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How a little insight from the world's greatest pickpocket could dramatically improve your judgment and intuition.
You know why "whitehat" hackers (most of them former "blackhat" or "outlaw" hackers) are the most coveted employees for cybersecurity firms, right? It's because they know exactly what cybersecurity is up against.
The same principle applies in the physical world. Recently I had a fascinating conversation with Bob Arno – aka the "King of Pickpockets" – about how his skills as a stage pickpocket eventually made him a highly sought-after international safety expert.
My conversation with him really drove home something that I already knew, but hadn't fully thought through: The people we can learn the most from are the people who are so familiar with our weaknesses and blind spots that they could confidently take advantage of them.
I'm going to share the four main principles I distilled from Bob's knowledge right here – but first, a story that illustrates what I am talking about:
Not so long ago, a colleague who had been pickpocketed while traveling told me about a surprising perspective she gained from the experience. I'm going to paraphrase it a little here:
"I'm now officially a travel statistic – I was robbed. Last Friday. And this may sound strange, but I was left with a confusing feeling of respect for my robber.
I wasn't physically assaulted, thankfully, and if it hadn't been for the embarrassing situation that I was left with no money to pay for a bottle of champagne and a pile of empty oyster shells, I wouldn't even have realized I was the victim of a crime.
Here's how it happened.
I was sitting at an oyster bar, celebrating the end of the week and some good news I'd received earlier that day on a massive project I pitched to a client. Another patron came up to the bar and sat down next to me – a little too close maybe, but nothing that bothered me too much. It was a busy bar, after all.
He ordered a glass of wine and asked to change some banknotes. He took out of a big bundle of cash, gulped his wine down in three sips, and then left.
It seemed like unusual behavior for that kind of establishment, but I was traveling after all – maybe things just worked differently there.
Later, when I reached for my wallet to settle the bill – it was gone.
My wallet had marched out of the oyster bar with the wine-gulping guy, and I had no idea at all, until I watched the whole scene on the restaurant's CCTV camera footage.
While I was busy noticing his bad sense of personal space and his hand fumbling a pile of cash, he was using his other hand to remove my wallet from my jacket pocket. His precision was incredible. I didn't feel it, because I was concentrating on how he drank his wine and waved his money around.
It was eye-opening to see the scene play out, because it was obvious that he had totally figured me out as soon as he walked into the bar. Besides me sitting alone at the bar with an expensive pile of snacks and a bit too much alcohol, he knew not only that my guard was down, but also that I was illiterate in local social cues and body language.
To be honest, I almost felt like he kind of deserved all those soon-to-be cancelled cards and old receipts…."
I felt bad for my colleague, and slightly relieved that it didn't happen to me …- and I remembered this story a few days after I spoke to Bob.
What he helped me understand is that it doesn't all come down dexterity and distraction in the moment (although those are important). A successful thief has strategic skills, efficiency and a degree of focus that most of us can only envy.
So, I went and picked apart my newfound knowledge of the mindsets of street criminals, and hacked it to make it applicable to my own life. As promised, here are my four really practical principles that you can also follow to become a more observant, strategic thinker.
1. Don't just take opportunities – take the RIGHT opportunities.
Imagine a pickpocket walking into a subway station and trying to rob 6 different people without carefully observing them ahead of time?
Disaster. For the thief. Security (and probably the 6 people he tried to rob) would be chasing him up the escalator in no time.
The non-criminal version of this is something so common in our everyday lives, especially amongst entrepreneurs: we think we have to take every opportunity that comes our way, just because they're opportunities.
As our thief example demonstrates, not only is this impossible, but even trying is a surefire way to line yourself up for failure.
If we're honest with ourselves, what most often drives a tendency to overcommit to "opportunities" is a difficulty with saying no.
And what often drives that, is insecurity. We're afraid people won't like us if we say no, that they won't offer us opportunities in the future, or that they'll see us as lazy or inept. Nothing could be further from the truth though!
Saying no, and deciding which opportunities to take and which to leave, is about knowing what you stand for and what you want, and having a plausible understanding of what you can achieve.
This should be the basis of our decisions about which opportunities to take, not fear!
2. Decide, commit, execute!
Once you do decide on an opportunity, go for it without hesitation!
How successful do you think an uncertain pickpocket is? Well, I'd wager no one ever gets the chance to find out, because indecision prevents action. A thief who waits too long to commit never gets round to making "the lift", as pickpockets call the actual act of taking the wallet, or whatever it is they want to grab.
An effective pickpocket is selective about the opportunities they take, but once they've spotted the right one, they waste no time. They commit to their decision and execute, as efficiently as possible.
The crime-free take home? Finding the right opportunity means nothing if you don't do something about it.
- Decide: own your choice and the reasons that informed it.
- Commit: once you've chosen a path, stay on it. Trust your decision and give it your best shot.
- Execute: the hardest part. Just get shit done.
3. But also… know when to pull out.
Okay, having said all that, you also have to be able to spot a sinking ship.
Or an undercover cop, in case of the pickpocket! Sometimes, you've decided, committed and are busy executing – when something derails badly.
As in not-fixable badly. No one wants to be a quitter, but it's also important to be able to notice when a situation – a dead-end job with a sociopathic boss, a dud product, a trip to Fyre Festival – is only going to get worse. Don't be a martyr. Bow out as graciously as possible and move on to the next thing.
4. Distraction will (almost) always cost you.
Sleight of hand – the type of trick that includes pickpocketing and magic illusions – only works because the person doing it is able to distract you from the real action.
The guy with the wad of cash and the wine didn't need to come up with something really interesting to take my friend's awareness away from what was happening in her personal space. He just needed to come up with something.
How easily are you distracted by things that aren't even interesting, let alone important?
And do you have any idea of what this costs you on a daily basis? Last year Vox published an article claiming that the average phone user spends around 53 minutes per day on Instagram, and the same amount of time on Facebook as well! Snapchat comes a close third with 49 minutes per day.
That's almost three hours you could be working on a goal, spending exercising, playing with your kids, reading a book, taking an online course, or even listening to a podcast! In real terms, distraction doesn't only cost you time and money – it costs you your quality of life.
Makes sense, right? Since my eye-opening conversation with Bob, I've consciously been trying to apply these techniques in my daily life.
Sure I fail, all the time. But half the battle is just learning to observe yourself. If you can recognize your own patterns and blind spots before you succumb to them, you're well on your way to becoming more strategic, successful and true to yourself.
Thanks for reading! I'm Rob Konrad from Switzerland, and I left the boring world of executive jobs to have deep and engaging conversations with extraordinary people from across the globe – conversations that will help you to learn, to grow and to impact lives.
Every Wednesday I'm releasing a new video of a conversation on www.RobKonrad.com , with fascinating people that will inspire and motivate you – you'll also find show notes, transcriptions, background info on my guests, as well as links to your favorite podcast platforms to enjoy.
Make sure to sign up NOW!


