David Cameron pushes for "English votes for English laws" David Cameron has called for more constitutional change that could bar Scottish MPs from voting on key English legislation as part of his response to a cross-party report into further devolution for Scotland. The prime minister welcomed the findings of Lord Smith of Kelvin's commission, which recommended transferring income tax powers to Holyrood, as well as a share of VAT receipts and parts of the welfare system. But he then opened up an even more charged political debate. "The report today also makes the case for English votes for English laws unanswerable, and we'll be taking action on that shortly," Mr Cameron said. Taken together, this extra devolution for Scotland and dealing with all the issues in our UK will make our UK stronger. Downing Street aides said the prime minister intended to publish proposals within two weeks that would bar Scottish MPs from voting on any changes to English, Welsh and Northern Irish income tax rates or bands. This will trigger a fresh discussion about the UK's constitutional future which will have significant consequences for Labour, whose 40 Scottish MPs are crucial to its overall parliamentary strength. In one example of the problems English votes for English laws might create, Labour has promised to raise the top rate of UK income tax after the next election but might find itself unable to do so if it needed the votes of its Scottish MPs to pass the measure. Ed Miliband, the Labour leader, said: "I think it's part of the integrity of the UK that it continues to be the place that Scottish MPs vote on the budget." The Tories will attempt to put their constitutional changes to a vote, but Alistair Carmichael, the Liberal Democrat Scotland secretary, told journalists his party would block any plans to bar Scottish MPs from voting on the full budget. It is more likely this suggestion will appear in the next Conservative election manifesto. Constitutional experts have warned about the long-term consequences of such a policy. Vernon Bogdanor, professor of government at Kings College London, and formerly Mr Cameron's tutor when he studied at Oxford university, said: "This is very dangerous for the country, and the prime minister's comments make it even more dangerous. This is not the way to carry out major constitutional change. But Mr Cameron is also under pressure from his own party, many of whom spoke in the Commons on Thursday about their opposition to further devolution for Scotland unless it was accompanied by constitutional change for the rest of the UK. Sir Gerald Howarth, the Conservative backbencher, said: "This is no way to introduce massive constitutional change to our country, given the major implications for the rest of the United Kingdom . . . not least on the question of how English votes are to be applied to English laws." For now, the question of whether Wales and Northern Ireland, as well as English regions, should receive additional powers similar to those granted to Holyrood has been left unanswered. All five parties involved in the Smith process - the Tories, Labour, the Liberal Democrats, the SNP and the Greens - supported its findings, albeit with varying degrees of enthusiasm. Ukip - seen as a significant threat to the Conservatives in May's election - supports greater devolution for the UK as a whole, but was not part of the Smith process because it has no members of the Scottish Parliament. The party had no immediate comment to make on the report. The package was the culmination of 11 weeks of intense talks that were only finalised on Wednesday night after a last-minute row over whether abortion rights should be devolved to Holyrood, which Labour successfully argued should not happen. All the big Westminster parties have said they will implement the Smith report in full. The sharpest debate will now centre on how each of them will interpret that pledge. Tensions will also be raised by the Smith deal's commitment to maintain the Barnett Formula used to calculate Scotland's remaining block grant and to ensure that the transfer of powers does not directly impose any additional costs on the Scottish budget. Many in England already resent the higher levels of per capita state spending in Scotland, but any move to renege on that assurance is likely to be seen as a betrayal among Scots who voted No to independence in September. How the Smith Commission sees the way ahead Tax: Rates of income tax will be set in Holyrood, as will "bands" - how much people will have to earn before different rates apply. But who qualifies to pay income tax will remain in the power of ministers in Westminster. National insurance also remains UK-wide, as will corporation tax, much to the irritation of the Scottish National party. But the SNP is pleased that it will now be allowed to set air passenger duty - or even abolish it altogether, as it has promised to do. Benefits: The Scottish government will gain control of the "spare room subsidy" or "bedroom tax" - a change to housing benefit. Opposition to the policy played a big role in the SNP's campaign for independence. Benefits for carers, disabled and sick people will be devolved. Scottish ministers will be allowed to create benefits, but not to erode UK-wide welfare payments. The new universal credit remains under the control of Westminster, but Holyrood will be able to vary the frequency of payments and whether housing costs are paid to tenants or landlords. Pensions: Keeping the UK-wide state pension was a popular promise for the campaign against independence, and it remains the responsibility of the British government. Barnett formula: Ministers have promised to keep the Barnett formula, which dictates how much Scotland gets in block grants from the UK government. It is often criticised by English and Welsh MPs for being too generous to Scots. However, the amount will be reduced in line with how much is raised as a result of the Scottish government's new taxation powers - the detail will now be negotiated between London and Edinburgh. Ministers have promised that Scotland will neither benefit nor lose out as a result of the new arrangements. Parliament: For the first time, the Scottish parliament will be made permanent in UK law, though this is a largely symbolic measure. More significantly, 16 and 17-year-olds will be given the vote in Holyrood elections. Lord Smith also made a personal recommendation that parliament should have extra oversight over the Budget, and that members of the Scottish Parliament should work more closely with their counterparts in Westminster. Transport: Much of the transport policy is already under the control of the Scottish government. But it will now have a role in setting the priorities and strategy for both the Maritime and Coastguard Agency and the Scottish activities of the Northern Lighthouse Board. Both organisations will be answerable to committees of MSPs. Broadcasting: The BBC, which became a target of independence supporters" anger in the final days of the referendum campaign because of a perceived bias towards the union, will now have to submit its annual report to the Scottish government. MSPs will also be consulted on the corporation's charter. There will also be a designated Scottish member appointed to the board of Ofcom, the broadcasting regulator, which will also be scrutinised by the Scottish Parliament. "Fracking": All power over onshore oil, gas and mineral extraction will be devolved to Holyrood. The Green party particularly welcomed the new power over "fracking," but there is no sign that the current Scottish government would stop it entirely. The SNP's policy is rather to take "a more careful consideration of the regulatory regime" before proceeding with licences. Minimum wage: The national minimum wage will remain national, and continue for now to be set by British ministers under the advice of the Low Pay Commission. The Scottish government has suggested introducing a Scottish minimum wage that would rise at least in line with inflation, but instead it will be limited to supporting a Scottish "living wage," which is currently £7.65 an hour, as opposed to the £6.50 minimum wage for workers over 21. Crown Estate: The Scottish government will gain responsibility for managing the economic assets held by the Crown Estate in Scotland - mainly offshore oil and gas platforms and wind farms. But the report recommends that the government should devolve power further to local authorities. The power to grant new licences to drill off the Scottish coast will remain in the hands of the Westminster government.