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Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1984.13:205-249. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
by WIB6249 - Universitaetsbibliothek Duisburg-Essen on 07/23/14. For personal use only.
Ellen Messer
Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, California 94305;
Department of Nutrition and Food Science, Massachusetts Insti tute of Technology,
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02139
Whether viewed frQm archaeQlQgical-histQrical, sQciQcultural, Qr biQmedical
perspectives,fQQd is a basic CQncern for all human societies. Reflecting that
basic concern, anthropologists have long been interested in human diets,and
specifically in (a) the ecological and market availabilities of foods; (b) the
sociocultural classifications of foods as "edible" or "inedible," rankings as
"preferred" or "less preferred" foods,and rules for distribution; and (c) the
nutritional and medical consequences of particular cultural consumption pat
terns, including patterns o.f fo.o.d sharing. The o.ld proverbs, 'Tell me what yo.U
eat and I'll tell Yo.U who. yo.U are" (from the French),and "Yo.U are what yo.U eat"
(from the German), PQint also. to. mQre general anthroPQIo.gical issues such as
the relatio.nships o.f human Po.PulatiQns or so.cial groups to. their environment,
the symbo.lic co.nstruction o.f cultures, and the so.cial relatio.ns and so.cial
structures o.f so.cieties. Whether explicated from cultural materialist (147, 281),
ideo.Io.gical-structural (289), Qr SQme cQmbinatio.n Qf bio.Io.gical and
sQcio.cultural perspectives (104), the determinants and results o.f dietary co.n
structio.ns have continued to engage anthropologists of all subdisciplines.
After summarizing past through current reviews and bibliographic sources,
this essay will selectively review anthroPQlQgical studies Qn the sQciQcultural
and biological determinants and co.nsequences Qf human diet,first histQrically
and then by topic. The review will be organized to show ho.W the various
dimensions o.f food systems (material, sociocultural, nutritional-medical) are
interrelated and how certain problems they raise are shared. These include
theoretical and methodological issues of intrapopulation (intracultural) varia205
tion and biological and cultural factors in the "evolution" of diet. Given the
quantity of literature , this author will leave for other reviewers certain major
topics such as "diet and human evolution" (72) , an update on the comparative
risc and developments of agriculture and herding ( 1 1 5 , 1 46), alcohol (2 1 5a,
3 1 8a) and other quasi-food substances (35) , "time allocation in relation to
nutrient intake" (23 1 a), determinants of breast feeding vs bottle feeding (25 1 ) ,
and cannibalism (80a, 202a).
Anthropological reviews of the "food" aspect of culture have in the past
included "diet" as part of the study of the health and environmental conse
quences of ecological adaptations (238, 239) , or from the biocultural perspec
tive on nutrition and adaptation, which examined the "functional" consequ
ences of diet ( 1 44) . A separate review contrasted the development and practical
impact of the "food habits" research of the 1 930s- 1 940s in the United States
with the ecological approaches to food problems of the 1 960s and 1 970s (237) .
More recent reviews (53 , 1 28; 1 63 , especially Chaps. 1 -2; 23 1 , 236, 252a,
333) have examined the intellectual background and methodologies of nutri
tional anthropology-a new subfield that combined the interests of biological ,
ecological , and sociocultural (including food folklorist) anthropologists and
also drew systematically on the concepts and methods of nutritionists and other
behavioral scientists.
Analyses of the sociocultural determinants of food intake (69, 23 1 , 232) , the
household focus in dietary and nutrition research (230) , the historic and
evolutionary relationships between diet and culture for the world (25 , 1 04 , 1 8 1 ,
274 , 290, 3 1 2) and for specific cultures ( 1 5 , 29, 34, 5 5 , 63 , 1 22 , 1 48 , 244),
and culture, nutrition, and health (220, 256) have also been undertaken. They
provide both a historical and practical framework for analyzing how food
systems operate and how they change , particularly under the impacts of new
food production and food processing technologies, and in many instances, a
growing delocalization of food supply and consumption patterns (7 1 , 1 48,
254) . Studies on food systems and their evolution are also compiled in anno
tated bibliographies ( 1 29, 3 3 1 , 332) and collected essays on food habits ( 1 0 ,
38, 42 , 1 06), nutritional anthropology ( 1 1 3 , 1 63), and the relationships be
tween malnutrition, social organization, human behavior, and physical de
velopment ( 1 37 , 1 38) . While many of these authors have focused on the food
habits or nutrition of a group---usuaUy a cultural community-some have
emphasized the need to study intraeultural variation in human food patterns and
nutritional outcomes as a way of more precisely analyzing food preferences,
why and how food habits change, and why there appear to be differences in
nutritional well-being ("successful" versus malnourished individuals) within
Early British social anthropological studies of the economics and social orga
nization of nonindustrialized societies subsisting mainly on local resources
noted how the search for , preparation , and consumption of food provided the
primary focus rather than an interval in the day's activities, and how in such
contexts, symbolic and emotional values of foods were often used ritually to
mark social status , intervals in time, and culturally important environmental
resources (22, 1 08; see 23 1 , 237). Subsequent ethnographies emphasized the
centrality of the social cooperation in the food quest and food sharing to the
structure and change of human social organization and culture.
In what are probably still our most complete studies of the interrelationships
between food supplies , social organization, and nutrition , British social anthro
pologists working in pre-World War II colonial Africa found that the study of
food and hunger were basic to their understandings of social relationships,
political life, and changing cultures disrupted by British rule. Richards' (273)
classic study of the Bemba of Northern Rhodesia concluded that the reasons
natives did not work harder (a primary concern for British mining and other
economic interests) was not a question of sloth but of undernutrition . Since men
had been drawn away to labor in the mines , women found it difficult to perform
the heavy clearing tasks traditionally assumed by men , in addition to their own
cultivation and gathering roles . During the period of the year when women
most needed food energy to sustain clearing and planting of fields, food was in
shortest supply. Thus , they were enmeshed in an ongoing cycle of underpro
duction and undernutrition.
