Party of China has sought to increase its control over state-owned and private enterprises. At least 288 firms have revised their corporate charters to allow the Communist Party greater influence in corporate management, and to reflect the party line. This trend also includes Hong Kong listed firms, who have traditionally downplayed their party links, but are now "redrafting bylaws to formally establish party committees that previously existed only at the group level."

Effects of the reforms.

Economic performance.

After three decades of reform, China's economy experienced one of the world's biggest booms. Agriculture and light industry have largely been privatized, while the state still retains control over some heavy industries. Despite the dominance of state ownership in finance, telecommunications, petroleum and other important sectors of the economy, private entrepreneurs continue to expand into sectors formerly reserved for public enterprise. Prices have also been liberalized.  China's economic growth since the reform has been very rapid, exceeding the East Asian Tigers. Since the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's reforms, China's GDP has risen tenfold. The increase in total factor productivity (TFP) was the most important factor, with productivity accounting for 40.1% of the GDP increase, compared with a decline of 13.2% for the period 1957 to 1978—the height of Maoist policies. For the period 1978–2005, Chinese GDP per capita increased from 2.7% to 15.7% of U.S. GDP per capita, and from 53.7% to 188.5% of Indian GDP per capita. Per capita incomes grew at 6.6% a year. Average wages rose sixfold between 1978 and 2005, while absolute poverty declined from 41% of the population to 5% from 1978 to 2001. Some scholars believed that China's economic growth has been understated, due to large sectors of the economy not being counted.

Impact on world growth.

China is widely seen as an engine of world and regional growth. Surges in Chinese demand account for 50, 44 and 66 percent of export growth of the Hong Kong SAR of China, Japan and Taiwan respectively, and China's trade deficit with the rest of East Asia helped to revive the economies of Japan and Southeast Asia. Asian leaders view China's economic growth as an "engine of growth for all Asia".

Effect on inequality.

The economic reforms have increased inequality dramatically within China. Despite rapid economic growth which has virtually eliminated poverty in urban China and reduced it greatly in rural regions and the fact that living standards for everyone in China have drastically increased in comparison to the pre-reform era, the Gini coefficient of China is estimated to be above 0.45, comparable to some Latin American countries and the United States.  Increased inequality is attributed to the disappearance of the welfare state and differences between coastal and interior provinces, the latter being burdened by a larger state sector. Some Western scholars have suggested that reviving the welfare state and instituting a re-distributive income tax system is needed to relieve inequality, while some Chinese economists have suggested that privatizing state monopolies and distributing the proceeds to the population can reduce inequality.

Reforms in specific sectors.

Agriculture.

During the pre-reform period, Chinese agricultural performance was extremely poor and food shortages were common. After Deng Xiaoping implemented the household responsibility system, agricultural output increased by 8.2% a year, compared with 2.7% in the pre-reform period, despite a decrease in the area of land used. Food prices fell nearly 50%, while agricultural incomes rose.  A more fundamental transformation was the economy's growing adoption of cash crops instead of just growing rice and grain. Vegetable and meat production increased to the point that Chinese agricultural production was adding the equivalent of California's vegetable industry every two years. Growth in the sector slowed after 1984, with agriculture falling from 40% of GDP to 16%; however, increases in agricultural productivity allowed workers to be released for work in industry and services, while simultaneously increasing agricultural production. Trade in agriculture was also liberalized and China became an exporter of food, a great contrast to its previous famines and shortages.

Industry.

In the pre-reform period, industry was largely stagnant and the socialist system presented few incentives for improvements in quality and productivity. With the introduction of the dual-price system and greater autonomy for enterprise managers, productivity increased greatly in the early 1980s. Foreign enterprises and newly formed Township and Village Enterprises, owned by local government and often de facto private firms, competed successfully with state-owned enterprises. By the 1990s, large-scale privatizations reduced the market share of both the Township and Village Enterprises and state-owned enterprises and increased the private sector's market share. The state sector's share of industrial output dropped from 81% in 1980 to 15% in 2005. Foreign capital controls much of Chinese industry and plays an important role.  From virtually an industrial backwater in 1978, China is now the world's biggest producer of concrete, steel, ships and textiles, and has the world's largest automobile market. Chinese steel output quadrupled between 1980 and 2000, and from 2000 to 2006 rose from 128.5 million tons to 418.8 million tons, one-third of global production. Labor productivity at some Chinese steel firms exceeds Western productivity. From 1975 to 1992, China's automobile production rose from 139,800 to 1.1 million, rising to 9.35 million in 2008. Light industries such as textiles saw an even greater increase, due to reduced government interference. Chinese textile exports increased from 4.6% of world exports in 1980 to 24.1% in 2005. Textile output increased 18-fold over the same period.  This increase in production is largely the result of the removal of barriers to entry and increased competition; the number of industrial firms rose from 377,300 in 1980 to nearly 8 million in 1990 and 1996; the 2004 economic census, which excluded enterprises with annual sales below RMB 5 million, counted 1.33 million manufacturing firms, with Jiangsu and Zhejiang reporting more firms than the nationwide total for 1980. Compared to other East Asian industrial growth spurts, China's industrial performance exceeded Japan's but remained behind South Korea and Taiwan's economies.

Trade and foreign investment.

Some scholars assert that China has maintained a high degree of openness that is unusual among the other large and populous nations, with competition from foreign goods in almost every sector of the economy. Foreign investment helped to greatly increase quality, knowledge and standards, especially in heavy industry. China's experience supports the assertion that globalization greatly increases wealth for poor countries. Throughout the reform period, the government reduced tariffs and other trade barriers, with the overall tariff rate falling from 56% to 15%. By 2001, less than 40% of imports were subject to tariffs and only 9 percent of import were subject to licensing and import quotas. Even during the early reform era, protectionist policies were often circumvented by smuggling. When China joined the WTO, it agreed to considerably harsher conditions than other developing countries. Trade has increased from under 10% of GDP to 64% of GDP over the same period. China is considered the most open large country; by 2005, China's average statutory tariff on industrial products was 8.9%. The average was 30.9% for Argentina, 27.0% for Brazil, 32.4% for India, and 36.9% for Indonesia.  China's trade surplus is considered by some in the United States as threatening American jobs. In the 2000s, the Bush administration pursued protectionist policies such as tariffs and quotas to limit the import of Chinese goods. Some scholars argue that China's growing trade surplus is the result of industries in more developed Asian countries moving to China, and not a new phenomenon. China's trade policy, which allows producers to avoid paying the Value Added Tax (VAT) for exports and undervaluation of the currency since 2002, has resulted in an overdeveloped export sector and distortion of the economy overall, a result that could hamper future growth.  Foreign investment was also liberalized upon Deng's ascension. Special Economic Zones (SEZs) were created in the early 1980s to attract foreign capital by exempting them from taxes and regulations. This experiment was successful and SEZs were expanded to cover the whole Chinese coast. Although FDI fell briefly after the 1989 student protests, it increased again to 160 billion by 2004.

Services.

In the 1990s, the financial sector was liberalized. After China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO), the service sector was considerably liberalized and foreign investment was allowed; restrictions on retail, wholesale and distribution ended. Banking, financial services, insurance and telecommunications were also opened up to foreign investment.  China's banking sector is dominated by four large state-owned banks, which are largely inefficient and monopolistic. China's largest bank, ICBC, is the largest bank in the world. The financial sector is widely seen as a drag on the economy due to the inefficient state management. Non-performing loans, mostly made to local governments and unprofitable state-owned enterprises for political purposes, especially the political goal of keeping unemployment low, are a big drain on the financial system and economy, reaching over 22% of GDP by 2000, with a drop to 6.3% by 2006 due to government recapitalization of these banks. In 2006, the total amount of non-performing loans was estimated at $160 billion. Observers recommend privatization of the banking system to solve this problem, a move that was partially carried out when the four banks were floated on the stock market. China's financial markets, the Shanghai Stock Exchange and Shenzhen Stock Exchange, are relatively ineffective at raising capital, as they comprise only 11% of GDP.  Due to the weakness of the banks, firms raise most of their capital through an informal, nonstandard financial sector developed during the 1980s and 1990s, consisting largely of underground businesses and private banks. Internal finance is the most important method successful firms use to fund their activities.  By the 1980s much emphasis was placed on the role of advertising in meeting the modernization goals being promoted by Deng. Lip service was still paid to old Maoist ideals of egalitarianism, but it did not inhibit the growth of consumerism.

Government finances.

In the pre-reform era, government was funded by profits from state-owned enterprises, much like the Soviet Union. As the state sector fell in importance and profitability, government revenues, especially that of the central government in Beijing, fell substantially and the government relied on a confused system of inventory taxes. Government revenues fell from 35% of GDP to 11% of GDP in the mid-1990s, excluding revenue from state-owned enterprises, with the central government's budget at just 3% of GDP. The tax system was reformed in 1994 when inventory taxes were unified into a single VAT of 17% on all manufacturing, repair, and assembly activities and an excise tax on 11 items, with the VAT becoming the main income source, accounting for half of government revenue. The 1994 reform also increased the central government's share of revenues, increasing it to 9% of GDP.