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The Bonosiacs were the followers of Bonosus, a fourth-century bishop from Naissus, whom the Synod of Capua had branded a heretic in 391 or 392. They make an unexpected appearance in sources from the Burgundian, Visigothic, and Merovingian kingdoms (ca. 500 – 636). This article claims that, as a distinct community, the Bonosiacs were never a part of the religious landscape of the sixth- and seventh-century West. Rather, the term "Bonosiacs" was used in the letters of Avitus of Vienne (494/6 – 518), in conciliar legislation, and in penitential and hagiographical compositions as a means of expressing the needs of the ecclesiastical elite, primarily to exclude those who would challenge institutional power. The image that arises from these sources of Bonosiacs, and of heretics more generally, is often helpfully contextualized by examining the political background. In a body of work that reflects a century of theological thought, heresiology was ultimately circumscribed by power dynamics, in which the boundaries of orthodoxy were negotiated with an eye toward the material.
The Bonosiacs were allegedly followers of Bonosus, a late fourth-century bishop from Naissus, or modern-day Niš in Serbia.2 After the Synod of Capua, convened in 391 or 392,3 condemned his teachings, Bonosus split from the Church and established his own clerical hierarchy, which was still functioning two decades later. We know of this through two letters, sent by Pope Innocent I to Bishop Marcian of Naissus, probably Bonosus' successor, and concerned with the handling of priests ordained by Bonosus before and after his condemnation.4 The actual teachings of Bonosus are almost impossible to reconstruct, as are the subsequent beliefs of his following. In the literature that has come down to us, they have become hopelessly confused with the doctrines of other errant groups, and their portrayals heavily doused with heresiological cliché. What we can say is that Bonosus' theology—which may or may not have had something to do with the abiding virginity of Mary5—was a point of contention with his superiors, who thereafter considered him and his followers heretical and worthy of denouncement.
That communities adhering to the teachings of a Dacian schismatic bishop who flourished around the turn of the fourth century should resurface in an entirely different context—early medieval Gaul and Spain—separated by thousands of kilometers and more than a hundred years from their original point of inception is unexpected. Yet it is in the sixth- and seventh-century West, of all places, that we find a cluster of compositions pertaining to this obscure heresy. In a collection of theological theses, official letters, and acts of conciliar legislation, these heretics are perceived as an issue warranting ecclesiastical attention. While Bonosiacs could have moved to the West and could even have developed there organically, there seem to have been different motivations at work, chief among which was the use of Bonosiacs as a convenient blanket term with which to rearticulate the parameters of orthodoxy.6
The evidence we have of Bonosiacs in the West was produced in times of profound religious or political change. In the Burgundian kingdom, it came on the heels of Sigismund's transition from Arianism to Catholicism and later, his ascent to the throne; for the Franks, it emerged either in conciliar legislation enacted following sweeping political changes or in literature emanating from Columbanian monasteries, both closely tied to the upheaval of 613 and its aftershocks. Visigothic sources also contain several mentions of the Bonosiacs, although, for the most part, they fall outside the scope of this paper.7
Tensions between Arianism and Catholicism, in whose context these dormant heresies were first reawakened in the post-Roman West, are relevant to our understanding of the terminology employed, especially when we consider that the earliest block of sources always associates Bonosiacs with Arians.8 At times, the two are discussed as though they were identical or very similar; on other occasions, they are described as distinct, but one thing is clear: Bonosiacs never appear in isolation. It is worth emphasizing here that what we call "Arian" was, in essence, a wide spectrum of doctrines, some perhaps more palatable to Nicene sensibilities than others. Though it was useful, for polemical reasons, to treat these groups as though they comprised a single threat, it would be more helpful to regard the boundaries between them and what we would recognize as more "orthodox" communities as entirely malleable and—more importantly—negotiable.
This article argues that references to Bonosiacs should be understood not as proof that a splinter group of the fourth-century Illyrian sect or some organic evolution thereof continued to flourish in Gaul and its environs. Rather, it endeavors to show that many of the sources employ heresiological terminology with the aim of marginalizing rivals by "othering" them theologically. The language used to accomplish this could either sharpen or blur perceived differences, but it did so in a way that corresponded very partially to the actual theologies of the groups in question.
While orthodoxy would have been their prime motivator, for many of the sources discussed here, the boundaries of heresy mirrored the political divisions that beset the societies in which they were composed. Movement between categories could therefore signal shifting alliances, and the theological language used to legitimize and facilitate it bears witness to this notion. Our sources use a series of baptismal, liturgical, and penitential gestures, but their aim can be contextualized as part of a broader discussion of inclusion that went on in late antique Christian societies.
A structure we can identify as the "Burgundian kingdom" comes into view very late; perhaps even as late as the 480s.9 Gundioc and Chilperic, members of the Gibichung family who consolidated power in the Rhône Valley during the second half of the fifth century, were Roman military officers, not kings. A significant settlement of Burgundians in Sapaudia in the 440s, which is often seen as the nucleus from which the Burgundian kingdom sprang, is impossible to establish; even more so the Gibichungs' connection to that settlement.10 It was Gundioc's son Gundobad (d. 516) who laid down much of the political, legal, and diplomatic infrastructure for a kingdom, transforming the territory he inherited into a meaningful player in the sixth-century Mediterranean.
At least formally, Gundobad was an Arian, but this deceptively simplistic description conceals a much more complicated religious state of affairs, and should not be taken to imply that the Burgundian kingdom itself was somehow "Arian," although it doubtless contained an Arian ecclesiastical structure.11 In fact, even the epithet "kingdom" is somewhat inaccurate for an entity that perceived itself primarily as a province of the Empire.12
Gundobad's form of Christianity, probably a remnant of his involvement in imperial affairs under his uncle, the magister militum Ricimer, was likely shared by the military contingent that followed him into Gaul and later made up the core of his warrior elite. The Arian clergy in Gaul, of which we know precious little, may have originated with this group. Still, we are unable to clearly associate Arianism with any particular segment of Burgundian society, not even this military elite. In fact, we cannot name one Burgundian Arian outside the royal family.13 We do, however, have evidence that points in the opposite direction.14
As in all things pertaining to late antique Gaul, our understanding of the Burgundians' religious affinities has been shaped, to some extent, by the writings of Gregory of Tours.15 Burgundian Arianism played a prominent role in the Histories, although Gregory's narrative program leaves very little room for nuance. The members of the Burgundian royal family emerge from the text as little more than caricatures, fashioned to serve as cautionary opposites to their Merovingian contemporaries.16 Whatever the extent of their Arianism, it is nevertheless clear that there were Catholics among the royal family,17 and that Gundobad himself had a productive and amicable relationship with the Catholic episcopate and with its most prominent member, Avitus of Vienne.
Avitus is the source for most of our evidence regarding Bonosiacs in the Burgundian kingdom. The first piece of the puzzle appears in a theological composition, Contra Eutychianam haeresim, which Avitus composed at Gundobad's behest. The king, eager to learn of developments in the East, entrusted Avitus with the task of providing him with an explanation of the Acacian schism.18
The product of Avitus' labors, however, was aimed not only against the Monophysitic teachings of Eutyches but also at the Arians, whom Avitus probably deemed a more immediate concern.19 That Avitus was able to express criticism of the king's religion publicly illustrates the growing confidence of Catholics in Gundobad's final years. Avitus' diatribe against the Eutychians mentions the Bonosiac heresy, which it seems to bundle together with the teachings of another heretic named Photinus.20 In so doing, Avitus was accusing Bonosiacs of denying the divinity of Christ, seemingly a separate charge than the one leveled against the Eutychians, who rejected his corporeality altogether.21
The confusion between Photinians and Bonosiacs is not unique to Avitus. Marius Mercator, a correspondent of Augustine and Jerome, mentions Bonosiacs alongside Ebionites and, again, the followers of Photinus.22 Writing in the early fifth century, Mercator's inability to distinguish between the two heresies indicates that the exact meaning of two terms had become blurred very soon after Capua. A similar conflation recurs in the Collectio Dionysiana, which reproduces a letter by Pope Innocent I addressed to a certain Bishop Lawrence, advising him on how to rid himself of the Photinian heretics plaguing his diocese.23 In this canonistic collection, the author Dionysius Exiguus provided the letter with the misleading heading: De Bonosiacis, quod Iudaeis sint comparandi: "of the Bonosiacs, who are comparable to Jews."24 This has led some to speculate that the Bonosiac schismatics had, since their break-off from the mainstream Church, embraced the adoptionist views of the Photinians as a survival method, thus making them similar to Jews in their denial of Christ's divinity.25 There is nothing on the theological level that makes the teachings of Bonosus and Photinus especially compatible, although the sources do not allow us to accurately trace the evolution of these groups' theology in the years after Capua. In any event, the causes of this confusion are not immediately apparent. Avitus was certainly aware of—and influenced by—the Dionysiana.26 Through his work on the Contra Eutychianam haeresim and his contacts with Rome and the papacy, Avitus would have been exposed to Eastern heresiological thought, and his information on the Bonosiacs may have arrived through this channel.27
Gennadius of Marseilles' Liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatum, probably composed around the time Avitus ascended to the episcopal throne in Vienne,28 contains another Photinian/Bonosiac conflation. In this text, Gennadius equates a group he calls "Bonosiac" (who, he adds, were previously known as Photinians), with a coterie of defunct heresies, most notably Ebionites, Marcionites, and Sephorians. His continuation to Jerome's De viris inlustribus repeats the reference, citing a composition by a Spanish bishop, Audentius.29 According to Gennadius, apart from Bonosiacs, Audentius' polemic took aim at the Arians, Manichaeans, and Sabellians. As may be deduced from Gennadius' description, the essence of the heresy he identified as Bonosiac is clearly Photinian, in the sense that its adherents rejected the co-eternality of Father and Son, preferring instead to see a beginning to Christ's divinity. In other words, it put them on the "Homoian spectrum." Finally, in the long list of heresies included in Isidore of Seville's Etymologies, Bonosiacs are indistinguishable from Photinians in that they regard Christ as the adopted son of God.30
Not a word is uttered in Gennadius, Mercator, Audentius, or Isidore about ideas that are unique to Bonosus, such as Marian post-partum virginity, or lack thereof. The elusiveness of Bonosus' dogma had prompted Knut Schäferdiek to postulate the existence of two distinct heretics, Bonosus of Naissus and Bonosus of Serdica, ascribing adoptionist teachings only to the latter. While it does offer a solution, Schäferdiek's theory depends on a creative "reverse engineering" of Mercator and other later sources, not on any historical indication that two separate bishops had indeed existed.31
Be that as it may, Avitus' sources of information regarding these heresies considered Bonosiacs and Photinians to be essentially interchangeable.32 Avitus, who was doubtless familiar with Ambrose's ideas on virginity,33 could have amplified the Marian aspects of the "Bonosiac" error, had he been aware of it. That he fails to do so strengthens the claim that Avitus regarded the teachings of the Bonosiacs as an approximation of a Homoian theology. We should remember this when we attempt to understand the implausible survival of Bonosiac communities in the West.
Avitus' other allusion to Bonosiacs occurs in a letter to Gundobad's eldest son, Sigismund, datable to 501 or shortly thereafter.34 Sigismund is best known for his decision, probably not long before the composition of this letter, to embrace Catholicism. This marked a visible break with his father's religious policy but antedated Sigismund's own ascent to the kingship by more than a decade. Gundobad's Arian priesthood, which continued to function throughout this time, probably received the news of Sigismund's conversion with some consternation.
Ruling as sub-king from his court in Geneva,35 Sigismund wanted to prepare his subjects for the religious transition that would doubtless come when he took full power. This would have to be done carefully, since the Arian church he stood to inherit as king still commanded influence and owned significant property, the fate of which would have to be determined in any future agreement.
Another concern would have been Sigismund's diplomatic alliances with other barbarian courts, equipped, as it were, with their own Homoian clergies.36 One example that immediately comes to mind is the court of the Ostrogothic king Theoderic, whose daughter Ostrogotho-Areagni Sigismund had only recently married.37 Sigismund therefore instituted an annual meeting intended to serve as a platform for discussion between Catholics and Arians.