As part of her study Richards carefully examined all social relations as they
related to food exchange. She considered the emotional qualities assigned to
different foods-their desirability in terms of taste and digestibility , their
importance in the native ceremonial life, as for instance, the importance of
grains used in beer brewing, and the excitement that accompanied opportunities
to eat meat-as well as people's perceptions of the nutritional qualities and
physiological effects of different staple grains and relishes eaten with them.
(The Bemba seemed to recognize the relationships between low energy intake
and lack of energy to perform work, and consciously conserved energy during
the lean , cold season. They had a concept of the ideal proportion of grain to
relish in the ordinary diet, and some women, when they were too tired to gather
ingredients for relish, might not prepare the grain either, since it was hard to get
the grain down without the lubrication of the relish . ) She also described the
social dimensions of food production, preparation, distribution, and consump
tion , noting how all kinship relations were marked by prescri bed rules for
sharing; and how these obligations would break down in times of dearth, when
people tended to hoard meager supplies. Her reports, collected by selective
observations , interviews , and informant diaries over a rclati vely short period of
time, include general descriptions of gardening, crop successions , and time
allocated to different food production, collecting. and food processing tasks.
Her model for the "food" aspect of culture was also interdisciplinary, as she ,
like other British social anthropologists of this period ( 1 23), employed botan-
ists, nutritionists, and biochemists to aid them in identifying and assessing the
nutritional values of foods. Her work influenced later studies of the changing
interrelationships between social organization of production and distribution of
food, diet, and nutrition (207, 208, 297, 298, 323) even though such food
focused studies did not fit the "mainstream" of British social anthropology
(239 ).
In retrospect, this food ethnography remains a model for nutritional anthro
pologists and others studying the social and nutritional impact of economic
development. A nutritionist designed that specialized dimension of the study.
Meanwhile, Richards' ethnographic component suggests that in lieu of more
complex and statistically rigorous methodologies, systematic, selective
observations of foodrelated activities may yield valuable information on a
variety of topics of current concern: the range of times it takes to carry out
certain tasks, at what points seasonal or daily "bottlenecks" in (women's) work
occur, and the functional consequences of malnutrition, which prevent people
from breaking out of their cycle of impoverishment and underproduction.
Psychological Anthropological Studies
During the corresponding period (1930s-1940s), American social psycholo
gical anthropologists, by contrast, focused on how attitudes toward food
developed in particular cultures and affected later social relationships (between
kin and between the sexes), behavior, and psychosocial development as part of
larger "culture and personality" studies (170). DuBois's (88, 89) classic study
of the Alorese suggested that the child's early experiences of frustration and
neglect when his or her need for food was not met established the basic
insecurity and suspicious distrust that characterized the adult personality,
cultural orientations and social relations. Hunger was seen as a basic motiva
tion for foraging, thieving, learning adult skills such as gardening, and as a
central theme in Alorese mythology. DuBois also argued that social anxiety
about food scarcity was really a social fiction, perpetuated because people felt
efforts to increase their food supply would be subject to natural or cultural
deprivations from rats or theft.
How food anxieties, whether based on real or fictional shortages, could
dominate cultural, social, and psychological functioning provided the focus for
other studies as well. These included the Shacks' investigations of abstemious
eating behaviors but also ritual gorging and personality among the Gurage of
Ethiopia (295, 296), Holmberg's motivational analysis of Siriono behavior
(154), and analyses of gardening beliefs and magical efforts to control appetite
and thereby conserve and extend food supplies, an index of real and symbolic
social power among certain Pacific Island groups (124, 206, 340).
Also having their beginnings in the 1930s and 1940s were United States
studies on food habits. These were initially meant to serve both scholarly and
one is well loved and well cared for-and their perceptions of "desirable"
versus "overweight" may differ measurably from Western medical models (57,
70,216,268,307). Alternatively, cultures may put a value on "thin," as where
abstemiousness is viewed as a virtue, and slenderness sainted, such that certain
social categories, such as women and very young children are undernourished
(264). It would be constructive to have more information on how (and how
rapidly) such food ideologies and practices change at individual and cultural
levels as food resources improve .
On these questions, certain anthropologists have suggested that both protein
energy malnutrition (51, 54) and obesity (275) be analyzed as "culture-bound
syndromes" of the biomedical "culture" (336). Although modem physicians
persist in identifying them as "nutritional diseases," with a pathological etiolo
gy (feeding and eating behaviors) leading to harmful weight and health outcom
es, those in "other" cultures may recognize as a pathological syndrome neither
the food-related behaviors, the outcome (over or underweight) , nor , in the case
of protein-energy malnutrition, the process of causation . For "obese" cultures,
it would be valuable to know, in addition, the varying household dynamics as
well as cultural "ideologies" surrounding eating behaviors which contribute to
overweight in some but not all individuals who are culturally predisposed
to abundant food, obesity, and their health implications (28). Alternatively,
at least one anthropologist (205) has suggested using the "double-bind"
communications analysis and behavioral frameworks of Bateson (20) as a
first step in analyzing the household dynamics, and social, cultural, and
2 13
ists , like economists, must keep in mind that people choose foods, not energy
or other nutrients, in their dietary selections. The manner in which these dietary
preferences influence and in some cases enhance caloric returns , nutritional
complementarity , or both are material dimensions that need further explora
tion . More careful records of dietary patterns and nutrient intake over daily and
longer periods of time in particular cultures are necessary . Such studies should
help clarify the biological and cultural parameters and "feedback mechanisms"
between nutritional adequacy or benefit and cultural preferences in human food
selection and the evolution of diet (see essays in 1 6) .