Academic studies.

Reasons for success.

Scholars have proposed a number of theories to explain the success of China's economic reforms in its move from a planned economy to a socialist market economy despite unfavorable factors such as the troublesome legacies of socialism, considerable erosion of the work ethic, decades of anti-market propaganda, and the "lost generation" whose education disintegrated amid the disruption of the Cultural Revolution.  One notable theory is that decentralization of state authority allowed local leaders to experiment with various ways to privatize the state sector and energize the economy. Although Deng was not the originator of many of the reforms, he gave approval to them. Another theory focuses on internal incentives within the Chinese government, in which officials presiding over areas of high economic growth were more likely to be promoted. Scholars have noted that local and provincial governments in China were "hungry for investment" and competed to reduce regulations and barriers to investment to boost economic growth and the officials' own careers. A third explanation believes that the success of the reformists are attributable to Deng's cultivation of his own followers in the government. Herman Kahn explained the rise of Asian economic power saying the Confucian ethic was playing a "similar but more spectacular role in the modernization of East Asia than the Protestant ethic played in Europe".  China's success is also due to the export-led growth strategy used successfully by the Four Asian Tigers beginning with Japan in the 1960s–1970s and other Newly industrialized countries. In 2001, China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO). As of 2006, over 400 of the Fortune 500 companies had entered the Chinese market, while at the same time a considerable number of Chinese companies had opened their markets outside of China. Foreign aids to China, including those from Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan, also played an important role. Since the beginning of opening, China has received a significant amount of aid from major developed countries such as the United States, Japan, Germany, France and the United Kingdom. For instance, through its Official Development Assistance (ODA), Japan had offered China various forms of assistance worth 3.65 trillion Yen as of 2018. On the other hand, the assistance from the U.S. reached a total of US$556 million as of 2012, and has "helped Tibetan communities improve livelihoods, promote sustainable development and environmental conservation, and preserve cultural traditions...also supports targeted programs that strengthen cooperation on combatting the spread of HIV/AIDS and other pandemic and emerging diseases as well as rule of law programs."  The collapse of the Soviet Bloc and centrally planned economies in 1989 provided renewed impetus for China to further reform its economy through different policies in order to avoid a similar fate. China also wanted to avoid the Russian ad-hoc experiments with market capitalism under Boris Yeltsin resulting in the rise of powerful oligarchs, corruption, and the loss of state revenue which exacerbated economic disparity.

Comparison to other developing economies.

China's transition from a planned economy to a socialist market economy has often been compared with economies in Eastern Europe that are undergoing a similar transition. China's performance has been praised for avoiding the major shocks and inflation that plagued the Eastern Bloc. The Eastern bloc economies saw declines of 13% to 65% in GDP at the beginning of reforms, while Chinese growth has been very strong since the beginning of reform. China also managed to avoid the hyperinflation of 200 to 1,000% that Eastern Europe experienced. This success is attributed to the gradualist and decentralized approach of the Chinese government, which allowed market institutions to develop to the point where they could replace state planning. This contrasts with the "big bang" approach of Eastern Europe, where the state-owned sector was rapidly privatized with employee buyouts, but retained much of the earlier, inefficient management. Other factors thought to account for the differences are the greater urbanization of the CIS economies and differences in social welfare and other institutions. Another argument is that, in the Eastern European economies, political change is sometimes seen to have made gradualist reforms impossible, so the shocks and inflation were unavoidable.  China's economic growth has been compared with other developing countries, such as Brazil, Mexico, and India. GDP growth in China outstrips all other developing countries, with only India after 1990 coming close to China's experience. Scholars believe that high rates of investments, especially increases in capital invested per worker, have contributed to China's superior economic performance. China's relatively free economy, with less government intervention and regulation, is cited by scholars as an important factor in China's superior performance compared to other developing countries.

Legacy and criticism.

The government retains monopolies in several sectors, such as petroleum and banking. The recent reversal of some reforms have left some observers dubbing 2008 the "third anniversary of the end of reforms". Nevertheless, observers believe that China's economy can continue growing at rates of 6–8 percent until 2025, though a reduction in state intervention is considered by some to be necessary for sustained growth.  Despite reducing poverty and increasing China's wealth, Deng's reforms have been criticized by the Chinese New Left for increasing inequality and allowing private entrepreneurs to purchase state assets at reduced prices. These accusations were especially intense during the Lang-Gu dispute, in which New Left academic Larry Lang accused entrepreneur Gu Sujung of usurping state assets, after which Gu was imprisoned. The Hu-Wen Administration adopted some New Left policies, such as halting privatizations and increasing the state sector's importance in the economy, and Keynesian policies that have been criticized by some Chinese economists who advocate a policy of deregulation, tax cuts and privatization.  Other criticisms focus on the effects of rapid industrialization on public health and the environment. However, scholars believe that public health issues are unlikely to become major obstacles to the growth of China's economy during the coming decades, and studies have shown that air quality and other environmental measures in China are better than those in developed countries, such as the United States and Japan, at the same level of development.

The Chinese economic reform (; known in the West as the Opening of China) refers to the program of economic reforms termed "Socialism with Chinese characteristics" and "socialist market economy" in the People's Republic of China (PRC). The reforms were started by reformists within the Communist Party of China—led by Deng Xiaoping—on December 18, 1978, during the "Boluan Fanzheng" period. The reforms went into stagnation after the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, but was revived after Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour in 1992. In 2010, China overtook Japan as the world's second-largest economy.

改革开放由中华人民共和国第二代最高领导人邓小平提出和创立,是在1978年12月18日第十一届中央委员会第三次全体会议后,开始实施的一系列以经济为主的改革措施,可总结为“对内改革,对外开放”。改革开放是中华人民共和国历史上的重大决策,起始于文化大革命后的“拨乱反正”时期,其改变了中国大陆自1949年后经济上逐渐对外封闭近30年的情况,使中华人民共和国经济高速发展,2001年中国加入世界贸易组织,2010年中国的国内生产总值(GDP)超越日本、成为全球第二大经济体。


Early life.

Yalom was born in Washington, D.C. About fifteen years prior to his birth in the United States, Yalom's Jewish parents emigrated from Russia (though their country of origin was Poland) and eventually opened a Washington DC grocery store. Yalom spent much of his childhood reading books in the family home above the grocery store and in a local library. After graduating from high school, he attended George Washington University and then Boston University School of Medicine.

Career.

After graduating with a BA from George Washington University in 1952 and a Doctor of Medicine from Boston University School of Medicine in 1956 he went on to complete his internship at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York and his residency at the Phipps Clinic of Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore and completed his training in 1960. After two years of Army service at Tripler General Hospital in Honolulu, Yalom began his academic career at Stanford University. He was appointed to the faculty in 1963 and promoted over the following years, being granted tenure in 1968. Soon after this period he made some of his most lasting contributions by teaching about group psychotherapy and developing his model of existential psychotherapy.  His writing on existential psychology centers on what he refers to as the four "givens" of the human condition: isolation, meaninglessness, mortality and freedom, and discusses ways in which the human person can respond to these concerns either in a functional or dysfunctional fashion.  In 1970, Yalom published The Theory and Practice of Group Psychotherapy, speaking about the research literature around group psychotherapy and the social psychology of small group behavior. This work explores how individuals function in a group context, and how members of group therapy gain from his participation group.  In addition to his scholarly, non-fiction writing, Yalom has produced a number of novels and also experimented with writing techniques. In "Every Day Gets a Little Closer" Yalom invited a patient to co-write about the experience of therapy. The book has two distinct voices which are looking at the same experience in alternating sections. Yalom's works have been used as collegiate textbooks and standard reading for psychology students. His new and unique view of the patient/client relationship has been added to curriculum in psychology programs at such schools as John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York City.  Yalom has continued to maintain a part-time private practice and has authored a number of video documentaries on therapeutic techniques. Yalom is also featured in the 2003 documentary "Flight from Death", a film that investigates the relationship of human violence to fear of death, as related to subconscious influences. The Irvin D. Yalom Institute of Psychotherapy, which he co-directs with Professor Ruthellen Josselson, works to advance Yalom's approach to psychotherapy. This unique combination of integrating more philosophy into the psychotherapy can be considered as psychosophy.  He was married to author and historian Marilyn Yalom, who died in November, 2019. They had four children: Eve, a gynecologist, Reid, a photographer, Victor, a psychologist and entrepreneur and Ben, a theater director.  You can find following text in Dr. Yalom’s Facebook about the music:

External links.

An eminent Iranian composer, Pezhman Mosleh, has honored me with this gift: a musical composition and video arrangement.

Irvin David Yalom (; born 13 June 1931) is an American existential psychiatrist who is emeritus professor of psychiatry at Stanford University, as well as author of both fiction and nonfiction.