It is perhaps in this context that we should read Avitus' Letter 31. The letter is an interesting attempt by Avitus to gauge the religious situation and to lay the groundwork for what was to come. In the letter Avitus speaks to Sigismund as a fellow Catholic and an heir to the throne. All the while, however, Avitus remembers that Sigismund's father was the one holding the reins of power. Recalling Gundobad's recent nomination of a Genevan bishop, Avitus describes the appointment as a scourge not only for the Catholics but for the Arians as well. While Avitus is very clear in his disdain for the Arians, at least for now they emerge as equally wronged as the Catholics by the nomination of the bishop, whom Avitus styles "Bonosiac."
How should we understand this? Episcopal nominations in the barbarian kingdoms were, as we know, highly charged, performative acts of symbolic power.38 Gundobad himself was certainly not a Bonosiac, and for him to give such a post to an adherent of a fringe heresy would have been an unheard-of act of political self-sabotage.39 Thus, two options remain: either the Bonosiacs were an established community in Geneva, deserving of a bishop of their own; or, the bishop was not really a Bonosiac, and only called by that name for polemical reasons. For the first option, no evidence has survived, although this need not necessarily imply that no such community existed. Still, if we are to believe that the bishop was an authentic Bonosiac, or a Photinian for that matter, we would then have to question his ability to preside over a diocese in which some significant fraction of the clergy and congregation would have considered him a schismatic.40
The second option, therefore, is that this was not a matter of Bonosiacs or Photinians at all but of partisanship within the Arian ranks. The politics behind these conflicts is unfortunately lost to us, and yet it is tempting to offer some speculations. Perhaps we are meant to infer from the use of the term Bonosiac (read: Photinian) that this was an especially radical Arian bishop. From everything we know about the variety within the Homoian community, it would not be difficult to believe that the Arian episcopate centered on Gundobad held within it competing currents. This internal tension could have been rooted in theology; considering the flexibility with which these terms were understood, the transition from a "mainstream" Homoian to a Photinian-style adoptionist position is not an impossible leap to make. It is nevertheless an ironic one, given Photinus' training under Marcellus of Ancyra, a staunch proponent of anti-Homoian teachings.41 Then again, maybe it was something else entirely.
While Gundobad was not prepared to make the transition to Nicene Christianity himself, his portrayal in Avitus' Homilia in dedicatione superioris basilicae certainly sees the king as an avid supporter of the Catholics.42 Gundobad's positive approach clearly gave Avitus cause for optimism, as did the imminent ascent to the kingship of his Catholic son. Sigismund's annual meetings were attended by both sides of the religious divide, so it would seem reasonable to assume that both saw it in their interests to keep the channels of communication with one another open. It is not inconceivable, then, that Sigismund's forums were intended to work out a new religious status quo, perhaps even the eventual absorption of the Arian ecclesiastical structure.
Cordial and cooperative relations between Catholics and Arians were not unheard of, even before they were actively encouraged by politically minded kings like Sigismund. The realities of life in mixed communities would have proven stronger than any doctrinal divide, and, as Ralph Mathisen has demonstrated, the evidence for intense socialization between Catholics and Arians is compelling.43 At this juncture in Burgundian history, it is perhaps even possible to imagine that necessity had produced enough theological leeway to occasion a re-drawing of confessional lines.
Gundobad's decision to appoint a problematic bishop was obviously a disappointment for Avitus. The "Bonosiac" terminology could have been meant as a strategy for redrawing the map so as to exclude the bishop of Geneva and his supporters from the ongoing religious discussion. Seen in the context of Sigismund's activity, it could perhaps mean that, for Avitus, "Bonosiacs" were those elements in the Arian church that hindered any future accommodation with the Catholics.
"Bonosiacs" and their "Photinian" alter-egos were mentioned enough times in the heresiological literature to appear menacing. More importantly, their teachings were sufficiently obscure to apply to almost any circumstance. Weaponizing this terminology was therefore a prudent strategy; for us, it is also a way to interpret its use in the letter. Certainly, the word "Photinian" was well-suited to make a point about exclusion; after all, unlike Arians, Photinians had to undergo baptism to be received into Catholic communion, a near future possibly envisioned by Sigismund's forums.
Baptism as a condition put to heretics who wished to embrace Catholicism was an important issue for the bishops gathered at the second council of Arles. This council poses several difficulties, not only in dating it precisely but also in determining which of the canons that are attributed to it in the manuscript evidence actually originated with the bishops who convened at Arles. For our purposes, most interesting are canons 16 and 17, which deal with the baptismal procedures required of Photinians and Bonosiacs wishing to join the Catholic ranks.
The Photinians, says canon 16, should be made to undergo baptism if they wish to join.44 Whatever the term may have meant to the legislators at Arles, Photinians were apparently significant enough to warrant special mention. The subsequent canon addresses the Bonosiacs, but unlike what we have seen so far, groups them with the Arians as heretics who do not require baptism to join the Catholics, only chrism and the laying on of hands.45 In fact, Bonosiacs and Arians are mentioned as being ex eodem errore venientes, "emerging from the same error."46 In many of its canons, the Council of Arles dutifully reflects the precepts of Nicaea but on these two heresies Arles contains additions to the original Nicaean text.47 Regrettably, the canons do not go into any detail about the specifics of either heresy. If Mathisen's dating is correct, Arles was convened sometime between 490 – 502, so its terminus ante quem would have coincided perfectly with Avitus' Letter 31.
Insofar as it is possible to clarify the language of the canons, we may conclude that the technical understanding of the terms Bonosiac and Photinian would not have diverged significantly from what we read in Gennadius or Avitus, both active at around the same time. Still, there were some noticeable differences between the council's decrees and the views held by other authors in Gaul. Ascertaining the nature of these differences is, as always, dependent largely on interpretation.
In his disquisition on the Trinity in the Contra Arrianos, for example, Avitus determines that the validity of baptisms performed by Bonosiacs and "other heretics" should be upheld and that any remaining errors are to be remedied with only a blessing.48 It is possible to see this statement as an indication that Avitus' thinking on the matter reflected the precepts of Arles, and that the Photinians, who remain unmentioned, merited different treatment.49 Following this logic to its ultimate conclusion, one might even conjecture that by referring to the Genevan bishop in Letter 31 as a Bonosiac and not a Photinian, Avitus was leaving the door open to rapprochement. A similar sentiment was voiced by Mathisen, who saw the "laying on of the hands" as a provision designed to refrain from offending the Visigoths, although the different treatment prescribed to Bonosiacs and Photinians in this context remains cryptic.50 Compared to all other sources that have expressed an opinion about Bonosiacs and Photinians, Arles remains unarguably dissonant and therefore difficult to unpack.
Given what we know about Avitus' use of the terminology, it is more plausible to assume that, unlike Arles, for him "Photinians" were either already encapsulated in "Bonosiacs," or at the very least included in the ranks of the other heretics. Contemporary understanding of these heresies was thus not universal or uniform, and Avitus' usage of the terms was likely also affected by this theological ambiguity.
At the very least, we may say that in their treatment of these heresies, the canons of Arles ii anticipated the results of Vouillé, after which the need to decide the fate of the Arian clergy in Gaul took on new urgency. The Visigothic defeat and withdrawal foregrounded the issue of Arian churches and priests in Aquitaine and their assimilation into the Catholic ecclesiastical structure. The pragmatism voiced in canon 10 of the Council of Orléans, convened in 511 for provinces under Frankish rule, likewise echoes an accommodating approach:51
Concerning heretical clerics who join the Catholic religion in total faith and of their own accord, and concerning the basilicas which the Goths have hitherto held in their perversity, we think that, if the clerics are faithfully converted and confess the Catholic faith wholeheartedly and if they live a worthy life of high moral standards and good deeds, they should receive the office of which the bishop thinks them worthy, with the blessing of the laying on of hands. And it is right that churches should be consecrated following the same liturgy as that by which ours are dedicated.
The Burgundian council of Épaône was a different matter entirely. Held in 517 with great fanfare, it was the culmination of a process that began some 15 years earlier, with the conversion of Sigismund. A year before the council, King Gundobad died, leaving Sigismund as his heir. The first synod held under the new king was meant to project the image of a confident and triumphant ecclesiastical hierarchy, standing united with its orthodox royal family. Considering the conciliatory overtures of previous years, the language of Épaône is surprisingly harsh. On the subject of repurposing church structures, a problem dealt with in Orléans with such optimism, the Burgundian prelates had this to say: "We refrain from setting to sacred uses the basilicas of the heretics, which we hold as hateful with such execration that we cannot treat their pollution as being amenable to cleansing."52
What had changed in the decade or so between Letter 31 and the council of Épaône? Certainly, similar ecclesiastical figures were in attendance, and, if anything, the religious situation had shifted in favor of the Catholics. We would then expect a similar attitude of magnanimity to the one voiced in Orléans, which sought to smooth out any differences rather than accentuate them.
There was, however, a fundamental difference between the Burgundians and the Franks. Vouillé had very powerfully broadcast Clovis' military superiority, and the accommodating attitude expressed in Orléans was linked directly to Frankish triumphalism. Canon 10 presupposes the willingness, on the part of the Arian clergy of conquered Aquitaine, to merge with the Catholic ecclesia. Once cooperation was assured, the council was tasked with defining the criteria governing this transition. Tellingly, Orléans never mentions what is to befall those priests who refuse the demand that they be carefully converted and confess the Catholic faith wholeheartedly,53 but it is not very difficult to guess.
The process whereby Burgundian churches that once belonged to Arians were appropriated by Catholics seems considerably less amicable. Firstly, unlike their neighbors to the north, the Burgundians were accustomed to Arian and Catholic clergies existing side-by-side. As recognized by Épaône, the initial installation of an Arian ecclesiastical hierarchy included forcible confiscation of Catholic church buildings, still a visible blight on the tissue of coexistence.54
The relatively stable modus vivendi that was reached by the time Sigismund ascended to the throne would have been very poorly served by the specter of a large-scale seizure of ecclesiastical property, especially when the endgame would have been, as implied by the establishment of Sigismund's dialog forum, to achieve a peaceful transition. Nevertheless, as the canon also stipulates, this was not to be a complete forfeiture of proprietary rights; Catholic churches that had been confiscated by the Arians were considered fair play.
Épaône's canon 33 was a direct result of Avitus' reasoning on this matter, explained in detail in a letter he wrote to Bishop Victorius of Grenoble.55 More than anything, the letter advises caution. It recognizes that the question of re-appropriation is a heated one and urges its recipient to refrain from repeating the past crimes of the Arians when they seized Catholic cult sites. To be sure, the tone voiced in Épaône is more stringent, but it harbors an identical sentiment, namely that Arian churches should not be reused by the Catholics.
Why the difference? For one, a move like the one taken at Orléans had every chance of backfiring in Burgundy. Catholicism was doubtless on the right path, but it was not inconceivable that Arianism would return, especially if Sigismund's brother ever managed to take power.56 The prospect of increasing dependence on Burgundy's Arian neighbors was not out of the question, either. So, while the rationale guiding Épaône's legislation was theological, it was nevertheless grounded in the bishop of Vienne's political pragmatism. In fact, Avitus displayed impressive foresight, since both "nightmare scenarios" materialized within a decade of having written the letter.57 For now, however, Nicene ecclesiastical and secular elites had other, less invasive, ways of gaining ground, such as the royally sponsored monastery of Saint-Maurice d'Agaune, a powerhouse of prayer organized around a military-style liturgy dedicated to the preservation of king and country.58
Notably, Épaône was not coy in how it used its terminology; heretics were heretics and they now apparently came in one size only. The utility of "Bonosiac" as a term with which to woo undecided Arians had run its course, since, as the council acknowledges, those among them who wanted to join the Catholics had either already done so or were in the process of making the switch, using the fast-track process made available to them.59
Those who resisted, on the other hand, would just go back to being run-of-the-mill heretics. Since power lay squarely with the Catholics, there was, for the bishops at Épaône, no need to tiptoe around the issue. That this really was a question of breaking down Arian opposition is spelled out in canon 29, which apportioned a mitigated penitential period to apostates returning to the Catholic fold, and likewise meted out severe punishments for those who persisted in their obduracy.60
In the annals of the Burgundian kingdom, the Bonosiacs had a fleeting moment in the sun. Avitus died in 518, and the Gibichung kingdom began to fall apart shortly thereafter. Having murdered his son and alienated his clergy, Sigismund hobbled from one catastrophe to the next until he was ultimately captured by the Franks and killed. Godomar, Sigismund's younger brother, managed to hold off the Franks for a few years longer, but in 534 it was all over. Burgundy was swallowed up by the descendants of Clovis and became a Frankish sub-kingdom. The "Bonosiacs" would again lie dormant for over a hundred years, reemerging in the early seventh century under different circumstances.