Other topics that have aroused conceptual and methodological
interest within ecological anthropology are those which are energy-related: (a)
how energy passes through the food chain, (b) how energy is allocated or
expended in various tasks , (c) the input-output efficiency of human cultivation
systems operating at different levels of technology, and (d) the amounts of
human, animal , plant, and fossil fuel energy it takes for foods to reach the
"tables" of modern consumers (140 , 176, 193 , 260--262, 270,272, 305 , 3 15 ) .
In common, all analysts have tried to calculate and compare the "energy costs"
of different food systems, particularly during the energy crisis of the late 1 960s
and early 1 970s. Efforts to interrelate local, regional , national , and internation
al levels of energy flow through world economic and food system models
remain preliminary . This may be in part because of the difficulty of ascertain
ing accurate cash and caloric energy costs of activities related to food produc
tion , processing, and distribution (transportation) . Practical and ethical dilem
mas of calculating human, animal , and fossil fuel encrgy expenditures in the
same equation , and of evaluating the "human cost" of producing food "more
efficiently" by human or bestial power, also arise . Although several studies
( 260) were designed to demonstrate the local ecological , energy, and nutrition
al impact of agricultural change, calculations are lacking of energy and other
nutrient cycles of major cultigens such as maize under different agricultural
technologies-including which parts are eaten by humans vs animal s , which
parts recycled as green or animal manure , and which further consumed as fuel .
Estimates are also missing of the cash, energy, and nutrient costs of consuming
"the same" diet when locally produced or purchased from increasingly nonlocal
sources . Correspondingly, there have been few attempts to document in energy
or other nutritional terms the impact of the loss of (food) self-sufficiency when
local populations become "hooked" on consumer goods (including purchased
foods) or are otherwise integrated into the larger cash economy (38 , 77, 7 8 ,
1 40, 1 4 1 , 1 4 8 , 308). Input-output analyses o f energy flow have been proposed
to analyze energy balance of individuals and households within the same
culture under variant conditions of subsistence production to cash employment
(97) , but the models employed are primitive and do not specify sufficiently
lines, the evidence on arctic hysteria has not provided clinical or dietary data to
indicate that the individuals labeled pibloktoq were clinically deficient in
calcium or more poorly nourished than their fellows who shared the "same"
diet. Nor has it been demonstrated that those reported to have suffered Windigo
psychosis or those who fed them "corrective" fat-rich foods were responding to
clinical symptoms. The entire "cannibal maniac" psychosis may have been a
hypothetical rather than a nutritional psychological condition ( 2 1 1 ).
The hypoglycemia hypothesis suffers in addition from the general problem
of moving directly from the individual and household level of interaction to the
social level of explanation , and the related problems of proceeding from one
biological factor to a general explanation of social behavior. Subsequent
observers in the same region have suggested furthermore that the people were
neither homicidally aggressive nor hypoglycemic, and offered the alternative
hypothesis that both aggression and low blood sugar were caused by high
alcohol consumption in the context of harsh environment and poor food ( 1 98 ) .
Problems o f clinical trials and evolutionary "theory" arise a s well where
researchers have suggested possible physiological advantages of certain food
practices on the basis of biochemical and pharmaceutical data. Some very
stimulating hypotheses have been suggested by Katz and his colleagues ( 1 72,
1 73): (a) that alkali-processing maize offers a nutritional advantage, (b) that
fava bean consumption in the presence of the gene for glucose-6-phosphate and
the disease malaria offers a selective advantage for heterozygous carriers , and
(c) that consumption of bitter manioc in the presence of the gene for sickle-cell
anemia and the disease malaria offers a selective advantage for heterozygous
carriers. Therefore , they argue, each consumption practice would have been
"selected for" in the cultural dietary pattern . The unmet challenge in each case
is to establish that the foods in question do provide a nutritional or selective
advantage over other available dietary alternatives, to show that those who
consume such foods have improved reproductive fitness and a selective advan
tage over those subsisting on alternative diets, and also to sort out the biological
and cultural ("feedback") mechanisms by which nutritional advantage gets
translated into cultural food preferences and practices . Psychologists (32) have
argued that a favorable nutritional combination would be physiologically
experienced as superior to other food combinations, and once "discovered"
would be transmitted and preserved in the cuisine of a people so that each
generation would not have to rediscover it. In cases where the nutritional
advantage is certain-as where alkali-processing enhances protein quality and
mineral content of maize-the significant cultural and evolutionary questions
would seem to be on what cultural characteristics (e . g . taste and texture as part
of the general preference for tortillas) did people select and preserve advan
tageous nutritional traits in their cuisine, and how tightly is this preserved
information linked to the nutritional advantage, so that it can be passed on in
changing dietary environments. Also, one needs more detailed study of what
or for the fat, s ait , or in m any cases, the. festivities that go along with m eat
consumption ( 1 65 , 273). Peopl e also seem to crave the rel ish and spicy
condiments without which they say they have limited appetite for their high
starch diets (273 ) . A ltern atively , certain foods or food combinations are be
l ieved to be necess ary because they partake (and contribute) differential ly in
l ife-giving force ( 1 5 7, 3 3 9) , because they are "cooked" or "meal" versus snack
foods , "juicy" as opposed to "dry , " or sim ply "nutritious " and "vitamin-rich"
(64) . Dimensions of foods , food groups, and their rules for combinations-to
yield a com parative body of data on concepts of "ethnonutrition"-have so far
not been compiled , although most nutrition al studies usually do l ist cultural
food "stapl es , " "superfoods , " or "key foods " (8, 15 9, 250) and several anthro
pologists h ave tried to identify "health (nutritional) factors" in dietary selection
(76, 76a) . These l atter, however, h av e been constructed by the analysts out of
the data on nutrient intak e-which foods cluster together-rather than lexical
or locally described ethnonutritional concepts .