欧文·亚隆(英语:Irvin D. Yalom,1931年-6月13日),生于美国华盛顿哥伦比亚特区,是美国当代精神医学大师级人物,也是造诣高深的心理治疗思想家。他将以人际关系为基础的心理治疗理论发扬光大,成为美国团体治疗的当代权威,并将存在主义哲学融入心理治疗之中,开创了风格独特、也启发无数人的治疗思想。


History.

England (pre-1707).

Prior to the reorganisation of the Royal Navy in 1864, the plain red ensign had been the ensign of one of three squadrons of the Royal Navy, the Red Squadron, as early as 1558. By 1620, the plain red ensign started to appear with the Cross of St George in the upper-left canton.  The Colony of Massachusetts used the red ensign from its founding; after a sermon by Roger Williams in 1636, equating crosses with the papacy, Governor Endicott ordered the St George cross removed from the flag. The Great and General Court of the colony found that Endicott had "exceeded the lymits of his calling", and yet left the flag without its cross for a number of decades afterward.  In 1674, a Royal Proclamation of King Charles II (1630–1685, reigned 1660–1685) confirmed that the Red Ensign was the appropriate flag to be worn by English merchant ships. The wording of the 1674 proclamation indicates that the flag was customarily being used by English merchantmen before that date. At this time, the ensign displayed the Cross of St George in the canton. This changed in 1864, when an order in council provided that the Red Ensign was allocated to merchantmen.

Scotland (pre-1707).

It is probable that the cross-saltire was adopted by the Scots as a national ensign at a very early period, but there seems no direct evidence of this before the fourteenth century. The earliest Scottish records were lost at sea in the ship that was sent to return them to that country, whence they had been carried off, with the "Stone of Destiny", by King Edward I (1239–1307, reigned 1272–1307). Prior to 1707, the Scottish Red Ensign was flown by ships of the Royal Scots Navy, with a saltire in the canton.  The Scottish Ensign has been flown unofficially by many Scottish vessels for a number of years. In 2015, a movement was launched by Lieutenant Commander George MacKenzie RNR to have the Scottish Ensign officially recognised, on the basis that the Merchant Shipping Act of 1995 permits Her Majesty the Queen in Council or a Secretary of State to approve "any colours consisting of the Red Ensign defaced or modified". Supporters cited the example of the States of Jersey, who in 2010 were permitted to use a "voluntary or informal" red ensign, adorned with a Plantagenet crown. The movement culminated in a petition for the Scottish Government to seek a warrant from the U.K. government to reintroduce the flag as an "informal or voluntary ensign" for Scottish merchant vessels. Mr. MacKenzie stressed that the "petition was not meant to replace or supersede the British Red Ensign". The petition received the support of MSP Michael Russell, and other Merchant sailors and members of sailing trade groups. The petition gained enough support that it was passed onto the Scottish Government who recommended Mr MacKenzie "raise the issue with the Secretary of State directly or through his MP".

Great Britain (1707–1800).

Upon the legislative union of England and Scotland in 1707, the tiny Royal Scots Navy came to an end as a separate force, and the "Union" colours (invented on the union of the two crowns a hundred years before) were inserted in all ensigns, naval and mercantile. An Order in Council of 21 July 1707, established as naval flags of the royal standard, the Union flag and "the ensign directed by her Majesty since the said Union of the two Kingdoms", which from the coloured drafts attached to the order is seen to be the red ensign. The white and blue ensigns are not mentioned in this Order; evidently the red ensign was alone regarded as the legal ensign of Great Britain and the others as merely variations of it for tactical purposes.  In 1707, Acts of Union, ratifying the Treaty of Union that had been agreed the previous year, were passed by the parliaments of England and Scotland, thereby uniting the Kingdom of Scotland with the Kingdom of England (which included the Principality of Wales) into a new state with the name "Kingdom of Great Britain". This resulted in a new red ensign which placed the first Union Flag in the first quarter. The new design of the Red Ensign was proclaimed by Queen Anne (1665–1714, reigned 1702–1714), who indicated that it was to be used by both the navy and ships owned by "our loving subjects".  The flag was flown by ships of the Thirteen Colonies in North America before the American Revolution. Modification of the flag was used to express the discontent of the colonists before and during the outbreak of revolution. This can be seen in both the Taunton flag and the George Rex flag. It also formed the basis of the Grand Union Flag of 1775, which served as the first American national flag, although it differed slightly from the primary Red Ensign in that it had a squared Union Flag in the canton.

United Kingdom (1801–present).

In 1801, with another Act of Union, Ireland joined with Great Britain to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, which resulted in the present Union Flag being added to the canton. The St Patrick's Cross was added to the Union Flag and, accordingly, to the first quarters of the British ensigns.  The Merchant Shipping Act 1854 included a specific provision that the Red Ensign was the appropriate flag for a British merchantman. This provision was repeated in successive British shipping legislation (i.e., 1889, 1894 (section 73) and 1995).  Until 1864, the Red Ensign was also the principal ensign of the Royal Navy, and as such it was worn by ships of the Red Squadron of the navy, as well as by those warships that were not assigned to any squadron (i.e., those sailing under independent command). The white ensign and the blue ensign were also used by the Royal Navy.  Many in the Admiralty felt that the Royal Navy's use of three separate ensigns (i.e., the red, white, and blue) was outdated and confusing. Many also felt that steam merchantmen should be clearly distinguishable from warships. In July 1864, an order-in-council provided that the White Ensign was the ensign of the Royal Naval Service. The Blue Ensign was designated as the proper national colours for ships commanded by an officer of the Royal Naval Reserve, and (with an appropriate badge) as national colours for ships in government service. The Red Ensign was assigned to British merchantmen. This basic structure remains today.  A few years later (1867–1869), the Admiralty determined that the blue ensign charged with an appropriate badge in the fly would be used as the ensign by those ships in the armed, or public, service of the many British colonies. Most British colonies needed to use the blue ensign due to the fact that most had government vessels; some colonies, such as South Australia, had warships. As a result, the Blue Ensign was used throughout the Empire and thus became the model for the flags used by a number of colonies and former colonies in the British Empire. At the same time, the red ensign (which was designated in 1864 as the flag for merchant shipping) was used by merchantmen of those colonies which obtained an Admiralty warrant. Not all colonies obtained an Admiralty warrant, however; the ones that did tended to be larger, and included Canada (1892); New Zealand (1899); Australia (1901); South Africa (1910) and Cyprus (1922). Those areas that did not have an Admiralty warrant used the plain Red Ensign, although unofficial local versions of the Red Ensign were used. , Red Ensigns charged with the local emblem are available to be used by ships registered on several of the component registers of the Red Ensign Group: Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Falkland Islands, Gibraltar, Guernsey, Jersey, and Isle of Man.

Plain red ensign.

The plain red ensign is the civil ensign or merchant ensign of the United Kingdom. The flag has overall ratio of 1:2 with the Union occupying one quarter of the field and placed in the canton.

Defaced red ensign.

Some government departments or public bodies fly red ensigns defaced with a badge or emblem, to form the ensign of United Kingdom. These are: The red ensign defaced with a specific club's badge or emblem is allowed to be hoisted as the national ensign by members of the following yacht clubs:

Flags based on the Red Ensign.

British Overseas Territories and Crown Dependencies.

Bermuda.

Bermuda, uniquely among British overseas territories, uses the Red Ensign as its land flag as well as at sea. The flag has apparently been flown unofficially since Bermuda's arms were granted in 1910. There appears to be no formal adoption of the Bermuda flag for use on land, although a 1969 Foreign and Commonwealth Office circular mentions its use. The white and green shield has a red lion holding a scrolled shield showing the sinking of the ship "Sea Venture" off of Bermuda in 1609. The Red Ensign is likely to have been chosen as Bermuda's land flag due to Canadian influence. (In the early 20th century, Canada made use of the Red Ensign defaced with the Canadian shield as an unofficial land flag.) Bermuda's 2002 shipping legislation officially recognises the flag as an ensign for Bermudian registered ships. Prior to 2002, the flag was often used unofficially by Bermudian ships as an ensign, as reflected in Admiralty correspondence dating back to the 1950s. Bermuda (civil) Government vessels and maritime services use the defaced blue ensign, which is flown both from vessels and from shore facilities.

Gibraltar.

Gibraltar features variant flags of the territory which incorporate the Gibraltar coat of arms into a red ensign. This is the only Overseas Territory not to adopt any such ensign as its territorial flag, although the ensigns may still be seen on vessels in the waters of the territory.

Isle of Man.

The Crown dependency of the Isle of Man was granted a red ensign, with the triskelion of Man in the central fly, for use by ships registered through the island, by Royal Warrant dated 27 August 1971. It is widely used on luxury yachts and large cargo ships around the world, due to the financial benefits the Isle of Man can provide.

Australia.

