Hu Jintao Tries to Cement Legacy Opposing Change By Emma Cott and Jonah M. Kessel Changing of the Guard in China: The New York Times's Beijing correspondents discuss the challenges ahead for China as the country begins its once-in-a-decade leadership transition. BEIJING - Capping 10 careful years at the helm of the Communist Party, China's top leader is stepping into history with a series of rear-guard actions. The leader, Hu Jintao, 69, is scheduled to step down as the party's general secretary next week, handing over much of his power to his designated successor, Xi Jinping. But over the past few months, he has made it clear that he has little interest in the bold changes to the status quo that many Chinese now see as long overdue. "He's worried about how history will view him," said Qian Gang, who works with the China Media Project at the University of Hong Kong. On the whole, he is against reform. Mr. Hu made a key speech in July that dashed reformers" hopes for measures to resuscitate the faltering economy and release social pressures by opening the political system. On Thursday, he wrote himself a glowing eulogy: a 100-minute address to the 18th Party Congress that was also meant to serve as a blueprint for Mr. Xi's term in office. In a voluminous, 64-page formal document issued at the party congress, Mr. Hu nodded to almost every manner of change - economic, social, political and environmental - and he opened the door to some potentially important measures to limit the dominance of the state in the economy. But he balanced those with warnings to guard against a rise in unrest, a striking admission for a man whose signature slogan was to turn China into a "harmonious society." "Social contradictions have clearly increased," Mr. Hu wrote in the document. There are many problems concerning the public's immediate interests in education, employment, social security, health care, housing, the environment, food and drug safety, workplace safety, public security, and law enforcement. Mr. Hu also lauded his own contribution to Communist Party ideology: "scientific development." Most of his predecessors have had their own ideologies enshrined as guiding state doctrines. His repetition in his speech of the phrase, which means that the party should be pragmatic and follow policies that are demonstrably effective, implied that he, too, would be so honored. The result was a speech that, while ostensibly supporting a new agenda, actually represented an attempt to block much of it. According to Mr. Qian, a leading expert on textual analysis of Chinese leaders" speeches, Mr. Hu's speech hit on almost every antichange phrase used by Chinese Communist leaders. He referred to Communist China's founder three times with the phrase "Mao Zedong Thought," and he said that the party must "resolutely not follow Western political systems," something not mentioned at the last congress five years ago. "They don't say these terms lightly," Mr. Qian said. When they mention it, it matters. Mr. Hu also coined a new term, pledging that the party will not follow the "wicked way" of changing the party's course. Mr. Hu's speech is thought to have been drawn up in cooperation with his successor, Mr. Xi. While Mr. Xi has been consulting with liberal members of China's intelligentsia, he either did not oppose Mr. Hu's direction or was not able to change it. That is important, observers say, because Mr. Xi will not exercise unrestrained power when he takes over. Besides the other half-dozen members on the Standing Committee of the party's Politburo, he will also have to listen to the advice of Mr. Hu; Mr. Hu's own predecessor, Jiang Zemin; and an estimated 20 other "senior leaders." As if to emphasize their role, these men were seated on the dais next to Mr. Hu. Many of them are in their 70s and 80s and have exercised power for decades. "Xi Jinping certainly won't be a Gorbachev," said Yao Jianfu, a former official and researcher who closely follows Chinese politics and advocates democratic change. Every aspect of reform has an important precondition - that the Communist Party remains in charge. Even though Mr. Hu's speech was broadcast live on national television and on screens in Beijing subway cars, gauging popular opinion was difficult.