Negative short-term physiological effects such as allergic reactions m ay ,
correspondingly , form t h e basis of food avoidances ( \ II). Other adverse
physiological reactions culturally encoded as food dislikes may be at l east in
part genetically based , as for example, where lactose intol eranc e h as b een
interpreted to be at the root of milk avoidances in certain cultures (92, 1 47a,
2 1 8a, 30 I ). Nevertheless, the physiological argument still does not explain
why certain l actose-intolerant popUlations , like th e Chinese, do not like cul
tured milk products which they should be abl e to digest.
Final ly , there are other foods that by virtue o f sensory or other cultural
symbolic properties are considered to be d angerous , to produce h arm , and
therefore avoided. Ethnographers hav e noted how n ew foods are c lassifi ed as
"good" or "b ad" for adults, children, women, or some combination of soc i al
c ategories on the basis of their perceiv ed physiological effect-wh ether they
are easily digested or m ak e people sick (64). More generally, foods in m any
cultures are nomin ally considered to be "strengthening" or dangerous as a result
of their origins, h andling, processing, and ultim ately contexts of ingestion
( 1 5 7) . Within these cognitive c ategories, especially where diets are c arefully
regul ated and restricted , individu als of species m ay be situationally c lassified
as "clean" (harml ess) or tabooed (unhealthy) on the basis of circumstantial
evidence. Such sets of rul es seem to be particularly developed in indigenous
low l and South Americ an societies (1 8, 40, 1 5 7, 27 l a) and also in Southeast
Asia ( 1 86 , 209). What is still l ittle understood , however, is how perfectly
innocuous foods come to b e l ab eled as dangerous and so disgusting that they
elicit n ausea and vomiting if accidentally ingested . Sensory and semiotic
approach es to food rules and taboos h av e clev erly analyzed why certain n atural
animal and plant c ategories should be interpreted as "anomalous" and m ade the
target of special cultural attention , but this does not explain such violent
physiological reactions ( 1 54 , 286). Nor do they explain how people come to
accept and even to savor dangerous foods .
myths may also preserve knowledge of potentially edible though less preferred
biological species in the environment; a corpus of knowledge that can be
referred to in time of dearth for nutritional sustenance ( 1 96) .
Cultures vary i n the extent to which they focus on food as symbol and the
symbolic properties with which they imbue it. While there has been little
cross-cultural comparison on the degree to which cultures elaborate and empha
size the "food code" (see 1 35 for some discussion) , H i ndu food classifications
and rules of food exchange , which elaborate principles of social organization ,
caste hierarchy, relative caste status , and cultural identity, have probably
attracted more attention than the elaborations in other cultures ( 1 7 8 , 1 79) . The
close association of particular deities with foods and food attributes (7, 1 07 ) ,
and the rigid regulations surrounding a l l aspects o f consumption on the human
leve l , especially those surrounding food exchanges between members of differ
ent castes and different sexes, have prompted ecological , h istorica l , and social
symbolic explanations, as have the background to the banning of beef eating
and the elevation of vegetarianism to privileged status . H istorical origins,
"causes," "function s , " and "consequences" of the sacred cow are in dispute , as
are those of h istorical bans on pig-eating in other cultures (79) , although in each
case, a combination of "material" and "symbolic" interests seem to be in
volved. While other cultures use food to mark or build relative prestige and
social status , the ways in which castes manipulate food transactions to improve
their relative status (2 1 5) and the emotions with which "polluting" (downward
ly mobile) foods are charged, set H indus apart. Fasting for spiritual merit and as
a political tactic may also have been used more dramatically in India than
elsewhere , as Gandhi was able to draw on the total range of heightened
emotions surrounding food . poverty, anguish, dearth , and traditional values on
abstemiousness and refusal to accept food from spiritual inferiors as a route to
spiritual power.
Like others, H indus have been shown to vary in the fastidiousness with
which they observe food regulations . Within communities. variations may
signify (a) variant interpretations of the rules, (b) unavoidable conflicts where
different rules demand different patterns of deference in giving and receiving
food , or (c) a disincl ination to follow the rules. Food can thus serve as a vehicle
of "gastropolitics" which enables one to protest one ' s position or communicate
one ' s dissatisfaction with the status quo, as in the case of a woman who protests
her particular status by lapses in hospitality or deference (6) . The subtleties of
using food to communicate individual messages about social reJationships and
social status, given the shared sociocultural rules , are part of the "code" rather
than "intracultural variatio n . "
Alternatively, people ' s inclination t o "follow the rules" may change as
people move away from local communities that give support and meaning to
careful observances ( 1 7 1 ) . Festival patterns are often retained. even as day-to-
day food behaviors change when people move. They are one way in which
ethnic identity, where threatened by "acculturative" food forces , may be
maintained. Communities and individuals also illustrate substantial leeway in
interpreting regulations to suit personal or group historical circumstances (45 ) ,
particularly as o n e moves away from t h e cultural "center" to cultural
"periphery . " There , rules may be less strict or combined with other directives .
