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Jordan Henderson is a box-to-box midfielder who blossomed to become the Reds' captain in the summer of 2015.
He was brought to Anfield in June 2011 having risen through the youth ranks at Sunderland, a club he joined aged seven.
The youngster made his first-team debut for the Black Cats against Chelsea in November 2008 after helping the club to successive U18s league titles.
The second half of his breakthrough season was spent on loan at Championship side Coventry City and it wasn't until 2009-10 that fans at the Stadium of Light really saw what he was capable of. Henderson totalled 38 appearances during the campaign and was crowned Sunderland's Young Player of the Year.
He would retain the title in 2010-11, a season which brought a first international cap. It was Fabio Capello who handed him a Three Lions debut at the age of 20 in a friendly with France in November 2010, though afterwards he would return to the U21 fold to wear the captain's armband.
Henderson left Sunderland with a tally of five goals from 79 appearances - though he would soon be reunited with his former teammates as they visited Anfield for his debut on August 13 2011.
While operating in the centre for much of his young career, our No.14 spent most of his first season at Anfield on the right of midfield.
Still, he managed to display his undoubted technical abilities with a sublime assist for Luis Suarez in a League Cup win at Stoke City and with goals against Bolton Wanderers and Chelsea. He would also play a key role as we collected a trophy, starting the League Cup final win over Cardiff City.
The campaign ended on a high for Henderson as he was called into the England squad for Euro 2012 by new boss Roy Hodgson following an injury to Frank Lampard. He made two substitute appearances as the Three Lions reached the quarter-finals, where they lost on penalties to Italy.
In February 2013, the midfielder was voted as England U21 Player of the Year for 2012 by supporters following an online vote.
More was to come, with 2013-14 a truly landmark season for Henderson. An almost ever-present as Brendan Rodgers' Reds surged to second place in the Premier League, he added goals and assists to his athleticism to receive the acclaim of the Kop.
His performances at club level also earned Jordan a starting berth alongside captain Steven Gerrard when the Three Lions departed for the World Cup in Brazil.
Back to Liverpool duty and the outset of the No.14's fourth season with the Reds, Henderson was confirmed as vice-captain to Gerrard in recognition of his considerable consistency and contribution.
Henderson marked his 150th appearance for the club by scoring the third goal in a 3-1 win against Leicester City, before reaffirming his vital role at the club with a stunning long-range opener in the home win against champions Manchester City in March 2015.
Four months later, a truly incredible rise was capped by his appointment as the captain at Anfield following the departure of Gerrard to LA Galaxy.
Injuries hindered Henderson's 2015-16 campaign, but he returned towards the end of the season and travelled to Euro 2016 with England.
Henderson had a superb 2017-18 campaign as he captained Liverpool in the Champions League final in Kiev against Real Madrid, before setting off to Russia with England for the 2018 World Cup.
On September 3, 2018, the Reds announced the skipper had signed a new long-term contract with the club.


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|Version 7 (modified by mgood, 13 years ago) (diff)
Using SQLAlchemy
SQLAlchemy is a new ORM library developed by Michael Bayer. Michael claims that SQLAlchemy is not a framework and does not need to dictate program architecutre in order to work. The fundamental concept (borrowed from Java's Hibernate) is the concept of a Unit of Work, which batches related operations in order to produce the most efficient SQL queries.
SQLAlchemy: http://www.sqlalchemy.org/
Notable advantages of SQLAlchemy over SQLObject are the ability to map arbitrary selects, the ability to map muliple tables/selects onto a single object, and support for composite primary keys. SQLAlchemy object properties by default retain their database-like lowercase_with_underscores names used standardly in Python instead of SQLObject's mixedCase names.
The disadvantage is that SQLAlchemy is more complex than SQLObject, requiring separate table description, object declaration, and object mapping statements.
If you use SQLAlchemy, you will lose access to fastdata. This could be fixed rather simply by adding sqlalchemy-knowledgable conditions to the RuleDispatch checks in formmaker.py. There are no other disadvantages to using SQLAlchemy with TurboGears.
This document covers the 0.1.0 release and was written on February 13, 2006.
Getting SQLAlchemy
SQLAlchemy made its first public release (0.1.0) on February 13, 2006. You can get it from the cheeseshop:
easy_install SQLAlchemy
Or grab it some other way via the SQLAlchemy Download Page. Michael provides thorough documentation and the pages on python sql construction, basic data mapping, and advanced data mapping are well worth the read.
The documentation is slightly confused in some places, so be sure you notice the 'monkeypatch' version of mapper, assign_mapper. Also don't miss the arguments to relation, which are hidden towards the top of the advanced mapping page.
For the basics of how SQLAlchemy works and how to perform mapping, refer to the main SQLAlchemy docs. This document only covers points relevant to TG.
This section describes how to set up SQLAlchemy so that it will use a seperate config in development and production mode.
The first thing you need to be aware of when coming from SQLObject is that dburis in SQLAlchemy have schemas that vary based on the backend. Yes, this entirely defeats the purpose of having them in uri format. Pick your format from one of the uris shown below:
sqlite://filename=querytest.db sqlite://filename=:memory: postgres://database=test&host=localhost&user=scott&password=tiger mysql://db=test&host=localhost&user=scott&passwd=tiger mysql://db=test&unix_socket=/tmp/foo.socket&user=scott&passwd=tiger oracle://dsn=mydsn&user=scott&passwd=tiger
And insert the following into your devcfg.py and prodcfg.py files:
sqlalchemy.dburi = *<your connection uri>* sqlalchemy.echo = 0 #Set to 1 for echo
Now flip over to your <project>/model.py file and replace the contents with:
from sqlalchemy import * import cherrypy engine = create_engine(cherrypy.config.get('sqlalchemy.dburi'), echo=cherrypy.config.get('sqlalchemy.echo',0))
With those lines, you're ready to go. Keep everything SQLAlchemy related below the engine declaration.
Tips and Gotchas
You may want to keep echo off by default and turn it on when you're debugging in tg-admin shell by simply engine.echo = 1 in the interpreter.
Be aware that SQLAlchemy has transactions on all the time via the Unit of Work abstraction and they are NOT implicit. This means that you need to call objectstore.commit() to push your changes to the db, even in the controller methods. If you're running an assign_mapper object, you can call the object's commit() directly to commit the object. A UoW rollback is objectstore.clear().
You can change a column's name using the alias parameter of the Column constructor.
Custom Column Types
SQLObject uses formencode to perform python to database conversions. This shows how to use the SQLAlchemy column datatypes. Below are two examples, one which converts a number representing the system timestamp to a python datetime while the other converts IPv4 addresses between integer and octet notation. Keep in mind that convert_bind_param is to the database while convert_result_value is from the database.
import time from datetime import datetime class TIMESTAMP(Numeric): def convert_bind_param(self,value,engine): return super(TIMESTAMP,self).convert_bind_param(time.mktime(value.timetuple()),engine) def convert_result_value(self,value,engine): return datetime.fromtimestamp(super(TIMESTAMP,self).convert_result_value(value,engine))
import struct from socket import inet_aton, inet_ntoa, error as socket_error class IPv4AddrTypeError(TypeError): def __init__(self, addr): self.addr = addr def __str__(self): return "Illegal IPv4 address '%s'" % self.addr class IPV4(Numeric): def convert_bind_param(self,value,engine): try: return super(IPV4,self).convert_bind_param(struct.unpack('!L',inet_aton(value))[0],engine) except socket_error: raise IPv4AddrTypeError(value) def convert_result_value(self,value,engine): return inet_ntoa(struct.pack('!L',super(IPV4,self).convert_result_value(value,engine))
Future Developments
Jonathan LaCour is working on a declarative way of describing forms through his ActiveMapper project.
ActiveMapper: http://groups.google.com/group/turbogears/browse_frm/thread/cd5e46d9359029b8

subset: commoncrawl


text:
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We all mourn the loss of 20 children and six adult educators in Newtown, Conn. Many ask why and search for answers. Some ask why would a good God allow this to happen. It is very clear we are no longer a Christian nation. As a nation we took God out of schools years ago. We have many Christian teachers who are prohibited from teaching God's word in our schools. The 10 Commandments are outlawed.
I believe our moral character is molded from our youth by the teachings of our parents and teachers in Sunday school and public school. Many parents fall short and some are non existent. By law Christianity is not allowed in our schools leaving a lot of kids to figure out morality on their own by what is acceptable in their home and today's schools.
Twenty-one of 50 states distribute condoms to students, which promotes sexual activity among students. In some states abortions can be arranged without parental knowledge teaching that misleading their parents is OK and murder for convenience is OK. Violent video games add to their moral education.
The shooter was obviously deranged. I often wonder how many killers would have come to God before they did harm if we were a God-fearing Christian nation and God was still welcome in our schools.
I don't want to diminish what happened in Newtown, but something even worse happens every day. As a nation we have aborted over 55 million babies for convenience sake with very few tears being shed.
Our President visited Newtown and gave a very eloquent speech committing to do something to stop the violence. Then I remembered this is the same man who as an Illinois state senator voted to let a baby born alive from a botched abortion die without nourishment.
Christian's should read 2 Chronicles 7-14 and follow his instructions for repentance. Pray for our leaders and voice your opinion. Call Kay Hagan (202-224-6342) Richard Burr (202-224-3154) Patrick McHenry (202-225-2576) and ask them to put God back in school and stop abortion.
Dan Bowser


