Evangelists" influence grows in Brazil The "drive-thru de oração" - or prayer drive-through - has all the convenience of its McDonald's equivalent, though without the fries. A sign on the small driveway at the front of this branch of the evangelist Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in central São Paulo shows a set of traffic lights - red is for "stop," green for "go" and yellow for "pray," it says. As the car pulls in, a young minister, Lucas De Araújo, comes bounding down the stairs to offer a smorgasbord of instant blessings for the busy commuter. "What kind of prayer do you want - are you facing any problems in particular?" he beams. As Brazil's largest metropolis and cities countrywide went to the polls on Sunday for municipal elections, the question of what kind of prayer, if any, voters might want is becoming increasingly politically relevant. One of the three leading contenders for São Paulo, whose greater metropolitan area has an economy the size of Chile's, is Celso Russomanno, a former television presenter who is backed by money from the Universal Church, while in a neighbouring municipality, former presidential hopeful and environmentalist, Marina Silva, also a born-again Christian, is throwing her weight behind another evangelist candidate. The evangelists" push in the municipal elections follows their growing influence in national politics in Brasília, where they are using their influence as one of the largest voting blocs in the lower house of Congress to pursue an anti-gay and anti-abortion agenda. Chris Garman, of Eurasia Group, the research and consulting company, says: "They are increasingly activist in terms of co-ordinating and becoming a unified political bloc." Indeed, the news in Brazil could hardly be worse for Catholics, including Pope Benedict XVI, who plans next year to visit the country, said to contain the world's biggest Catholic population. In 1970, Catholics comprised 92 per cent of Brazil's population, but by 2000 they had declined to 74 per cent and by 2010 to slightly less than 65 per cent. Evangelist groups, meanwhile, increased their numbers from more than 15 per cent in 2000 to more than 22 per cent in 2010, according to census figures collated by Brazil's statistics bureau, the IBGE. The biggest evangelist grouping is the Pentecostal Assembly of God, with nearly 6 per cent of the population, followed by scores of others, including Mr Russomanno's supporter, the Universal Church, according to research by the Getulio Vargas Foundation. This is led by Bishop Edir Macedo, a prominent televangelist, with its worshippers representing 1 per cent of Brazil's population. The variety of smaller churches in Brazil can be staggering, from the traditional organisations to those such as the Crash Church Underground Ministry, which says it helps those persecuted by other churches for their "musical tastes, the clothes they wear or their tattoos and piercings." The church adds: "Usually these are young people in search of identity and . . . and others who end up in urban subcultures - headbangers, Goths, motorcyclists." The explosion of evangelism was felt last year in Brasília when the government of Dilma Rousseff, president, sought to introduce an "anti-homophobia kit" in the country's schools. The evangelist bloc in Congress warned the government that its members would withdraw support for the ruling coalition. Spanning different parties, the bloc has an estimated strength of more than 10 per cent of the house - second only to the "ruralista," or large farmers" group. Professor Ricardo Caldas, a political scientist at the University of Brasília, said: "The government called the people who had written these books and fired them." In the São Paulo municipal election, while Mr Russomanno is said not to be an evangelist, Universal Church leader Bishop Macedo makes no secret of his support for the candidate, and disdain for the ruling centre-left Workers" party man, Fernando Haddad. As former education minister in Brasília, Mr Haddad was responsible for the anti-homophobia kits, Mr Macedo charges. "Mr Haddad when he was minister of education attempted to oblige schools to distribute a publication that defended homosexuality, which would have stimulated our children to live in sin," Mr Macedo wrote in his blog. Meanwhile, Mr Russomanno, a virtual unknown in politics with no detailed platform beyond calling for "quality public services," is holding his own with the church's help against veterans such as Mr Haddad and conservative PSDB party candidate, José Serra. At the prayer drive-through, Pastor De Araújo concludes his blessing with the line: "Even though the prayer was quick, you will go with victory in your hands." Mr Russomanno and Brazil's growing number of evangelist politicians will be hoping so.