The second chapter of this story unfolds under Frankish rule. It involves conciliar legislation enacted under the Merovingians, and the activities of the Irish monk Columbanus (d. 615), and later his disciples, pursued in the regions bordering the regnum Francorum to the east. Columbanus arrived on the Continent ca. 590, and in the following years managed, with considerable help from his Merovingian patrons, to establish a cluster of monasteries in the Vosges forest, in the north of Frankish Burgundy.62 After several years, however, his relationship with King Theuderic II soured, resulting in his branding as persona non grata. Forced to flee, he found temporary haven with Theuderic's brother Theudebert II, who ruled the kingdom of Austrasia to the north.
Theudebert encouraged Columbanus and his followers to establish a monastic outpost on the easternmost fringe of his kingdom. While initially successful, Columbanus deserted the project when war broke out between Theuderic and his brother, resulting in Theudebert's defeat, deposition, and eventual murder. In the new political climate, Columbanus was forced out of Austrasia and made his way, together with most of his monks, to Lombard Italy. There, again under the patronage of the royal family, he founded the monastery of Bobbio, where he died two years later.
During his time in Gaul, Columbanus produced several compositions. Among those is a penitential,63 which contains a somewhat perplexing allusion to Bonosiacs: "If, out of ignorance, any layperson associates with the Bonosiacs or with other heretics, let him stand with the catechumens, that is, separate from the other Christians, for forty days, and then twice forty with the last grade of Christians, that is, among the penitents, to wash away the guilt of the insane communion."
Since Luxeuil, Columbanus' most important establishment in Gaul, was located within the confines of the old Burgundian kingdom, the remark in the penitential seemed to point to an encounter with actual Bonosiacs in areas they were known to inhabit.64 As ever, context is important for understanding this preoccupation with heterodoxy in general, and with Bonosiacs in particular.
As noted by Walker in his edition and translation of Columbanus' works, it is doubtful that this canon came from the pen of Columbanus.65 His reasoning for this assertion is that the grades of the penitents and other aspects of the ruling reflect Roman, rather than Irish, practice. It has since become clear that Columbanus was open to, and influenced by, ideas he had encountered in Gaul, so Walker's remark cannot alone serve to disqualify Columbanus' authorship.66 Nevertheless, the notion that this canon was composed at a later stage has found support elsewhere.67
In fact, a better setting within which to understand Luxeuil's fascination with Bonosiacs, and their subsequent inclusion in the penitential, would be the decade after Columbanus' death. This period would see the Columbanian congregation plunge into a self-destructive episode, which has immediate bearing on the following interpretation of canon 25 of the penitential.
The rift between the Columbanian leadership and the rebellious monk Agrestius was reported in great detail in the Vitae Columbani abbatis discipulorumque eius, composed by a monk from Bobbio named Jonas between 639 and 643.68 The Vita Columbani chronicled the careers of Columbanus and four subsequent abbots and abbesses, but Agrestius undoubtedly emerges as the hagiography's most important villain. Jonas' partisanship makes any assessment of the events pertaining to this episode difficult, especially when he names Luxeuil's abbot Eustasius as the clear victor in Mâcon, the council convened in 626 to put an end to the conflict. What is clear is that, during the deliberations in Mâcon, serious allegations of heresy were levelled against Luxeuil. The affair, which eventually saw Agrestius defeated and his following scattered, left the monastic community shaken and weakened, but also determined to repair its damaged reputation. Some of this renewed vigor was directed toward a mission to the Slavs and Bavarians.
Jonas' description of the mission is intimately linked to the narrative of the Columbanians' ability to overcome hardship. While it was Columbanus who initially thought up the mission to the Slavs,69 Eustasius was the one who made it a reality, fulfilling, as it were, the command of his master.70 Some of the Warasci, reports Jonas, were idolaters, while the others were Photinians and Bonosiacs.71 Once converted, the mission turned its attentions to the Bavarians, who were likewise impressed by Eustasius' exhortations and came to the faith. Needless to say, the existence of Photinian-Bonosiac communities among the Slavs, whose acquaintance with Christianity had until that point been superficial, raises suspicion.72
A year or less after Mâcon another council was convened, this time in the city of Clichy. This was a large council, whose canons were signed by 37 bishops. It was likely convened alongside a meeting of secular potentates and was a clear display of power on Chlothar's part.73 Canon 5 of Clichy, which touts the pervasive effect the Catholic faith has had on Gaul, nevertheless cautions that some among the flock might fall prey to "Bonosiacs or secret heretics," and empowers the clergy to conduct investigations to this effect.74
This canon harkens back to legislation promulgated in the third council of Orléans, almost 90 years earlier, which dealt with a very similar problem: the re-baptism of Catholics by Bonosiac priests or by other heretical clergymen.75 Here, the onus to investigate was placed on the iudex ciuitatis—ostensibly the comes—but the general spirit of the canon is almost identical.
Admittedly, the situation in 538 was somewhat different. Burgundy and Provence had only recently been incorporated into Francia, and it is at least conceivable that heretics—Bonosiacs or otherwise—were still lurking there in some dark corner, waiting to be exposed. Yet, other motivations appear to be at work.
Firstly, it is noteworthy that heretical communities were always described as constituting an amorphous group of which Bonosiacs were but one element. The canons, which both incorporate qualifiers—cuiuslibet alterius haeresis in Orléans, or occulte heretici in Clichy—are almost surely using formulaic phrasing. The mention of Bonosiacs should therefore not imply that the legislators at either of these synods were afraid of them in any true sense.
In fact, the appearance, in close conjunction, of the other well-known boogeymen of conciliar legislation—the pagans and the Jews—is suggestive of another program altogether.76 Orléans discusses Jews in canon 33, immediately preceding the discussion of Bonosiacs—who, we recall, were comparable to Jews—forbidding them from interacting with Christians during a four-day period of Easter.77 Canon 14 draws up restrictive conditions regarding the ownership of Christian slaves by Jews, followed by a series of interdictions on marrying and sharing meals with the Jews. Not surprisingly, this bears close resemblance to canon 13 of Clichy, which inhibits the sale of Christian slaves to Jews, severely penalizes attempts to convert slaves to Judaism, forbids the admittance of Jews to public acts, and advises strongly against sharing meals with them.78
Despite their pronounced interest in pagans, Jews, and, most importantly for us, heretics, the canons were probably not the result of a genuine concern with creedal dissent. One clue into the state of mind of the bishops at these councils might be found in a curious addition to the canons of Orléans. The church, say the canons, now thankfully finds itself under the benevolent rule of a Catholic monarch. The phrasing makes it patently clear that it was this condition that allowed such legislation to be enacted. Canon 33 opens with Quia Deo propitio sub catholicorum regum dominatione consistimus, while canon 34 declares quia reges nos constat habere catholicos, as though the Catholicity of the king were some startling novelty. A Catholic had ruled Burgundy since 516, followed by the Catholic Merovingians, so this would hardly have constituted breaking news. If the remark was meant to apply to Provence, which was recently acquired from the Ostrogoths, it is striking that no Provençal bishops were in attendance. More to the point, however, the canons were not very new at all, relying on the legislations of previous councils, most notably Épaône and Clermont.79
Orléans III brought together bishops from dioceses under the control of both Childebert I and Theudebert I, although the former probably took a leading role in its convocation.80 The flattery reserved for Childebert in these canons, and the fact that the council's two leading bishops—Lupus of Lyon and Pantagatus of Vienne—used his regnal years to date their signatures, suggests that royal interests were being brought to bear on the council. Childebert was cautiously building up a support base in the newly won territories,81 a policy equally noticeable in his episcopal appointments.82 It is therefore likely that the language we find in these canons had more to do with forging an episcopal-royal alliance and with presenting an image of unity in the church's ranks than with any concrete preoccupation with heretics, Jews, or other outsiders.
Finally, Clichy mimics the language of Orléans III when it expresses its gratitude for the Catholicity of the king: Deo iubente fides catholica iam ubique in Galiis perseuerat. Given the historical context for the council's convocation, it is another redundant statement. It is therefore difficult to accept the preoccupation of Clichy's canons at face value. While it was always the responsibility of the clergy to monitor its community for the emergence of errant views and to correct them when they arise, Bonosiacs and hidden heretics seem, in this instance also, to be terms of convenience rather than descriptions of reality. Even in Avitus' day, the theologies connoted by these terms were not entirely clear to contemporaries, allowing them to be employed as catchall phrases with impressive elasticity; it is doubtful that this confusion was lifted after another century had gone by.
The conciliar legislation of Clichy provides the adequate backdrop with which to examine the appearances of Bonosiacs in Columbanian sources. When Clichy was convened, Luxeuil was still very much in the process of fighting for its survival, and the subject of heresy was no doubt on everyone's mind. Eustasius was initially accused of insisting on excessive benedictions,83 followed by a more serious allegation concerning the community's unorthodox method of calculating Easter, a thorny issue that had already plagued Columbanus' abbacy.84
If we read the Vita Columbani as essentially a defensive document, the anti-Bonosiac activities of Eustasius and his monks look more like an argumentative bulwark, put in place to counter the accusations of heresy sounded against Luxeuil by Agrestius. Not only were the Luxovian monks orthodox in every way, Jonas would argue, they were committed to fighting heresy wherever they could find it, at home and abroad. In his attempts to reassert the orthodoxy of his community, it is perhaps not surprising that Jonas chose to echo Clichy's preoccupation with heresy and the need to resist it.85 Showing Columbanus as an early champion of the fight against Bonosiacs and his successor as the man who took the fight against them to its successful conclusion would be a powerful argument indeed. By extension, it would cast Agrestius, who had strong theological disagreements with the abbots of Luxeuil and Bobbio, as a heretic.
In the early medieval West, Photinians and Bonosiacs have appeared sporadically in conciliar legislation, formal letters, church histories, hagiographies, and penitentials, spanning from the early sixth to the early seventh century. In these sources, the two seem entirely mutually transposable, although the theologies they originally promoted, insofar as we can reconstruct them, were not necessarily similar. As an examination of the sources reveals, theology was not the only driving force that motivated writers to incorporate heresiological language into their compositions. More than anything, Bonosiacs could have been employed as terms of convenience, designed to brand undesirables that challenged establishments and their policies.
Avitus of Vienne's use of the Bonosiacs can be tied to the religious changes Sigismund was orchestrating in Burgundy. As communal lines were redrawn, new terminology needed to be found to address this process without alienating communities targeted for inclusion. Bonosiacs, a phrase that had come to express an uncompromising adoptionist position, became a useful weapon to brandish against those opposing the impending change.
In Merovingian Gaul of the sixth and seventh century, the conciliar language reflected a royal preoccupation with church unity and allegiance in territories that were only recently brought under Frankish dominion. The "othering" of heretics—Bonosiacs, but also unspecified heterodoxical communities—always went hand-in-hand with the "othering" of Jews and, very often, pagans, although the specter of paganism had long since vanished in Gaul itself. The heretics of conciliar legislation were, for the most part, rhetorical devices in the service of grander designs.
The compositions produced by the monks of Luxeuil made good use of this exclusive language. In his attempt to counter allegations of heresy, Jonas of Bobbio put forward a defense that used heresiological terminology to paint Eustasius and the monks of Luxeuil as defenders of the faith. This was framed as part of a mission to the gentes, one that Columbanus had already planned but never fulfilled.
The article of the penitential that discusses Bonosiacs, already suspected of being a later addition, can therefore best be understood as a retroactive attempt to portray Columbanus as the first to recognize Bonosiacs—and, by extension, heresy in general—as a threat. By casting Eustasius as the one to vanquish the heretics about whom his master had warned, the editor of the penitential showed the abbot of Luxeuil to be the true disciple of Columbanus, and a steadfast protector of his heritage against those who would challenge it.86
In late antique Gaul, heresy reveals itself as a malleable category. Since ecclesiastical councils outlined the conditions for reintegration into orthodoxy, their heresiological language was picked up and employed by a variety of other sources not so much to pinpoint theological errors as to divide society along a spectrum of alterity that roughly corresponded with the increasing severity of these perceived errors. Assigning heretical epithets to individuals or groups was not an attempt to define their creedal failures. Rather, it was convenient code, used to envision a redrawing of communal lines.