text:
There could have been lots of forced jokes about Elmo and Big Bird. Or embittered references to Juan Williams and Arab stings and hapless leadership that had left everyone in the room feeling defensive and defenseless. But when Gary Knell made his debut at a staff meeting in October as the incoming head of NPR—in the multi-platform era, "National Public Radio" had officially ceased to exist—the prevailing feeling was less of anger or skepticism than relief. Under the watchful eyes of three of NPR's "founding mothers"—Susan Stamberg couldn't make it, but Nina Totenberg, Cokie Roberts, and Linda Wertheimer were on hand—Knell, 57 years old, introduced himself to his beleaguered, embattled troops.
Knell (pronounced NELL), who headed Sesame Workshop for the past 12 years, managed almost immediately to fill most of the items on NPR's lengthy punch card of qualifications. He was a longtime "NPR groupie," able to drop names like "Melissa Block" and "Neal Conan" effortlessly. He knew his way around the digital world, and Congress, and nonprofits. Though not a journalist, he'd once had journalistic aspirations and seemed to retain journalistic sensibilities. He appeared inspiring, soothing, self-deprecating, politic, and poised, well suited to the spoiled, hypersensitive station managers who control NPR's destiny and the funders who bankroll it. All might not have been bright after he spoke that day, but all was at least calm.
Only time will tell whether Knell, who took over NPR in December, will fare better or last longer than his last four predecessors (including two interim C.E.O.'s), who averaged about a year apiece. But given his provenance—he'd been chosen by NPR's much-maligned board of directors, which is controlled by its 268 member stations—he seemed far more impressive than anyone in his audience had any right to expect. "He's already done well," said Kevin Klose, perhaps the last NPR leader who was widely respected within his own ranks—two weeks before Knell had actually begun.
Over the past few years, NPR, which to the millions of commuters and housewives and shut-ins who listen to it every day sounds like a sea of tranquility, has undergone nearly constant turbulence. In 2008, facing a bad economy exacerbated by poor management, it underwent the first layoffs in its history, lopping off about 100 heads, and cancelled two of its programs. Having barely recovered from that bloodbath, it has suffered over the past year from what one of its first leaders, Frank Mankiewicz, has called a series of S.I.W.'s—World War II–ese for "self-inflicted wounds." In peculiarly clumsy fashion, it had fired its most conspicuous, popular black voice, Juan Williams, raising questions about its commitment to free speech in the process. Then it essentially fired the woman who had fired him. Then it fired the woman who had fired the woman who fired him, along with its chief fund-raiser. All this had been embarrassingly public and poorly explained, and from an outfit whose business is explication.
Frustration with impotent, ineffectual, absentee, and alien management at NPR first festered, then boiled over after the latest bit of bloodletting in March: when the chairman of its board, Dave Edwards of WUWM in Milwaukee, came to Washington to meet with staffers, he practically needed bodyguards. Suddenly, those folks who always sound so chipper on the air—a timbre known around NPR as "Minnesota nice"—were livid. "I don't know if you realize it, but you're up against some of the sharpest political minds in the country," Peter Overby, the NPR reporter whose beat is power and money, lectured Edwards, referring to NPR's right-wing detractors, the ones who are perpetually calling to cut off its federal dollars. "They're using NPR as a fund-raising tool and a way to mobilize their base. This is a long battle, and it's not going to go away. So my question is, do you and the board think you're up to this fight?"
It seemed a fair question at the time. "You guys are still here!" President Obama, looking toward the NPR table, declared in mock amazement at the White House Correspondents' Dinner in April. May marked NPR's 40th anniversary, but apart from a truck handing out popsicles in front of its Washington headquarters, there wasn't much celebrating.
NPR has always been a curiously insular institution, a place where people with common backgrounds congregate, stay around forever, live near and sometimes marry one another (at one point Susan Stamberg actually kept track of how many such matches there had been). "It's a self-involved and self-defining culture," one prominent NPR personality told me. "I suppose it's only a matter of time before an NPR couple produces the first NPR baby who becomes an NPR reporter." As an outsider—he actually has been living in New York—Knell seems well suited to pop NPR out of its Beltway bubble. In the process, he could help it to develop the maturity and competence, confidence and toughness, to match its steadily growing influence and reach.
By all the usual yardsticks, NPR is more successful and important—more essential—than ever. As other news operations retrench or atrophy or vulgarize, NPR has grown more engaged and ubiquitous. Twenty-seven million people, urban and rural, Democrat and Republican, listen to NPR programming weekly: unless you're in the remotest reaches of the Sierra Nevada, you're within range of Robert Siegel and Renee Montagne. And, because of its burgeoning foreign bureaus–thanks in part to a $235 million bequest from McDonald's heiress Joan Kroc, NPR now has more of them than any domestic news organization besides The New York Times–you can hear Sylvia Poggioli, Ofeibea Quist-Arcton, Mandalit del Barco, Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson, Lourdes Garcia-Navarro, and Doualy Xaykaothao as well. From an amalgam of amateurish college radio stations and stuffy classical-music redoubts, NPR has grown into a mighty journalistic juggernaut.
In the process, it's gone decidedly mainstream. True, in story selection and sound, NPR retains a tincture of elite liberalism. (Anyone seeking evidence need only listen to the insufferable "Wait Wait . . . Don't Tell Me!") But as its critics on the left contend (yes, there are lots of them too, every bit as over-heated as those on the right), on NPR these days there's far more comforting the afflicted than afflicting the comfortable. NPR has traded much of its early edginess and eccentricity for reach and respectability, stability, and an almost compulsive inoffensiveness. (When, not long ago, Leon Panetta called Osama bin Laden a "son of a bitch," NPR felt compelled to bleep out the "bitch.") Apart from the occasional stories about gays or Palestinians (and maybe even gay Palestinians), there's precious little on NPR these days for conservatives really to hate. For them, despising NPR and cutting off what amounts to the few pennies it collects from the federal budget has increasingly become more a matter of pandering, or habit, or sophomoric sport, than of conviction or serious policy. The editor of the Weekly Standard, Bill Kristol, once confessed to former NPR ombudsman Jeffrey Dvorkin that he really didn't believe NPR was liberal; he just said so "to keep you guys on the defensive." And that still seems true.
Cutting NPR's funds remains firmly inscribed in the Republican catechism: Mitt Romney, predictably, has been only the latest to fall in line. But no matter how much Republicans threaten and Fox News fulminates, it's never going to happen: too many Republicans, including the Colorado Republican who sponsored the de-funding legislation that passed the House in March (it went nowhere after that), listen to it. Who, after all, wants to be blamed for killing off Click and Clack? At most, it might get what one NPR host called "a haircut," just like the rest of the federal government.
Nearly 30 years ago, during one of its periodic attempts to free itself from the federal dole—an arrangement dating back to NPR's inception during the Great Society—NPR had nearly gone bankrupt. Its member stations had bailed it out, but the price they exacted was high: from the beginning, those stations—a few large, most small or infinitesimal—had always effectively controlled the NPR board, which controls NPR. But now they got their money directly from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting rather than through NPR, giving them even more leverage. Only these 268 member stations can change the current structure, and they aren't likely to vote to diminish their own power anytime soon. So what has become one of the most powerful media entities in the world isn't run by its own journalists, or by journalists at all, but by station managers from places like Portland, Oregon; Charlotte, North Carolina; Concord, New Hampshire; and Carbondale, Illinois. Those stations are in turn largely funded by political appointees at the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, an entity which exists only to dole out federal dollars. It's supposed to be a firewall against political interference, but concerned for its own survival—if those federal dollars disappear, it does, too—it's become more of a levee, prone to crumble when the slightest trickle of right-wing criticism starts flowing its way.
Though NPR is surprisingly unable (or unwilling) to give a precise number, the best guess is that roughly 10 percent of NPR's revenue comes—either directly or indirectly—from the Feds. The remainder arrives courtesy of—well, every NPR listener knows that voice, sometimes chipper, sometimes officious, shoe-horned into every idle moment of the broadcast day: "Support from NPR comes from . . . ," followed by a litany of private donors, foundations, corporations, and family trusts. But local stations depend on the C.P.B.–mostly for 10 to 15 percent, but in some instances for as much as 60 percent, of their budgets
Actually, a wide range of people across the political spectrum think weaning itself off the government dole would be the best thing that could happen to NPR, either by getting the government out of the broadcasting business or by liberating NPR from the yahoos. And given its devoted and affluent following—surely there are lots more Joan Krocs out there listening in—even a modicum of imagination, and cooperation between NPR and its member stations, which have historically fought over the same dollars, could make this happen. But it has to be done delicately; for now, Knell is quite understandably saying he's against it. No sense taking on fights when more immediate needs loom: for starters, he must replace its most recent news chief, Ellen Weiss, and Ron Schiller, formerly its chief fund-raiser, both casualties of the carnage triggered largely by the firing of Juan Williams in October 2010. Given the relentlessness of the news and NPR's own emollient sound, it's doubtful anyone has noted their absence. Still, the long-term turbulence at the top of NPR allowed problems to fester, then explode, then reverberate. That's where Williams enters the picture.
On that fateful day, a year ago last October, as NPR's senior Washington editor Ron Elving and Williams took the short walk from NPR headquarters to the White House for a meeting with then presidential adviser David Axelrod, Elving witnessed something quite extraordinary. Every few steps, someone stopped Williams, shook his hand, and said how much he admired him. In its largely self-effacing world—NPR stages a continuous slide show in its lobby, just to show you what the faces from which all those familiar voices emerge actually look like—Williams was not just recognizable: he was a star.
Williams, the son of a boxing trainer from Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn, had for a decade pulled off a balancing act worthy of the Cirque de Soleil: straddling between brash, right-wing Fox News, which he'd joined in 1997, and polite, vaguely progressive NPR, where he'd come three years later. For someone who thrived on being provocative and unpredictable, who hated being pigeonholed, it worked quite nicely: he could be semi-liberal around the conservatives and semi-conservative around the liberals, and a rare, cherished black body around both. Fox paid well, wasn't terribly taxing, afforded enormous visibility, and gave him two things NPR never could: a feeling of belonging, and the power to pop off. Conversely, NPR offered things unavailable at Fox, things that mattered to someone who'd built his reputation at The Washington Post—things like respectability in more mainstream political precincts.
How had he done it? Well, Williams was charming, and intelligent, and energetic. The stations, for whom he was in high demand at fund-raising events, loved him. Williams's work at NPR had been spotty, just as it had previously been at the Post and in other endeavors. [See "The Story of Juan."] But he had a trump card: he was the most prominent black man on its air. Letting Williams go, at any point, for any cause, would raise hackles. But over time, parting ways with Williams came to seem as inevitable as it was impossible.
Sometime in 1999, Williams says that NPR approached him for a job. By then he was a familiar face on television—he'd been on CNN programs like Crossfire before Roger Ailes recruited him for Fox—but he had no prior experience on radio. NPR checked him out perfunctorily. Actually, it did little to investigate his journalism, contenting itself instead with a Nexis search for signs that he'd made more of the sorts of inappropriate comments to female co-workers that had once landed him in hot water at the Post. Finding none, the due diligence pretty much stopped there. For NPR, after all, Williams was a three-fer: a star, black, and a conservative (at least relatively speaking), three commodities in perpetually short supply there. "We were punch-drunk about having him on board," one NPR editor recalled. Williams's new association was nonetheless a strange fit. He remained more intent upon becoming a player and pundit, types to which the network had never catered, than a host or reporter. From the beginning, NPR struggled to find a place for him. His first gig, replacing Ray Suarez as host of its afternoon interview program, Talk of the Nation, lasted for less than a year and a half. As Williams is quick to note, the show's ratings actually improved under him: 2000 was an election year, though, and everyone's ratings were up. But Williams had never hosted a show, and, as Jay Kernis, NPR's senior vice president for programming at the time, recalled, "he didn't hold the air." Nor, co-workers say, did he do his homework: preparing for eight hours of radio a week is arduous, and he had too much else going on. One recalled telling him how laboriously Terry Gross got herself ready for *Fresh Air,*forever lugging home boxes of books and compact discs; "Juan really didn't want to hear that," he said. Off at Fox or the gym or on the road, he missed meetings. Unwilling to master them the way, say, Robert Siegel does, he mangled foreign names, then mangled them anew after every station break. The very stations that so loved him as a fund-raiser threatened to pull the program unless he was replaced.
Characteristically, Williams has his counter-narrative: managers at two crucial stations, in Los Angeles and Boston, bad-mouthed him throughout the system; one, the general manager of WBUR in Boston, thought he sounded "too black" for NPR. (Jane Christo, who ran the station at the time, called that "completely ridiculous.") NPR, says Williams, proved a closed fraternity to him: to various lifers there—Siegel, Wertheimer, Stamberg, Totenberg—he was an interloper. They refused to come on his program and, in the case of the hosts, would not invite him on theirs. "That was the first indication I had that 'You know what, you're not part of the club, buddy,'" he recalled. (But listeners loved him, he maintains; he got boxes full of protest letters when he was removed—a decision, he says, NPR was too timid ever to announce.)
On several occasions, Williams goes on, notoriously tight-lipped (at least on the record) Supreme Court justices, impressed by the biography of Thurgood Marshall he had published in 2000, agreed to give him interviews, but NPR wouldn't let it happen: they feared treading on Totenberg, NPR's longtime legal-affairs correspondent, who wields enormous power within the organization. Even an interview with Clarence Thomas was barred, perhaps additionally because NPR officials feared Williams was too cozy with him (Williams and Thomas have been friendly for more than two decades, though Williams maintains it's only casual). Totenberg denies ever big-footing Williams, and says she'd be "stupefied" to learn that NPR ever turned down an interview with Thomas, regardless of who did it.
After Talk of the Nation, Williams became a senior correspondent, providing commentary and analysis for programs such as Morning Edition. But as NPR hired more reporters, it had less dead air to fill, and commentary was slowly disappearing. (Williams insists his segments were cancelled because they were actually too popular: he sounded too much like the voice of NPR.) When Steve Inskeep and Renee Montagne took over the show from Bob Edwards in 2004, they, unlike Edwards, wanted to conduct their own interviews. Williams continued to report, and did some fine work. But, since he was untrained in radio, he was expensive: while many NPR reporters traveled solo, he needed to bring a technical crew along. And between his op-ed articles, books, speeches, and commitments to Fox News, he was often over-extended, and had to cut corners or fly off somewhere fast to squeeze everything in.
For a time, NPR actually liked having him at Fox: it was a way for him to preach to another choir. But feelings changed as Fox became far more powerful, and more conspicuously conservative. Many on the left deemed him Roger Ailes's useful idiot, simultaneously lending Fox a veneer of "balance" and perpetuating Fox's claim that NPR was a nest of liberals. (NPR's national political correspondent, Mara Liasson, also appeared on Fox, but, confined largely to the more staid Sunday show and far more measured in her comments, rarely aroused much ire.) Mostly, it was Williams's appearances on The O'Reilly Factor—where he acts as sidekick and apologist as often as foil and scold, dispensing periodic absolution to O'Reilly over charges that he is racially insensitive—that riled up NPR's more liberal listeners. Once, after O'Reilly expressed amazement over how surprisingly normal Harlem had seemed to him during a rare visit there, Williams called O'Reilly's critics on CNN "idiots." More famously, he predicted that were she to remain as outspoken a critic of the United States as some folks on the right believed, Michelle Obama threatened to turn into "Stokely Carmichael in a designer dress." (Even O'Reilly found that idea preposterous.) That brought heaps of complaints to NPR's ombudsman. Simply to anticipate such listener outrage, one NPR editor created a kind of "Juan Williams Watch," tuning in Fox regularly to hear, as she put it, whatever "stupid cockamamie" thing he might say, and which, therefore, she would have to defend.
Williams remained extremely well wired in Washington, able to reach just about anyone anytime, but even his scoops sometimes proved problematic. Undoubtedly aided by his Fox connections, in January 2007 he scored NPR's first interview with President George W. Bush in seven years. But some listeners thought him sycophantic, particularly when he told Bush that people were praying for him. (In his church, Williams explains, the parishioners prayed for everyone.) Robert Siegel was sufficiently appalled—he "flipped out," Williams says—to complain to NPR's vice president for news, Ellen Weiss, about it. Nine months later, when the White House offered Williams a second Bush interview, Weiss nixed the idea: NPR could not let the White House dictate interlocutors. Williams took the interview to Fox, then told Howard Kurtz in the Post that he was "stunned" by what he described as NPR's nonsensical decision. At NPR, too, people were stunned—by his effrontery—and he was almost fired. After prolonged negotiations, he signed off on another largely spoon-fed, begrudging non-apology, this one e-mailed to the staff. "Juan, gettin' ugly, wonder if it will result in him severing ties, or mutual," Farai Chideya, who hosted NPR's program on black affairs, News & Notes, e-mailed a colleague.
Williams almost caused an international incident a month later, after reporting on Fox News Sunday that General David Petraeus, then commanding American forces in Iraq, had sought White House permission to chase arms infiltrators into Iran, a step that would have both violated the military chain of command and that he'd publicly decried—at a Senate hearing—only a few weeks before. At NPR's Baghdad bureau, Williams's report prompted disbelief, and ridicule. "It was Seven Days in May kind of stuff," one person there recalled. Under pressure from Petraeus's office, Williams (who had never checked the claim with the American military in Iraq beforehand) retracted the story, though more as a sop to NPR—he didn't want to jeopardize its credentials in Iraq, he says—than as an admission of error. Unsatisfied, NPR told him he could not say things on Fox too slimly sourced to say on NPR. Again, Williams does not concede doing anything wrong; instead, he counters that NPR neither understands, nor respects, the grit of real reporting; unless something happens in plain sight or is uttered into one of its microphones, it isn't news to them. (Small wonder, he jokes, that some people deride NPR as USA Yesterday.)
Some at NPR wanted to let him go. But Williams had them checkmated. The stations, for whom his fund-raising skills loomed far larger than any reportorial shortcomings, continued to love him. He was a mentor to some young African-American reporters. And he was the most well-known black man on its air: for some reason, NPR couldn't or wouldn't find others. So NPR marginalized him, much as the Post had previously done. "Straitjacketed him" might be a better way of putting it. Its two-year contractual offer to him in 2008 decreed that he either return to reporting—forcing him to limit his outside gigs and brush up on his radio skills—or go off staff and work under contract as a news analyst (which, as opposed to commentator, required reporting). He opted for the latter. All told, he appeared up to eight times a month. But hosts and producers complained that he was unprepared for interviews, made mistakes that sometimes required re-taping, and pitched ideas that were either stale or half-baked. Increasingly, programs resisted using him, or even answering his e-mails. In September 2010, he was so unprepared to analyze an upcoming Tea Party Convention that a junior editor had to point him to a Web site with all of the information he needed.
