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History of Poland (1945–1989)
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|History of Poland
Until 966
The history of Poland from 1945 to 1989 spans the period of Soviet Communist dominance over the People's Republic of Poland following World War II. These years, while featuring many improvements in the standards of living in Poland, were marred by social unrest and economic depression.
Near the end of World War II, German forces were driven from Poland by the advancing Soviet Red Army, and the Yalta Conference sanctioned the formation of a provisional pro-Communist coalition government which ultimately ignored the Polish government-in-exile; this has been described as a betrayal of Poland by the Allied Powers in order to appease Soviet leader Joseph Stalin. After the Potsdam Agreement finalized the west shift of Poland between the Oder-Neisse and Curzon lines. Due to the expulsion of Germans, resettlement of Ukrainians and repatriation of Poles, Poland for the first time became a ethnically homogenous nation state. The new communist government in Warsaw increased its political power and over the next two years the Communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) under Bolesław Bierut gained control of the People's Republic of Poland, which would become part of the postwar Soviet sphere of influence in Eastern Europe. A liberalizing "thaw" in Eastern Europe following Stalin's death in 1953 caused a more liberal faction of the Polish Communists of Władysław Gomułka to gain power. By the mid-1960s, Poland was experiencing increasing economic, as well as political, difficulties. In December 1970, a price hike led to a wave of strikes. The government introduced a new economic program based on large-scale borrowing from the West, which resulted in an immediate rise in living standards and expectations, but the program faltered because of the 1973 oil crisis. In the late 1970s the government of Edward Gierek was finally forced to raise prices, and this led to another wave of public protests.
This vicious cycle was finally interrupted by the 1978 election of Karol Wojtyła as Pope John Paul II, strengthening the opposition to Communism in Poland. In early August 1980, the wave of strikes led to the founding of the independent trade union " Solidarity" ( Polish Solidarność) by electrician Lech Wałęsa. The growing strength of the opposition led the government of Wojciech Jaruzelski to declare martial law in December 1981. However, with the reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union, increasing pressure from the West, and continuing unrest, the Communists were forced to negotiate with their opponents. The 1989 Round Table Talks led to Solidarity's participation in the elections of 1989; its candidates' striking victory sparked off a succession of peaceful transitions from Communist rule in Central and Eastern Europe. In 1990, Jaruzelski resigned as Poland's leader. He was succeeded by Wałęsa in December's elections. The Communist People's Republic of Poland again became the Republic of Poland.
Creation of the People's Republic of Poland (1944–1956)
Wartime devastation
Poland suffered heavy losses during World War II. While in 1939 Poland had 35.1 million inhabitants, at the end of the war only 19.1 million remained within its borders, and the first post-war census of February 14, 1946 showed only 23.9 million. Over 6 million Polish citizens — nearly 21.4% of Poland's population — died between 1939 and 1945 Minorities in Poland were very significantly affected: before World War II, a third of Poland's population was composed of ethnic minorities; after the war, however, Poland's minorities were all but gone. Polish historians avoid details of how millions of people disappeared.
Over eighty percent of Poland's capital was destroyed in the aftermath of the Warsaw Uprising. Poland, still a predominantly agricultural country compared to Western nations, suffered catastrophic damage to its infrastructure during the war, and lagged even further behind the West in industrial output in the War's aftermath. The losses in national resources and infrastructure amounted to over 30% of the pre-war potential.
The implementation of the immense task of reconstructing the country was accompanied by the struggle of the new government to acquire a stable, centralized power base, further complicated by the mistrust a considerable part of the society held for the new regime and by disputes over Poland's postwar borders, which were not firmly established until mid-1945. In 1947 Soviet influence caused the Polish government to reject the American-sponsored Marshall Plan, and to join the Soviet Union-dominated Comecon in 1949. At the same time Soviet forces had engaged in plunder on the former eastern territories of Germany which were to be transferred to Poland, stripping it of valuable industrial equipment, infrastructure and factories and sending them to the Soviet Union.
Consolidation of Communist power (1945–1948)
Even before the Red Army entered Poland, the Soviet Union was pursuing a deliberate strategy to eliminate anti-Communist resistance forces in order to ensure that Poland would fall under its sphere of influence. In 1943, following the Katyn massacre, Stalin had severed relations with the Polish government-in-exile in London. However, to appease the United States and the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union agreed at the February 1945 Yalta Conference to form a coalition government composed of the Communist Polish Workers' Party, members of the pro-Western Polish government in exile, and members of the Armia Krajowa ("Home Army") resistance movement, as well as to allow for free elections to be held.
With the beginning of the liberation of Polish territories and the failure of the Armia Krajowa's Operation Tempest in 1944, control over Polish territories passed from the occupying forces of Nazi Germany to the Red Army, and from the Red Army to the Polish Communists, who held the largest influence under the provisional government. Thus from its outset, the Yalta decision favored the Communists, who enjoyed the advantages of Soviet support for their plan of bringing Eastern Europe securely under its influence, as well as control over crucial ministries such as the security services.
The Prime Minister of the Polish government-in-exile, Stanisław Mikołajczyk, resigned his post in 1944 and, along with several other exiled Polish leaders, returned to Poland, where a Provisional Government (Rząd Tymczasowy Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej; RTTP), had been created by the Communist-controlled Polish Committee of National Liberation (Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego; PKWN) in Lublin. This government was headed by Socialist Edward Osóbka-Morawski, but the Communists held a majority of key posts. Both of these governments were subordinate to the unelected, Communist-controlled parliament, the State National Council (Krajowa Rada Narodowa; KRN), and were not recognized by the increasingly isolated Polish government-in-exile, which had formed its own quasi-parliament, the Council of National Unity (Rada Jedności Narodowej; RJN).
The new Polish Provisional Government of National Unity (Tymczasowy Rząd Jedności Narodowej; TRJN) — as the Polish government was called until the elections of 1947 — was finally established on June 28, with Mikołajczyk as Deputy Prime Minister. The Communist Party's principal rivals were the veterans of the Armia Krajowa movement, along with Mikołajczyk's Polish People's (Peasant) Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe; PSL), and the veterans of the Polish armies which had fought in the West. But at the same time, Soviet-oriented parties, backed by the Soviet Red Army (the Northern Group of Forces would be permanently stationed in Poland) and in control of the security forces, held most of the power, especially in the Polish Workers' Party (Polska Partia Robotnicza; PPR) under Władysław Gomułka and Bolesław Bierut.