subset: commoncrawl


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Phillip Hammond, Chancellor of the Exchequer, is set to deliver the next government budget on Wednesday, and with it are plans to announce new incentives to encourage development of autonomous and electric cars within the UK.
Included in the budget are rules that will let carmakers test autonomous vehicles on UK roads, £400 million to help establish an EV charging network, and £100 million of incentives to help decrease the cost of buying an electric car. The goal is t have full autonomous cars on British roads by the year 2021.
Meanwhile noted car snob Jeremy Clarkson thinks autonomous cars are bad. Writing in yesterday's Sunday Times, Clarkson spoke of an autonomous car he was driving along the M4. According to him the car made two mistakes over the course of 50 miles, leading him to fear for his life.
Clarkson wouldn't name the company that made the car for legal reasons, but should that matter if it really did try and kill him? Part of me wonders whether he was driving a Tesla which, despite having a feature called 'autopilot', isn't close to being fully autonomous. Clarkson made his views on human-less cars very clear:
"You drive one of your driverless cars over the Death Road in Bolivia and I'll buy one. Sit there with your hands folded and let it drive you up there, then squeeze past a lorry with half the tyre hanging over a 1,000ft drop while the car drives itself. Fine, I'll buy into it."
While I'm sceptical of his other claim, that does sound like a good test. What's to stop car companies from taking autonomous vehicles to the world's most dangerous roads as a way of showing off their capabilities? That sounds like the perfect publicity stunt to me, even though it's not necessary to validate the concept of self-driving cars - because 99 per cent of them will never, ever have to deal with situations like that.
Other techworthy additions to the next budget (that we know about) include £75 million for the artificial intelligence industry, £160 million to help launch 5G networks across the UK, £100 million to pay for an additional 8,000 computer science teachers, and £76 million to boost development of digital and construction skills. [Reuters | Sunday Times via Independent]


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Tuesday, November 7, 2017
Top Ten Tuesday: Lil Pump "Gucci Gang"
Pretty simple song, pretty short. Not my favorite, but not the worst thing I've ever heard, either. It's catchier than I thought it would be when it started.
Labels: Lil Pump, Top Ten Tuesday
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If you're a Nigerian reading this post, then the term is one of words you use almost every day; even if you're a Nigerian living abroad but for the benefit of some of my foreign readers, I will define what Aso Ebi is.
Aso Ebi, literally meaning Cloth For The Family Members, is a uniform type of cloth worn by family members, close friends and sometimes by people who are invited to attend an event. It has been used in past times to single out the celebrants and their family but the advantages have gone farther than that. Aso Ebi brings about "uniformity" and adds glam and colour to a party. It also gives a sense of belonging to the person wearing it; once in your Aso Ebi, you won't feel left out and like a complete stranger at a party even if you know just one person there. The advantages of the Aso Ebi can never be over emphasized; it literally brightens up the event.
However, choosing the right Aso Ebi for every occasion can be really tough to do. It goes beyond going to the market and picking any kind of cloth. You have to do a lot of thinking when choosing the material so as not to offend people that will be buying the cloth from you. I understand how stressful it is to actually decide what to pick as I have elder sisters who are married and one about to get married. That is why I have put together some tips to help you in choosing the right Aso Ebi for every occasion especially weddings. (I hope you find them really helpful)
#1. Always Have "All" Your Guests In Mind
we all know all fingers are not equal. We have family members that are really well to do and those who are not so rich. It is important that you strike a balance so at least almost everyone can afford the material. How terrible will it be if your Aso Ebi sells too high that only few can buy it. Pick a good material that is not expensive so the not so wealthy can turn up in your Aso Ebi.
#2. Pick A Decent Colour Combination Of Materials
when I say decent, I mean colours that will look good on almost everybody; if not everybody. If you can't decide what colour goes best with another colour, you can decide to go monochrome or involve people that are very fashion conscious. Always put both gender in mind when choosing too. It is safer to pick different colours for the guys and the ladies or just go with white, a nice shade of blue, cream and so on.
#3. Pick A Good Material
There are times some materials look so beautiful but are very terrible to maintain, so never pick a material based on just its beauty, check out the quality too. No matter how cheap a material may be, I'm sure you don't want your guests thinking they just wasted their hard earned cash. Quality must always, always be on your top list when choosing Aso Ebi.
#4. Decide What Type Of Material You Want Your Guests To Wear
This should be the number one tip when choosing the Aso Ebi you want. It simplifies everything. We all know there are so many types of fabrics that it can be tough to choose from. Do a thorough research before picking any fabric. You can also ask for the help of a fashion designer. Ankara, Lace, Guinea; do a proper research on the best fabric to use (especially when putting people's pockets into consideration). Do not pick a material that is out of vogue or not so trendy; give your guests the true value of their money.
It is important to not inflate the prices of your materials for personal gain. Put yourself in other people's shoes before you call a 3,000 worth of material 10,000 naira. If you don't want to be bothered about the Aso Ebi wahala or the effect it may have on people's pockets, just stick with choosing a uniform gele or cap that everyone can afford. Or pick a uniform colour and leave everyone to buy their own materials.
Also put in mind that as you're choosing your Aso Ebi, you also have to consider the "souvenirs" you give to your buyers. Please don't give them a pen or key holder or bottle openers; I'm sure a lot of people are tired of collecting that at parties.
Quality is the foremost when choosing Aso Ebi for every occasion and give people the value of what they are paying for, they deserve that.