An extreme example is provided by most cases of "health food" faddism which
use concepts of natural foods and syncretize Indian and other Eastern cosmolo
gical beliefs with Western consumer dietary behavior and provide a good
contrast to culturally inherited rule-buund fuud behaviors . The rules by which
such "syncretistic" vegetarians learn to eat a nutritionally balanced diet, and the
amount of agreement in philosophy and practice among them, demand more
than the anecdotal or individual case study attention they have so far received
( 1 69). The ideological, social , and nutritional impact of Dietfor a Small Planet
and Food First ( 1 88 , 1 89) among different age and social sets in American
culture could form a complementary study to document the interrelated socia l ,
symbolic , a n d material interests i n anti-meat eating in the United States.
Food has also been analyzed as material and symbol which marks the
prevailing sexual division of labor, social class, or ethnic identity . O ' Laugh
l i n ' s (245) symbolic-economic analysis of "Why the Mbum Kpau women don ' t
eat chicken" showed how the sexual division o f labor, male dominance over
production (control of land and granaries) and reproduction (al lotment of
women as wives) were reified in the food restrictions on women (women could
not eat chicke n , goat, or the preferred white flour porridge) . In this northwest
Chad society, women were subordinate to men in all things , including diet, and
therefore prohibited from eating chickens, which , like the women who raised
the m , were kept for food production and reproduction .
More generally, Goody ( 1 35) explored why some cultures have "high" and
"luw" cuisines, and some leave the food dimension of culture relatively
undifferentiated i f not underdeveloped . He suggested a general relationship
between the existence of such differential cuisines and the social organization
of production-including differential access to food processing technology,
foods traded over long distances, and the presence of available foods and social
statuses that would allow for complex differentiation in the food mode-but the
generalization needs more careful and thorough development and testing.
Barthcs ( 1 7) by contrast, dealt with food symbolism and its relationships to
social c lassifications in modern state societies . He considered the various
cultural meanings attributed to substances like sugar and coffee by different
national groups, such as the French versus the American. He also tried to
identify certain "tastes" with particular social classes-e . g . lower class prefer
ences generall y for extremely sweet or strong flavors .
Food is also a marker of ethnic identity via ethnic cuisine, which is charac-
terized by items of particular flavor and type, recipes that combine food
elements in particular ways,meal fonnats that aggregate the dishes in predict
able manners, and meal cycles that alternate meal formats into ordinary and
festival meals as wll as particular types of festive eating events. Although such
cultural food patterning and group sharing rules can also be conceived as an
epiphenomenon of the material basis and prevailing social organization of
production, dietary structure or foodways have also been investigated as a
separate problem.
Ethnic Identity, Enculturation, and Dietary Structure
Dietary structure, content, and change have been analyzed for either cultural or
nutritional ends, sometimes both, and continuities/discontinuities conceptual
ized in several ways. Goode (133) has reviewed the strengths and weaknesses
of various concepts and methods used to study cultural patterning in food
systems, used singly or in combination---observation, interview, and ex
perimental "game" methods (114). Studies of "ethnic" diets, for example,
usually report food item frequencies and evaluations in terms of core, second
ary core, and periphery (alternatively described as "superfoods"/"focal" foods/
"staples" as opposed to items less frequently, or infrequently consumed), and
are based on data of actual food preparation,observations,or reports of eating
activities plus additional interviews (1 14, 199, 250). Differences or changes in
the frequencies of selected items usually constitute measures of "enculturation"
or "deculturation" and are then related to changes in the food supply (such as
the unavailability of the former staple or fresh vegetables as people move from
rural to urban areas), the prestige associations of certain foods, or the time or
technological constraints of the food provider/preparer ( 1 62 , 182).
Other investigators (255), rather than analyzing single items, have used
factor analysis to identify clusters of "modern" or "traditional" foods. Drawing
on both the records of dietary intake and additional historical information,they
have found, not surprisingly, that people may incorporate distinct sets of
modem elements alongside traditional items,recipes,or meal formats,and that
such patterns of incorporation crosscut dietary differences due to household
"structural" variables such as income, educational levels, and individualistic
food preferences. The nutritional impact of such "modem" additions can be
described and measured by detailing where modern foods substitute for tradi
tional items (core foods, secondary core,periphery), and then calculating the
relative percent of calories and food expenditures (or total quantities of particu
lar nutrients, like cholesterol) accounted for by the modern items within these
or locally defined food categories, like "staples" and "relish." Measuring the
percent of calories supplied in households by,say, sorghum over maize,would
be an easy check on the impact of a sorghum promotion project, and also
evaluates the timing and patterning of food exchange in the festival cycle as
ecological regulators-which control quantities of livestock, such as pigs,
relative to other food resources , such as sweet potatoes (269), or promote
nutritional suffici ency within a population by distributing high quality protein
and other nutrients to those in want, particularly at times of the year whcn thc
poorer segments of the population may be food short ( 1 2 1 ) . Even in contempor
ary peasant societies , the scheduling and activities that take place in the annual
round of Saints ' days festivities may ensure the poorer members of the popUla
tion high quality food on as many as 1 0% of the days of the year (80 , 1 36) , and
ritual obligations between patrons and clients may augment nutrient intake of
the poor during hard times ( 3 8 , 1 83 ) . Conversely , festival food preparations
and consumption havc bccn vicwed as wasteful ( 1 23 ) in that natives spend
grain on b eermaking when they might ration it for consumption in the future
l ean season , or expend resources for symbolic rites and reasons that might go
toward subsistence and superior nutritional choices. To condemn such analyses
as "nutritional materialism" ( 8 3 ) , however, does not advance understanding of
how such practices evolved and why they are maintained from either material
or sociocultural perspectives; such critiques only suggest why , from a semiotic
perspective, such customs are "fitti ng" and further social and cultural identity.