Williams says he does not remember the episode. More generally, he describes charges that his work was ever sub-par or that he was over-extended as, among many other things, "crazy," "bullshit," "out of the box," and "a separate reality." Again, to Williams it was all personal: Ellen Weiss, like Jay Kernis before her, simply didn't like him. Once, after she'd derisively called him a "superstar," it dawned on him why: she resented his fame. "Juan's contributions to NPR had been reduced steadily and significantly after years of problems on his part, going back prior to my interactions with him," Weiss says. "It wasn't personal; it wasn't ideological; it was upholding NPR's journalistic standards." Around NPR, Williams's deteriorating situation prompted disdain, or sympathy, or both, sometimes even from the same person. "The thing nobody will say. . . is that Juan was here because he was black," one NPR veteran told me, adding that Williams was the beneficiary of the very liberalism he came to denounce. "We were carrying Juan. I can only imagine what that feels like. It must breed all kinds of ambivalent attitudes toward the place."
Weekend Edition became Williams's safe harbor, largely because its Saturday-morning host, Scott Simon, liked and respected him. "Juan is smart, funny, and an original thinker," he says. "I thought everything that made him seem un-NPR to some, including his Fox affiliation, just made him more interesting." Venues one might have thought welcoming, like Tell Me More, the multicultural program hosted by Michel Martin, proved inhospitable. "Despite his big national reputation, he stopped reporting some time ago," Martin says. "My mother has random opinions, too, but I don't put her on the air." Williams ascribes Martin's hostility to pettiness, jealousy, and careerism: she felt she could advance herself by trashing him.
Three times in our hour-long interview, Martin called Williams "the most skillful manipulator of white people's anxieties that I have ever met." Sure enough, when I asked Williams whether he had spread himself too thin at NPR, he came back at me the next time we talked claiming I'd called him "lazy," a lethally incendiary word in a racial context I'd neither used (the interview was taped) nor implied, nor had ever heard anyone else use or imply. (Williams is quite the opposite of lazy: he's hyperkinetic.) Many journalists are surprisingly thin-skinned: to Williams, just about any criticism is ridicule, and personal, and maybe just a bit bigoted. "There's no way that I could be me and be a phony," he said. "It's just too public, too highprofile. If I was in fact a charlatan who knew nothing and was over-extended and was a pretender, it would just be so transparent."
Just before Vivian Schiller, who'd previously headed digital operations at NYTimes.com, assumed control over NPR in January 2009, NPR's four founding mothers—this time, Stamberg was there—took her to lunch. They listed all of the land mines she faced: poor relations with the stations, weak public relations and lobbying operations, and Ellen Weiss (with whom all four had tangled). NPR also faced budgetary woes: despite the layoffs, it was still $18 million in the red. Even more alarming were ongoing Republican threats to defund NPR, which could become more than rhetorical were the G.O.P. to take over Congress after the 2010 election. In her short tenure Schiller never entirely won over the newsroom, nor convinced people she was a bona-fide "NPR groupie," as Knell is now trying to do. But she was generally well liked and, through judicious trims and increased fund-raising, she closed NPR's deficit. And despite an inopportune and anxiety-producing statement about a totally digital future for NPR, she mended fences with member stations.
Juan Williams didn't even make the founding mothers' list. But it was he who turned out to be the ticking bomb. His next contract, signed in early 2010, was skimpier still than its predecessors: good for only one year, guaranteeing no more than four appearances a month, halving his pay. (Still, $65,000 for 12 to 15 minutes of radio time a month it wasn't bad. ) It was all but a shove out the door. A strong managerial hand (or foot) might have done just that, but Schiller was brand new, and on news-related matters, deferred largely to Weiss. For her, as for her predecessors, when it came to Williams, it was easier just to keep kicking the can.
On Monday, October 18, 2010, it took an increasingly frustrated Steve Inskeep more than an hour of interviewing Williams—and his producers, several hours more of editing time—to produce a usable five-minute segment about campaign-finance reform for the next morning's Morning Edition. (Williams says Inskeep kept changing what he wanted.) That afternoon, Williams had his appointment with Axelrod. And that night, while Vivian Schiller hosted a book party for Scott Simon at her home in Bethesda, Williams told O'Reilly on air that he feared getting on a plane with anyone wearing "Muslim garb." It wasn't what the lawyers call a "spontaneous utterance": Williams had cued O'Reilly's producer that afternoon just what he would say on the show that night, and he'd stuck to his script. That included the caveat that regardless of such fears, it was "crazy" to paint any group with too broad a brush. It was a typical Williams offering, with something for both the right and the left. But for Williams's detractors, Weiss among them, that final rider, coming only after O'Reilly had interrupted him, was too little too late. "She was looking for an excuse [to get rid of him] and he gave her one," observes one NPR veteran. "It was very Clintonesque."
It took until Tuesday night for the resulting complaints—from listeners and Muslim groups—to reach NPR. With Schiller off speaking in Atlanta, the matter of what to do with Williams fell to Weiss. Weiss had many champions at NPR, particularly among those whose careers she had cultivated (the rap on her was that they tended to be handsome young Jewish men; Weiss took offense at that charge, pointing to several promotions that didn't fit that stereotype). But many felt she'd executed NPR's layoffs capriciously and insensitively: one victim learned he'd been fired while in the office of his wife's oncologist. Even those she liked weren't spared her sometimes heavy hand: unless he retired, she told the venerable NPR commentator Daniel Schorr in July 2010, he could wind up embarrassing himself, just as another Washington journalistic institution, Helen Thomas, had recently done. Schorr, 93 at the time, was indignant, and hurt. Because he died shortly thereafter—of natural causes that could in no way be blamed on Weiss—NPR was spared an enormous hue and cry from Schorr's devoted fans. But the episode might have alerted Schiller not to entrust sensitive personnel matters to her. NPR could simply have let Williams's contract run its course, as Weiss had already resolved to do: it was up in March 2011. Were Williams and Fox News to raise a fuss then, NPR could simply have threatened to reveal Williams's previous workplace problems. Moreover, when it came down to it, Williams's comment, while perhaps undiplomatic, was hardly indefensible; many people agreed with him. In fact, he was being penalized for past performance. "It was the last straw [for NPR management]," Totenberg says. "But it was the wrong straw. In fact, it wasn't even a straw." Besides, why stir things up only two weeks before a crucial election, in which NPR's own fate was implicated? And, further, at a time when many stations were in the midst of pledge drives?
But complaints, including one from a Muslim woman working for Morning Edition, kept coming in. Suppose Williams had said something similar about blacks or Jews? CNN had just dropped Rick Sanchez for making an anti-Semitic comment about Jon Stewart. Tone-deaf officials at NPR assumed people "out there" would be as indignant over Williams's remarks as they were. And while they'd anticipated a "shit storm" from Fox, they'd expected it to be, as one NPR officer told me, "a six, not a twelve." Mostly, though, what was at work was simply a severe case of Juan Williams fatigue. "I think they were just sick of him," said Michel Martin. "I think they had spent a lot of time managing him. I think they were like, 'Enough already. Enough. Enough. Enough.'"
Surprisingly oblivious to even its own listeners—firing Bob Edwards in 2004 had also set off an uproar, but with the constant changes at the top, few in management seemed to remember that—NPR officials were even poorer at gauging political realities. Mid-afternoon on October 20, Weiss pulled the trigger on Williams. Whether Schiller's finger was behind Weiss's is both debated and irrelevant: she concedes her hand was also on the gun.
Williams was in Fox News's green room, between appearances with Shepard Smith and Sean Hannity, when Weiss told him the news. He was dumbfounded. Had she read the entire interview? Couldn't he at least come in to talk about this? There was no point, she replied. Hannity immediately called Fox News's senior vice president, Bill Shine, awakening him at home. Sit tight until tomorrow, Shine told Williams. The next day, Ailes gave Williams a three-year deal worth a reported $2 million.
NPR officials weighed offering a full account of Williams's tortured history at the place. But whether out of cowardice or guilt or loyalty or decorousness or just an inability to think tactically and defend themselves, they took the high road, saying simply that Williams had strayed beyond his proper role as NPR news analyst. This left Williams free to portray himself as a betrayed loyalist, victim of political correctness and martyr for free speech. (Inevitably, Williams and his Fox friends will charge that NPR instead unloaded its Juan Williams dossier on me. In fact, from what I can tell there seems to have been no such file. Whatever I pieced together about his tenure came only after repeated phone calls to invariably reluctant officials, editors, and reporters there. On some matters, NPR refused to comment at all.)
Williams's outrage, and NPR's ineptitude, only grew when, at a press conference the next day, Schiller said that whatever prompted Williams's comments to O'Reilly was "between him and his . . . psychiatrist or his publicist." It was meant to be flippant rather than diagnostic. Schiller quickly apologized to him publicly, then had a handwritten note delivered to his home. They had nothing to discuss, he wrote back. Adroit at exploiting such mistakes—it's surely what Michel Martin was talking about—Williams seized on the comment, rarely omitting from subsequent interviews and speeches that Schiller had essentially called him an illiterate psychopath.
"I don't fit in their box, Bill," he told O'Reilly on his show that night. "I'm not a predictable black liberal." (In his 10 years at NPR, Williams went on, "there was never any question about my journalism." And, as far as the world knew, that was true.) When O'Reilly wackily suggested that the liberal philanthropist George Soros, who'd recently given NPR $1.8 million to enhance coverage of state governments, was behind the firing, Williams, remarkably, concurred. "We got your back," O'Reilly said. "You're a stand-up guy," Williams replied. "I got your back, Williams. Trust me on this. We're not letting this go," O'Reilly continued.
For days Fox News blanketed the issue. Williams described how a "far-left mob" at NPR had thrown him into the "gulag" and how he'd been victimized by "the worst of white condescension to black people." Two of Williams's friends at NPR begged him to tone things down, saying he seemed apoplectic, almost crazy. He's since joined calls to cut NPR's funding and, in his recent book, Muzzled, wrote that while he admires NPR reporters, they cater to their fat-cat liberal donors. On the record at least, NPR people are more sad than angry. "This is a building full of people who worked 10 years to make Juan sound his best," Steve Inskeep told me diplomatically. When the smoke cleared, NPR brought in the law firm of Weil, Gotshal & Manges to investigate the fiasco. The lawyers predictably escalated what should have been a straightforward probe investigating one personnel decision into a witch hunt reportedly costing hundreds of thousands of those hard-won donor dollars. Schiller held on, but was docked her bonus; Weiss "resigned."
Williams was pleased. But at least two of his acolytes, conservative activists both, weren't placated. To them, Williams's firing proved NPR's fundamental hypocrisy and corruption. One was Nigerian-born Shaughn Adeleye, the other an American calling himself "Simon Templar" (after the eponymous hero of "The Saint"). Intent on proving that NPR would really take money from anyone, Templar devised a sting, in which a "Muslim Education Action Center," committed to spreading Sharia law, dangled $5 million before NPR. He became "Ibrahim Kasaam," a hot-shot oils-futures trader from Houston with a Syrian father (hence, the name) and American mother (hence, his pale complexion and non-existent Arabic). He grew a beard and spent two months in a tanning salon, so that he would look the part. Then he and Adeleye—"Amir Malik"—arranged to have lunch with NPR's chief fund-raiser, Ron Schiller, and Betsy Liley, its director of institutional giving.
Ron Schiller, 46, had been wildly successful since Vivian Schiller—no relation—hired him in September 2009. In fact Schiller, who'd been raised a Republican and cast his first presidential vote for Ronald Reagan, was the rightwing's best friend: more than anyone else, he believed that through large donations and bequests, NPR could easily wean itself off the federal dole. Feeling comfortable with the two—as a gay man, he was sensitive to discrimination against minorities—and fueled by glasses of expensive wine—to the "Muslims," flaunting their wealth trumped any religious bans on alcohol—last February 22 at Café Milano, the same pricey Georgetown restaurant where Newt Gingrich celebrated his conversion to Catholicism, Schiller let down his guard. Asked why Republicans hated NPR, he claimed the G.O.P. was in a "real anti-intellectual mood," that the Tea Party was "fanatically involved in people's personal lives," and that the party had "been hijacked" by radical, "gun-toting racists." One of two hidden cameras (the other malfunctioned) captured it all.
NPR never did take the money—the group's charitable bona-fides didn't check out. On the afternoon of March 7, Vivian Schiller spoke at the National Press Club. She was confident and statesmanlike, swatting away the inevitable Juan Williams questions with just the right mix of contrition and patience, self-deprecation and evasiveness. Afterward, Dave Edwards (who'd been watching via C-span from Milwaukee) praised her. So, too, did the head of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Patricia Harrison (with whom Schiller had had frosty relations, and who'd not returned her calls for two weeks after the Juan Williams fiasco) from the dais. But early the next day, James O'Keefe, the video prankster who'd helped bring down acorn, posted 11 and a half minutes of Ron Schiller's two-hour lunch on YouTube. NPR officials watched in horror. Once more, things quickly spiraled out of control. Ron Schiller, who was due to leave NPR in May, was out instantly. So, too, after a hastily called board meeting, was Vivian Schiller. According to sources, Patricia Harrison had threatened to pull NPR's funding unless Vivian Schiller was sacked. Some firewall! (Harrison declined to comment.)
The NPR directors rejected the sentimental idea of bringing back Kevin Klose until a replacement for Schiller could be found. Instead, they promoted the general counsel, Joyce Slocum as interim head. She clearly steadied the ship; in the short run, at least, NPR seemed almost better off without anyone really in charge. Instead, a search was initiated, which, according to one person familiar with the process, ultimately led to Knell, Laura Walker of WNYC in New York, and John Hayes, who came from the world of commercial radio. Knell got the nod. The contest didn't appear to be especially close.
Knell acknowledged the risks—"If you're joining up for guaranteed stability, this is probably not the place you'd want to be"—but said he'd have left Sesame Workshop only for a job of equal or greater impact, and the NPR post was one of the few. He took a pay cut of $100,000 or more to do it. Apart from wrapping things up at Sesame Workshop, Knell has spent the last couple of months on a listening tour: visiting stations, giving selected interviews, and hearing what NPR is putting on the air. "I have to say I just don't see a political agenda being promoted," he said. NPR needs to tell its story better, he went on, and be less defensive. Its programming will also need to change, if only to reflect an increasingly diverse audience and country.
Some think that even a super-C.E.O. cannot do for NPR what the organization needs. Howard Berkes, who examined the implosion of two other nonprofit organizations—the American Red Cross and the United States Olympic Committee—for NPR says it needs what those groups eventually got: a complete restructuring. That would surely give less of a voice to the stations and more of a voice to the journalists who actually do the work, and could be brought about by the people with the real money behind NPR: corporations and foundations and the members of NPR's own foundation.
NPR officials say that Knell has not been briefed on the Williams case, and won't talk about it. But Williams is apparently available to advise Knell: After a months-long martyrdom tour for Muzzled, during which the American media—including many NPR stations, which he stated had come to "embody elitism [and] arrogance"—readily opened their microphones for him, he has mellowed toward his old employer. "We just had a bad day, and let's have some reconciliation," he told Kerri Miller of Minnesota Public Radio in August. It was time "to just sort of make up and move on." When Herman Cain was charged with sexual harassment, Williams, without disclosing his own brush with the issue, rallied to his defense.
Williams has clearly found a home for himself at Fox, where the vocal cords are given far more of a workout than shoe leather. But the old complexities and contradictions about the man remain in plain view. In the Wall Street Journal/Fox News–sponsored debate among the Republican presidential candidates in South Carolina on January 16, the dilemma was on perfect display. In fact, to those who continue to follow him, Williams's performance gave rise to an interesting sideshow, a debate within a debate. It was Martin Luther King Jr. Day, and Williams was a panelist alongside Bret Baier and two representatives from The Wall Street Journal. The topics ranged from foreign affairs to tax policy to "super PACs," but with a couple of exceptions, virtually every question Williams asked that night dealt with minorities and their problems in an especially troubled economy.
In a hotbed of "states rights," he asked Rick Perry whether the federal government should continue to scrutinize the voting laws of states that have historically discriminated against minorities. He asked Mitt Romney—whose father, he noted, was born in Mexico—whether his opposition to the Dream Act threatened to alienate Hispanics. He asked Rick Santorum if now was the time to address the extraordinarily high poverty rate among black Americans. He asked Ron Paul to acknowledge racial disparities in drug-related arrests and convictions. Whenever a candidate answered that blacks and Hispanics should receive no preferential treatment whatsoever, he received lusty applause, while Williams sat there glumly. Then, in a question that brought hoots of derision from the hand-picked, wealthy, white Republican crowd, Williams accused Newt Gingrich of belittling the poor by suggesting, essentially, that their poverty was their fault: they really didn't like to work. Then, over more boos, he asked it again.
Was this Williams courageously, even valiantly, introducing issues that Republicans and Fox News rarely discuss—and on hostile Confederate terrain, to boot? Or had he taken on, or been given, the role facetiously occupied by *The Daily Show'*s Larry Wilmore—"Senior Black Correspondent"—giving Fox a patina of racial fairness and balance on the black holiday, ghettoizing questions that should be the concern of all reporters, black and white? Or was it both?
In the post-debate "analysis," Sean Hannity all but called Williams uppity. "You like trouble, don't you?" he asked, suggesting Williams was doing more of what got him cashiered at NPR. Williams joked that he'd learned troublemaking from Hannity. But when Hannity repeated the Republican talking points on race, Williams took him on, strenuously defending President Obama, his economic record, and the character of black Americans.
As the segment ended, Hannity again—for the fourth time—called Williams a troublemaker. And for the second time, Williams said eagerly that he'd learned it all from him. This time, he appended a prolonged, hearty laugh, one that sounded a bit forced. The two men then shook hands. Finally, Juan Williams was among his friends.
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To celebrate this momentous date, here are 11 inspirational looks:
|photo cred: elle
|photo cred: the sartorialist
|photo cred: the sartorialist
heavy belt + glass of wine
excessive accessorizing
|photo cred: planet blue
I don't claim credit for any of the photos seen here and I apologize for not knowing all the sources.
More importantly though, today is Veteran's Day. Let's remember and be thankful to those who fought for our freedom.


