Rousseff starts Brazil on road to assertiveness When Brazil's president, Dilma Rousseff, was pressed on Cuba's human rights record during a visit to Havana last week, she studiously avoided criticising the Castro regime, preferring to point the finger first at the US. In spite of her personal history as a Marxist guerrilla who was tortured and imprisoned for three years by Brazil's former military government, she said every country, including hers, had its faults. "He who throws the first stone [should not] have a glass roof," she told reporters asking about human rights. Ms Rousseff, in Cuba to discuss growing investments, including an $800m upgrade by Brazilian construction company Odebrecht of a port, said she would discuss rights with Cuban leaders. But the conversation, she said, would start with Guantánamo Bay, the US military prison in eastern Cuba where Washington is accused of rights abuses of its own. Ms Rousseff's ambivalent tone on human rights in Cuba disappointed those hoping she would take a more public stand. But it will surprise few who watch her closely. As Brazil emerges as one of the new powers of the 21st century, the country is at once seeking to assert itself and its values, broadly those of any western democracy, while wrestling with its deeply entrenched traditions of non-interference in the affairs of other countries, no matter how reprehensible they may appear to be. Brazil's history of non-interference dates back to the Cold War, when it studiously avoided backing either the Soviet Union or the US. As João Augusto de Castro Neves, a political analyst with Eurasia Group puts it, Brazil was so averse to taking sides, it would sign up only as an observer to the Non-Aligned Movement of neutral countries. This stance served the country well when it was grappling with its own demons of runaway inflation, and currency and debt crises. But the country's economic growth over the past decade is leading to more pressure on Brazilian leaders to take a stand on global issues. Ms Rousseff's predecessor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, understood this and embarked on a campaign of rainbow diplomacy, sowing close ties with countries throughout Africa and the Middle East. But what critics called Mr Lula da Silva's exalted sense of his own abilities led to some gaffes, principally an attempt alongside Turkey to mediate in the Iran nuclear issue to allow Tehran to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes. The move was ill-fated in style and substance. Not only was Tehran ultimately not interested but Mr Lula da Silva presented a picture of Brazil as a friend of authoritarian governments when he publicly embraced Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmedi-Nejad. Brazil achieved little except to anger Washington. In contrast, Ms Rousseff has taken a more pro-active stance on human rights in Iran. Before she took office, she spoke out against the sentencing to death by stoning of a woman for adultery. Brazil also voted in favour of a United Nations resolution to send a human rights investigator to Iran. The change has clearly been noticed in Tehran. When Mr Ahmedi-Nejad visited Latin America last month, only the staunchest foes of the US - Venezuela, Cuba, Nicaragua and Ecuador - were on the list. Brazil was notably absent. Even on Cuba, in spite of public comments in support of the Castro brothers, Ms Rousseff's government granted a visa to a leading Cuban dissident blogger, Yoani Sanchez. Although Cuba refused to let her leave the island, it was the best she could do given historically close ties between her leftist Workers" Party in Brazil and the Cuban regime. This and other moves by Brazil suggest a growing pragmatism in foreign policy. This is already yielding results - Washington granted Embraer, the Brazilian aircraft maker, an important contract to produce its Super Tucano warplanes for the US military. But Brazilian diplomats know that, as the country grows as an economic power, it will have to become more assertive about what it stands for, whether on labour rights - Brazilian industry is becoming increasingly vocal about the importing of Chinese goods produced under conditions that would not be tolerated in Brazil - global warming, or human rights. If Brazil is to become a global power, it can no longer afford to be everyone's friend.