Economic Factors
Sensory , symbolic, and structural dimensions notwithstanding, the overriding
considerations in dietary constructions seem to be economic. Even when
peopl e have nutritional knowledge on what would be good to eat , considera
tions of flavor and cost take precedence in food choices, and economic factors
l imit further whether p eople can satisfy their taste choices (44, 76, 76a) .
Although it has b een argued that people often make uneconomic and poor
nutritional choices in the interests of consuming relatively expensive but
"prestigious" foods , this does not weaken the generalization that economic
constraints set l imits on food sel ection and consequent nutritional status,
particularly for those subsisting pri ncipally on marketed foods. Peopl e may
appear "uneconomic " in their desire to break the monotony of diets, as where
Richards recorded B emba natives often paid exhorbitant sums to merchants for
dried, salted fish if they had gone weeks without relief from their bulky cereal
diet (273 ) . Additionally, some have speculated, looking at the phenomenon of
"junk foods , " that such items may m eet n eeds for sweets, fats , other flavors ,
and denser calories in h igh bulk diets. However, to take such a positive
nutritional position, one must first ascertain (a) that there are sufficient material
resources to buy (provide) enough of the staple and secondary foods for all
individuals eating from a common food basket , such that intakes of other
nutritious foods do not suffer, and (b) that those eating "junk foods" are not
sating themselves with calories from junk foods that destroy their appetites for
23 1
and sugar-rich mixes . Analyses of hot-cold rules for balancing foods , and in
certain instances, water and salt intake have suggested that they ensured a
steady intake of a variety of foods and nutrients (9), and electrolyte balance
(2 1 9) , while in other cases , symbolic rules for "heating" leftover foods thereby
disinfected them (99)-all salutory health practices.
Contrariwise, there are styles of feeding, reactions to illness, activity pat
terns, and general diets that give rise to special problems of under or over
nutrition, spedfic nutrient deficiencies, or food poisoning . There are also food
restrictions that are unhealthy and nutritionally adverse for certain members of
a population. The latter include food restrictions on pregnant and lactating
women in certain cultures (2 1 0) and child feeding rules that lead to protein
energy malnutrition (5 1 ) , vitamin A deficiencies ( 3 1 9) . or in some cases , the
opposite problem of obesity from overeating or overindulgence in sugar or fats
given cultural tastes . The "evolution" and perpetuation of "maladaptive" prac
tices , particularly restrictive feeding rules, have been discussed in "material"
terms ( 1 47 , 245 ) . Real or perceived food insufficiencies and the desire of
dominant groups in a population or suciety tu remain duminant are often
implicated in nutritional discrimination against particular classes of indi
viduals. To understand the biological and sociocultural "selective" pressures
that favored the origin and persistence of such rules and behaviors . however.
investigators need more information on the history behind particular beliefs and
practices and the movements and mixings of the populations or other
sociocultural units who have them. In particular instances. health programs
have shown that maladaptive food practices had a very shallow history, and
were therefore easily amenable to change. Investigators explained which cus
toms were recent and slightly modified the resource base so that all, but
especially women, had access to more nutrients (50) .
Certain populations may also be biologically more at risk for specific
nutrition-related disorders, such as glucose intolerance and hypertension,
although the relative contributions of genetics , diet, and activity patterns
(energy balance and life styles including "stress") to these and other nutrition
related diseases remain to be worked out for contemporary populations under
going change in all three dimensions (23 , 26, 28 , 87, 1 5 5 , 200, 327) . More
studies of local perceptions of the linkages between specific dietary compo
nents, life styles , and health problems, such as the relationships between sugar
intake and diabetes, salt intake and hypertension, and body-size/obesity and
related health problems, along with reports of the feeding customs through
which children learn to like sugar, salt, and food in what may be higher than
healthy quantities (232, 232a) would help identify cultural factors inducing or
not protecting against diet-related disease.
Relatively sudden shifts in available foods and customary activities are often
faulted for the failure of people to eat wisely, or' "culture" to identify and
transmit nutritional wisdom in rapidly and vastly modified dietary contexts .
Alternatively, the swiftly altering eating customs by which populations may be
losing reproductive fitness due to nutrition-related disease have been described
in terms of "gastro-anomie" ( 1 1 2) , the modem foodway where each individual
fends for him or herself, and group cultures have less control over an indi
vidual's diet. A more productive option is to examine such "anomie" as a set of
highly structured, though ever changing, behaviors that vary by class and
subculture within single countries . C . Lomnitz-Adler' s (204) carefully consid
ered the spatial , temporal , social , and cultural dimensions of eating in Mexico
in an analysis (by social class) that linked semiotic and structural approaches to
food habits and social relations surrounding food with the changing social
organization of production inside and outside the household, and extrahouse
hold sociocultural influences. His combination of his historical structural
analysis with a more dynamic socioeconomic analysis incorporates symbolic
aspects of the food system with an ethnic and class analysis of social history by
means of food and indicates mUltiple routes to explore in nutritional changes.
