IT IS 2030, and a Chinese university lecturer is explaining how a decadent America went the way of the British and Roman empires. Ruinous economic policies led to crippling debt, much of it owned by China. "Now they work for us," he says with a smirk, to prolonged sniggers from his students. This depiction of the future comes from a television advertisement attacking Barack Obama's policies during America's election campaign last year. Mr Obama himself seems haunted by similar fears. He often gives warning that China and other developing countries are beating America in the race for "the jobs of the future." He ran for president, he once said, to stop America "becoming less competitive internationally." The belief that America is losing its economic edge is pervasive. Americans are more pessimistic about their country's prospects than at any point since Gallup, a polling firm, first started asking them in 1959. The grandees of Washington, DC, share their concern. Almost any weekday morning at one of the city's many think-tanks a packed audience of academics, journalists and government officials can be found, paper cups of coffee in hand and muffins balanced on knees, agonising over the country's waning competitiveness. The recession may gradually be receding, the worry goes, but long-ignored impediments to growth will hobble the recovery and prevent future generations from achieving the American dream. Outsiders are anxious too. The World Economic Forum, which draws up international rankings on competitiveness, considers the United States only the world's seventh-fittest economy, a big slide from first place just four years ago. It faults America's infrastructure (14th out of the 144 countries it assesses), its primary education and health care (34th), its institutions (41st) and above all its macroeconomic environment (111th, mainly because of the ballooning public debt). The only category in which the country still ranks first is market size, a slot it is destined to lose to China sooner or later. The misgivings are easy to understand. Growth is sluggish, unemployment is high and investors are wary. America's public debt is approaching $17 trillion, more than 100% of GDP, and it has been growing fast. Much of this stems from the transitory effects of the recession, but it will get worse rather then better. On the current trajectory, the soaring costs of Medicare and Medicaid, the government's health-care schemes for the old and the poor respectively, along with Social Security, the state pension scheme, will consume all federal revenues within a generation, leaving nothing for anything else. America's politicians have been feckless in the face of this impending disaster. All the bickering over budgets of the past two years has done little to diminish this soon-to-be-crushing burden. Whenever either party suggests trimming "entitlements," the other immediately accuses it of betraying the poor or the elderly. Republicans and Democrats are so much at odds that decisions are only ever made at the 11th hour, or the 13th, and in an ill-considered and piecemeal fashion. Words like "shutdown" and "default" have become part of Washington's everyday language. The combination of dysfunctional politics and empty coffers is preventing Congress from dealing with the economy's obvious shortcomings The combination of dysfunctional politics and empty coffers, in turn, is preventing Congress from dealing with the economy's other obvious shortcomings. The American Society of Civil Engineers gives the country's infrastructure a grade D. America's schoolchildren earn equally dismal marks. In the OECD's most recent PISA rankings, which compare educational attainment in 65 countries, they came 17th in reading, 23rd in science and 31st in maths, behind places like Macau and Slovakia. Poor schooling feeds into concerns about America's capacity to innovate. American firms" research and development (R&D) budgets have grown much faster abroad than at home. A misconceived immigration system is turning away the very people who could help remedy that, by denying visas to talented foreigners. Proliferating red tape is causing tangles everywhere, from the 400 subsidiary regulations of the Dodd-Frank law on the financial sector to the 140,000 codes the federal government requires hospitals to use for the ailments they treat, including one for injuries from being hit by a turtle. "Is this a country that can still get big things done?" asked the head of the US Chamber of Commerce, a business lobby, in January. This special report will argue that the answer is yes - but only if you look beyond the paralysis in Washington. To prove it, it will examine the factors which are the source of the most hand-wringing: innovation, energy, education, immigration, infrastructure and regulation. These help determine the number and productivity of America's workers, and thus how quickly the economy will grow in the long run - the most basic measure of competitiveness. On every count, despite glaring problems, the outlook is less bleak than the pessimists maintain. Bottom up That is partly because they overstate their case. For instance, rumours of the death of American innovation are exaggerated: the country is spending as much of its output on R&D as it ever has, and continues to come up with dramatic breakthroughs, such as "fracking" for oil and gas. It still towers over emerging giants like China in crucial matters such as the quality of its research universities and respect for intellectual-property rights. However, the main reason for cheer is that beyond the Beltway no one is waiting for the federal government to fix the economy. At the regional and local level America is already reforming and innovating vigorously. Local officials are competing viciously to lure migrants and investment. They are using every imaginable enticement, from scrapping income tax to building more bike paths. But they are also embarking on far-reaching reforms. Education, for example, is being turned upside down in the most comprehensive overhaul in living memory. On infrastructure, mayors and governors are grasping the nettle Congress will not, by coming up with new funding mechanisms. Washington is not completely absent from these changes (Mr Obama has made things easier for immigrants; Congress had a hand in the school reforms). But the overall picture is of revolution from the bottom up, rather than the top down. This has its advantages: the states yet again are proving themselves laboratories for experimentation. Yet its also means that America's economic fightback is patchy and inconsistent. The United States could become far more competitive far more quickly if Congress punched its weight. This is a hugely important condition. The political feud in Washington, and the fiscal shenanigans that come with it, constitute the biggest threat to the nation's prosperity, and the main caveat to the otherwise optimistic assessment outlined in this report. At the start of this month the two sides subjected the country to arbitrary and ill-timed budget cuts, which both admit are foolhardy and which are bound to weigh on the already feeble economy. Moreover, all efforts to boost America's competitiveness are for naught if the galloping costs of Medicare and Medicaid are not reined in - something only the federal government can do. So America's competitive recovery is not as strong as it should be, and it will remain overshadowed by its shaky public finances. But it is real. What is unfolding around the country offers a template for reform at the national level. And for all the histrionic talk of cliffs, brinks and shutdowns, the politicians in Washington have not inflicted any crippling damage yet. Those who like to lecture smugly about America's impending decline should take a closer look.