History weighs on South Korean poll Gwangju's immaculate May 18 National Cemetery stands in poignant contrast to the turmoil that began on that day in 1980, when more than 200 people died in the bloodiest episode of South Korea's military rule. "Through this uprising, we achieved democracy," says Jeong Hyeon-jong, director of the cemetery, as the sun sets behind the rows of tombstones. The student revolt was a crucial moment in the country's democratic movement, paving the way for free elections seven years later. "Of course, all the presidential candidates have come this year," Mr Jeong notes. South Koreans are acutely conscious of their turbulent modern history, which has seen the country transformed from one of the world's poorest to a G20 power in the space of six decades - and next month's presidential election is forcing voters to confront the past even more directly than usual. The candidate of the ruling New Frontier party is Park Geun-hye, daughter of the general who established the military regime that was in power for 26 years. Park Chung-hee fostered South Korean growth by encouraging the development of vast chaebol conglomerates with state financial support. But Park, who was assassinated seven months before the Gwangju killings, remains a divisive figure because of his ruthless suppression of dissent. Activists imprisoned under his rule include Moon Jae-in, this year's presidential nominee for the liberal Democratic Union party, and Park Geun-hye's only serious challenger after the withdrawal on Friday of independent candidate Ahn Chul-soo. Ms Park's opponents have suggested that she shares the authoritarian style of her father, noting that she served as his first lady for five years following her mother's murder in 1974. She has tried to counter this criticism with visits to shrines of the struggle for democracy, and a recent apology for the atrocities committed under the regime. Beyond the politics of personality, many South Koreans say they also want to leave behind an economy dominated by family-controlled conglomerates with hefty political influence. Every day the newspapers are filled with corruption cases. In the eyes of low-income people here, that represents government-business collusion," says Shim Jae-hoon, an independent political commentator. Korea made it by using this government-business nexus, [but] the chaebol have become a monster overshadowing the political power that created it. All the presidential candidates have promised to tackle corruption and loosen the relationship between business and politics. And all have promised to address the country's uneven distribution of wealth. Gwangju exemplifies the communities that feel left behind by South Korea's economic miracle. Located in the south west of the country, South Korea's sixth-largest city has a per capita economic output nearly a third lower than the national average. Korea made it by using this government-business nexus, [but] the chaebol have become a monster Shim Jae-hoon, Commentator Cheong Jin-ook, the former local campaign chief for Mr Ahn, says this is a legacy of military rule, when industrial development was concentrated in other provinces with links to the leadership. I'd say Honam [the region where Gwangju lies] was completely neglected . . . In terms of industrial structure, still Honam is deprived. The military regime's selective allocation of investment has left politics divided along regional lines. In cities like Gwangju, many voters feel deeply loyal to the DUP, which evolved from resistance groups, and lingering hostility to the reformed conservative party that emerged from the ruling military body. In the 2007 presidential election, the conservative Lee Myung-bak won more than 70 per cent of votes in Gyeongnam province, which enjoyed heavy investment under Park Chung-hee - but less than a 10th in neighbouring Honam. Yet such partisan attitudes are weakening, says the political editor of a Gwangju newspaper, who asked to remain anonymous. "It was difficult to openly support the New Frontier party before . . . but the hostility has been fading," he says. Thanks to this region's unconditional support for the DUP, its politicians have won votes easily here. But now people have started to realise that this won't really help the region to flourish. Some in the southwest feel that successive liberal presidents did too little to address the region's underdevelopment. And people close to Ms Park say that she has distanced herself from her father's misdeeds, and that her visits to Gwangju have borne fruit. They expect to secure up to 20 per cent of the vote in the city on December 16. But for one 28-year-old office worker snacking on noodles in a Gwangju convenience store, Ms Park's heritage makes voting for her out of the question. "I don't understand," he says. How can she say she stands for change, when she grew up as the child of a dictator? Additional reporting by Laeticia Ock in Seoul