Stalin had promised at the Yalta Conference that free elections would be held in Poland. However, the Polish Communists, led by Gomułka and Bierut, were aware of the lack of support for their side among the Polish population. Because of this, in 1946 a national referendum, known as " 3 times YES" (3 razy TAK; 3xTAK), was held instead of the parliamentary elections. The referendum comprised three fairly general questions, and was meant to check the popularity of communist rule in Poland. Because most of the important parties in Poland at the time were leftist and could have supported all of the options, Mikołajczyk's PSL decided to ask its supporters to oppose the abolition of the senate, while the Communist democratic bloc supported the "3 times YES" option. The referendum showed that the communist plans were met with little support, with less than a third of Poland's population voting in favour of the proposed changes. Only vote rigging won them a majority in the carefully controlled poll. Following the forged referendum, the Polish economy started to become nationalized.
The Communists consolidated power by gradually whittling away the rights of their non-Communist foes, particularly by suppressing the leading opposition party, Mikołajczyk's Polish People's Party. In some cases, their opponents were sentenced to death — among them Witold Pilecki, the organizer of the Auschwitz resistance, and many leaders of Armia Krajowa and the Council of National Unity (in the Trial of the Sixteen). The opposition was also persecuted by administrative means, with many of its members murdered or forced to exile. Although the initial persecution of these former anti-Nazi organizations forced thousands of partisans back into forests, the actions of the UB (Polish secret police), NKVD and Red Army steadily diminished their number.
By 1946, rightist parties had been outlawed. A pro-government " Democratic Bloc" formed in 1947 that included the forerunner of the communist Polish United Workers' Party and its leftist allies. By January 1947, the first parliamentary election allowed only opposition candidates of the Polish People's Party, which was nearly powerless due to government controls. Results were adjusted by Stalin himself to suit the Communists, and through those rigged elections, the regime's candidates gained 417 of 434 seats in parliament ( Sejm), effectively ending the role of genuine opposition parties. Many members of opposition parties, including Mikołajczyk, left the country. Western governments did not protest, which led many anti-Communist Poles to speak of postwar " Western betrayal". In the same year, the new Legislative Sejm created the Small Constitution of 1947, and over the next two years, the Communists would ensure their rise to power by monopolizing political power in Poland under the PZPR.
Another force in Polish politics, Józef Piłsudski's old party, the Polish Socialist Party (Polska Partia Socjalistyczna; PPS), suffered a fatal split at this time, as the communist applied the salami tactics to dismember any opposition. Communists support a faction led by Józef Cyrankiewicz; eventually in 1948, the Communists and Cyrankiewicz's faction of Socialists merged to form the Polish United Workers' Party (Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza; PZPR). Mikołajczyk was forced to leave the country, and Poland became a de facto single-party state and a satellite state of the Soviet Union. Two facade small parties, one for farmers ( Zjednoczone Stronnictwo Ludowe) and one for the intelligentsia ( Stronnictwo Demokratyczne), were allowed to exist. A period of Sovietization and Stalinism started.
Bierut era (1948–1956)
The repercussions of Yugoslavia's break with Stalin reached Warsaw in 1948. As in the other eastern European satellite states, there was a purge of Communists suspected of nationalist or other "deviationist" tendencies in Poland. In September, one of communist leaders, Władysław Gomułka, who had always been an opponent of Stalin's control of the Polish party, was accused of "nationalistic tendency", dismissed from his posts, and imprisoned. However no equivalent of the show trials that took place in the other Eastern European states occurred, and Gomułka escaped with his life. Bierut replaced him as party leader.
The new Polish government was controlled by Polish Communists who had spent the war in the Soviet Union. They were "assisted" — and in some cases controlled — by Soviet "advisers" who were placed in every part of the government; Polish Army, intelligence and police were full of Soviet officers. The most important of these advisers was Konstantin Rokossovsky (Konstanty Rokossowski in Polish), the Defense Minister from 1949 to 1956. Although of Polish parentage, he had spent his adult life in the Soviet Union, and had attained the rank of Marshal in the Soviet Armed Forces.
This government, headed by Cyrankiewicz and economist Hilary Minc, carried through a program of sweeping economic reform and national reconstruction. The Stalinist turn that led to the ascension of Bierut meant that Poland would now be brought into line with the Soviet model of a " people's democracy" and a centrally planned socialist economy, in place of the façade of democracy and market economy which the regime had preserved until 1948. Fully Soviet-style centralized planning was introduced in the Six-Year Plan, which began in 1950. The plan called for accelerated development of heavy industry and forced collectivization of agriculture. In what became known as the battle for trade, the private trade and industry were nationalized, the land seized from prewar landowners was redistributed to the peasants. The regime embarked on the collectivization of agriculture (as seen in the creation of Państwowe Gospodarstwo Rolne), although the pace for this change was slower than in other satellites; Poland remained the only Soviet bloc country where individual peasants dominated agriculture.
In 1948 the United States announced the Marshall plan, its initiative to help rebuild Europe. After initially welcoming the idea of Polish involvement in the plan, the Polish government declined to participate under pressure from Moscow. This marked the beginning of the wealth gap, which would increase in years to come, as the Western market economies grew much more quickly than the centrally planned socialist economies of Eastern Europe.
Millions of Poles transferred from the Kresy territories east of the Curzon line annexed by the Soviet Union into the new Western and Northern Territories east of the Oder-Neisse line, which the Soviets transferred from Germany to Poland after the Potsdam Agreement. By 1950, 5 million Poles had been settled in what the government called the Regained Territories and the former German population was expelled. When the 1947 Operation Wisła dispersed the remaining Ukrainian minority, and with the former Jewish minority exterminated by Nazi Germany during the Shoa, Poland for the first time became an ethnically homogenous nation state. Warsaw and other ruined cities were cleared of rubble — mainly by hand — and rebuilt with great speed, one of the successes of the Three-Year Plan.