The Australian Red Ensign is a red version of the Australian Flag and is a reserved civil ensign. From 1901 to 1954 the flag was used as a civil flag, to be flown by private citizens on land, while the government used the Blue Ensign, reflecting British practice. In 1941, Prime Minister Robert Menzies stated that there should be no restrictions on private citizens using the Blue Ensign on land, and in 1947 Prime Minister Ben Chifley reaffirmed this position, but it was not until the passage of the Flags Act 1953 that the restriction on civilians flying the Blue Ensign was officially lifted, after which use of the Red Ensign on land became a rarity. Under the Navigation and Shipping Act 1912 and the Shipping Registration Act 1981, the Red Ensign remains the only flag permitted for use by merchant ships registered in Australia. Pleasure craft may use either the Red Ensign or the national flag, but not both at the same time.

Canada.

The term "Red Ensign" is often used to refer to the Canadian Red Ensign, the former "de facto" national flag of Canada. It was informally adopted following Canadian Confederation in 1867 and, from 1892, it was the official flag for use on Canadian merchant ships. On land, however, the official national flag was the Union Flag. Despite its unofficial status, the Red Ensign was widely used on land as well. In 1924, the Red Ensign was approved for use on Canadian government buildings outside Canada, and from 1945 for those inside Canada as well.  Canada's Red Ensign bore various forms of the shield from the Canadian coat of arms in its fly during the period of its use. Shown here are pictures of the three official forms between 1868 and 1965. Canada also used a blue ensign for ships operated by the Canadian government and for the Royal Canadian Navy.  The Red Ensign served as Canada's national flag until 1965 when, after considerable debate, it was replaced by the Maple Leaf flag. The Red Ensign is still popular among traditionalists and monarchists. Although the national Red Ensign is no longer used officially, the provincial flags of Manitoba and Ontario are Red Ensigns bearing their respective coats of arms.  The Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company also used Red Ensigns as their corporate flags.

Newfoundland.

The Red Ensign with the Newfoundland great seal in the fly was considered the unofficial flag of the Dominion of Newfoundland from 1904 until 1931, at which point it was officially legislated as the Dominion of Newfoundland's "National Colours" to be flown as the civil ensign, with the Union Flag being legislated as the national flag at that time as well. The Newfoundland Red Ensign was then used as official commercial shipping identification until the mid-1960s. The badge in the flag consists of Mercury, the god of commerce and merchandise, presenting to Britannia a fisherman who, in a kneeling attitude, is offering the harvest of all the sea. Above the device in a scroll are the words "Terra Nova", and below the motto "Hæc Tibi Dona Fero" or "These gifts I bring thee." The seal was redesigned by Adelaine Lane, niece of Governor Sir Cavendish Boyle in 1903.

Fiji.

The Fijian Red Ensign with the Union Flag in the first quarter, and the shield from the coat of arms of Fiji in the fly became the official flag in Fiji for civilian vessels since 10 October 1970. Previously the ensign was displayed the full coat of arms on a white disc from 1908.

India.

The flag representing British India was usually the Union Flag with the Star of India. In many international events and international associations the Red Ensign with the Star of India was used to represent India. After the partition of British India, both India and Pakistan have their own civil ensign following British tradition, they are all variants of the Red Ensign with their own national flag in the canton.

Princely states.

The princely states, also known as 'native states', were over five hundred nominally sovereign territories within the British Raj that were not directly governed by the British, but by a local ruler through a form of indirect rule subject to a subsidiary alliance under the paramountcy of the British Crown. The great majority of the princely states of British India were landlocked. Some of the few which had a coastline used versions of the red ensign on their merchant vessels.

New Zealand.

The New Zealand Red Ensign with the Union Flag in the first quarter, and the Southern Cross, represented by four five-pointed white stars featured in the fly became the official flag in New Zealand for merchant vessels in 1901. Previously a plain red ensign was used.  The red ensign may continue to be flown on land in Māori areas or during Māori events under the Flags, Emblems, and Names Protection Act 1981 in recognition of long held Māori preference for red flags. New Zealand law allows the defacement of the flag in accordance with Māori custom in which white capital letters identifying a particular family or Māori tribe are added. In the case of the flag on the right, TAKITIMU refers to a grouping of Māori iwi descended from the crew of the "Tākitimu" waka (canoe).  Today, private and merchant craft can choose to fly the Flag of New Zealand (which is a blue ensign) or the Southern Cross red ensign.

South Africa.

The Red Ensign, defaced with the shield of the national coat of arms, was authorised as the merchant ensign of the Union of South Africa on 28 December 1910. From 1912, the shield was displayed on a white disc. The ensign was superseded by the national flag with effect from 1 January 1960, in terms of the Merchant Shipping Act 1951.  The Red Ensign with the shield was also used on land as a de facto national flag from 1910 until 1928. There was also a Blue Ensign which was the official ensign of government-owned vessels, and was also flown at South African offices overseas.  The most notable usage of the Red Ensign as a national flag was when General Louis Botha flew the flag over Windhoek in what was then German South-West Africa after the town's occupation by South African troops in 1915.  The use of the Red Ensign as a national flag ended with the introduction of a proper national flag in 1928. This was preceded by the South African Flag Controversy of 1925 to 1928.

United States.

The flag of the city of Taunton in Bristol County, Massachusetts is based on the pre-1801 Red Ensign. This was a local variant of the Flag of New England. See George Rex Flag.  The Grand Union Flag, the first national flag of the United States of America, was easily produced by sewing white stripes onto the British Red Ensigns. The current Flag of Hawaii is most similar to it, of all American flags.

The Scout Association.

Sea Scout groups within The Scout Association can be Royal Navy Recognised, and are allowed to fly a defaced Red Ensign to signify this.

The Red Ensign or "Red Duster" is the civil ensign of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. It is one of the British ensigns, and it is used either plain or defaced with a badge or other emblem, mostly in the right half.

红船旗(英语:Red Ensign,Red Duster)是英国的商船旗。最早起源于十七世纪英国皇家海军的船旗,后被英国商船队使用。其最早出现的年代尚不确定,目前仅有英国海军在1620年代制作了这面旗帜的记载。


海梅·罗尔多斯·阿吉莱拉

Early life and career.

Roldós was born in Guayaquil on November 5, 1940. He attended high school at the Vicente Rocafuerte National School. He studied law and social sciences at the University of Guayaquil. He was an excellent student and won many awards, medals and scholarships.  At the age of 37, he ran for president on a populist platform. In the first round, he received the greatest number of votes, but not the 50% plus one needed to avoid a runoff.  In December 1978, during the nine-month interval between the first and second rounds of the election, an alleged plot to assassinate him, supposedly by eight Americans (who were later charged with archeologic relics trafficking) was reportedly foiled by the military government.  He won the second round of elections against Sixto Durán Ballén, and assumed office on August 10, 1979 in a ceremony attended by several world dignataries, among them American Secretary of State Cyrus Vance (with First Lady Rosalynn Carter accompanying) and Spanish Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez.

Presidency (1979–1981).

On October 10, 1979, Roldós signed a decree reducing the workweek to 42 hours. On November 2, 1979, he issued another decree doubling the minimum wage, to 4,000 sucres per month. ($160 in 1979 US dollars). On March 8, 1980, he established the National Development Plan. On April 15, 1980, he established a committee of notables to search for a solution for the power struggle in the National Congress, presided over by his former mentor Assad Bucaram.  He named 1981 the "year of advances". In late January and early February 1981, there were border skirmishes with Peru, in the Cordillera del Cóndor. Clashes occurred in the regions of Paquisha, Mayaycu, and Machinatza. With great skill and diplomacy he left the territorial dispute to the arbitration by the Organization of American States.  Roldós's most important accomplishment was his policy in support of human rights, in an era in which most Latin American countries were military dictatorships. In September 1980, Roldós met with the democratically elected presidents of the Andean region (Venezuela, Colombia, and Peru), proposed the signing of a Charter of Conduct, in which the principles of universal justice and human rights were re-affirmed, signaling protection of human rights as a more important principle than non-intervention. His stance on human-rights led him to clash with fellow Latin American leaders: in one instance at a summit in Colombia, El Salvador’s José Napoleón Duarte (US-backed dictator who came to power with the coup that set off the Salvadoran Civil War) mocked Roldós of being young and inexperienced. Roldós answered: “I may be inexperienced, but my government perches on a mountain of popular votes, while yours is perched on a mountain of corpses.”  This policy was questioned by American conservatives, who considered it an excuse to justify Soviet meddling in the region, especially in Central America. The United States condemned the "Roldós doctrine", as they did that of Panamanian Omar Torrijos, who also died in a plane crash several months later. Following the 1980 U.S. presidential elections appointing Ronald Reagan, bilateral relations with the USA became strained; Roldós declined to attend Reagan's January 1981 inauguration on these grounds. His foreign policy initiatives also attracted the Sandinista government of Nicaragua and with the Frente Democrático in El Salvador, which opposed the military regime in that country.

Death.

