Yemen's New Democracy Juggles With Tribal Traditions SANA, YEMEN - On a recent sunny morning, Yemen's national Parliament was buzzing: Not with its usual suspects, but with the induction of some 50 sprightly children newly elected in voting for the Children's Parliament. Hadeel al-Mowafak, 16, an outgoing member after serving for two years, said after the ceremony, broadcast on state television, that her term had changed her life. "Before, I didn't know anything about Yemeni politics or human rights," she said. I didn't know I had a right because children's rights don't exist here. Founded in 2004 and run by the Democracy School, a London-based civic education organization, the Children's Parliament trains 14- and 15-year-olds in children's rights and democracy practices. It also hosts sessions during which its members can grill their adult counterparts and hold them accountable on a range of issues. Thanks to her newly acquired political awareness and her parents" encouragement, Hadeel said she joined the protests last year that, together with pressure from the international community, forced President Ali Abdullah Saleh to end his 33-year rule and allow democratic reform. Young people like Hadeel may be the future, but Yemen has challenges it must confront before they are old enough to take charge. Its democratic transition has run up against tough obstacles, raising the question of whether such a tribal society can move toward a modern, democratic state. Mr. Saleh and his cronies, many from the tribes, have challenged efforts by the new president, Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi, to remove some of Mr. Saleh's family members from the armed forces. Mr. Hadi is trying to reorganize the military after it split during last year's protests. This has hobbled the transition government and delayed a national dialogue on a new constitution and social contract. An old triangle of rivalry that sparked a war last summer also hampers the process. It pits Mr. Saleh against the Ahmar business family, which leads the powerful Hashid tribal confederation, and Gen. Ali Mohsen al-Ahmer, the country's most powerful general, who in March 2011 defected to the opposition with his troops. While some doubt Yemen's chances of shedding the influence of the tribes, others hope that the revolution has broken their monopoly on power for good. "Now that we have a new political order, the tribes will become almost insignificant in national politics," said Abdul-Ghani al-Iryani, a political analyst and co-founder of the Democratic Awakening Movement. A strong state with a well-organized army and a good educational and judicial system could significantly reduce the role of the tribes and foster an economy more independent of the sheiks, observers say. "If you want to break down the tribal structure, you have to find a stronger state and fill the needs and requirements of the people," said a businessman whose clan had had to step in and provide its members with education, health care and water. He declined to be identified because of the sensitivity of the topic. When asked about the tribes" sway, many Yemenis are eager to dispel the stereotype of their country as consisting mostly of Kalashnikov-toting, blood-feud-obsessed, warring tribes. We are not tribal. Most of us are in fact peasants," said Mr. Iryani. When people say these things they look at the distorted facade of Saleh, who gave a monopoly to the tribes. One of Mr. Saleh's most destructive legacies is the de facto autonomy of the northern tribes, which he propped up with financial aid to the detriment of the urban middle class, business interests and the rule of law; he further weakened the state by neglecting education and institution-building, analysts say. The tribes, which constituted the main fighting forces when he came to power in 1978, in turn provided him for many years with armed support. Meanwhile, Mr. Saleh's pervasive patronage system, still in place, eroded state institutions as corrupt officials ignored laws and regulations to enrich themselves. Mr. Saleh, who himself never finished high school, was contemptuous of the middle class and its business interests, minimizing their influence to the benefit of the tribes, many Yemeni professionals say. Import licenses introduced in the early 1980s were primarily issued to the tribes in the north, who then sold them for a profit, businessmen say.