The constitution of 1952 guaranteed universal free health care. In the early 1950s, the Communist regime also carried out major changes to the education system. The Communist program of free and compulsory school education for all, and the establishment of new free universities, received much support. The Communists also took the opportunity to screen out what facts and interpretations were to be taught; history as well as other sciences had to follow Marxist views as well as be subject to political censorship. At the same time between 1951 and 1953 a large number of pre-war reactionary professors was dismissed from the universities. The control over art and artists was deepened and with time the Socialist Realism became the only movement that was accepted by the authorities. After 1949 most of works of art presented to the public had to be in line with the voice of the Party and present its propaganda.
Those and other reforms, while more or less controversial, were greeted with relief by a significant faction of the population. After the Second World War many people were willing to accept even Communist rule in exchange for the restoration of relatively normal life; tens of thousands joined the communist party and actively supported the regime. Nonetheless a latent popular discontent remained present. Many Poles adopted an attitude that might be called "resigned cooperation". Others, like the remnants of the Armia Krajowa, and Narodowe Siły Zbrojne and Wolność i Niezawisłość, known as the cursed soldiers, actively opposed the Communists, hoping that a possible World War III would liberate Poland. Although most had surrendered during the amnesty of 1947, the brutal repressions by the secret police led many of them back into the forests, where a few continued to fight well into the 1950s.
The Communists further alienated many Poles by persecuting the Catholic Church. The Stowarzyszenie PAX ("PAX Association") created in 1947 worked to undermine grassroot support from the Church and attempted to create a Communist Catholic Church. In 1953 the Primate of Poland, Stefan Cardinal Wyszyński, was placed under house arrest, although before that he had been willing to make compromises with the government.
The new Polish Constitution of 1952 officially established Poland as a People's Republic, ruled by the Polish United Workers' Party, which since the absorption of the left wing of the Socialist Party in 1948 had been the Communist Party's official name. The post of President of Poland was abolished, and Bierut, the First Secretary of the Communist Party, became the effective leader of Poland.
Stalin had died in 1953. Between 1953 and 1958 Nikita Khrushchev outmaneuvered his rivals and achieved power in the Soviet Union. In March 1956 Khrushchev denounced Stalin's cult of personality at the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. The de-Stalinization of official Soviet ideology left Poland's Stalinist hard-liners in a difficult position. In the same month as Khrushchev's speech, as unrest and desire for reform and change among both intellectuals and workers was beginning to surface throughout the Eastern Bloc, the death of the hard-line Bierut in March 1956 exacerbated an existing split in the PZPR. Bierut was succeeded by Edward Ochab as First Secretary of the PZPR, and by Cyrankiewicz as Prime Minister.
Gomułka period (1956–1970)
The Polish Communists were divided into two informal factions, named Natolin and Puławy after the locations where they held their meetings: the Palace of Natolin near Warsaw and Puławska Street in Warsaw. Natolin consisted largely of ethnic Poles of peasant origin who in large part had spent the war in occupied Poland, and had a peculiar nationalistic-communistic ideology. Headed by Władysław Gomułka, the faction underlined the national character of Polish local communist movement. Puławy faction included Jewish Communists, as well as members of the old Communist intelligentsia, who in large part spent the war in the USSR and supported the Sovietization of Poland.
In June 1956, workers in the industrial city of Poznań went on strike. Demonstrations by striking workers turned into huge riots, in which 80 people were killed. Cyrankiewicz tried to repress the riots at first, threatening that "any provocateur or lunatic who raises his hand against the people's government may be sure that this hand will be chopped off." But soon the hard-liners realized that they had lost the support of the Soviet Union, and the regime turned to conciliation: it announced wage rises and other reforms. Voices began to be raised in the Party and among the intellectuals calling for wider reforms of the Stalinist system.
Realizing the need for new leadership, in what became known as Polish October, the PZPR chose Władysław Gomułka, a moderate who had been purged after losing his battle with Bierut, as First Secretary in October 1956; who convinced the Soviet Union that he would not allow its influence on Eastern Europe to diminish. Even so, Poland's relations with the Soviet Union were not nearly as strained as Yugoslavia's. As a further sign that the end of Soviet influence in Poland was nowhere in sight, the Warsaw Pact was signed in the Polish capital of Warsaw on May 14, 1955, to counteract the establishment of the Western NATO.
Hard-line Stalinists such as Berman were removed from power, and many Soviet officers serving in the Polish Armed Forces were dismissed, but almost no one was put on trial for the repressions of the Bierut period. The Puławy faction argued that mass trials of Stalin-era officials, many of them Jewish, would incite animosity toward the Jews. Konstantin Rokossovsky and other Soviet advisors were sent home, and Polish Communism took on a more independent orientation. However, Gomułka knew that the Soviets would never allow Poland to leave the Warsaw Pact because of Poland's strategic position between the Soviet Union and Germany. He agreed that Soviet troops could remain in Poland, and that no overt anti-Soviet outbursts would be allowed. In this way, Poland avoided the risk of the kind of Soviet armed intervention that crushed the revolution in Hungary that same month.
There were also repeated attempts by some Polish academics and philosophers, many related to the pre-war Lwow-Warsaw School and later Poznań School - such as Kazimierz Ajdukiewicz, Tadeusz Czeżowski, Leszek Kołakowski, Tadeusz Kotarbiński, Stanisław Ossowski, Adam Schaff - to develop a specific form of Polish Marxism. Their attempts to create a bridge between Poland's history and Soviet Marxist ideology were mildly successful, although always stifled due to the regime's unwillingness to risk the wrath of the Soviet Union for going too far from the Soviet party line.
National communism
Poland welcomed Gomułka's rise to power with relief. Many Poles still rejected Communism, but they knew that the realities of Soviet dominance dictated that Poland could not escape from Communist rule. Gomułka promised an end to police terror, greater intellectual and religious freedom, higher wages and the reversal of collectivization, and to a certain extent he indeed fulfilled all of these promises. The January 1957 elections were more liberal than previous communist elections but still no opposition candidates were permitted to run.