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Idea for a cookie centerpiece.Idea for a cookie centerpiece.
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Once these are completely cooled and chilled and the chocolate shell is hardened you can stack them kind of as a pyramid shape in the centerpiece of a table, so, as opposed to maybe a cake you have a truffle Cookie tree. Perfect. Awesome.


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History Of The Camargue Horse
The Camargue horse originates from the harsh wetlands of the Camargue region of Southern France and the horses have inhabited the region for hundreds or thousands of years. They have been used as cavalry horses and working horses.
In 1976 the French Government set standards and registered all the main breeders of Camargue horses to ensure the breed was preserved and each year a Government representative visits each herd for the "Marquage" (branding) and registration of foals. Foals born within the defined Camargue region are registered "Sous Berceau" and foals born outside this area are registered "Hors Berceau" (out of the birth place) .
Height Of The Camargue Horse
The Camargue horse stands 13.2 to 14.2 hh.
Colour Of The Camargue Horse
Camargue horses are born dark brown or black but change colour to grey as they mature.
Breed Characteristics Of The Camargue Horse
The Camargue horse has a large head with flat forehead with a tendency towards a roman nose. It has a short neck, full mane, deep chest, compact body, strong limbs and hooves, well developed hindquarters and a full but low set tail. Camargue horses are agile and have good stamina.
Temperament Of The Camargue Horse
The Camargue horse is calm and intelligent.
Uses Of The Camargue Horse
Traditionally the Camargue horse is used by the Camargue cowboys who tend to the cattle in the Camargue region but they also make ideal all round riding horses.


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This ring is as elegant and ethereal as you are! Also a popular as eternity ring and promise ring, this style is new gen way of expressing love too. Little diamonds studded along the loop will keep shimmering through your finger and gets to makes it an eye-candy. Moreover, it is the most popular choice among minimalist fashionista these days.
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The intricate pattern of a three-petal flower is too beautiful to be described. The design forms a low-hanging with a diamond creeper arranged just above. It is the best fit for women who believe in low-key accessorizing. No wonder, it is one of the bestsellers among working women.
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The raindrop pattern of a ring is the best buy in your budget. It will be like hide and show with your skin with this unique design. You can grab in any of your favorite gold metal shade. When you are in a mood to shuffle your casual rings, this gets to be an impressive replacement you would love to try.
When you will look for any particular reason to buy diamond jewelry, you will get irresistible to wait till the date arrives. Why don't you buy your favorite design the moment they win your heart?! After all Key to happiness is Self Love and sometimes pampering yourself with jewellery online shopping is the best therapy you need. What say?
Since you are buying them, why don't you grab some for your Mr.!? Have a look at our mens diamond ring designs collection, maybe you find some surprising material there for him.
Let us know in comments if you loved the designs and if we can assist you in choosing them.


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I search for poetry that rises from the roots, flows like the winding St Louis River to Lake Superior, and surges inside, wave against wave. I search for moments of the past that cast their light upon the hands. It is in the body, visceral and geologic, in the stones broken for mineral deposits, in the cities on ice. It is in the scent of wintergreen and yarrow. I search for the knock and echo of the pileated woodpecker, the call of the bittern and the Canadian goose. In the hidden things, the just whelped wolf pups playing amid the tangle of shadow and light, the endless roads taken by the wild and civilized or the wind, in the encounters and surprises, in breath and word, I find my music.
Writing about place offers poets the opportunity to explore stories that are layered and deep. There is a wisdom in the landscape and secrets spoken without our knowing. Writing that begins or ends with the land is a way to ground ourselves, hold to the elemental and enduring, and access the part of history or heritage right before us. "The Blessing" by James Wright begins:
Just off the highway to Rochester, Minnesota,
Twilight bounds softly forth on the grass.
And the eyes of those two Indian ponies
Darken with kindness.
They have come gladly out of the willows
To welcome my friend and me.
We step over the barbed wire into the pasture
Where they have been grazing all day, alone.
In another of his poems, James Wright writes about the curious light inside the river, and the curious light held within the hair of a woman that he admires. The secret of light has passed through each of our bodies. Within memory, in a scent, a sound, a touch it comes back to life inside of us. It is in dreams. It is in our art. Of James Wright's poem, "The Secret of Light," James Galvin writes: "So the poet of place situates himself in place in order to lose himself in it. Poetry of place is actually a poetry of displacement and self-annihilation. The poet replaces self with situation, turning himself, as it were, inside out, so that the center of "knowing who you are" becomes the circumference of uncertainty."
Another interesting connection exists between "The Secret of Light" and the work of another poet, Edward Thomas, of whom James Wright said: [Thomas] was "one of the secret spirits who help keep us alive." and "I would rather have written that poem than go to heaven." Many of the James Wright's poems, including The Blessing, The Secret of Light, and others seem to resonate with Thomas' work, titled "Like the Touch of Rain." Edward Thomas' poem has a spare and beautiful form, and Wright's is a rangy prose poem that seems to also hold the touch Thomas' poem inside of it. All poets have connections like this, poets who keep them alive, whose work they absolutely love, and those poems serve as a "secret light."
Barry Lopez writes about place in his essay, "Landscape and Narrative" in his book Crossing Open Ground. "One learns a landscape finally not by knowing the name and identity of everything in it, but by perceiving the relationships in it--like that between the sparrow and the twig." It is these relationships and patterns that are important. He suggests the exterior landscape is projected inside us, and it becomes a second, interior landscape. Landscape is inextricably bound with story. The stories that we tell, the stories that also detail the relationships and patterns of the land like the stories of the Navajo, are powerful.
To inhabit a place is to give oneself that the land owns us. We are momentary, ephemeral, migrating across regions that are not ever completely known and that are lonely and sometimes even brutal.
Richard Hugo wrote an interesting book, The Triggering Town. It was his practice to start writing about a town. He learned that it triggered another subject that was the "real subject" and then, he went on from there. Here is an excerpt from the introduction to his essay:
"Once a triggering subject is located as a base from which to write, Hugo argues that a poet should turn his attention to the play and music of the language, allowing a private language—a personal connection, and perhaps frequent return, to certain words, and the richness of the poet's complex associations with those words—to drive the poem forward. Notes Hugo, "Your triggering subjects are those that ignite your need for words. When you are honest to your feelings, that triggering town chooses you. Your words used your way will generate your meanings. Your obsessions lead you to your vocabulary. Your way of writing locates, even creates, your inner life. The relation of you to your language gains power. The relation of you to the triggering subject weakens."
If language is a boat, then it is a good idea to launch from a particular landing, terra firma.
Donald Hall said, "For some poets place is golden, and the golden place like the golden age is usually unattainable—either because it is in the historical past or because it is in the biographical past of the poet, or both. (Such doubling is a poetic habit.) The poem wishes to attain—perhaps does attain, for a moment—a rare condition of blessedness, which the place sponsors."The constant changing world owns us. The land holds us. We tie ourselves in many ways -- to it and to others -- but our claims all temporary because we can not help but change.
A robin arrives, sways upon the branch by the window, staring at its reflection. This robin has a territory to defend. It sees itself, but thinks it is another and flies against the glass over and over, to drive away the image. We walk through our place, but all the while we walk in the territories of the wild. Maxine Kumin wrote, "In a poem one can use the sense of place as an anchor for larger concerns, as a link between narrow details and global realities. Location is where we start from." Place is a way to "ground" the poem.
The Poetry of Place: James Wright "The Secret of Light"
essay by James Galvin
For an example of Hugo's poems, see http://www.poetryfoundation.org/poem/171835
and his essay: http://www.poetryfoundation.org/learning/essay/237872
see Edward Thomas, "Like the Touch of Rain" at http://www.poemhunter.com/poem/like-the-touch-of-rain/
James Wright, "A Blessing" from Above the River: The Complete Poems and Selected Prose. Copyright 1990 by James Wright.


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17 of our attorneys, representing 22 practice areas, have been ranked in The Best Lawyers in America for 2020.
Cora A. Alsante has also been selected as a 2020 The Best Lawyers in America "Lawyer of the Year" in the Syracuse, New York metropolitan area for Trusts & Estates. Janet D. Callahan was selected as a 2020 The Best Lawyers in America "Lawyer of the Year" in the Syracuse, New York metropolitan area for Products Liability Litigation – Defendants. The Best Lawyers in America is a ranking publication that compiles lists of outstanding attorneys by conducting exhaustive peer-review surveys in which thousands of leading lawyers confidentially evaluate their professional peers. To learn more about this ranking publication, visit www.bestlawyers.com.
U.S. News & World Report and Best Lawyers have awarded Hancock Estabrook with First-Tier "Best Law Firms" rankings in nine practice areas for 2019. Those practice areas are: Commercial Litigation, Elder Law, Environmental Law, Health Care Law, Litigation – Labor & Employment, Litigation – Trusts & Estates, Personal Injury Litigation – Defendants, Product Liability Litigation – Defendants, and Trusts & Estates Law
These awards go to firms who excelled in U.S. News – Best Lawyers' research relating to particular legal specialties.


