New Arab leaders must defuse tensions Every once in a while an act that mocks an Islamic symbol, whether the Koran or the Prophet, leads to its intended objective - to portray Muslims as violent fanatics - and allows unreasonable people, both critics and defenders of Islam, to feed a dangerous frenzy. Such a turn of events has been made easier in the age of YouTube and Twitter, and with the proliferation of Islamist satellite television stations that catch on to the silliest of banter and blow it out of proportion. It was thanks to a discussion on a religious programme on Egyptian television that a grotesque amateur film apparently made by a US-based Egyptian Copt triggered a swell of protests that started on September 11 and, it would seem, were also exploited by some extremists to bomb the US consulate in Benghazi, killing the ambassador. A juvenile act by an unknown anti-Muslim fanatic has contributed to tragedy in Libya and now also threatens to undermine American relations with Egypt, whose Islamist president has been caught between US demands for clear condemnation of the attack in Benghazi and his own inclination to vent his anger first at the film itself. The sanctity of the Prophet is particularly sensitive for Muslims. Surely, though, the best way of dealing with the film is to ignore it rather than overreact. A few days ago, no one had heard of the Innocence of Muslims, as the production is called. Now it is a bestseller. Protests that started in Egypt and Libya are spreading. As if this was a competition over who can appear as the better Muslim, clerics are racing to condemn the film, as are Islamist parties and Islamist-led governments. Such controversies are usually gifts for dictatorial governments, giving them a rare chance to placate their Islamist critics. In 2005, when a Danish cartoon of the Prophet caused uproar, Arab governments seized on the opportunity to appear religiously correct while also allowing a frustrated populace to vent its anger with protests. In the emerging democracies of north Africa today, however, Islamist parties are rising to power with popular legitimacy and therefore have no need for the old tricks. True, Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood or Tunisia's Nahda party (both of which dominate governments) have more ultraconservative rivals ready to criticise their Islamic credentials. But these mainstream Islamist parties have both the responsibility and the power to take a more rational stance. Yet the Brotherhood was quick to call for peaceful gatherings to protest against the film. Meanwhile, Mohamed Morsi, the president and former Brotherhood leader, started his telephone conversation with Barack Obama, US president, by relaying the anger of Egyptians and Muslims towards the film and saying he expected US government assurances that there would not be any attacks on Islamic symbols - something which no one can guarantee. Jon Alterman, Egypt expert at the Washington-based Centre for Strategic and International Studies, says Mr Morsi and his group have to recognise the responsibility of being in government. If you're in opposition you go out and protest and you solidify your base; if you're the ruling party you have to deal with the aftermath of your decisions. Indeed, the film saga exposes a broader problem. It comes at a time when parties in power are coming under growing pressure to stand up to Salafi attempts to impose their own austere interpretation of Islam on society. Salafis have attacked Sufi shrines in Libya and arts festivals in Tunisia and want curbs on religious freedom of expression in Egypt. The more moderate Islamists claim to oppose the Salafi agenda but their criticism is often ambiguous - because they are afraid of alienating the Salafis or, in fact, because they sympathise with their demands. Emile Hokayem, Middle East analyst at London's Institute for Strategic Studies, says that mainstream Islamist movements in government always face the risk that the Salafis will set the tone of the debate when it comes to identity politics. "In times of upheaval, the public is more sensitive to identity issues, and the Salafis will try to capitalise on this," he says. The key for the others [such as the Muslim Brotherhood] is to quickly deflate the tension enough - for instance, by not calling for demonstrations in Egypt - and reframe the issue.