Italy's reforms: The Iron Monti MARIO MONTI, Italy's prime minister, is set fair to become his country's Margaret Thatcher. But who will play the role of the miners, whose strike represented the most serious challenge to the Iron Lady's free-market reforms? Angry victims of Mr Monti's legislation have queued up for the honour ever since his government approved a wide-ranging package of liberalisation measures on January 20th. Taxi drivers held a one-day national strike to protest at a scheme to increase the number of licences. Chemists, who have a similar objection to a rise in the number of pharmacies, are to down pillboxes on February 1st. Lawyers, who oppose the abolition of minimum and maximum charges, plan a two-day strike later. There is a threat of industrial action by railway workers, upset by proposals to increase competition on commuter lines. So far the most effective and damaging action has been taken by self-employed lorry drivers, whose real gripe is over the soaring cost of diesel. Fuel prices were pushed higher by an increase in excise duty in the Monti government's emergency budget in December. Truckers are also protesting against an omission from the liberalisation package, which contained no plans to cut motorway tolls. If they staged a five-day stoppage, it could cost the country as much as €1 billion ($1.4 billion), according to the business daily, Il Sole-24 Ore. Blockades have stopped production at car plants and caused widespread food shortages. On January 24th a striking lorry driver was run over and killed by a German trucker, who was detained by police. There have been reports of beatings of lorry drivers who refused to back the strike. In Sicily there are claims that leaders of the protests have links to the Mafia. Heady stuff for a government of professors and other distinguished technocrats. Can they really expect to win a trial of strength with Italy's legendarily stubborn (and sometimes violent) vested interests? The lack of professional party politicians in Mr Monti's government may turn out to be its strongest suit. That means it is not beholden to powerful lobbies (though some Italians see the prime minister, who was once an adviser to Goldman Sachs, as a representative of international big business, a charge he vigorously denies). Another ace up the government's sleeve is that, for the moment at least, its reforms are popular. Mr Monti claims that his liberalising measures will sweep away many "hidden taxes" that Italians pay on services because there is little or no competition among suppliers. That seems to have struck a chord. A poll for Corriere della Sera, a daily, found 58% support for his package. And, despite the pain it has inflicted, Mr Monti's government has an approval rating of 52%. Fully 68% want it to stay in office until the next general election, due in early 2013. Whether it does will depend on the political parties, because the government needs their backing in parliament for its survival. And their continued support will in turn depend, in part at least, on the public's tolerance of Mr Monti's reforms. Like Lady Thatcher's, however, these will take time to have an effect. One important change in the latest package is the hiving-off of Italy's gas-distribution network from its majority owner, ENI, to create a level playing-field for competition. But this will take two-and-a-half years to complete, and the effect on consumer prices will not be felt until even later. An oft-quoted study by Confindustria and the Bank of Italy concludes that liberalisation of Italy's services could add 11% to GDP. Less often noted is the study's estimate that the benefits would take over 30 years to come through. Already some politicians are drumming their fingers. On January 20th the prime minister's predecessor, Silvio Berlusconi, declared that the cure devised by Mr Monti's technocrats had not worked and that he and his ministers "expected to be recalled to occupy the government positions [they] had before."