The Nutritional Impact of Dietary Change
which the purchased foods that repl ac e the ho rne produced items are adequate
nutritional substitutes. If cash cropping (or other programs for income genera
tion) move people off what was an adequate diet from subsistence crops and
activities toward more expensive foods or foods higher on the food chain,
nutrition may su ffer (75 ) . Such substitutions rarely result in nutritional im
provement. Her contrast of diets of families who have adopted cash cropping
versus those who retain adequate subsistence production shows no i m prove
ment (75). Thus, the tradeoff between cash and adequate diet remains prob
lematic and suggests that other cultural factors in dietary selection and food
distribution are operating which must be studied. In su m m ary , such studies
point to some of the problems of try ing to improve nutrition through direct or
indirect economic development schemes, which, whether aimed at foraging,
horticultural , or agricultural populations, usually destroy t he initial subsistence
base, and often result in inad equate c ash and n utrition al c h o i c es.
In other settings , cash crops like coffee also upset traditional nutrition
patterns in the short run by forcing people to buy food , and in the long run , by
transforming the sexual division of labor, control over (cash) resources , or both
(308) , and potentially, trade and ideological relationships between and within
groups (1 05 ) .
Additional areas o f concern i n economic development are the dietary
nutritional impact of women's work, i ncludi ng how women ' s employment
time and income affect domestic and child care arrangements (and therefore
children ' s health ) , overall food availability , and intrahousehold distribution of
food ( 1 85 a , 265 ) . S imple correlations between the nutritional status of children
whose mothers work or do not work have been used to argue that children may
be worse off when their mothers are employed although such claims are
usually not supported by careful data sets which stratify the sample according to
women 's income, men 's income, and total household income (265) . It may be
that households where women work are still better off than they would be
without the woman' s income, since women ' s income, in contrast to men ' s , has
usually been shown to go directly into food and other necessities for the
children (3 1 5a) , although the sociocultural dynamics of dietary choices and
adverse effects on childcare have not been scrupulously reported.
Different patterns of cash employment also affect intrahousehold distribu
tion of food more generally. Gross & Underwood' s ( 1 40) study of energy flow
among sisal workers showed that male wage earners received preference in the
allocation of calories. They were fed first , in sufficient quantity to sustain their
work , often at the expense of children and women, who received inadequate
calories if total household food supply was insufficient for all . It has also been
suggested for other cultures that males of all ages receive priority over females
in food allocations, although this "truism" for countries like India and B ang
ladesh has been questioned and qualified by more intensive research of dietary
intakes and nutritional status at the household level. B irth order, numbers of
children, and the economic status of the household, in addition to "food
ideology" seem to affect whether such rules are followed (276), and therefore,
the nutritional impact of such food beliefs.
point in time and over time continues, as changing nutritional and activity
patterns either threaten or improve health prospects, and either undermine or
reinforce the cultural symbolic and social functional values of local diets.
This paper was prepared while the author was a Fellow at the Center for
Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, California. I am grateful
for financial support provided by NSF BNS 76-22943 . I thank W . Durham and
B . Orlove for their comments on earlier drafts of this material.
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256. Pelto, P. J . , Pelto, G. H. 1983. Culture,
nutrition, and health. See Ref. 1 75 , pp.
257. Peters, C . , O' Brien, E. M . 1 98 1 . The
early hominid plant-food niche: Insights
from an analysis of plant exploitation by
Homo, Pan, and Papio in eastern and
southern Africa.
22: 1 27-40
258. Peterson , J. G. 1 98 1 . Game, farming,
and interethnic relations in Northeastern
Luzon, Philippines. Hum. Ecol. 9: 1-23
259. Pigott, J . , Kolasa, K. 1979. Prevalence
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London, England
298. Sharman, A. 1 980. Dietary choice and
resource allocation by household mem
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3 1 3.
3 1 4. Theophano, J. 1982. It's really tomato
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
3 1 5 . Thomas, R. B . 1973 . Human adaptation
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322. Wallace, A. F. c . , Ackerman, R. E.
1960. An interdisciplinary approach to
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329. Wilmsen, E. N. 1978. Seasonal effects of
dietary intake on the Kalahari San. Fed.
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330. Wilmsen , E. N. 1982. Studies in diet,
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33 1 . Wilson, C. S. 1973. Food habits: A
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332. Wilson, C. S. 1 979. Food-custom and
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333. Wing, E . , Brown, A. 1979. Paleonutri
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334. Winikoff, B . , ed. 1975. Nutrition and
National Policy . Cambridge: MIT Press


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Course Summary
This one year Games Development course is designed to encourage key games development skills especially in the areas of games software programming and 3D modelling & animation. Learners will learn how to use and implement popular game engines in the creation of their own games software titles while studying core development languages. Additionally, learners will create graphics, animation, sound and look at their implementation possibilities for modern technologies such as the web, mobile devices and gaming consoles. Successful learners will have an extensive knowledge of games software development as well as an extensive portfolio of work including games.
Course Details
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This course prepares you for working in the Career Sectors below. Follow the links to get a fuller understanding of the sectors you are preparing for.
Entry Requirements
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This course is typically suited for people with the following Career Interests. If these interests do not describe you, this course may prepare you for work you may not find satisfying.
The Investigative person will usually find a particular area of science to be of interest. They are inclined toward intellectual and analytical activities and enjoy observation and theory. They may prefer thought to action, and enjoy the challenge of solving problems with sophiscticated technology. These types prefer mentally stimulating environments and often pay close attention to developments in their chosen field.
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This fangirl mob has Human as its basis. It's not particularly exciting, but it is adequate. The Rules regarding Mobs are found in the Dungeon Master's Guide II. Please become familiar with them before critiquing as they do not follow many traditional monster creation rules.
Mob of Fangirls
Gigantic Humanoid (mob of Medium Humans)
Hit Dice: 30d8
Initiative: +0
Speed: 20 ft. (4 squares)
Armor Class: 6 (-4 size), Touch 6, Flat-footed 6
BAB/Grapple: +22/+34
Attack: Mob 5d6 (bludgeoning)
Full Attack: Mob 5d6 (bludgeoning)
Space/Reach: 20 ft./0 ft.