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8 Backyard Design Ideas
Backyard Design Ideas – You have a backyard that is wide enough? Do not know how to use it? If so, ask yourself these things first. What do you want from the use of this backyard? Is the entertainment area to relax with family or friends? Or as a place for relaxation or meditation? In fact, if you have children or pets, think well of their needs with the existence of this backyard.
Homedesignrev.com present 8 the following design ideas reported from about.com page. Please consider what fits with your family.
1. Outdoor Space for All
Do you want a backyard as the area gathered with friends and family, such as: cooking together, camper, and sing hurray? For rest and relaxation? To play with their children or your pets?
Of course, most people will use their backyard to accommodate a lot of things. Well, for that, you have to think to design this outdoor space as you organize the spaces in your home. Namely, that can accommodate a variety of activities occupants.
Suggestions for decorating
You can divide this backyard by, for example: make a barrier between the area of the lawn, plant flowers, pebbles, a patch of cement floors, or wood floors. You make this division according to its function.
2. Backyard Design Patio and Deck
Often, a critical component for creating effective design is to maximize the amount of usable space available. Maybe your backyard is spacious, but if its contours ramps, space is not useful (at least for some of the activities you want to do there). For such cases, the solution is to make the deck, whether it is attached to the house or make a floating deck. Other alternatives that you can try to land as it is to make the patio – maybe a small retaining walls – and build a brick patio.
3. Backyard Design pool
The pool is one of the features that often occurred in the minds of homeowners who have a backyard. It will need maintenance costs, but usually the landlord wants to make this pool as a center point to hang out with family and colleagues. However, you still need to be considered regarding the security around the pool. For example, by making the non-slip deck and durable. See Swimming Pool in a Minimalist Home
4. Backyard Design Outdoor kitchen
Like gather your friends and cook together? If so, create an open kitchen in the back yard is one right choice. If you have more money, you can buy any outdoor kitchen appliance. Or you want to combine it with a clay stove and barbecue for a barbecue? Why not? See 3 Outdoor Kitchen Concept
5. Parks meditation
Yes, the backyard so you can make an area of meditation to calm the mind and dig silence. Did you know that the colors of the flowers can affect your mood? If you want to relax, make a meditation garden. Start by making the right color scheme.
However, the color scheme is just one element for meditation garden. The three following ideas will help you create the right mood for the private sphere.
6. Backyard Design Ornaments water
Water is the element that must be present for a meditation garden you want to create. Gurgling water flowing adding sound elements that may not be much you get from the leaves – except being blown by the wind. The sound of the water will be able to make your nerves relax after a long day of work.
7. Themed gardens
It is engrossing of utilizing backyard is you can set it according to the wishes and needs. Do not over look cheating neighbor's yard or beautiful gardens on display at the TV. You can create one yourself. In fact, such that you want to create a fantasy garden, yes please. Unleash your imagination.
However, you can make themed gardens, such as: tropical flowers, beach theme, rock gardens, cottage-style garden, and so on. Exploration widest. Remember, this is your relaxation area. In fact, if you want to make a Harry Potter themed gardens or Barbie, it's your right.
8. Fences thicket
One way to bring the atmosphere of a private in the backyard is to make a fence bushes. You can complete it by the pool or dining area. You can use herbaceous, one of which is a mini bamboo. It is very suitable for garden with tropical temperatures.
Tags: #backyard deck ideas #backyard garden themes #backyard kitchen design ideas