Gomułka's Poland was generally described as one of the more "liberal" Communist regimes, and Poland was certainly more open than East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Romania during this period. Nevertheless, under Gomułka, Poles could still go to prison for writing political satire about the Party leader, as Janusz Szpotański did, or for publishing a book abroad. Jacek Kuroń, who would later become a prominent dissident, was imprisoned for writing an "open letter" to other Party members. As Gomułka's popularity declined and his reform Communism lost its impetus, the regime became steadily less liberal and more repressive.
After the first wave of reform, Gomułka's regime started to move back on their promises, as the power of the Party, such as Party's control of the media and universities, was gradually restored, and many of the younger and more reformist members of the Party were expelled. The reform-promising Gomułka of 1956 was replaced by the authoritarian Gomułka. Poland enjoyed a period of relative stability over the next decade, but the idealism of the " Polish October" had faded away. What replaced it was a somewhat cynical form of Polish nationalism intervened with communist ideology, fueled by a propaganda campaigns such as the one against West Germany over its unwillingness to recognize the Oder-Neisse line.
By the mid-1960s, Poland was starting to experience economic, as well as political, difficulties. Like all the Communist regimes, Poland was spending too much on heavy industry, armaments and prestige projects, and too little on consumer production. The end of collectivization returned the land to the peasants, but most of their farms were too small to be efficient, so productivity in agriculture remained low. Economic relations with West Germany were frozen because of the impasse over the Oder-Neisse line. Gomułka chose to ignore the economic crisis, and his autocratic methods prevented the major changes required to prevent a downward economic spiral.
By the 1960s, other government officials had begun to plot against Gomułka. His security chief, Mieczysław Moczar, a wartime Communist partisan commander, formed a new faction, "the Partisans", based on principles of Communist nationalism and anti- inteligencja and anti-Jewish sentiment. The Party boss in Upper Silesia, Edward Gierek, who unlike most of the Communist leaders was a genuine product of the working class, also emerged as a possible alternative leader.
In March 1968 student demonstrations at Warsaw University broke out when the government banned the performance of a play by Adam Mickiewicz ( Dziady, written in 1824) at the Polish Theatre in Warsaw, on the grounds that it contained "anti-Soviet references". In what became known as the March 1968 events Moczar used this affair as a pretext to launch an anti-intellectual and anti-Semitic press campaign (although the expression "anti-Zionist" was the one officially used) whose real goal was to weaken the pro-reform liberal faction. Approximately 20,000 Jews lost their jobs and had to emigrate.
The communist government reacted in several ways to the March events. One was an official approval for demonstrating Polish national feelings, including the scaling down of official criticism of the prewar Polish regime, and of Poles who had fought in the anti-Communist wartime partisan movement, the Armia Krajowa. The second was the complete alienation of the regime from the leftist intelligentsia, who were disgusted at the official promotion of anti-Semitism. Many Polish intellectuals opposed the campaign, some openly, and Moczar's security apparatus became as hated as Berman's had been. The third was the founding by Polish Emigrants to the West of organizations that encouraged opposition within Poland. The campaign damaged Poland's reputation abroad, particularly in the United States.
Two things saved Gomułka's regime at this point. First, the Soviet Union, now led by Leonid Brezhnev, made it clear that it would not tolerate political upheaval in Poland at a time when it was trying to deal with the crisis in Czechoslovakia. In particular, the Soviets made it clear that they would not allow Moczar, whom they suspected of anti-Soviet nationalism, to be leader of Poland. Secondly, the workers refused to rise up against the regime, partly because they distrusted the intellectual leadership of the protest movement, and partly because Gomułka placated them with higher wages. The Catholic Church, while protesting against police violence against demonstrating students, was also not willing to support a direct confrontation with the regime.
In August 1968 the Polish People's Army took part in the invasion of Czechoslovakia. Some Polish intellectuals protested, and Ryszard Siwiec burned himself alive during the official national holiday celebrations. Polish participation in crushing Czech liberal communism (or socialism with a human face, as it was called at that time) further alienated Gomułka from his former liberal supporters. However, in 1970 Gomułka won a political victory when he gained West German recognition of the Oder-Neisse line. The German Chancellor, Willy Brandt, asked on his knees for forgiveness for the crimes of the Nazis ( Warschauer Kniefall); this gesture was understood in Poland as being addressed to Poles, although it was actually made at the site of the Warsaw Ghetto and was thus directed primarily toward the Jews. This occurred five years after Polish bishops had issued the famous Letter of Reconciliation of the Polish Bishops to the German Bishops, then heavily criticized by the Polish government.
Gomułka's temporary political success could not mask the economic crisis into which Poland was drifting. Although the system of fixed, artificially low food prices kept urban discontent under control, it caused stagnation in agriculture and made more expensive food imports necessary. This situation was unsustainable, and in December 1970, the regime suddenly announced massive increases in the prices of basic foodstuffs. It is possible that the price rises were imposed on Gomułka by enemies of his in the Party leadership who planned to maneuver him out of power. The raised prices were unpopular among many urban workers. Gomułka believed that the agreement with West Germany had made him more popular, but in fact most Poles seemed to feel that since the Germans were no longer a threat to Poland, they no longer needed to tolerate the Communist regime as a guarantee of Soviet support for the defense of the Oder-Neisse line.
Demonstrations against the price rises broke out in the northern coastal cities of Gdańsk, Gdynia, Elbląg and Szczecin. Gomułka's right-hand man, Zenon Kliszko, made matters worse by ordering the army to fire on protesting workers. Another leader, Stanisław Kociołek, appealed to the workers to return to work. However, in Gdynia the soldiers had orders to prevent workers from returning to work, and they fired into a crowd of workers emerging from their trains; hundreds of workers were killed. The protest movement spread to other cities, leading to more strikes and causing angry workers to occupy many factories.