On Sunday, May 24, 1981 a Beechcraft Super King Air, carrying the president and an entourage of his to a military ceremony in honor of the fallen in the short war with Peru, crashed into Huairapungo Hill, near the town of Guachanamá, in the Celica Canton of Loja Province. The crash, at 2360 meters over sea level (7800 ft.), left no survivors: killed along with the president were First Lady Martha Bucaram, the Minister of Defense Marco Subía Martinez and his wife, two aide-de-camps, a flight attendant and both pilots. The bodies were reportedly burned beyond recognition.

Investigation and irregularities.

The controversy about the cause of the crash began immediately, when the Accident Investigation Committee ("Junta Investigadora de Accidentes", JIA) of the Ecuadorian Air Force attributed the crash to navigational pilot error.

Arosemena inquiry (first investigation).

A parliamentary commission formed months later, led by then-MP and former President Otto Arosemena, following pressure from the families of the victims and political groups allied with the president, found contradictions and inconsistencies in the JIA report, but could not reach definitive conclusions especially since the aircraft that was purchased by the Air Force to operate as a VIP transport lacked black box equipment. A team of the Zurich Police also conducted an investigation, and concluded that the plane's motors were shut down when the plane crashed into the mountain. This opinion, which contradicted the Air Force Report, was not investigated further by the Ecuadorian government.

Granda inquiry (second investigation).

A second parliamentary inquiry, led by socialist MP Victor Granda, was formed in 1990 to review the findings of the Arosemena commission and the military investigations. The final 26-volume report, published in August 1992, found several inconsistencies and voids in the initial findings but didn’t establish a definitive conclusion. It criticized the Arosemena commission for its lack of further investigation into the Zurich police findings. Granda has also questioned former President Osvaldo Hurtado (who had succeeded Roldós) for its failure to question or expose the failures of the Ecuadorian Air Force flight security protocols that led to the crash. Specifically, the Granda commission found that in the contracting process of the King Air bought by the Air Force, several high ranking Air Force officers stated that the black box equipment wasn’t acquired with the plane because it was considered “optional” among other spares and equipment (when it should have carried one as it was functioning as presidential transport). The investigation reportedly found that the two additional pages of the acquisition expedient, the ones with the optional equipment list, weren’t rubricated by any officer; so the commission asked the Air Force to demand a certification from Beechcraft to certify if the equipment had indeed been acquired. The Air Force relayed Beechcraft’s response: that they didn’t held any knowledge or registry of having sold or not the black box. According to Granda, this is an element of doubt, as a black box equipment “may have existed”.

Theories on Causes of Death.

US involvement.

The American author and activist John Perkins, in his book "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man", asserts that Roldós was assassinated, because his plan to reorganize the hydrocarbon sector would have threatened U.S. interests. The economic relations were strained by Roldos' plan for a new hydrocarbon law not favored by US firms, which reportedly engaged in a lobbying and public relations campaign against Roldós' government amongst Ecuadorean and US politicians, as well as with the religious class; to the point that Roldós accused (without credible evidence) missionaries from the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) of colluding with oil interests, before expelling them from the country. Shortly after sending his legislative package on the oil sector reform, in early 1981, Roldós warned foreign interests that if they wouldn’t contribute to the progress of the Ecuadorian people, they would have to leave the country. Additionally, the aforementioned pact on human rights, reached with Colombia and Peru, was seen by the Reagan administration as a tilt toward the Soviet Union.  Just months after Roldós died, another Latin American leader who had been at odds with U.S. interests in the control of the Panama Canal, Panama's Omar Torrijos, died in what was allegedly just a plane crash, which also is perceived by some to have been a CIA-conducted assassination, again according to Perkins. It is worth noting that Roldós had applauded Jimmy Carter on his stance regarding the return of the Panama Canal after the Torrijos–Carter Treaties.  Niall Ferguson, a historian known for his controversial mostly conservative views, has described Perkins's allegations as implausible. Ferguson notes that that US economic involvement in Ecuador was minimal (less than.5% of foreign aid went to Ecuador, and Ecuador purchased less than.5% of American exports) and inadequate to motivate such drastic action as assassinating a head of state.

Operation Condor.

The documentary "The Death of Jaime Roldós", which premiered in 2013 explores Roldós' death using interviews, archives and documentary research. It was directed by Manolo Sarmiento, who is close to the Roldós family. According to the film, the Ecuadorian military was heavily sympathetic, if not directly involved, with Operation Condor, the regional repressive apparatus set up by the military dictatorships of the Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay). Consequently, and according to Richelieu Levoyer; who happened to be Commander-in-Chief of the Ecuadorian Army at the time of the crash, Argentinians and Chileans involved themselves in the conspiracy to end Roldós’ regime, as they saw it sympathetic to left-wing causes and governments.

New inquiries, revelations and theories.

Almost immediately after the screening, Attorney General Galo Chiriboga announced his decision to reopen the investigation. In April 2015, he announced to the National Assembly that, based on an alleged CIA document declassified in 2014, Ecuador had joined Operation Condor in mid-January 1978. According this document, participation would had occurred through the intelligence services of the Armed Forces; for this purpose, it is alleged (and also reported in the documentary) that “an Argentine general would have visited Quito and installed, in the Ministry of Defense, a telecommunications system (named “Condortel”). The Navy was in charge of telecommunications, while the Air Force was in charge of psychological warfare.” Additionally, an offer by Chile’s Augusto Pinochet to train Ecuadorian personnel at the Military Intelligence School in Santiago would have followed.  In May 2016, on the 35th anniversary of the crash, Attorney General Chiriboga announced the discovery of several documents, audiovisual and material evidence that was used in the first official inquiry, in an Ecuadorian Air Force depot. Reportedly among the evidence were some small remains of the ill-fated Super King Air. Chiriboga announced that some of that evidence would be sent to Brazil for further analysis; and that he would embark on further investigation, among military installations, to look out for more remains from the aircraft. The Roldós family asked to be kept informed on the new investigation. Chiriboga said that up this discovery collaboration from the Armed Forces had been “cold”, but that “better disposition” now existed. It is worth noting that former Defense Minister Fernando Cordero had declared in 2015 that despite documentation having been declassified in 2013, several files had been incinerated and other documents lost, a fact that his institution would investigate. Cordero added that previous information requests by the Attorney General had been obstructed by missing or disorganized investigation records.

Legacy.

Despite a downturn in his popularity during the last months of his administration, due to the post-war economic measures, Roldos’ death immortalized the last words of his famous speech delivered on the day of his death; at Atahualpa Stadium in front of a crowd of thousands, in which he called for national unity just before departing in his fatidic last journey to Loja, where he was meant to attend another ceremony for the fallen soldiers during the war with Peru:  After Roldós's death, his children left the country and the National Congress named Roldós's brother, León Roldós, as Vice President of Ecuador for the remainder of what would have been Jaime Roldós's term. León Roldós was later a candidate for president in 1992, 2002, and 2006. Jaime Roldós's daughter, Martha Roldós Bucaram, was a presidential candidate in the 2009 elections. Jaime Roldós's son, Santiago Roldós Bucaram, is a journalist and playwright. Jaime Roldós's brother-in-law, Abdalá Bucaram, founded the populist Ecuadorian Roldosist Party and was elected president of Ecuador. He governed from August 1996 to February 1997, when he was removed by the National Congress on the grounds of "mental incapacity". Martha Roldós has said that the Ecuadorian Roldosist Party has corrupted her father's ideals.  Jaime Roldós's most important legacy was his support for human rights. The Roldós Doctrine holds that the international community's concern for a country's internal human rights situation is not a violation of the country's sovereignty.

Jaime Roldós Aguilera (November 5, 1940 – May 24, 1981) was 33rd President of Ecuador from August 10, 1979 until his death on May 24, 1981. In his short tenure, he became known for his firm stance on human rights.

海梅·罗尔多斯·阿吉莱拉(西班牙语:,1940年-11月5日-1981年-5月24日) 厄瓜多尔总统(1979-1981),一位改革者。


Examples.

The following sentences and verses possess "similarity in structure" in words and phrases:  In the quote above, the compounded adjectives serve as parallel elements and support the noun "law".  In the above quote, three infinitive verb phrases produce the parallel structure supporting the noun "purpose". Note that this rhetorical device requires that the coordinate elements agree with one another grammatically: "nouns with nouns, infinitive verb phrases with infinitive verb phrases and adverb clauses with adverb clauses."  When the coordinate elements possess that same number of words (or in the example below, the same number of syllables) the scheme is termed isocolon:  Synonymous parallelism in which one couplet expresses similar concepts can also be combined with antithetical parallelism in which a second couplet contrasts with the first. For example, synonymous and antithetical parallelism occur in Revelation 22:11: The same adverb and verb combination distinguish the couplets: “still do”/”still be”//”still do”/”still be.”

Forms of parallelism.