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What plane is this supposed to be?
Radikal Combat is an Air Combat Flight game developed by RDK Studios, currently in alpha stage. Beta release soon! :).
What plane is this supposed to be?
This is a AV8+F117
Only registered members can share their thoughts. So come on! Join the community today (totally free - or sign in with your social account on the right) and join in the conversation.


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Unique logo design
CrossCut Commerce
We simplify, streamline, and improve information flow from 1) Manufacturers to Retail Merchants and 2) Retail Merchants to the Buying Public.
Retail, Manufacturing, Online Store, Web 2.0, Furniture
My initial customers are Manufacturers of real wood furniture and their customers, the Retail Merchants known as unfinished furniture stores.
The industry I target is technologically in the stone age, but the service I offer will bring it into the 21st century. So - my logo needs to strike a balance between 'old school' and web 2.0
A CrossCut saw is a type of two handed saw used by sawyers and loggers in the old days; it requires cooperation and coordination - which I offer to my customers - sharing continuously updated, accurate information across our industry.
CrossCut is also "a shortcut by way of an area not ordinarily traversed". Our industry certainly hasn't taken this route in the past, my service is a shortcut.
I truly believe that;
" In you, there's an artist you don't know about " I just unleashed mine.. I am Omar , an artist, a Nurse .. =)