The Party leadership met in Warsaw and decided that a full-scale working-class revolt was inevitable unless drastic steps were taken. With the consent of Brezhnev in Moscow, Gomułka, Kliszko and other leaders were forced to resign. Since Moscow would not accept the appointment of Moczar, Edward Gierek was drafted as the new First Secretary of the PZPR. Prices were lowered, wage increases were announced, and sweeping economic and political changes were promised. Gierek went to Gdańsk and met the workers personally, apologizing for the mistakes of the past, and saying that as a worker himself, he would now govern Poland for the people.
Gierek era (1970–1980)
Gierek, like Gomułka in 1956, came to power on a raft of promises that now everything would be different: wages would rise, prices would remain stable, there would be freedom of speech, and those responsible for the violence at Gdynia and elsewhere would be punished. Although Poles were much more cynical than they had been in 1956, Gierek was believed to be an honest and well-intentioned man, and his promises bought him some time. He used this time to create a new economic program, one based on large-scale borrowing from the West — mainly from the United States and West Germany — to buy technology that would upgrade Poland's production of export goods. This massive borrowing, estimated to have totaled US$10 billion, was used to re-equip and modernize Polish industry, and to import consumer goods in order to give the workers more incentive to work.
For the next four years, Poland enjoyed rapidly rising living standards and an apparently stable economy. Real wages rose 40% between 1971 and 1975, and for the first time most Poles could afford to buy cars, televisions and other consumer goods. Poles living abroad, veterans of the Armia Krajowa and the Polish Armed Forces in the West, were invited to return and to invest their money in Poland, which many did. The peasants were subsidized to grow more food. Poles were able to travel — mainly to West Germany, Sweden and Italy — with little difficulty. There was also some cultural and political relaxation. As long as the "leading role of the Party" and the Soviet "alliance" were not criticized, there was a limited freedom of speech. With the workers and peasants reasonably happy, the regime knew that a few grumbling intellectuals could pose no challenge.
"Consumer Communism", based on present global economic conditions, raised Polish living standards and expectations, but the program faltered suddenly in the early 1970s because of worldwide recession and increased oil prices. The effects of the world oil shock following the 1973 Arab-Israeli War produced an inflationary surge followed by a recession in the West, which resulted in a sharp increase in the price of imported consumer goods, coupled with a decline in demand for Polish exports, particularly coal. Poland's foreign debt rose from US$100 million in 1971 to US$6 billion in 1975, and continued to rise rapidly. This made it more and more difficult for Poland to continue borrowing from the West. Once again, consumer goods began to disappear from Polish shops. The new factories built by Gierek's regime also proved to be largely ineffective and mismanaged, often ignoring basics of market demand and cost effectiveness.
In 1975, Poland and almost all other European countries became signatories of the Helsinki Accords and a member of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the creation of which marked the high point of the period of " détente" between the Soviet Union and the United States. Despite the regime's claims that the freedoms mentioned in the agreement would be implemented in Poland, there was little change. However, Poles were gradually becoming more aware of the rights they were being denied.
As the government became increasingly unable to borrow money from abroad, it had no alternative but to raise prices, particularly for basic foodstuffs. The government had been so afraid of a repeat of the 1970 worker rebellion that it had kept prices frozen at the 1970 levels rather than allowing them to rise gradually. Then, in June 1976, under pressure from Western creditors, the government again introduced price increases: butter by 33%, meat by 70%, and sugar by 100%. The result was an immediate nationwide wave of strikes, with violent demonstrations and looting at Płock and Radom. Gierek backed down at once, dismissing Prime Minister Piotr Jaroszewicz and repealing the price rises. This left the government looking both economically foolish and politically weak, a very dangerous combination.
The 1976 disturbances and the subsequent arrests and dismissals of worker militants brought the workers and the intellectual opposition to the regime back into contact. A group of intellectuals led by Jacek Kuroń and Adam Michnik founded the Committee for the Defence of the Workers (Komitet Obrony Robotników; KOR). The aim of the KOR was at first simply to assist the worker victims of the 1976 repression, but it inevitably became a political resistance group. It marked an important development: the intellectual dissidents accepting the leadership of the working class in opposing the regime. These events brought many more Polish intellectuals into active opposition of the Polish government. The complete failure of the Gierek regime, both economically and politically, led many of them to join or rejoin the opposition. During this period, new opposition groups were formed, such as the Confederation of Independent Poland (KPN), Free Trade Unions of the Coast (WZW) and the Movement for Defense of Human and Civic Rights (ROPCiO), which tried to resist the regime by denouncing it for violating Polish laws and the Polish constitution.
For the rest of the 1970s, resistance to the regime grew, in the form of trade unions, student groups, clandestine newspapers and publishers, imported books and newspapers, and even a " flying university". The regime made no serious attempt to suppress the opposition. Gierek was interested only in buying off dissatisfied workers and keeping the Soviet Union convinced that Poland was a loyal ally. But the Soviet alliance was at the heart of Gierek's problems: following Brezhnev Doctrine and because of Poland's strategic position between the Soviet Union and Germany, the Soviets would never allow Poland to drift out of its orbit, as Yugoslavia and Romania had by this time done. Nor would they allow any fundamental economic reform that would endanger the "socialist system".
At this juncture, on October 16, 1978, Poland experienced what many Poles literally believed to be a miracle. The Archbishop of Kraków, Karol Wojtyła, was elected Pope, taking the name John Paul II. The election of a Polish Pope had an electrifying effect on what was by the 1970s one of the last idiosyncratically Catholic countries in Europe. When John Paul toured Poland in June 1979, half a million people heard him speak in Warsaw, and about a quarter of the entire population of the country attended at least one of his outdoor masses. Overnight, John Paul became the most important person in Poland, leaving the regime not so much opposed as ignored. However, John Paul did not call for rebellion; instead, he encouraged the creation of an "alternative Poland" of social institutions independent of the government, so that when the next crisis came, the nation would present a united front.