Parallelisms of various sorts are the chief rhetorical device of Biblical poetry in the tristich and in multiples of distich parallels and also in the poetry of many other cultures around the world, particularly in their oral traditions. Robert Lowth coined the term "parallelismus membrorum" (parallelism of members, i.e. poetic lines) in his 1788 book, "Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrew Nation". Roman Jakobson pioneered the secular study of parallelism in poetic-linguistic traditions around the world, including his own Russian tradition.  Chinese and Vietnamese classical poetry and prose have frequently made use of parallelism. Conversations between learned men in many cases involved exchanging single as a form of playing with words, as well as a kind of mental duel. In a parallel couplet, not only must the content, the parts of speech, the mythological and historico-geographical allusions, be all separately matched and balanced, but most of the tones must also be paired reciprocally. Even tones are conjoined with inflected ones, and vice versa.  Parallelisms in artistic speech are common in some languages of Mesoamerica, such as Nahuatl (Aztec). It has also been observed in a language of Indonesia (that Fox imprecisely referred to as "Rotinese") and Navajo. Other research has found parallelisms in the languages of the Ural-Altaic area (including Finnish-Karelian folk poetry and the epics and songs of the Turkic and Mongolian peoples) and Toda, suggesting wider distribution among Dravidian languages.

In proverbs.

Parallelisms in proverbs are very common in languages around the world. Parallel structures in short passages such as proverbs help direct the listener or reader to compare the parallel elements and thereby more easily deduce the point.

Parallelism is a rhetorical device that compounds words or phrases that have equivalent meanings so as to create a definite pattern. This structure is particularly effective when "specifying or enumerating pairs or series of like things". A scheme of balance, parallelism represents "one of the basic principles of grammar and rhetoric".

排比也被称为对句法、不平行结构或不平行构造。是一种修辞手法,利用三句或以上结构和长度均类似、意义完整不同的词,短语或句子排列起来,达到一种加强语气的效果。它可使文章的节奏感加强,条理性更好,更利于表达感情,并提升可读性。


Background.

Until the decipherment of cuneiform in the mid-nineteenth century AD, the only information on Neo-Assyrian history came from the Bible and classic authors. The direction of the campaigns conducted by Assyrian kings and the means of reconstructing chronology of events from the period of 841–745 and beyond are found in one type of eponym list, commonly known as 'Eponym Chronicle'. The Assyrian royal annals add to this skeleton outline significantly. Annals are still in existence for all but the last few kings. There are no letters available from this period, however administrative and legal documents exist. For Ashur-Dan II, whose annals are only preserved in fragments, certain characteristics of Assyrian military can be observed. He followed the description of his military exploits by the count of wild animals (wild bulls, elephants, and lions) that he had hunted and killed, which traditionally characterized Assyrian kings as protective and heroic. The accounts conclude with Ashur-Dan building activities, stressing that he did not exploit the spoils of his campaign to enrich himself, but rather to honor and exalt the gods.

Accomplishments.

Annals preserved in fragments suggest Ashur-Dan was the first king known to have conducted regular military campaigns in over a century. His military campaign primarily focused on northern territories along mountainous terrain that made controlling it problematic. These areas were vital because they lay close to the Assyrian heartland and thus were vulnerable to enemy attacks. Furthermore, several important routes leading to Anatolia ran through these areas and were a source of crucial metals. In one of his more significant victories, Ashur-Dan captured the king of the northeastern state of Kadmuhu, flayed and displayed his skin publicly on the walls of Arbela, replaced him with a loyal subordinate, and took valuable bronze, tin and precious stone from Kadmuhu.  Another chief concern of Ashur-Dan’s known military campaigns was the Aramaeans to the west. Evident in his own statements found from fragmentary annals, Ashur-Dan believed he was rightfully retaking Assyrian territory occupied by the Aramaeans in the recent past. He also claimed that he had brought back Assyrians who had fled due to starvation to resettle the lands. The impression conveyed through these annals was that the Aramaeans enslaved and slaughtered Assyrians and seized their land.  Eastwards, the Zagros foothills down to the lower Zab, were strategic crucial points where Assyrian kings frequently campaigned, both for Assyrian security and to safeguard the limited routes through the mountains. This was a key commercial point for Assyrians, trading horses and valuable lapis lazuli mined in northeast Afghanistan.  After reestablishing the Assyrian boundaries, Ashur-Dan went through an extensive period of resettlement and land reclamation. Ashur-Dan also left his mark on the Craftsman’s Gate and the New Palace by performing construction on both sites. His basic ideology and strategy laid the foundation for the Neo-Assyrian period, which was elaborated by his successors. He was able to establish a uniformly structured political entity with well-defined and well-structured borders. His conquest is presented as a return of stability and prosperity after a perceived unlawful period of intrusion. The displaced Assyrians were rehoused in towns and the resettled lands were fortified with agricultural growth. The decline of Early Assyria was largely due to a lack of systematic administration and an influx of Arameans. Ashur-Dan established government offices in all provinces, creating a strong administrative presence in the areas under his rule. At the end of the millennium, Assyria was surrounded by enemies to the south, in and around Babylonia, to the west by the Arameans in Syria, and to the north and east by the Nairi people. Ashur-Dan successfully expanded Assyrian territory surrounded by formidable foes and established provincial administration that once again transformed Assyria from a territorial power to an imperial power known as the Neo-Assyrian Empire. The Neo-Assyrian Empire was a diverse and multi-ethnic state from people from many tribes of different origins. It was a uniformly structured political entity with well-defined and well-guarded borders, and the Assyrian kings certainly regarded it as a unified whole, "the land of Aššur", whose territory they constantly strove to expand. To the outside world, it likewise was a unified, monolithic whole, whose inhabitants were unhesitatingly identified as Assyrians regardless of their ethnic backgrounds.

Succession.

Ashur-Dan was succeeded by his son, Adad-nirari II (911–891 BC). He continued to campaign repeatedly in areas that his father had attacked, expanding on his father’s achievements. He ruled two years less than his father, but the number and range of his military campaigns were greater. To the west he marched as far as the Balikh river, to the south as far as the middle Euphrates, to the north as far as the southern regions of Lake Van, and to the east he penetrated the Zagros mountains. Three versions of his annals are known. Altogether the annals cover campaigns from the accession to the eighteenth regnal year. Other kings that followed his strategies and ideology were Tukulti-Ninurta II, son of Adad-nirari II; Ashurnasripal II, son of Tukulti-Ninurta II; and Shalmaneser III, son of Ashurnasripal II.

Ashur-Dan II (Aššur-dān) (934–912 BC), son of Tiglath Pileser II, was the earliest king of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. He was best known for recapturing previously held Assyrian territory and restoring Assyria to its natural borders, from Tur Abdin (southeast Turkey) to the foothills beyond Arbel (Iraq). The reclaimed territory through his conquest was fortified with horses, ploughs, and grain stores. His military and economic expansions benefited four subsequent generations of kings that replicated his model.

亚述·丹二世(英语:Ashur-dan II)(?-前912年),中亚述时期的末任亚述国王(公元前935年—公元前912年在位)提格拉特帕拉沙尔二世之子和继承人,他在位时期中央对地方的控制有所加强。同时,由于犁的出现而使粮食产量得到提高。他的统治为亚述持续繁荣奠定基础。


Publication history.

DC Universe.

20th century.

21st century.

Elseworlds.

In "", the Batmobile is depicted on a two-page spread at the end of the story, with Bruce musing that it was provided to him by the remaining members of the underground movement against the religious dictatorship that rules the world in this timeline.  In "", the Batmobile is presented as a basic open-topped car with a single bat-wing at its rear, similar in design to the original Batmobile in the comics. Batman was forced to abandon the Batmobile after the destruction of Wayne Manor to stop Dracula's vampire 'family' deprived him of a suitable place to keep the car, although Bruce reflects that he no longer needs the car after his transformation into a vampire grants him bat-like wings. However, it is revealed in "Crimson Mist"- the third novel in the trilogy- that the Batmobile survives in the remains of the Batcave, with Alfred briefly hiding behind it to escape Killer Croc

Popular culture.

Exhibition.

Barris built two fiberglass copies of the original Batmobile for exhibition on the car show circuit and a third for exhibition drag racing. Eventually, the three copies (and the screen-used metal Futura Batmobile) were covered with a black velvet "fuzz" paint, presumably to hide stress cracks in the fiberglass bodies. Later, all three were restored to their gloss black paint job. The three replicas are all based on a 1965–1966 Ford Galaxie. The #1 Barris-built Batmobile

Replicas.

In October 2010, DC Comics authorized Fiberglass Freaks in Logansport, Indiana, to build "officially licensed" 1966 Batmobile replicas. These replicas have been sold to customers in England, Italy, Canada, and across the U.S. One of Fiberglass Freaks' 1966 Batmobile replicas sold at an RM auction for $216,000. Fiberglass Freaks' owner Mark Racop has been a 1966 Batman fan since he was two years old,

Promotional tours.

The first car ever publicly toured as a Batmobile was built several years before the Barris Batmobile of the TV series. It was inspired by DC Comics and was created in 1960 and finished in 1963 by Forrest Robinson of Westmoreland, N.H. using a 1956 Oldsmobile Rocket 88 chassis powered by an Oldsmoblle Rocket 324 cubic inch engine and building a handmade custom body.  The car was initially used unpainted for a short time as a daily driver and then later leased by a DC Comic licensee (National Periodical publications then owner of DC Comics licensed the use of Batman characters including the Batmobile to various

Copyright status.

