Suu Kyi misses Myanmar parliament's big day The most notable absentee as Myanmar's parliament reconvened after a two-month break on Wednesday was its most identifiable member: opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Her absence was explained by fatigue after her high-profile tour of European capitals in June. Referring to her recent bouts of illness, a National League for Democracy spokesman said: "She is just too tired, but her health is OK." Ms Suu Kyi missed the opening of what many observers believe will be the most important session of the 664-seat legislature since its inauguration early last year. Dismissed by western critics even 12 months ago as a "Potemkin parliament" - a charge reinforced by the grandiose sprawl of 31 spired buildings in the capital, Naypyidaw - the parliament has rapidly gained momentum. As an engine for the sweeping reforms of President Thein Sein, parliament has debated and modified key bills over the past year including on land reform, the environment, government expenditure, labour and pensions. Relatively junior MPs have grilled cabinet ministers in marathon sessions, while nearly 20 multi-party parliamentary committees have flexed political muscle over the shape of legislation. Mr Thein Sein is expected to use this session to overhaul his government for what he called "second wave" reforms. Priorities, say government advisers, include parliamentary endorsement of cabinet changes, a crucial vote by military representatives on replacing the hardline vice-president Tin Aung Myint Oo, who recently stepped down, and passage of key economic legislation. In a session that could extend beyond two months, the legislative priorities are likely to focus on corruption, foreign investment, capital markets, energy policy and media regulation. A long-awaited foreign investment law is likely to be approved in late July. The most potent sign of parliament's growing stature was Ms Suu Kyi's decision to end her party's boycott of Myanmar's electoral system - winning 43 of the 44 seats it contested in April by-elections. While international observers will focus on Ms Suu Kyi's progress, her party holds just 37 seats in the lower house, four in the upper house and two in regional assemblies. Her legitimacy, however, is "far bigger than her share of seats," noted a Yangon-based diplomat. Even so, few NLD parliamentarians, let alone their leader, have economic, business or international expertise. "It will be intriguing to see what role the NLD in general and Aung San Suu Kyi in particular play at this session," said Derek Tonkin, a former UK ambassador and Myanmar expert. "They see themselves as the "Opposition," but what are they to oppose? The West has cast her as "Leader of the Opposition" but her role in parliamentary terms is more as "Minority Leader" - but only for the NLD." The question, he said, is "whether the NLD will make a creative contribution in the committee and general sessions they attend. How will they relate to other members . . . and will [Ms Suu Kyi] seek to take a positive role, or will she find her opportunities for intervention so curtailed she resorts to holding press conferences? Within the government all eyes are on the likely reshuffle, expected next week, which insiders say could see changes in as many as 10 departments. But it is the replacement of former vice-president Tin Aung Myint Oo - known to have clashed with Mr Thein Sein over measures including peace efforts with ethnic rebels - that could help the president "pursue his agenda unimpeded," said Aung Zaw, editor of the independent Irrawaddy online journal. Military representatives, who hold 25 per cent of all parliamentary seats, have the power to vote in a new vice-president, although Mr Thein Sein is key to the decision. In May, the president told ministers that "conservatives who do not have a reformist mindset will be left behind." Now, said Mr Aung Zaw, "he must live up to those words." "So far, Thein Sein has done little more than deliver reformist speeches that seem designed to lure western governments, replete with calls for transparency, accountability and promises to tackle corruption," he said. But implementation has been slow and the outcome has not been felt by the public. A major reshuffle could end the sense of inaction, he added. But if he doesn't make some tough decisions now, his entire reform process will be doomed to failure.