By 1980, the Communist leadership was completely trapped by Poland's economic and political dilemma. The regime had no means of legitimizing itself, since it knew that the PZPR would never win a free election. It had no choice but to make another attempt to raise consumer prices to realistic levels, but it knew that to do so would certainly spark another worker rebellion, much better-organized than the 1970 or 1976 outbreaks. In one sense, it was a reliance on capitalism that led to the fall of communism. Western bankers had loaned over $500 million to the government of Poland, and at a meeting at the Handlowy Bank in Warsaw on July 1, 1980, made it clear that low prices of consumer goods could no longer be subsidized by the state. The government gave in and announced a system of gradual but continuous price rises, particularly for meat. A wave of strikes and factory occupations began at once, coordinated from KOR's headquarters in Warsaw.
The leadership made little effort to intervene. By this time, the Polish Communists had lost the Stalinist zealotry of the 1940s; they had grown corrupt and cynical during the Gierek years, and had no stomach for bloodshed. The country waited to see what would happen. In early August, the strike wave reached the politically sensitive Baltic coast, with a strike at the Lenin Shipyards in Gdańsk. Among the leaders of this strike was electrician Lech Wałęsa, who would soon become a figure of international importance. The strike wave spread along the coast, closing the ports and bringing the economy to a halt. With the assistance of the activists from KOR and the support of many intellectuals, the workers occupying the various factories, mines and shipyards across Poland came together.
The leadership was now faced with a choice between repression on a massive scale and an agreement that would give the workers everything they wanted, while preserving the outward shell of Communist rule. They chose the latter, and on August 31, Wałęsa signed the Gdańsk Agreement with Mieczysław Jagielski, a member of the PZPR Politburo. The Agreement acknowledged the right of Poles to associate in free trade unions, abolished censorship, abolished weekend work, increased the minimum wage, increased and extended welfare and pensions, and abolished Party supervision of industrial enterprises. Party rule was significantly weakened in what was regarded as a first step toward dismantling the Party's monopoly of power, but nonetheless preserved, as it was recognized as necessary to prevent Soviet intervention. The fact that all these economic concessions were completely unaffordable escaped attention in the wave of national euphoria that swept the country. The period that started afterwards is often called the first part of the "Polish carnival" - with the second one taking place in the second half of 1980s.
End of Communist rule (1980–1990)
The Gdańsk Agreement, an aftermath of the August 1980 labor strike, was an important milestone. It led to the formation of an independent trade union, " Solidarity" (Polish Solidarność), founded in September 1980 and originally led by Lech Wałęsa. In the 1980s, it helped form a broad anti-Communist social movement, with members ranging from people associated with the Roman Catholic Church to anti-Communist leftists. The union was backed by a group of intellectual dissidents, the KOR, and adhered to a policy of nonviolent resistance. In time, Solidarity became a major Polish political force in opposition to the Communists.
The ideas of the Solidarity movement spread rapidly throughout Poland; more and more new unions were formed and joined the federation. The Solidarity program, although concerned chiefly with trade union matters, was universally regarded as the first step towards dismantling the Communists' dominance over social institutions, professional organizations and community associations. By the end of 1981, Solidarity had nine million members — a quarter of Poland's population, and three times as many members as the PUWP had. Using strikes and other tactics, the union sought to block government initiatives.
In September 1980, the increasingly frail Gierek was removed from office and replaced as Party leader by Stanisław Kania. Kania made the same sort of promises that Gomułka and Gierek made when they had come to power. But whatever goodwill the new leader gained by these promises was even shorter lived than it had been in 1956 and 1971, because there was no way that the regime could have kept the promises it had made at Gdańsk, even if it wanted to. The regime was still trapped by the conflict between economic necessity and political instability. It could not revive the economy without abandoning state control of prices, but it could not do this without triggering another general strike. Nor could it gain the support of the population through political reform, because of the threat of Soviet intervention. GNP fell in 1979 by 2%, in 1980 by 8% and in 1981 by 15–20%. Public corruption had become endemic and housing shortages and food rationing were just one of many factors contributing to the growing social unrest.
On December 13, 1981, claiming that the country was on the verge of economic and civil breakdown, and claiming the danger of Soviet intervention (whether this fear was justified at that particular moment is still hotly disputed by historians), Wojciech Jaruzelski, who had become the Party's national secretary and prime minister that year, started a crack-down on Solidarity, declaring martial law, suspending the union, and temporarily imprisoning most of its leaders. Polish police ( Milicja Obywatelska) and paramilitary riot police (Zmotoryzowane Odwody Milicji Obywatelskiej; ZOMO) suppressed the demonstrators in a series of violent attacks such as the massacre of striking miners in the Wujek Coal Mine (9 killed). The government banned Solidarity on October 8, 1982. Martial law was formally lifted in July 1983, though many heightened controls on civil liberties and political life, as well as food rationing, remained in place throughout the mid-to-late 1980s.
During the chaotic Solidarity years and the imposition of martial law, Poland entered a decade of economic crisis, officially acknowledged as such even by the regime. Work on most of the major investment projects that had begun in the 1970s was stopped, resulting in landmarks such as the Szkieletor skyscraper in Kraków. Rationing and queuing became a way of life, with ration cards (Kartki) necessary to buy even such basic consumer staples as milk and sugar. Access to Western luxury goods became even more restricted, as Western governments applied economic sanctions to express their dissatisfaction with the government repression of the opposition, while at the same time the government had to use most of the foreign currency it could obtain to pay the crushing rates on its foreign debt which reached US$23 billion by 1980. In response to this situation, the government, which controlled all official foreign trade, continued to maintain a highly artificial exchange rate with Western currencies. The exchange rate worsened distortions in the economy at all levels, resulting in a growing black market and the development of a shortage economy.
The Communist government unsuccessfully tried various expedients to improve the performance of the economy. To gather foreign currency, the government established a chain of state-run Pewex stores in all Polish cities where goods could only be bought with Western currency, as well as issued its own ersatz U.S. currency (bony). During the era hundreds of thousands of Poles emigrated looking for jobs and prosperity abroad. The government was increasingly forced to carry out small-scale reforms, allowing more small-scale private enterprises to function and departing further and further from the 'socialist' model of economy.