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>>>Full Poll
AUGUSTA, Ga. – The Peach Belt Conference (PBC) released its 2012 PBC Men's Basketball Preseason Poll Thursday, with the Georgia College squad positioned seventh in the 14-team league.
The Bobcats received 87 total points, just two behind No. 6 Clayton State University. The Bobcats picked up one third place vote and two in the fifth slot. The University of Montevallo earned top honors, just two points ahead of Augusta State University. UNC Pembroke, USC Aiken and Columbus State University round out the top five.
The Bobcats start the 2012-13 season on the road, traveling to the UWF Tip-Off Classic at the University of West Florida. GC takes on Palm Beach Atlantic University Saturday, Nov. 10 at 5 p.m. then battles the host squad Sunday, Nov. 11 at 5 p.m.
The Georgia College Department of Athletics, two-time winners of the PBC Commissioner's Cup, sponsors 11 varsity athletic programs at the NCAA Division II level. As a Division II program, Bobcat Athletics prides itself on balancing the life of the student-athlete, evidenced by the teams' multiple appearances in post-season competition as well as documented academic success and community-service involvement. Sign up at www.twitter.com/BobcatSports and www.facebook.com/gcbobcats for up-to-the-minute reports, and visit www.GCBobcats.com for more information, and to nominate your favorite former Bobcats and Colonials to the GC Athletics Hall of Fame.


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Electoral Vote Predictor 2004: Kerry 273 Bush 233
News from the Votemaster
Let's have a minute of silence to honor the victims of 9/11.
Five new polls today, two of them significant. Kerry has moved back into the lead in Pennsylvania albeit by less than the MoE so it doesn't mean a lot. The Survey USA poll gives Kerry 49% to Bush's 47%. Picking up Pennsylvania also gives him the 270 votes in the electoral college needed to win.
The other significant poll is in Missouri, where Survey USA puts Bush ahead 48% to 46%. Thursday we had Bush up by 14% according to a Gallup poll. I didn't believe that then and I still don't. Gallup clearly messed up, like Time and Newsweek last week. Before believing a strange results, check the state graphs to see if it fits in. Barring major news, jumps of 10% in a week are just not going to happen in this race.
Bush has maintained his huge leads in Indiana, Kansas, and Kentucky. Consequently, neither candidate will set foot in any of these states.
I was afraid this was going to happen sooner or later and it has now happened. I have to make a judgement call on a firm that engages in push polling. In case you haven't followed this issue, push polling is where the pollster (on instructions from the client) asks a very slanted question in order to elicit the desired answer so the pollster can announce how well the client is doing. Questions like "Do you support John Kerry even though he lied about getting medals in Vietnam?" or "Do you support George Bush even though he deserted the National Guard during war time?" fall in this category. Legitimate pollsters would never ask such questions. Instead they might ask "Do you believe John Kerry earned his medals in Vietnam?" or "Do you believe George Bush fulfilled his duties in the National Guard?". Those are questions designed to determine public opinion, not create it.
Why does this come up now? Moore Information (R) just released a poll showing Bush 9% ahead in Iowa, a state he has never led in before and which the current poll (taken 5 days before Moore's poll) puts Bush 4% behind. On its own merits, this is implausible, but in the absence of other evidence, I would accept it, as I accepted Gallup's poll showing Bush 14% ahead in Missouri (even though I don't believe it for a second) due to Gallup's reputation. Even Gallup can make a mistake, but they are not dishonest. With Moore Information, the situation is different. Moore was recently caught doing push polling, as reported in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. It is ok for a pollster to work for one side or the other as long as they do honest polls (Scott Rasmussen is a Republican but I have no reason to question his numbers, for example). But Moore has crossed the line and got caught with its hand in the cookie jar. I asked the president of Moore Information for his side of the story but he didn't respond. Henceforth I will not use any Moore Information polls. If anyone has documented evidence of other pollsters doing push polls, please let me know.
In Rasmussen's 3-day rolling averages, Bush currently leads Kerry by 1.6% nationally, but trails him by 2.5% in the 16 battleground states. Ultimately, the latter number may be more important than the former because rolling up a massive victory in the South and West may be slim consolation for losing the Midwest by 2%. Rasmussen also reports that in the battleground states only 39% think the country is on the right track, vs. 56% who think it is on the wrong track. Numbers like these are never good for an incumbent.
For those of you curious about the minor parties, I now have some real data. Zogby's Sept. 8-9 survey gives the following results: Bush 46%, Kerry 42%, Nader 2.4%, Badnarik 0.9%, Peroutka 0.3%, Other 0.6%, Undecided 8%. In a two-man matchup, Bush leads Kerry by 2%. I just learned that Zogby is the house pollster for the New York Post, an extreme right-wing tabloid owned by Rupert Murdoch. Having the Post and the WSJ as clients doesn't attest to Zogby's accuracy but it does attest to his not being biased in favor of Kerry. Zogby is also the pollster for Reuters, the largest news agency in the world.
There are updates in five Senate races today: Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Missouri, and Pennsylvania. It is interesting to note that Senate races often do not track the presidential race at all. Indiana is staunchly Republican, yet the Democratic incumbent there is a mile ahead. Missouri and Pennsylvania are tossups in the presidential race, yet the Republican incumbents are way ahead in both. Often incumbency trumps everything. As an aside, in Oct. 2000, the Senate passed a resolution honoring the seven greatest senators of all time. As a tribute to these great statesmen, their pictures are now on the Senate page. See if you can name them before peeking. The polls still say the new Senate will be 50-50, but if Louisiana goes for a Democrat, as it has for over a century, the Democrats might recapture it.
Nader News: I consider Nader to have definitively failed to get on the ballot in the following states: Arizona, California, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, texas, and Virginia. In the others he either made it or the case is in court. I'm actually quite conservative and don't want to write him off until the courts have decided.
My $400 ad for Real Clear Politics was rejected. I guess only right-wingers can advertise there. Maybe they don't want their cosy little world interrupted by the truth. This view is enhanced by the fact that they also rejected an ad from www.politicalwire.com, an excellent (and unbiased) site for political junkies.
Projected Senate: 49 Democrats, 50 Republicans, 1 independent
To bookmark this page, type CTRL-D. If you are visiting for the first time, welcome. This site has far more about the election than just the map. See the Welcome page for more details.


