Adam Crozier has transformed ITV but he needs a vehicle to accelerate growth For ITV, such factual formats, which are repeatable whether viewers are in Sydney or Swindon, are revenue-rich with relatively low marginal costs of expansion territory by territory. The Garden is the latest in a number of modest acquisitions ITV has made since Mr Crozier's arrival. Entertainment producer So Television cost £10m; the US factual entertainment house Gurney Productions cost £25m. Each purchase is helping build a production facility under the umbrella of ITV Studios, which is looking increasingly attractive, sheltering ITV from the volatility of the UK advertising market. What Mr Crozier would give, though, for a real game-changer acquisition to turbo-charge the growth he is knitting into ITV. Monday night saw the final episode of Broadchurch, the hugely successful ITV drama made by Kudos independent productions. Kudos has been part of Shine Group since 2007. Shine is now owned by News Corporation. Downton Abbey, another lucrative cash machine, was created by Carnival Films. Mr Crozier must hope that the next mega-success is ITV made and delivered, even if he has to "go big" in the market and get his chequebook out. Because in the end, owning the end-to-end process is where the real money is. Privatisation gods pass judgment on Urenco sale More than 25 years after Margaret Thatcher's government began selling off chunks of the British energy industry, her cash-strapped successors are reaching right to the back of the cupboard for assets to privatise. There in the dark recesses they have found Britain's stake in uranium enrichment company Urenco and placed it on the block with a price tag of £3bn. So far so simple. But this is far from straightforward. Gordon Brown first announced the planned sale of Urenco when he was Chancellor in 2005 only for it to be derailed by the financial crash. It was also complicated by the fact that it is jointly owned with the Dutch and German governments so securing an agreement on when to sell was always going to be fraught with difficulties. Furthermore, there was no political consensus. Vince Cable, then in opposition, spoke out against the sale, arguing that the policy was "fundamentally flawed" and that it would be sold off cut-price, in echoes of Mr Brown's sale of a rather more glittering asset in 1999. But the privatisation gods have since aligned. Our European partners are on board (Germany, after all, is pulling out of nuclear) and Mr Cable might find it easier to overcome his misgivings now that he is a member of a government which really needs the cash, and the markets are much healthier than for some time. It seems a sensible plan. There is no reason, apart from fears over security, why taxpayers should not own a uranium enrichment business. And if there is a serious bidder from the likely contenders of Westinghouse, Areva, or the Canadian uranium producer Cameco, then that lingering, but legitimate, concern is taken care of. Offers from a Mr M Ahmadinejad of Tehran might pose more of a problem, however. Beasts of business must do battle over EU ideas The timing could hardly have been more exquisite. On the day that more than 500 business leaders signed up to Business for Britain, a campaign supporting the renegotiation of the UK's membership of the EU, the German Chancellor Angela Merkel told an audience in Berlin: "We need to be ready to accept that Europe has the last word in certain areas." Britain, of course, is not in the eurozone and so will not be directly affected by moves towards fiscal union - much to the disappointment, perhaps, of the pressure group, Business for a New Europe, which is chaired by RLM Finsbury founder, Roland Rudd and includes many big beasts. Its new rival, Business for Britain, has high-profile supporters too - among them Next chief executive Lord Wolfson, former Marks & Spencer boss Sir Stuart Rose, and entrepreneur, John Caudwell, who warned in a newspaper article on Monday that excessive costs and over-regulation from Brussels were threatening to outweigh the benefits of the single market. Moreover, the creation of a two-tier Europe will have profound ramifications for the UK and particularly for the City. In Brussels the question: "What does the UK want? Give us clarity," is the constant plea to our business leaders. But the truth is that the business community does not have a unified view. And that's a healthy thing. We need a battle of ideas between the big beasts of business. The debate is too important to leave to the Europhiles. Why should one side have all the good tunes?