The government slowly but inevitably started to accept the idea that some kind of a deal with the opposition would be necessary. The constant state of economic and societal crisis meant that, after the shock of martial law had faded, people on all levels again began to organize against the regime. "Solidarity" gained more support and power, though it never approached the levels of membership it enjoyed in the 1980–1981 period. At the same time, the dominance of the Communist Party further eroded as it lost many of its members, a number of whom had been revolted by the imposition of martial law. Throughout the mid-1980s, Solidarity persisted solely as an underground organization, supported by a wide range of international supporters, from the Church to the CIA. Starting from 1986, other opposition structures such as the Orange Alternative "dwarf" movement founded by Major Waldemar Fydrych began organizing street protests in form of colorful happenings that assembled thousands of participants and broke the fear barrier which was paralysing the population since the Martial Law. By the late 1980s, Solidarity was strong enough to frustrate Jaruzelski's attempts at reform, and nationwide strikes in 1988 were one of the factors that forced the government to open a dialogue with Solidarity.
The perestroika and glasnost policies of the Soviet Union's new leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, were another factor in stimulating political reform in Poland. In particular, Gorbachev essentially repudiated the Brezhnev Doctrine, which had stipulated that attempts by its Eastern European satellite states to abandon Communism would be countered by the Soviet Union with force. This change in Soviet policy, in addition to the hardline stance of US President Ronald Reagan against Soviet military incursions, removed the specter of a possible Soviet invasion in response to any wide-ranging reforms, and hence eliminated the key argument employed by the Communists as a justification for maintaining Communism in Poland.
By the close of the 10th plenary session in December 1988, the Communist Party had decided to approach leaders of Solidarity for talks. From February 6 to April 15, 94 sessions of talks between 13 working groups, which became known as the " Round Table Talks" (Polish: Rozmowy Okrągłego Stołu) radically altered the structure of the Polish government and society. The talks resulted in an agreement to vest political power in a newly created bicameral legislature, and in a president who would be the chief executive.
In April 1989, Solidarity was again legalized and allowed to participate in semi-free elections on June 4, 1989. This election was not completely free, with restrictions designed to keep the Communists in power, since only one third of the seats in the key lower chamber of parliament would be open to Solidarity candidates. The other two thirds were to be reserved for candidates from the Communist Party and its two allied, completely subservient parties. The Communists thought of the election as a way to keep power while gaining some legitimacy to carry out reforms. Many critics from the opposition believed that by accepting the rigged election Solidarity had bowed to government pressure, guaranteeing the Communists domination in Poland into the 1990s.
When the results were released, a political earthquake followed. The victory of Solidarity surpassed all predictions. Solidarity candidates captured all the seats they were allowed to compete for in the Sejm, while in the Senate they captured 99 out of the 100 available seats. At the same time, many prominent Communist candidates failed to gain even the minimum number of votes required to capture the seats that were reserved for them. With the election results, the Communists suffered a catastrophic blow to their legitimacy.
The next few months were spent on political maneuvering. The prestige of the Communists fell so low that the even the two puppet parties allied with them decided to break away and adopt independent courses. The Communist candidate for the post of Prime Minister, general Czesław Kiszczak, failed to gain enough support in the Sejm to form a government. Although Jaruzelski tried to persuade Solidarity to join the Communists in a "grand coalition", Wałęsa refused. By August of 1989, it was clear that a Solidarity Prime Minister would have to be chosen. Jaruzelski resigned as general secretary of the Communist Party, but found that he was forced to come to terms with a government formed by Solidarity: the Communists, who still had control over state power, were pacified by a compromise in which Solidarity allowed General Jaruzelski to remain head of state. Thus Jaruzelski, whose name was the only one the Communist Party had allowed on the ballot for the presidential election, won by just one vote in the National Assembly, essentially through abstention by a sufficient number of Solidarity MPs. General Jaruzelski became the president of the country, but Solidarity member Tadeusz Mazowiecki became the Prime Minister. The new non-Communist government, the first of its kind in Communist Europe, was sworn into office in September 1989. It immediately adopted radical economic policies, proposed by Leszek Balcerowicz, which transformed Poland into a functioning market economy over the course of the next year.
The striking electoral victory of the Solidarity candidates in these limited elections, and the subsequent formation of the first non-Communist government in the region in decades, encouraged many similar peaceful transitions from Communist Party rule in Central and Eastern Europe in the second half of 1989.
In 1990, Jaruzelski resigned as Poland's president and was succeeded by Wałęsa, who won the 1990 presidential elections. Wałęsa's inauguration as president in December, 1990 is thought by many to be the formal end of the Communist People's Republic of Poland and the beginning of the modern Republic of Poland. The Polish United Workers' Party (the Communists) dissolved in 1990, transforming into Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland. The Warsaw Pact was dissolved in the summer of 1991 and the Soviet troops would leave Poland by 1993. On October 27, 1991 the first entirely free Polish parliamentary elections since the 1920s took place. This completed Poland's transition from Communist Party rule to a Western-style liberal democratic political system.


text:
Search all nearby Airports
Departure Date:
Return Date:
Adult0 Adult
1 Adult
2 Adult
3 Adult
4 Adult
5 Adult
6 Adult
7 Adult
8 Adult
9 Adult
Child0 Child
1 Child
2 Child
3 Child
4 Child
5 Child
6 Child
7 Child
8 Child
9 Child
Promo code:
Internet marketing, also referred to as i-marketing, web marketing, online marketing or eMarketing, is the marketing of products or services over the Internet.
The Internet has brought media to a global audience. The interactive nature of Internet marketing, both, in terms of providing instant response and eliciting responses, is a unique quality of the medium. Internet marketing is sometimes considered to have a broad scope because it not only refers to the Internet, e-mail and wireless media, but it also includes management of digital customer data and electronic customer relationship management (ECRM) systems.
Internet marketing ties together creative and technical aspects of the Internet including design, development, advertising and sales.
Advertising Overview
LIAT Airline is offering advertising on various pages of liat.com's website. This advertising includes banner ads, text links review and destination review links. Page rates are subject to changes based on the development of LIAT's website.
Advertising Options & Specifications
Vertical Banner ad
550 X 150 Pixel Banner ad
Static Gif Banner, Flash banner.
File Sizes
Maximum file sizes Flash Banner
70 Kilobytes (70000 bytes)
4 seconds maximum. No looping.