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The EU Pledge is a voluntary initiative by leading food and beverage companies to change the way they advertise to children. This is a response from industry leaders to calls made by the EU institutions for the food industry to use commercial communications to support parents in making the right diet and lifestyle choices for their children.
The EU Pledge programme is endorsed and supported by the World Federation of Advertisers.
Find out more about the EU Pledge commitment and the EU Pledge Infographic
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HONG KONG (Reuters) - China's ZTE Corp, the world's fourth-biggest handset maker, plans to ship more high-end smartphones this year to help increase profit margins and revenue, a senior company executive said on Wednesday.
ZTE expects to ship more than 50 million smartphones in 2013, exceeding its earlier forecast, and sees smartphones making up 70 percent of overall consumer device sales this year, Lv Qianhao, head of ZTE's handset strategy, told Reuters in an interview on the sidelines of a company event.
ZTE has gained considerable market share in the mobile phone sector, but its margins have been pressured as it sold more affordable phones. These narrow margins, along with project delays in its telecom equipment business, prompted the company last week to flag a net loss of up to 2.9 billion yuan ($467 million) for 2012.
"We would like to raise the percentage of mid- to high-range smartphones. That's the direction we're heading," Lv said as he showed off the Grand S and Grand Era smartphones, and the Grand Memo phone-tablet hybrid, also referred to as a "phablet".
ZTE aims to increase its smartphone revenues by around 40 percent this year from last year, Lv said, in a bid to boost margins in the highly competitive sector that Samsung Electronics Co Ltd and Apple Inc dominate.
ZTE has also hired a new global chief design director, Hagen Fendler, a German who used to work at Huawei Technologies Co Ltd as its chief design director for handsets.
ZTE shipped 35 million smartphones last year, and smartphones made up 60 percent of its overall consumer device sales in 2012.
ZTE's tablet sales, however, missed its target due to competition from Apple and Samsung products, Lv said. ZTE shipped 560,000 tablet PCs last year, short of its goal of more than doubling sales to 1 million, he said, declining to give an estimate for this year.
All of ZTE's tablet PCs run Google Inc's Android operating system, but as part of product diversification, Lv said 10 percent of tablets shipped this year will run Windows, with 90 percent using Android.
In the smartphone sector, ZTE ranks fifth, trailing Samsung Electronics, Apple, Huawei and Sony Corp, according to technology research group IDC.
ZTE shares rose 1.1 percent to HK$14.72 on Wednesday, beating a 0.7 percent gain on the broader market. They lost nearly half of their value in 2012, compared with a 23 percent rise in the Hang Seng Index, but have rebounded 13 percent this year.
Additional reporting by Alison Leung; Editing by Chris Gallagher


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T.O. suspended...
Talk about any other sports here.
Moderators: Mr. Crackerz, JREED, Guybrush, 32
- Posts: 1128
- Joined: Thu Mar 03, 2005 11:06 am
All Star
its about time...this guy is amazing... has there ever been anyone so selfish and about himself in sports? it makes me sick that even if he never plays for the eagles again that some team out there will continue to pay him and give him a chance just because of his ability. i say let him crumble like a cookie until he humbles himself. some people have no shame and this is an example. he makes millions of dollars and he doesnt even have respect for his employer. thats why its sad that another team will take that chance. i hope one day for t.o's sake that he will see that there is more to life then what he takes from it.
i do think that he will be reinstated by tomorrows football game, just because he is so valuable for this team.
- Posts: 879
- Joined: Sat Jul 16, 2005 12:41 pm
Starting Lineup
ajcardenas123 wrote:i do think that he will be reinstated by tomorrows football game, just because he is so valuable for this team.
No way, if that happens then I would be shocked, andy reid is trying to make a hard line here. If he lets up now, TO will go wild.
The only reason TO was quiet for so long was because he had NOTHING backing up his boasts. After the game against the Packers in the playoffs (when he actually got something under his belt), it's been a loud, loud, loud song ever since. Some people just don't know how to handle the fame.
ajcardenas123 wrote:i do think that he will be reinstated by tomorrows football game, just because he is so valuable for this team.
No, the Eagles will play Reggie Brown in his place. And I bet they get rid of him once the season is over. I'd like to see him traded him to Oakland. The soap opera of having TO and Moss in the same team would be priceless.
I hope they Keyshawn him for the rest of the season and cut ties loose at the end of the year. Then, in the offseason, while TO is looking for a payday no team that is going anywhere wants anything to do with him and he plays for less than what the Eagles gave him for the Browns or some other crap franchise.
yeah from when i put that post, it was believed that philly was sort of putting a scheme as it looked like he had already done his apologies. but when i head all about that fistfight thing, yeah it looks like he's in serious trouble
- Posts: 267
- Joined: Wed Aug 24, 2005 8:18 pm
Role Player
KNBR has doubts he'll ever play for the eagles again
well andy ried in a press conference today said no doubt that he will never play for them again.
- Posts: 1128
- Joined: Thu Mar 03, 2005 11:06 am
All Star
good for the eagles, taking a stand. i wonder what his future holds, not that i care about him but id be shocked if he played next year.
TO just had a press conference apologizing for what he has done and to the team? do u think the eagles will give in?
yeah couldnt agree more. I've always hate that guy and the style he has ( though i hate to admit he is good at what he does).However I think for the TO situation he really let him down for making his client feel like the king of the world, which in the end will make TO a cheaper reciever to have.christy wrote:i think he should fire drew 'next question' rosenhaus.