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Sold OutLast Chance! Product will be discontinued when sold out.
Cherished Girl®, find peace in the notion that God is with you in this "Be Still Cross" Long-Sleeve T-shirt in Purple. In every corner of the earth, God's goodness reigns and His presence can be felt. Shut off your phone, close your laptop, turn off the TV, and be still; it is in the quiet that we can hear God's voice and feel the incredible love He has for us.
Psalm 46:10 says, "Be still, and know that I am God; I will be exalted among the nations, I will be exalted in the earth." No matter what is on your mind or what happened at work, school, or home today—God is with you, and you can rest in His reassurance for your life. He is with us everywhere we go, and He has a good plan for each of us.
This classic-fit long-sleeve T-shirt is the perfect weight for fall in breathable 100% cotton, and you'll love the chance to share the Good News with others every time you wear this bright Christian T-shirt.
Cherished Girl® Long-Sleeve T-Shirt—Be Still Cross
Type: Long-Sleeve


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Benefits of Physical Activity
The workplace is an important setting to encourage employees to increase their levels of activity to benefit their health and protect against the most common health problems. Physical activity is essential for good health and contribute to positive wellbeing.
WHO defines physical activity as any bodily movement produced by skeletal muscles that requires energy expenditure – including activities undertaken while working, playing, carrying out household chores, travelling, and engaging in recreational pursuits.
The recommended daily guidelines for Adults aged 18–64 years are:
- At least 150 minutes of moderate-intensity physical activity throughout the week, or do at least 75 minutes of vigorous-intensity physical activity throughout the week, or an equivalent combination of moderate- and vigorous-intensity activity. One way to do your recommended 150 minutes of weekly physical activity is to do 30 minutes on 5 days a week.
- For additional health benefits, adults should increase their moderate-intensity physical activity to 300 minutes per week, or equivalent.
- Muscle-strengthening activities should be done involving major muscle groups on 2 or more days a week.
- Research shows that 8 out of 10 women and 7 out of 10 men in Northern Ireland do not engage in sufficient physical activity, many of these people are employed.
- Inactivity is one of the main risk factors for diseases such as coronary heart disease; this may place a significant burden on the health of your employees.
- Physical activity can play a major role in promoting the physical and mental health of employee and can also lead to increased productivity.
- Research has shown that employees who are fit and active have lower levels of absenteeism.
- Physical activity can be used as an effective team building tool.
There are many ways employers can promote physical activity in the workplace such as:
- Encouraging employees to take a walk at lunchtime possibly by organising a group-walking programme or by promoting the use of stairs rather than the lift.
- Provide information about physical activity that is taking place in the local area e.g. posters and leaflets.
- Support and participate in events such as National Bike Week, Bike to Work Week.
Form a company sports team e.g. soccer, gaelic football, netball, rugby, etc. Not only will this
- encourage employees to take part in physical activity but it will also help to increase staff
- morale and cohesion.
Provide shower facilities or changing facilities for employees who wish to take part in physical
- activity during the working day.
Some larger businesses provide exercise facilities, however this can be costly, an alternative
- would be to subsidise the cost of employees joining a gym.
Contact local gyms to see if they could provide a discounted corporate gym membership for
- staff.
Set up a group which represents employees and management to discuss physical activity in
- your workplace.
Consult with other agencies such as the Health Promotion Department and your local Council
- (Leisure Department).
Ask employees about what would encourage them to become more physically active.
• Health Promotion Department (All Trusts) Physical Activity Co-Ordinator
• Local Council Sports Development Department


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Often, when you're changing your diet (whether for weight loss or for an overall lifestyle change), you'll hear that you should eat more meals in smaller portions. Eating "five small meals a day" is a popular diet pattern touted for having major health benefits, including weight loss, boosted metabolism, increased energy, and more[1]. But is it possible that doing the opposite – AKA adapting a diet pattern of intermittent fasting – can also have pretty great health benefits as well?
Our favorite cardiologist, Dr. Joel Kahn, says yes![2] Intermittent fasting isn't actually a new idea: fasting has historically been a part of many cultures, religions, and lifestyles. Intermittent fasting doesn't mean going extremely long periods of time without food. It means going maybe twelve hours at a time without eating, at different times throughout the year. You should never go multiple days without eating anything – this could be very unhealthy! But fasting every now and then can have great health benefits.
In just 30 days, intermittent fasting can already start to show some small positive changes in your health and body. It's important that you follow an intermittent fasting diet safely so that you don't starve your body of much-needed nutrients or go into "starvation mode" and actually start gaining weight. Dr. Kahn recommends following the Fasting Mimicking Diet[3], which is only five days a month of low caloric intake – which means it mimics fasting without requiring you to abstain from food entirely!
"We actually benefit," Dr. Kahn says about intermittent fasting, "Fasting turns on responses in our body that tend to actually heal damage. Plus, you'll probably end up a little bit lighter, with a little better blood pressure, a little better cholesterol, a little better blood sugar at the end of 30 days."
Plus, the Fasting Mimicking Diet is scientifically sound and healthy. Dr. Kahn has tried it himself on several occasions and swears by it. Have you tried intermittent fasting? What have your experiences been? Connect with us on social media or sign up for our email list to share your thoughts!
[1] http://www.idealshape.com/blog/eating-5-meals-a-day/
[2] http://www.fox2detroit.com/health/research-shows-fasting-can-help-your-body
[3] https://www.mindbodygreen.com/0-29933/this-doctor-tried-a-fasting-mimicking-diet-for-2-months-heres-what-happened.html


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About Us
Evangelist Phil Clausner is the station manager and host of Bible Talk. He travels the country preaching and teaching. You can learn more about Bro. Phil on his ministry website PhilClausner.com
Casey Clausner is the wife of Bro Phil. She can be heard on Bible Talk and is always ready to help with anything that needs done.
In Fall of 2012 a friend asked me to pray about starting a podcast to make more preaching and studies available online. As an answer to that request, we launched the Bible Truth Radio that October and have been going strong ever since. We reach around the world impacting areas where good Bible believing churches are not found. Along with reaching abroad, we provide God honoring music, preaching, and entertainment to homes across the US. Please pray for this wonderful ministry God has allowed us to oversee.


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Interstate 77 northbound to be restricted again today south of Newcomerstown for bridge deck repairs
New Philadelphia, Ohio (Monday, April 5, 2010) – The Interstate 77 northbound travel lane will be closed again today south of Newcomerstown in Tuscarawas County for bridge deck repairs.
ODOT's maintenance crews began repairs there last week and will continue through the end of the day Wednesday, April 7th.
Work will take place between 9 a.m. and 3:30 p.m. During working hours, one-lane of traffic will be maintained in the northbound passing lane. The southbound lanes will not be affected.
ODOT reminds motorists to SLOW DOWN for the "Cone Zone;" turn on headlights and drive carefully in work zones. Drive responsibly for your safety and the safety of the highway workers. Remember, fines in work zones are doubled for not obeying traffic signs. Minimize distractions – turn OFF cell phones in construction zones. Remember to always buckle up.
For more information contact:
Becky Giauque \Jee-awg\, Public Information Officer, at (330) 308-3949
or email firstname.lastname@example.com
ODOT District 11 serves Belmont, Carroll, Columbiana, Harrison, Holmes, Jefferson and Tuscarawas counties.


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Whether a project is large or small, safety glasses are a vital piece of equipment to wear in construction. There once was reluctance to their wear since they were often uncomfortable. They fit poorly and severely reduced the field of vision. These days there are a wide variety of smart designs that afford the wearer good vision and comfort. Considering how common eye injuries are in construction, there is no longer an excuse not to wear protection.
Clear lenses account for the most sales. They are made of shatter proof glass. Coupled with a sturdy frame, they provide good protection from the most common sorts of accidents involving the eyes during construction getting hit head on by a small object. The earliest type developed, they now come in a wide array of designs.
Similar in design to clear lens types, shaded lenses are a good investment for anyone working outdoors. Since they cut down on glare, they reduce eye strain especially ones with polarized lenses. This leaves people feeling less tired allowing them to work longer hours. Quite a bargain considering that they cost less than many designer shades and yet provide nearly the same level of protection to the eyes as goggles do.
Overglasses are designed to be worn over prescription eye wear. Regular glasses can break into shards when hit forming a danger in themselves. Overglasses protect from this. Because of the high level of protection they provide and the wide field of vision they offer, they are often wore by themselves.
Overglasses can be avoided by incorporating prescription lenses directly into safety glasses. Some designs are so close to standard vision wear that they can be worn away from a construction site without garnering undue attention. Prescription lenses are custom ordered to the individual's need. Their added cost can be justified by the comfort and convenience they provide especially if worn often or for lengthy periods.
Virtually any sort of prescription lenses can be converted into safety frames suitable for use in construction. Trifocals, graduated lenses, and lenses that darken in sunlight can all be upgraded to protective wear for a reasonable price.
The highest levels of protection are found in the sort of protective wear used in working with chemicals. In addition to heavy duty frames able to survive hard impact, these lens systems have side guards that protect the eyes from any sort of splashes that might be encountered in lab work. They are often used when working with dangerous substances.
Goggles offer the highest degree of eye protection and should be resorted to if a job generates significant amounts of flying debris. However, there are considerable drawbacks to the use of goggles. They tend to cut down on the field of vision, and they can be uncomfortable over a long period of time. Given the comfort and the relatively high degree of protection they afford, safety glasses are generally best suited to construction work.
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Want, need and have are three very different dynamic states of being. And they have very different consequences. I've been through all three. To "want" just gets you that. Want. And it seems that we are always in "need." We seem to want and need more money, more love and more understanding by others, not ourselves. There is a tendency to think we already understand ourselves which is why we sometimes get into trouble. No, make that most of the time.
I think we have this little problem primarily because of not living in the moment. Now and only now is all there is; all there will be and all there has ever been. When you graduate, or more to the point, promote to the next belt rank or life rank you move to the "this moment." But it happens in the now. What you accomplished happened in a previous "now." Therefore, I say that time as we normally consider it, doesn't exist. It is only a device that man invented to lend order to his existence.
Have it, don't need it. How is this done? Faith is how it's done but most don't realize that they are working out of this particular principle. Generally a student grows in the development of faith. At first there is faith in the teacher and gradually in fellow students. After all, what we do in learning Aikido is highly dangerous. The thing is we've used faith throughout our existence. When you step on an elevator you practice faith. When you step on the brake while driving your car you practice faith. When you step on an airplane you're usually hoping like hell that your faith is well placed.
Getting back on track and throwing all this into Aikido practice, we are usually operating several inches from disaster. Observe how close a student's head comes to the mat as he or she is thrown. Observe the leg checks and elbow and wrist locks as we practice and you can practically see disaster waiting in the wings. When you do not think of these things happening you are working with faith, my friend. you are operating from a state of grace or a state of being where negativity is not even remotely in the picture. When you operate at this level nothing can harm you; you are life itself and peace and serenity, possibilities and probabilities all rolled into one. At this level You cannot lose because losing is not in your potential. Reach for the stars!