The Batmobile is copyrighted in the 9th circuit under United States law by DC Comics, a status often thought to usually be reserved to sentient fictional characters. This was established in court when a mechanic making Batmobile replicas roughly based on the '60s Adam West version of the Batmobile was sued by DC Comics in 2011. The mechanic had argued that the Batmobile was a "functional" element of the show and thus ineligible for copyright; however, the court ruled that the Batmobile was an "automotive character" with its own style, backstory, and theme that remained consistent across versions: a "bat-like appearance" and "always contains the most up-to-date weaponry and technology". In addition, builder George Barris applied for and received a US Design Patent for the car in 1966. Although the patent expired in 1980, during its lifetime it served as the basis for Barris' successfully claiming ownership of the Jim Sermersheim "No. 5" Batmobile replica.

Monster Jam.

In 2006, a Batman monster truck made its debut at Charlotte, 2006. This truck was designed after the Batmobile, with a pair of wings and afterburners in the back. It was a major competitor in the Monster Jam live tour, leading driver John Seasock to two consecutive racing wins at the 2007 and 2008 Monster Jam World Finals. In 2013, the truck's design was changed, with smaller wings, and the afterburners replaced with a large Bat-logo. The truck was retired in late 2014, after the DC license expired.

Appearances in other media.

Animation.

The Batmobile made a brief cameo at the end of "the Looney Tunes Show" episode "Reunion". Bugs Bunny drove off in it after seeing the Bat-Signal because, in that show, he is secretly Batman. This Batmobile slightly resembles the Golden Age version.

"The Batman/Superman Hour".

According to the site BatmobileHistory.com, the Batmobile created for the 1968–1969 Filmation Associates TV series was not strongly based on its immediate predecessor (except for sharing dual rear cockpit canopies with the Barris/Futura Batmobile) or any version in DC Comics publications of the time. Furthermore, Filmation's Batmobile featured a long, black body with what is described as a "Coke bottle" profile, with a large, light blue bat emblem set across the hood, which, when a dashboard control was activated, the metal bat symbol folded its "wings" up at its center, forming a barricade/chain cutter. There were no door-mounted bat symbols.  Another departure

"Super Friends".

The Batmobile seen in the early episodes of "Super Friends" was based on the Lincoln Futura design in the live-action TV series starring Adam West. The main difference with the "Super Friends" version was that the car's lines were modified substantially for use in animation. The most obvious change was to the car's nose, where the hood received a "V" depression that echoed the lower fascia. This was also the first Batmobile (of any medium)

DC animated universe.

The Batmobile made appearances in the various series of the DC animated universe.

"The Batman".

In the animated series "The Batman", the Batmobile resembled a sports coupe with multiple jet exhaust slits protruding from the back bumper. In the third season episode "RPM", this Batmobile was wrecked beyond repair, and Batman completed a prototype design that included a Wayne Industries 'EXP' power generator. This Batmobile was longer and had

"Batman: Gotham Knight".

In the straight-to-DVD animated shorts collection "Gotham Knight", the Batmobile makes an appearance in the feature entitled "Field Test". While set in the same continuity as Christopher Nolan's films, it is visually

"Batman: The Brave and The Bold".

The Batmobile in "" takes design elements from the Golden Age Batmobiles and the Lincoln Futura. This Batmobile has the ability to transform into other vehicles. The tie in toyline's Batmobile

"Beware the Batman".

The Batmobile in "Beware the Batman" is a low and flat F1 like car with a single seated cockpit and pointed nose. The car has horizontal fins flanking a pair of jet engines, large wheels with low profile tires, as well as sharply angled

"The Lego Movie".

In "The Lego Movie" a large six-wheeled version of the Batmobile (which is

"The Lego Batman Movie".

In "The Lego Batman Movie", multiple versions of the Batmobile from different Batman adaptations appear. In the film, Batman drives the "SpeedWagon" Batmobile, which appears to take inspiration from previous Batmobiles. This Batmobile also uses "atomic batteries", a feature seen in 1960s depictions. Other Batmobiles appear briefly, including the one from the 1960s television series, Tim Burton films, "Batman Forever", the Golden Age, Frank Miller's "The Dark Knight Returns", "The Dark Knight" trilogy, and "".  The Speedwagon was fault-driven by "Nightwing" (alter-ego of Robin when Batman is missing in the world) combining with the novice skills of Nightwing caused the speed wagon's destruction, but at the climax of the movie, Batman, his bat-family, and former Joker henchmen make a new Batmobile with four detachable vehicles (Bat-Plane for Batgirl, Bat-Assault Vehicle for Bat-Alfred, Bat-Cycle (inspired by "The Dark Knight") for Robin and a proper Batmobile for Batman).

Live-action.

"Batman" (1943 serial).

In the 1943 serial film "Batman", a black 1939 Cadillac Series 75 convertible was used by Bruce Wayne and Dick Grayson, as well as

"Batman and Robin" (1949 serial).

In "Batman and Robin", the 1949 successor to

"Batman" (1960s film/television series).

In late 1965 20th Century Fox Television and William Dozier's Greenway Productions contracted renowned Hollywood car customizer Dean Jeffries to design and build a "Batmobile" for their upcoming "Batman" TV series. He started customizing a 1959 Cadillac, but when the studio wanted the program on the air in January 1966, and therefore filming sooner than he could provide the car, Jeffries was paid off, and the project went to George Barris.  What became the iconic Batmobile used in the 1966–1968 live action television show and its film adaptation was a customized vehicle that originated as a one-off 1955 Lincoln Futura concept car, created by Ford Motor Company lead stylists Bill Schmidt, Doug Poole Sr., and John Najjar and their design team at the Lincoln Styling Department.  In 1954, the Futura prototype was built entirely by hand by the Ghia Body Works in Turin, Italy, at a reported cost of US$250,000—the equivalent of approximately US$2 million in 2009. It made its debut in pearlescent Frost-Blue white paint on January 8, 1955 at the Chicago Auto Show. In 1959, sporting a fresh red paint job, the Futura was featured in the film "It Started with a Kiss", starring Debbie Reynolds and Glenn Ford.  Barris was trying

Gotham.

At the beginning of the Season Four episode "A Dark Knight: That's Entertainment", Alfred takes Bruce to the garage at Wayne Manor on his seventeenth birthday

Titans.

In the episode "Jason Todd" during a flashback to Dick Grayson's time as part of the dynamic duo, the Batmobile is shown very briefly, parked inside the Batcave. This version of the car was initially designed by concept

"Batman" (1989 film) / "Batman Returns".

Tim Burton's live-action films "Batman" (1989) and "Batman Returns" (1992) presented a different version of the Batmobile, which reflected those films' Art Deco version of Gotham City. The car was designed by conceptual illustrator Julian Caldow who also designed the Batwing. The body of the car was sculpted by Keith Short in collaboration with Eddie Butler. It was long, low and sleek, and was built on a Chevrolet Impala chassis. One of the two screen-used Batmobiles is now housed at the Petersen Automotive Museum in Los Angeles. The other is kept in a garage at Jon Peters' Malibu home. The back of the Batmobile resembles the back of the Fiat Turbina, which was a gas-turbine concept from the 1950s.

"Batman Forever".

As the Batman films were handed over to director Joel Schumacher from Tim Burton, the design for the Batmobile was updated. Tim Flattery drew the winning design. Decorative lighting was added to the vehicle's rims, sides, and front edge, and the wing-shaped fins reached further into the air. The car had a few unique features, such as being able to rotate its wheels through 90 degrees so that it could move in a perpendicular direction, a grappling hook allowing the Batmobile to

"Batman & Robin" (1997 film).

A new Batmobile is seen in the 1997 film "Batman & Robin". The last Batmobile to appear in the motion picture series, it was designed by Harald Belker. It is prominently featured in one scene in which, as Batman and Robin are in pursuit, Mr. Freeze shoots the underside of the car for several seconds with freeze-gun, before the car crash-lands. However, in the next scene in the Batcave, the Batmobile is sitting back on its pedestal appearing to be in perfect condition.

"The Dark Knight Trilogy".

The Batmobile depicted in Christopher Nolan's trilogy of Batman films owes much to the tank-like vehicle from Frank Miller's ""; it has a more "workhorse" appearance than the sleek automobiles seen in previous incarnations, designed more for functionality than intimidation. While the films never refer to the vehicle as the "Batmobile", it is still referred to as such in the scripts. The film's production designer described the machine as a cross between a Lamborghini and a tank.  In "Batman Begins" (2005), Bruce Wayne utilizes the prototype vehicle known as the Tumbler designed by Wayne Enterprises' Applied Sciences Division as a bridging vehicle for the military. It includes weaponry and the ability to boost into a rampless jump. The Tumbler's armor is strong enough to break through concrete barriers without sustaining significant damage. Two full-sized driving versions were used in exterior shots while another full-sized model with hydraulic enhancements was used in jump sequences. A further

DC Extended Universe.