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Limanto, Evelyn and Widiayanti, Christine (2009) The Effect of the work effort, creativity, work experience, personal motivation and work pressure on BII Surabaya sales executives' performance. Bachelor thesis, Petra Christian University.Full text not available from this repository.
The stiff competition in the Indonesia banking industry can be seen through aggressive promotions and recruitment To win the tight competition, banks have to think and develop new strategies in marketing their banking products and services to the right target One of the most chosen strategy is hiring sales force or usually in banking it is called sales executive (SE). This research is classified as quantitative. By using the causal-explanatory research which is multiple regression analysis, writers would like to discuss how work effort, creativity, work experience, personal motivation and work pressure can affect the BII Surabaya Sales Executives' performance. The data are collected from questionnaire which is primary data and internal data of BII which is secondary data. After doing the analysis, the writers found out that Work Effort, Creativity, Work Experience and Work Pressure significantly influence the BIT Subabaya Sales Executives' Performance. The writers would like to discuss about those factors in order to help BII in the future to choose the right qualification in hiring Sales Executives who can improve the performance of BII.
|Item Type:
|Thesis (Bachelor)
|Uncontrolled Keywords:
|sales executives' performance, work effort, creativity, work
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|Date Deposited:
|23 Mar 2011 18:48
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The Museum of Contemporary Art Zagreb
Audio-Visual Department
The Audio-Visual Department was established in 1997 as a multifunctional department at MSU. Its task is to produce, document, and preserve audio-visual material from the field of visual arts, as well as to collect, process, and present audio-visual documentation linked to the activity of individuals, groups, and institutions that have been active in the field of contemporary art in Croatia and abroad.
Department of Experimental Research
The Department of Experimental Research is involved in various forms of creative research in the field of contemporary art and of new or experimental forms of artistic, exhibition-related, or curating practice. Its task is also to promote a dialogue amongst various creative disciplines, and to contribute through its research to the development of segments of contemporary art that are open to new and unknown areas where art, science, and technology often overlap. The Department encourages experimentation as a method of developing various curating procedures, as well as cooperation among curators, theoreticians, and artists on joint projects. This form of activity is realized through various innovative projects, exhibitions, events, publications, and presentations.
Documentation and Information Department
The Museum of Contemporary Art houses the most extensive documentation on contemporary art in Croatia. Apart from the materials linked to events within MSU or organized by it, the Documentation Department also collects, processes, and presents the textual and audio-visual documents that are relevant for the activity of individuals, groups, and institutions in the field of contemporary art, both in Croatia and abroad. These materials are classified into several units: a scholarly archive of visual arts, a collection of newspaper clippings, a photographic collection, a video collection, and an audio collection.
Library Department
MSU Library
The Museum's library was established shortly after the foundation of MSU (then Contemporary Art Gallery) in 1954 and today is among the richest Croatian libraries in the field of modern and contemporary art. Its holdings have been growing alongside those of the Museum, and a large part of the literature on artists or phenomena represented in the Museum's collection can be found in the library. Its holdings are classified into several sections: scholarly journals, exhibition catalogues on contemporary art in Croatia and from various world museums, theoretical literature, and literature from the fields of architecture, photography, design, film, the new media, comic strips, music, and fashion, as well as some audio-visual materials.
msu education
msu education is a collective term for the programmes of the Educational Department of the Museum of Contemporary Art in Zagreb - we organise and conduct numerous educational actions, including creative workshops, encounters with artists, guided tours, lectures, round tables, symposia, interdisciplinary projects and EU funded projects.
Conservation and Restoration Department
The Conservation and Restoration Department at MSU was founded in 1999. Its main tasks are the preventive protection, conservation and restoration of works of art, as well as research on various materials, techniques, and technologies applied in the making of MSU collections.
Performance and Exhibition Department
The Performance and Exhibition Department places an emphasis on three main elements in its activity: multimedia theatre, production and organization of exhibitions, and related activities and publishing.
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Mickey Cunningham & Dede Leither: Shared Groundfalsefalsefalse20130927T17:00:0020131108T18:00:00Alice R. Rogers Gallery & Target Gallery, SJU
Dede Leither and Mickey Cunningham have shared the same ground as outdoor painters. This exhibition celebrates familiar views of CSB, SJU and the surrounding countryside as well as two painters who support, invigorate, and inspire each other.
Mickey Cunningham (About the Artist)
Reared in rural and suburban Pennsylvania, Mickey Cunningham is the youngest of eight children. During her favorite childhood game, she and her siblings set up shops of various sorts all around the house. Mickey always chose to be the artist in the garret, pinning her drawings up for sale. At Colby College in Maine, Mickey majored in art and fell in love with plein air painting. During the summer, she attended painting, drawing, and clay modeling classes at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts in Philadelphia. She received a Master of Arts in art history from Temple University's Tyler School of Art in 1985. For ten years she worked as a curator, specializing in American art and publishing two books in the field. She has won grants for painting from the Minnesota State Arts Board and the Central Minnesota Arts Board. Mickey is also a part-time instructor of writing and critical thinking at the College of St. Benedict and Saint John's University. She makes her home in Saint Cloud with her husband and two college-aged daughters.
Dede Leither (About the Artist)
I am interested in the tension between the real and the abstract in my work. My concern is less with capturing representational form than with inventing attractive compositions from the shapes, lines, and colors I perceive. I respond to the real world by searching for equivalent sensations in paint, but I often distort or change what I see if intuition or experimentation suggests something else would better serve the whole. I am unconcerned with meticulous detail or high finish. I aim for a spontaneous "alla prima" (all at once) style, yet my paintings are not always made in this fashion. Quite often, I layer color by scumbling, glazing, or scraping. Paint is intrinsically pleasing to me, so I like to accentuate this fact. While my method is trial and error, I strive for a well-structured and chromatically rich composition. I think of this as a quest for aesthetic coherence.
images/Fine%20Arts/13-14%20Circles/Cunningham-Leither.pngArtist Reception
Friday, October 18, 5-8 p.m.
Artist Talks: 6:30 p.m.

Alice R. Rogers
and Target Galleries
Saint John's Art Center, SJU
Academic year gallery hours:
Tuesday through Saturday: noon to 6 p.m.
Thursdays: noon - 9 p.m.
Summer gallery hours:
Monday - Friday: Noon - 4 p.m.
Closed July 4 & 5
Holiday gallery hours:
Closed July 4 & 5
For more information about exhibitions in the SJU Galleries, call 320-363-2701.


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The Other MEMs: The Master of Engineering Management Degree
IEEE Spectrum
February 11, 2011
Prateek Reddy wanted to pursue an interest in economics without pulling up roots he'd put down in electrical engineering as an undergraduate. So he chose a master of engineering management degree at Dartmouth College, in Hanover, N.H., where he's now in his second year.
"The best part," he says, "is flexibility—the opportunity to pursue whatever you want, technical research, marketing, or management."
The MEM is becoming popular among engineers who want to integrate technical know-how with business and law smarts, especially those who want to manage cutting-edge technologies or steer start-ups. Robert Graves, codirector of Dartmouth's program, says the degree is ideal for the kind of person who would rather become a chief technology officer than a chief executive officer. "We want to prepare managers who are technically astute, aware of business issues, and able to exhibit leadership."


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The thunderstorm rolled in from the sea and hovered over the serra. Lazy filaments of lightning lit up the clouds, and rain began falling on the cemetery. It was the evening of All Soul's Day, and sodden chrysanthemums sagged against a few of the wooden crosses marking the graves.
The thunderstorm rolled in from the sea and hovered over the serra. Lazy filaments of lightning lit up the clouds, and rain began falling on the cemetery. It was the evening of All Soul's Day, and sodden chrysanthemums sagged against a few of the wooden crosses marking the graves.
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The Fringe is open to submissions of poetry, flash fiction and short stories of any genre. Stories accepted will be published online in our Ezine and also in the monthly pdf magazine.
We are also open to submissions from artists for inclusion in the magazine.
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Currently we only offer payment for one story selected as the feature story in the monthly pdf magazine only. The successful author will be contacted to organise payment via paypal for a $5AUD payment. Authors of other accepted stories published on the webzine and in the pdf copy will receive a copy of the pdf version of the mag the story appears in.
We are open to unpublished and previously published stories up to 40,000 words in length.
About The Fringe Magazine
Here at The Fringe Magazine we publish Short Stories, Flash Fiction, Poetry in all genres and reviews of books, roleplay games, music and movies.
Our variety seems to be hiting the mark with over 100,000 views of our Online Magazine with a good spread across all articles.
Our variety seems to be hiting the mark with over 100,000 views of our Online Magazine with a good spread across all articles.?xml:namespace>From surveys we've conducted, our readers are like most people and enjoy reading all kinds of books, both fiction and non-fiction.
With over 350 readers visiting our site each day, we listen to the voice of the masses and try and procure books in all genres to review. To date, we have reviewed over 600 books, including; non-fiction reference, music, art, photography, gardening, cooking, Self Help, architecture, design, biographies and roleplay games.
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Courtesy: Ohio Supercomputer Center
Click to Enlarge
VIDEO: An Upper Arlington High School student, Tom Shkurti, discusses his OSC Summer Institute experience and the Obstacle Avoidance Roomba Project.
VIDEO: An Alexander High School teacher, Jenny Lang, discusses how OSC's Summer Institute and Young Women's Summer Institute prepare students for careers in science and technology.
Shepard leveraged OSC's Glenn Cluster supercomputer (above) to devise an algorithm to predict introns and exons in mid-length sequences of nucleotides found in DNA strands (below).
Columbus, Ohio (June 10, 2010) – Researchers, educators and students from government, industry and universities across Ohio and the Midwest will be converging on Columbus next week to discuss bioinformatics, the relatively young field of scientific study that combines information technology and the biological sciences.


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This star rating is the opinion of the property owner only. A Self-Rated hotel has not been assessed by the AA or Visit Britain, whose official star ratings we use across LateRooms.com.
The New Continental Hotel3 Self rated
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About the hotel
The New Continental is Plymouth's largest independent hotel, ideally located in the heart of the city, adjacent to Plymouth Pavilions and just moments away from Plymouth's Historic Waterfront. The New Continental is within walking distance of all local attractions, including The Theatre Royal, National Marine Aquarium, Plymouth Gin Distillery, The Barbican, Plymouth Hoe and Royal William Yard. This Victorian property combines traditional features with modern facilities, with 99 individually decorated bedrooms.
All rooms feature tea/coffee facilities, hairdryer, telephone, TV, iron and ironing board and much more. The hotel has an in-house brasserie, bar, an onsite Leisure Complex with a swimming pool, steam room, sauna and a fully equipped weights room and cardiovascular gym. Free Wi-Fi is available throughout and private parking is possible on additional charges. Plymouth Railway Station Plymouth Bus Station are only 15 minutes walk from the hotel. NOTE: Steve's Brasserie will be closed on Sunday evenings, but bar snacks and room service are still available.
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