Europe and Britain: The Cameron is coming DAVID CAMERON, Britain's prime minister, annoyed the French last year when he declared that Britain would "roll out the red carpet" for businessmen fleeing France's 75% tax on the wealthiest. So it was with some glee that Laurent Fabius, the French foreign minister, used the same metaphor to illustrate how France would welcome business fleeing Britain if it ever left the European Union. Such scorn for Mr Cameron's speech this week, calling for a renegotiation and referendum on Britain's EU membership, was predictable. But beyond expressions of bafflement and anger round Europe, the response was more nuanced. EU leaders seem ready to consider how to accommodate the British, even if there is a gap between the maximum they can offer and the minimum Mr Cameron can accept. France seems in two minds. Some, such as Michel Rocard, a former Socialist prime minister, have said France should take advantage of a possible "Brixit." Yet the government values Britain's presence in the EU, particularly when it comes to defence and foreign policy. Even Mr Fabius speaks warmly of British logistical support for the French operation in Mali. The French president, François Hollande, told his cabinet that he wished "the UK to remain at the heart of the European Union." His finance minister, Pierre Moscovici, said that "the European spirit is also to respect diversity." The French are grudgingly prepared to give some ground, however symbolic. In Berlin, where France and Germany have just marked the 50th anniversary of the Elysée treaty (see article), there has long been an affinity with Britain on economic matters. This may explain why the signals of accommodation were stronger than in Paris. One has to find fair compromises. In this context we are ready to talk about Britain's wishes," said Chancellor Angela Merkel. Yet many others saw Mr Cameron's demands as blackmail. Guido Westerwelle, the foreign minister, insisted that "cherry-picking is not an option." One of his predecessors, Joschka Fischer, wrote that the European chain no longer threatens to break at its "weakest links" but instead "in that place where irrationality reigns: in Great Britain." Mr Cameron risked setting in motion "an uncontrollable dynamic" leading to British exit, which would be a "big setback" for the EU but "a veritable disaster" for the British. Many in Europe share Mr Cameron's desire for a deeper single market, less intrusive regulation, less bureaucracy and a rejigging of powers between Brussels and national capitals. Some Eurocrats were relieved at Mr Cameron's pro-European tone. But even his sympathisers think he is taking a gamble. No other country is asking for a British-style renegotiation. Helle Thorning-Schmidt, prime minister of Denmark, which like Britain has an opt-out from the euro, said her country's best interest lies in being "close to the heart of Europe." Europe already had flexibility; it could not become "a self-service buffet." Carl Bildt, the Swedish foreign minister, said that "flexibility sounds fine, but if you open up to a 28-speed Europe, at the end of the day there is no Europe at all. Just a mess. There is much puzzlement about Mr Cameron's demands. His promise to hold a referendum by the end of 2017 looks rushed. The easing of the euro crisis has reduced pressure for a big redesign of the euro zone, making another round of treaty change less likely. France does not want it and Germany has gone quieter on demands for greater "political union." A second problem is the scope of any renegotiation. What, exactly, does Mr Cameron want? The EU has come to accept two propositions: that the euro zone will have to integrate further to sustain the single currency, and that Britain will stay out for the foreseeable future. But Mr Cameron has gone a step further. Not only will he opt out of any further integration, but he wants to undo some of the EU's finely balanced bargains of the past. It may be possible to have a stricter application of "subsidiarity," the doctrine that the EU should act only when it can do things better than national governments. But seeking a renationalisation of existing EU "competences," or whole domains of responsibility, risks undoing the body of law known as the acquis communautaire. As Mr Fabius put it, "you join a football club but when you're in it you can't say "let's play rugby."" If Mr Cameron opts out of social and employment law, what is to stop France demanding protection for its ailing industries? "It will open a Pandora's box," says one senior EU figure. Above all, there is a contradiction in Mr Cameron's call for more flexibility and a deeper single market, and his criticism of the EU's cumbersome decision-making. For instance, the digital single market that Mr Cameron wants requires more harmonisation of consumer-protection and copyright laws, as well as VAT rules and postal practices. That means central direction. It has been slow to take effect precisely because the EU's rules give members scope to block policies they dislike.