Britain's ambitions in the Gulf suffer blow as UAE rejects Typhoon deal Last night, a Government spokesman put a brave face on the rejection of the Typhoon, describing it as a "commercial decision." A source close to the bilateral relationship endorsed this view, saying the UAE's "strategic" ties with Britain would not be changed by "any single commercial deal." There were also technical disputes, with the UAE understood to be requesting the transfer of sensitive technology. However, commentators say that arms contracts are overwhelmingly political. If the UAE had bought Typhoons, the country would have wanted a solid military alliance with Britain. But Parliament's vote against striking Syria in September had cast doubt over London's willingness to use force in the Middle East. In addition, the UAE was disturbed by Britain's uncritical acceptance of the Geneva agreement on Iran's nuclear ambitions. France, by contrast, rejected the first draft and ensured that the final deal was significantly tougher on Iran. All this had given the "impression that the UK is either not an actor in the Middle East, or it is not distinctive enough for the UAE," said Mr Eyal. "The Syria vote was the tipping point," he added. What we are saying to the UAE is 'if we do an alliance with you, whether the alliance will be activated will depend on the Prime Minister winning a vote in Parliament. That's not very interesting for the UAE. The main purpose of buying Typhoons would have been to bind Britain into guaranteeing the UAE's security. But governments across the Middle East have re-assessed their view of Britain since the Syria vote, questioning London's resolve. France was prepared to use force against Syria. In addition, France has the key advantage of a permanent military base in the UAE, providing a showcase for military hardware and a tangible symbol of its commitment to the country's security. With the Typhoon ruled out, the French Rafale fighter is expected to be the leading contender for the UAE contract. In the last three years, British ministers have made over 230 visits to Gulf states, reflecting the fact that 160,000 British citizens live in this region. Bilateral trade between the Gulf and UK, meanwhile, has grown by almost 40 per cent since 2011 to reach £30 billion. If the UAE had agreed to buy 60 Typhoons worth £6 billion, at least 5,000 British jobs would have been secured. Instead, a consortium led by BAE Systems, the UK defence company, plans to stop making the aircraft in 2016 unless new export orders can be signed. Last month, Mr Cameron visited the UAE on his way back from a Commonwealth summit in Sri Lanka. Five days earlier, he had used his speech at the Lord Mayor's Banquet to announce the visa waiver scheme for citizens of the UAE and three other Gulf states. But there was already a sign that Mr Cameron was heading for failure. Sheikh Khalifa, who would take the final decision on the Typhoon deal, was not available to see him. Instead, the Prime Minister dined with Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, the Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi, late on Nov 16. Sheikh Khalifa was in the UAE at the time: the official press announced that he "returned home" earlier that day from a "private visit to Kazakhstan." Nonetheless, Mr Cameron's spokesman said that he "enjoyed a positive and productive working dinner" with the Crown Prince. But the statement dropped a hint that no agreement had been reached on Typhoons, saying that "good news" was expected in the "civil" - and not military - "aerospace sector." Sure enough, the UAE ordered civil airliners from Airbus after Mr Cameron's visit, providing a £5 billion boost to the British economy. The rejection of the Typhoon and the dashing of the Prime Minister's efforts came a month later.