The prime minister needs to think long The ongoing NHS debacle reveals far more than Andrew Lansley's lack of political acumen. It also tells us about the governing habits of the coalition and how they need to change. It is confirmation, if any were needed, of a tendency towards short-termism and ill-thought through policy. Even to talk of the need for strategy in today's Whitehall is to risk marking yourself out as having an untrustworthy disposition towards hubristic "national plans" and top down targets. Policy these days is supposed to flow from intuition, hunch and nudge. It is perhaps not surprising that new prime ministers often feel they can thrive in office using the same approaches that worked for them in opposition. Yet any administration, regardless of its political complexion, seeking to govern successfully needs to learn to think long. Strategy in government requires clear goals, a shared political sense of how best to advance towards them, and adaptability in light of surprises and errors. This isn't about ideology or bureaucracy: it's true whether you're seeking to build the big society or abolish child poverty. Only the lodestar of deficit reduction gives the coalition government a sharp sense of defining mission, though we now need to add to this the future of the union. Both absolutely crucial, neither enough. The lack of a strategic approach can be seen in a number of policy misadventures - not least the self-immolation on NHS reform and the fumblings over a growth plan. Just as telling is the lack of a sense of momentum for the next phase of the coalition. Even a minister like Michael Gove - capable of making an argument and picking the fights he wants - is yet to offer a convincing account of how the future education system will actually work - is a creaking Whitehall department really going to directly oversee every school in the country? The coalition agreement, formed in the haze of the early summer of 2010, was more an early "to do" list than a coherent strategy. It won't propel David Cameron and Nick Clegg all the way to 2015. They're going to need to refuel mid-air and it's not obvious where the gas is going to come from. The age-old quest for intellectual renewal in office, something that usually bears down on second term administrations, is already weighing heavily on this one. Part of the problem is the inevitable gridlock that arises given each coalition partner's veto. But it also reflects a lack of strategic capacity at the heart of government - a product in part of the decision to abolish the PM's Strategy Unit, set up by prime minister Tony Blair. Cast back a decade and Mr Blair, who Mr Cameron is said to look to for insights on leadership, had grasped the need for strategy. It's a much undernoted feature of that era just how much prime ministerial graft went into thinking through long-term policy challenges on issues ranging from education and health to transport, pensions and energy. It's too early to say whether Mr Cameron will be able to transition to a different governing style. Events have already brought home that the relaxed "chair of the board" approach isn't going to cut it. And he probably knows the public will at some point grow weary of opposition-style tactics. Yet a settled, far-sighted model has yet to emerge. There is a growing view that the main problem with today's Downing Street is that it is too reactive. This is to miss half the point. All prime minister's offices fight fires and worry endlessly about media management. More telling is whether this short-term focus is balanced by a countervailing strategic force. It is hard to glean this from No 10. Consequently, the coalition's unique advantages - a decisive majority, a fixed-term parliament, and it's very embodiment of a willingness to come together in the national interest - risk being squandered. Team Cameron will, for now at least, shrug this off. The prime minister is riding high and Conservative party poll ratings, all things considered, are in rude health. But to govern well, and to renew in office, requires much more than proving your political smarts on a daily basis. It demands strategy. Cameron needs to learn to think long - and to do so quickly. The writer is chief executive of the Resolution Foundation and a former senior adviser to prime ministers Tony Blair and Gordon Brown