Special Attacks: Expert Grappler, Glomp, Squee, Trample (2d6)
Special Qualities: Glorified Object, Mob Anatomy
Saves: Fort +10, Reflex +17, Will +12
Abilities: Str 10, Dex 11, Con, 10 Int, 10 Wis 10, Cha 10
Skills: Disguise (Cosplay only) +2, Knowledge (glorified object) +4, Listen +6 Spot +6
Feats: Alertness, Improved Bullrush (B), Improved Overrun (B), Iron Will
Environment: Science fiction conventions, anime conventions, livejournal
Organization: Solitary, pair or gang (3-12 mobs)
Challenge Rating: 8
Treasure: Standard
Alignment: Always Neutral
Level Adjustment:
Fangirls are a rabid breed of human females who are obsessed with either a fictional character or an actor. Similar to the breed of fanboy, fangirls congregate at anime conventions and livejournal. They have been known to glomp, grope, and tackle when encountering said obsessions. In large numbers, they can become dangerous.
A mob deals 5d6 points of bludgeoning damage to any creature who space it occupies at the end of its move, with no attack roll needed. Mob attacks ignore concealment and cover. In order to attack, it moves into an opponents space, which provokes an attack of opportunity. It can occupy the same space as a creature, since it tramples over it and moves around its victim. A mob can move through squares occupied by enemies, and vice versa, without impediment, although a mob provokes an attack of opportunity if it does so. A mob can move through openings large enough for its component creatures. See DMG II for further details.
Expert Grappler (Ex): A mob of fangirls can maintain a grapple without penalty and still make attacks against other targets (normally, attacking other targets while grappling imposes a -20 penalty on grapple checks). A mob of fangirls is never considered flat-footed while grappling.
Glomp (Ex): A mob of fangirls will try to attach itself to the Glorified Object and render it immobile for as long as possible. A recipient of the Glomp is entangled by the mob and moves at half speed, cannot run or charge and takes a -2 penalty on all attack roles and a -4 penalty to Dexterity. An entangled character who attempts to cast a spell must make a Concentration check (DC 15 + the spells level) or lose the spell.
Glorified Object (Ex): A mob of fangirls is inordinately attracted to things they collectively deem worthy, regardless of whether it is a person or object. The mob obsesses and covets anything regarding the glorified object. A mob has +2 competence bonus to Knowledge relating to its Glorified Object, and to Listen, and Spot checks.
Mob Anatomy (Ex): A mob of fangirls has no clear front or back and no discernible anatomy, so it is not subject to critical hits or sneak attacks. A mob of fangirls cannot be flanked, tripped, grappled or bull rushed. See additional rules regarding this in DMG II page 60.
Squee (Ex): This ear-piercing shriek of joy that finding the Glorified Object (or its representative) causes. Once per two rounds, the mob of fangirls may unleash a massive squee whose likes have never been heard before. This deals 1d6 points of Sonic damage in a 30-foot cone. Additionally, if those hit by the squee attack have been hit by the squee before, they are affected as though by a confusion spell, causing them to either babble incoherently or flee as quickly as possible for 1 round.
Trample (Ex): A mob of fangirls that simply moves over a creature and doesnt end with its movement with that creature in one of its occupied squares can trample the creature. A trampled creature takes damage equal to 2d6 points +1½ times the mobs Strength modifier. The victim can either make an attack of opportunity or make a Reflex save (DC 25 + the mobs Strength modifier) to take half damage.


text:
|Fri 3 Mar 2017, 10:00am
|Tue 7 Mar 2017, 7:30pm
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During World War II, the tiny Scottish island of Todday runs out of whisky. When the freighter S.S. Cabinet Minister runs aground nearby during a heavy fog, the islanders are delighted to learn that its cargo consists of 50,000 cases of whisky. When officious English commanding officer Captain Waggett (Eddie Izzard) demands the return of the liquor, shopkeeper Joseph Macroon (Gregor Fisher) and his daughters Peggy (Naomi Battrick) and Catriona (Ellie Kendrick) spearhead an island rebellion.
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Roof Coating


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Skandia Library
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Attorney General Morrisey Lawsuit Against DEA Secures Sweeping Opioid Reform
Wednesday, July 11, 2018 - 19:37 by Attorney General Patrick Morrisey
The DEA, as a direct result of the lawsuit, sent a finalized rule to the Federal Register that embraces the Attorney General's call for greater input and consideration of illegal diversion in DEA's determination of how many opioid pills can be manufactured each year.
"We must do everything to reduce the oversupply of opioid painkillers," Attorney General Morrisey said. "The reforms accomplished through this rule and our lawsuit are the first steps toward changing a fundamentally flawed system that for too long placed industry wants over the legitimate medical need and contributed to increased crime, higher medical costs, strained emergency services, greater reliance on foster care and far too many senseless deaths."
The finalized rule takes steps to account for diversion, increases input from specific stakeholders and establishes hearings when states request DEA consider additional evidence of excess opioid supplies – all suggestions set forth by Attorney General Morrisey.
The DEA previously relied on the amount of pills pharmaceutical manufacturers expected to sell within a year. The broken approach did not account for the number of pills diverted for abuse.
Wednesday's finalized rule came less than four months after U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions ordered DEA to review its policy, a directive issued itself just hours before a key deadline in Attorney General Morrisey's lawsuit.
Read a copy of Wednesday's finalized rule at https://bit.ly/2uq4uoH.