According to the Warner Bros. Studios lot, the "" Batmobile combined inspiration from both the sleek, streamlined design of classic Batmobiles and the high-suspension, military build from the more recent Tumbler from "The Dark Knight Trilogy". They were also inspired by the 1989 Batmobile. Designed by production designer Patrick Tatopoulos and Dennis McCarthy, the Batmobile is about 20 feet long and 12 feet wide. Unlike previous Batmobiles, it has a gatling gun sitting on the front and the back tires are shaved down tractor tires. The Batmobile elevates itself for scenes depicting it going

"Ready Player One".

The 60s incarnation of the Batmobile appears in the Steven Spielberg 2018 film "Ready Player One", based on the novel of the same name by Ernest Cline. Appearing as part of a race alongside many famous vehicles from pop culture, the Batmobile is destroyed when it is struck by another vehicle and explodes.

Video games.

"Batman: Arkham" series.

In "", a version of the Batmobile appears with a design heavily influenced by the one used in "Batman" (1989 film) and "". In the game, it is vandalized by Harley Quinn and the Blackgate prisoners. Batman later controls the Batmobile remotely using his utility belt to take Bane into the sea along with it. In "", the Batmobile appears in the Batcave Predator Challenge Map and was back under re-construction following its tussle with Bane, thus explaining its absence in the rest of the game. In "", a prototype of the Batmobile was seen in the Batcave and was under construction by Batman, under the working title "Urban Assault Vehicle" and when scanned in Detective Mode its description: ""Armored to resist direct collisions and small arms fire. Multiple LTL armaments. Shield tracking profiles reduced thermal/radar footprint. 1.200BHP.

Notes.

^ In "Batman & Robin", Batman uses the "Bathammer" to battle Mr. Freeze and his henchmen through the frozen streets of Gotham City. The Bathammer is, in essence, a Batmobile for travelling on icy surfaces. It is long and high. The top speed is 100 mph on ice. The Bathammer can move over enormous skids underneath. It also carries vertical stabilizers (3 m long) that can be directed upward in an emergency and used as shield.

The Batmobile is the fictional car driven by the superhero Batman. Housed in the Batcave, which it accesses through a hidden entrance, the Batmobile is both a heavily armored tactical assault vehicle and a personalized custom-built pursuit and capture vehicle that is used by Batman in his fight against crime. Using the latest civilian performance technology, coupled with prototype military-grade hardware—most of which was developed by Wayne Enterprises—Batman creates an imposing hybrid monster to prowl the streets of Gotham City.

蝙蝠车(英语:Batmobile)是美国漫画超级英雄蝙蝠侠的战车,由于《蝙蝠侠》的历史长达数十年,蝙蝠车亦随着时代变化、改良。


Names.

The names of Ægir and Rán's daughters occur commonly in Old Norse sources. Lists of their names appear twice in "Skáldskaparmál", a section of the "Prose Edda" (for detail, see "Prose Edda" section below).

Attestations.

"Poetic Edda".

References to the waves as 'Ægir's daughters' appear in the "Poetic Edda". The poem "Helgakviða Hundingsbana I" describes how the hero Helgi's boat crashes through intense seas, in doing so referencing Rán, Ægir, and their daughters as personifications of the sea. For example, two sequential stanzas reference the wave daughters:  <br>

"Prose Edda".

The daughters are mentioned several times in the "Prose Edda". Section 25 of "Skáldskaparmál" ("How shall sea be referred to?") collects manners in which poets may refer to the sea, including "husband of Ran" and "land of Ran and of Ægir's daughters", but also "father of Ægir's daughters". The section contains the first of two instances of a list of the wave daughters (for discussion regarding their names, see "Name" section above).  In chapter 61 of the "Nafnaþulur" subsection of "Skáldskaparmál", the author again recounts the names of the nine daughters with a slight variation (here "Dröfn" is replaced with "Bára").

Scholarly reception and interpretation.

Some scholars have linked the Nine Daughters of Ægir and Rán with the Nine Mothers of Heimdallr, an identification that would mean that Heimdallr was thus born from the waves of the sea. However, this connection has been questioned on the grounds that the names presented for the Nine Daughters of Ægir and Rán and the Nine Mothers of Heimdallr (as listed in "Völuspá hin skamma") do not match. Scholar John Lindow comments that the identification of Heimdallr's mothers as Ægir and Rán's daughters do, however, match on the grounds that Ægir and Rán's daughters, like Heimdallr's mothers, are sisters, and that two separate traditions about Heimdallr's mothers may explain the differences between the two.

In Norse mythology, the goddess Rán and the jötunn Ægir both personify the sea, and together they have nine daughters who personify waves. Each daughter's name reflects poetic terms for waves. The sisters are attested in the "Poetic Edda", compiled in the 13th century from earlier traditional sources; the "Prose Edda", written in the 13th century by Snorri Sturluson; and in the poetry of skalds. Scholars have theorized that these daughters may be the same figures as the nine mothers of the god Heimdallr.

扬波之女,英语:The Billow Maidens。在北欧神话中,她们九名姊妹是埃吉尔和澜的女儿,是代表了海上九种波浪的人格化,属巨人族。她们都有着雪白的皮肤、深蓝的眼睛,通常穿着透明的水色、白色、或绿色的纱衣。这九名女儿总是帮助他们的父亲埃吉尔酿造啤酒。另外,她们共同为奥丁(Odin)生下了海姆达尔(Heimdall)。


Tripartite, Ergative and Accusative systems.

A tripartite language does not maintain any syntactic or morphological equivalence (such as word order or grammatical case) between the core argument of intransitive verbs and either core argument of transitive verbs. In full tripartite alignment systems, this entails the agent argument of intransitive verbs always being treated differently from each of the core arguments of transitive verbs, whereas for mixed system intransitive alignment systems this may only entail that certain classes of noun are treated differently between these syntactic positions.  The arguments of a verb are usually symbolized as follows:  The relationship between accusative, ergative, and tripartite alignments can be schematically represented as follows:  "See morphosyntactic alignment for a more technical explanation."  The term'subject' has been found to be problematic when applied to languages which have any morphosyntactic alignment other than nominative-accusative, and hence, reference to the 'agent' argument of transitive sentences is preferred to the term'subject'.

Types of tripartite systems.

Languages may be designated as tripartite languages in virtue of having either a full tripartite morphosyntactic alignment, or in virtue of having a mixed system which results in tripartite treatment of one or more specific classes of nouns.

Full tripartite systems.

A full tripartite system distinguishes between S, A and O arguments in all classes of nominals. It has been claimed that Wangkumara has the only recorded full tripartite alignment system.

Example.

Wangkumara consistently differentiates marking on S, A, and O arguments in the morphology, as demonstrated in example (1) below: In the above example, the intransitive case in (a) is glossed NOM, in accordance with Breen's original transcription. Across (1), we see differential case suffixes for each of intranstive (NOM), ergative (ERG), and accusative (ACC) case.  The same tripartite distinction is clear in the pronominal system:  In the above examples, we see the first person singular pronoun taking different forms for each of the S, A, and O arguments (marked NOM, ERG and ABS respectively), indicating the tripartite alignment in pronominal morphology.  Syntactic surveys of Wangkumara suggest this is generally true of the language as a whole. Hence, Wangkumara represents a case of a full tripartite alignment.

Mixed systems.

More common than full tripartite systems, mixed system tripartite alignments either demonstrate tripartite alignment in some subsection of the grammar, or else lacks the ergative, the accusative, or both in some classes of nominals. An example of the former kind of mixed system may be Yazghulami, which exhibits tripartite alignment but only in the past tense. An example of the latter would be Nez Perce, which lacks ergative marking in the first and second person.  The following examples from Nez Perce illustrate the intransitive-ergative-accusative opposition that holds in the third person:  In the above examples, (2a) demonstrates the intranstive case marking (here coded as NOM), while (2b) demonstrates differential ergative and accusative markings. Thus, Nez Perce demonstrates tripartite differentiations in its third person morphology.

Realizations of tripartite alignment.

Syntactic tripartite alignment.

Passive and anti-passive constructions.

Ainu also shows the passive voice formation typical of nominative-accusative languages and the antipassive of ergative-absolutive languages. Like Nez Percé, the use of both the passive and antipassive is a trait of a tripartite language.

Montenegro (Montenegrin: "Crna Gora", Црна Гора, meaning "black mountain") is a small, mountainous state in south-west Balkans. Montenegro borders Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Kosovo, Albania and the Adriatic Sea. While being a small country at 13,812 km2 (5,332 sq mi), it is very diverse regarding the terrain configuration.

黑山共和国,位于欧洲巴尔干半岛,陆上与克罗地亚、波黑、塞尔维亚、阿尔巴尼亚接壤,南邻亚得里亚海。