M5S says it will not help form Italian government The joint founder of the Five Star Movement (M5S), which holds the balance of power in Italy after its astonishing performance in this week's elections, has said it will not play any role in the formation of the country's next government. But in his first interview since the results became known, Gianroberto Casaleggio, the digital mastermind behind the M5S's vertiginous ascent, signalled that the movement could provide limited support for a minority government, such as that proposed on Friday by the centre-left leader, Pier Luigi Bersani. Italy and the eurozone plunged into crisis this week after no one party or alliance emerged from the election with the necessary outright majority in both houses of parliament. Speaking exclusively to the Guardian, Casaleggio said: "If a government is put together, formed by other parties, the Five Star Movement will vote for everything that forms an integral part of its programme." But, he added: "The president of the republic will decide whom to give a mandate to [to try to form a government]. He will decide if the conditions exist for forming a government, and whether that government has won the confidence of the chamber [of deputies] and the senate. We do not want to enter in to that process. His comments represented an even harder line than that taken earlier this week by his co-founder, Beppe Grillo, who said he would represent the movement in the talks with President Giorgio Napolitano, which are aimed at resolving the deadlock. Grillo, however, slammed the door on a parliamentary pact with the centre-left and, in an interview with the Italian daily La Repubblica, Bersani closed off another exit when he dismissed proposals for a "grand coalition" with the right under Silvio Berlusconi. "The idea of a grand coalition does not exist and will never exist," Bersani said. Instead, he proposed a minority centre-left government and said he had a seven- or eight-point plan to put to the president next week. Casaleggio said his long-term aim was to bring the M5S to power on its own. Until then, it would not make agreements with any other political group. He said observers had been wrong to see the huge vote for the M5S purely as a reaction to the economic crisis or the austerity policies favoured by Germany. Though the crisis had accelerated the movement's progress, it was essentially a product of the internet, he said, as it enables the direct democracy that the movement espoused and practised "What is happening in Italy is just the beginning of a much more radical change," he said. It's a change that is going to touch all democracies. The headquarters of the team that has spread panic through the rest of the EU could scarcely be in a less revolutionary location. The offices of Casaleggio's internet consultancy are in the most fashionable, and expensive, part of Milan - a stone's throw from La Scala opera house. Opposite the entrance is a shop window full of mink coats. In the café round the corner, an espresso and cake will set you back €10 (£8.50). The M5S won more votes than any other party in the ballot for the chamber, the lower house. But because of Italy's electoral law, which favours alliances, the centre-left's coalition won bonus seats, which gave it an absolute majority. In the senate, however, M5S's success meant neither the centre-left nor the right, led by Silvio Berlusconi, gained control. Since the two chambers have equal powers, a government must secure outright majorities in both for its legislation. Italy's mainstream politicians have so far rejected fresh elections, fearing they could bring the M5S even more votes. Casaleggio, while insisting that "we have no suggestions to make," spoke approvingly of a fourth option - a technocratic government supported by the main parties, like the one headed by Mario Monti since November 2011. He said: "The Monti government has had a majority that has allowed it to pass many laws and decree-laws." A return to non-party government would nevertheless be highly distasteful to other political leaders: it would lump them together in the eyes of the electorate, and bolster Grillo's argument that the M5S is the only true alternative. Grillo's rejection of a deal with the centre-left - announced on his blog - elicited mixed comments, including angry reproaches from critics describing themselves as members of the movement. Casaleggio dismissed their criticism. The members of the Five Star Movement are not the only ones who comment. There are others," he said. So the fact that a few people comment on the blog doesn't meant that people in M5S don't share the line of the movement. The issue is sensitive. Most of the movement's activists lean leftwards. Casaleggio himself ventured that the M5S's programme could be like that of the Swedish Social Democrats. Yet the line he and Grillo are pursuing could bring Berlusconi back into government. Casaleggio referred to a code of conduct signed by the movement's new lawmakers before they stood in the election. It stipulates that M5S's parliamentary groups in the senate and chamber of deputies "must not join with other parties or coalitions, other than for votes on shared points." "They knew from the beginning," he said. Italian newspapers have reported that the shaggy-haired Casaleggio has been in behind-the-scenes talks with political leaders, including the former centre-left prime minister, Romano Prodi. But he laughed at the suggestion, insisting his only contact with Prodi had been at a lunch organised by the World Economic Forum four months ago. "Prodi recognised me and greeted me," he said. Asked if other political leaders had telephoned since the election, Casaleggio said: "No one has called." On the longer-term prospects for the M5S - founded just over three years ago - Casaleggio said they would "depend on how consistent we are." He added that, if the movement stuck to its principles and achieved changes, "we shall certainly grow." Did he expect that one day the M5S would govern Italy? "I hope so," he answered.