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Country Road & Trenery
Woolworths holds a controlling interest in Country Road, Australia's leading luxury lifestyle brand and its sister brand, Trenery. Selected clothing and accessory ranges are offered in "stores within a store" at selected Woolworths stores countrywide. These stores are staffed by dedicated retail specialists with a good feel for, and knowledge of, fashion.
Tel No: (011) 215 3800
Shop No: Not Available


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Make a Payment
Do you need to make payment? If you have registered your child(ren), but still need to make a payment, then you can pay here.
*If you have NOT registered your child(ren), then you will need to start your registration process on the Registration Page >> Click HERE
Fill out my online form.


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No. 26 Tufts faced off against Dickinson, Haverford and Connecticut College — all ranked in the top 30 — this weekend, winning two games and losing one in close match-ups, raising their season record to 6-3. Sophomore Alec Goodrich was the only member of the team to go undefeated on the weekend in the seven and eight spots.
The Jumbos played against the No. 25 Conn. College Camels in just their second NESCAC game on Sunday, defeating the higher-ranked team by a score of 8-1.
Every conference win means a little extra to the team.
"We hadn't won a conference match in four years before this season," first-year Matt Memmo said.
The team also beat Hamilton earlier in the year; both wins were Tufts' first against either program.
"The wins are good for our conference rank and also our ranking in the national tournament because they were both highly seeded teams," first-year Imran Trehan said.
Senior co-captain Aditya Advani continued his dominant streak, winning easily by a score of 11-5, 11-7, 11-5. Goodrich completed his undefeated weekend with a straight sets victory.
The team's only loss came from sophomore second seed Braden Chiulli, who lost a tightly contested five-setter to Conn. College sophomore John Dunham. The players won the same amount of total points in the match, but Dunham eeked out the fifth set 11-7.
The team dominated top to bottom, with all but three games being won in straight sets. Both ends of the ladder comfortably handled the opposition, and the Jumbos proved that they could not only challenge higher ranked teams, but also compete as a powerful team in the NESCAC and national tournaments.
The day before, the team took a 6-3 victory against No. 30 Haverford. Six of the top seven players won their games, including a dominant three-set sweep from Advani. Four first-years represented the middle of the ladder in spots three through six, and all picked up wins against the Black Squirrels. Three, four and five seeds Alan Litman, Cameron Ewan and Aiden Porges all won in straight sets, and Trehan handily won a four-setter in the six spot. Goodrich rounded out the Jumbos' six victors.
Early in the day, the Jumbos took the court against the No. 29 Dickinson Red Devils, falling by a score of 6-3 in a match where all six of the Tufts losses were taken to four sets. In a positive outlook of this match, the Tufts victories were all recorded by the bottom of the ladder, illustrating the team's depth. First-years Brett Raskopf, the seventh seed, and Memmo, the ninth seed, joined Goodrich in the winners column.
"In squash, the nine seed counts just as much as the one seed; having a lot of depth at the back of the lineup and having guys you can count on takes a lot of pressure off the top guys," Memmo said.
The team now has a long break until Jan. 24, when it once again takes on Conn. College. The team's ranking will likely go up after this past weekend, and the 2-0 start in the conference is promising, as Tufts looks to continue its hot start into the tournament season in February.


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Ceramic Speckled Mug Workshop
|Tue, Jun 25, 2019
|5:30 PM to 7:30 PM
|Biddle Ranch Tasting Room
Join us for a beginner clay workshop! We will be making a Ceramic Speckled Mug! You will learn the basics of working with clay, sculpting and texturing clay. Adriana Lemus and Chad Franco from Night Owl Pottery will guide you through this 2 hour workshop.
The $60 fee includes speckled clay, all materials to use during the workshop, instruction by experienced ceramic artists, and a glass of wine!
Night Owl Pottery is a combination and collaboration of ceramic work by artist Adriana Lemus and Natural Builder Chad Franco. Almost all of their pottery is done at night and this is what led to the name. Both artists are from the Central Coast and come from artist families. Adriana Lemus studied art at UC Berkeley and has been showing her work on the Central Coast and in the Bay area for the past three years. Chad Franco studied natural building in Portugal and Texas and organizes his own Cob Building workshops within the community.


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Features & Highlights
Sharpen Leadership Skills
Inspire & Motivate
Network with Business Leaders
Interact & Learn
Discover Pure Grenada
The third day of our Leadership Series will allow attendees to partake in further networking with your fellow attendees as you discover the beautiful island of Grenada and experience the warmth of the people. Journey on a Culinary Safari with the lead Chef of the Grenada Culinary Team. You'll have the opportunity to learn, smell and use Grenada's world famous spices in your own dishes.
Please contact us separately to register for the Island Experience.
Not included in the registration fee.
Island tour of the beautiful Isle of Spice
Discover the World's most exciting Under water Sculpture Park
Visit our historic sites
Or Just laze on the World famous Grand Anse Beach
Book Accommodation at Caricom Rate >>
email: email@example.com
Latest on Go Blue Inc.
Go Blue Inc. Leadership Series Conference Partners with the University of the West Indies Open Campus. Conference participants attending both days of conference can now gain one full CEU Credit and a certificate of paricipation from UWI.
Photos From Leadership Series 2019
Testimonials from some of our other events
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Managing Director - Grenada Co-operative Bank Ltd
GO BLUE INC. delivered training in Personal Financial Management for the entire staff of GCBL over a 10 week period. Feedback from participants spoke to the need to make that training a staple on the training menu for all new recruits. Training was informative, relevant and a definite eye-opener. Facilitators… read more
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General Manager - Jonas Browne and Hubbard (G'da) Limited
Jonas Browne and Hubbard (G'da) Limited has enjoyed an excellent professional relationship with Go Blue Inc. over the past four (4) years, in its capacity as Management and Human Resources development Consultants. As one of the fastest growing Management Consultancy organization in Grenada, Go Blue Inc. has undertaken, during… read more
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Director Human Resources
" We recently engaged GOBLUE to provide training to approximately one hundred members of staff across the region. From the inception of the project, we welcomed the fact that they solicited a meeting with the leadership team to get an appreciation of the strategic direction of the Campus and the… read more
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Director - Rhics Technology, UK
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Go Blue Inc is a Caribbean Management Consulting and Training Company. We are a dedicated team of professionals who are committed to helping our clients create amazing value, deliver unsurpassed customer service excellence and doing what is required for their ultimate success.
Our team has considerable knowledge and experience in helping businesses grow and develop.
Our competencies are in the areas of strategic planning, human resource management with a concentration on employee assessment and development, employee engagement and training.


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Total Kenya in what will be good news for motorists has today unveiled a new range of fuels namely Total Excellium Petrol and Total Excellium Diesel. These fuels are supposed to be able to clean up the engine as you drive thus giving it long lasting protection. A clean engine will be efficient, economical and most definitely last longer while at the same time reducing carbon deposits.
These are the benefits a motorist can expect from the new fuel.
Engine will last longer
Carbon deposits tend to form in the engine as the ordinary fuel burns up, using the new fuel cleans up the engine hence enabling it to maintain its performance. The anti-corrosion technology also ensures that the engine requires less maintenance hence reducing your costs.
Fuel efficiency
An engine which is clean that is basically without the carbon buildup will be more efficient and will consume less fuel. The new fuel contains detergents which clean up the sensitive engine parts like the fuel injectors and intake valves.
Less pollution
The fuel promises to improve the running of your engine thus reducing on the emissions like carbon monoxide. This will go a long way in protecting our environment.
Less foaming for diesel
Total Excellium Diesel has additives that result in less foaming especially during filling.
The fuels which will be sold at the same price as the ordinary diesel and petrol seems to be a bid to eat into Shell's market share as it has similar fuels (V Power) though sold at a higher price. If the fuels are any good I might even think of jumping ship from Shell.