Maximum file sizes GIF Banner
30 Kilobytes (30000 Bytes)
Java banners are currently not accepted on liat.com.
Client-side Image Maps are accepted. Map HTML must be provided by the client.
Animation can restart if a user places the mouse pointer within the advertisement area and/or clicks on it. Interaction with the user can only take place if the user places the mouse within the advertisement area.
Audio banners are currently are not allowed.
Destination Page Listing
Advertising provisions are made under 6 categories on the destinations territory pages, these (6) six categories are: Shopping, Activities, Night Life, Restaurants, National Events and Main Country Destination Page.
Under these categories your advertisement can have a thumbnail, your contact/company information (Which would include contact person, e-mail address, website address, telephone number and mailing address), and a brief description (of no more than twenty-five (25) words).
Main Page Reviews
Main page reviews are placed on the main page of the territory destination page. The specifications of these ads are the same as a destination page listing.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Sanders — Fluharty
TORONTO – Merideth Marie Sanders and Seth Ryan Fluharty were united in marriage on June 1 at Sally Buffalo Park in Cadiz, with the Rev. Jason Elliott performing the 4:30 p.m. ceremony.
The bride is the daughter of James and Traci Sanders of Toronto. The groom is the son of Charles and Lisa Karamanolis of Wintersville.
Escorted to the altar by her father, the bride wore an ivory lace cap sleeve gown with a keyhole back and a heavily beaded sash. She carried a bouquet of white hydrangeas and white roses wrapped in lace.
Catherine Sanders, sister of the bride, was the maid of honor, and Caitlin Noble was the matron of honor. Bridesmaids were Lindsey Marple-Maclay, Aleasha Brandt and Ashley Pastre.
Zac Pendleton was the best man. Groomsmen were Sean Taylor; Shane Sanders, brother of the bride; Anthony Barezinsky; Adam Cowser; Cory Hammonds; and Allan McNeil.
After a reception at Wallace Lodge in Cadiz, the couple honeymooned in Myrtle Beach, S.C.
The bride is a 2005 graduate of Edison High School and a 2011 graduate of West Liberty University with a bachelor's degree in social studies education. She is employed as a teacher at Steubenville City Schools.
The groom is a 2005 graduate of Indian Creek High School and a 2010 graduate of Wheeling Jesuit University with a bachelor's degree in elementary education. He is employed as a special education teacher at Steubenville City Schools.
They reside in Steubenville.


text:
Know what device every visitor is using to visit your website.
Use that knowledge to deliver a richer user experience and drive business growth.
Take your website to a whole new level.
Read More Downloads
51Degrees provides deeper insights into user preferences and device-specific behaviour, for mobile network operators and their suppliers.
Enhance your analytics, maximise your network and improve your customer services and targeting with TAC data from 51Degrees.
Read More Contact Us
Discover how your customers are viewing your website - what device, what screen size…
Learn how your website performs and discover great insights into how customers behave based on their device.
Richer content, better user experience, increased engagement.
Identify the connection speed and quality of every website visitor.
Deliver a better user experience on your website, by tailoring your content based on your customer's connection.
Great user experience, reduced shopping cart abandonment, better performance.
51Degrees legal terms and conditions.
The ability to quickly segment audiences, target appropriately and optimise ad creative based on accurate analytics is vital for Adtech companies.
51Degrees' Device Intelligence can help you do this with it's patented technology, unrivaled accuracy and industry leading speed.
Use Device Intelligence to take your business to a whole new level.
You have invested in advertising in all the right channels, why fall at the last hurdle.
Leading advertisers use device intelligence to ensure they understand every user before delivering digital content and experiences.
51Degrees ensures your website doesn't get in the way of your brand conversations.
Publishers mobile sites often have huge page load times which results in abandoned page visits and ads not being viewed.
51Degrees enables content and advertising requests to be optimized for every user's device.
Improve user experience, drive engagement and increase advertising revenue with 51Degrees Device Intelligence.
Responsive web design is not a one size fits all solution.
With money and man hours spent on advertising don't let a poor user experience compromises a potential conversion.
Implement 51Degrees server-side to optimize content faster, resulting in an improved user experience and increased conversion rates.
Leading digital agencies need to keep up to date with the latest trends and tool sets to ensure your clients get the best results can be a challenge when you are busy managing the day to day demand from clients.
Using 51Degrees you can adapt online content to maximise the potential of online conversions and steer the end user purchase path.
Plugin us into yours and your clients' web platforms and see a more granular level of detail about the devices used for clients site.
Your platform is dependent on accurate device data to support improving client-side performance by optimizing user experiences server-side
51Degrees provides the fastest and most accurate device information, including 217 device properties such as retail price, vendor, device age, screen size and more to allow more granular analytics and better content optimization
We support over 20 leading CMS platforms.
Find out how our products have been used to improve user experience and to maximise revenue.
Read Case Studies
To generate these results in your business contact us.
Contact Us
Understand how 51Degrees works with web platforms.
Learn about APIs for .NET, C#, C, C++, Java, Node, PHP, Perl, Python, NGINX, Varnish and JavaScript.
Browse API Docs
There's documentation about the data model, migrating from competitors and how 51Degrees works.
Read More
Download Premium or Enterprise data with a paid for licence key or login.
Download Data
Download open source APIs for .NET, Java, C, C++, Node, PHP, Python, Perl, NGINX, HAProxy and more.
Select an API
Browse the full list of properties available in 51Degrees device detection solutions. Find out what values are supported in the Lite, Premium and Enterprise data sets, including full descriptions and advice on how they can be used.
Enter a user-agent and find out the associated device, operating system, and browser.
Blog entries focused on API changes and uses.
Community support forums for questions and answers concern all 51Degrees products and services.
Purchase 51Degrees device data subscriptions and other products and services.
Answers to common questions about 51Degrees products and services.
Find devices contained in the 51Degrees data sets by vendor, model or using free text search. View the properties and values available for each device.
Compares the major measures, licencing models and costs associated with 51Degrees, DeviceAtlas and ScientiaMobile's WURFL product.
Find out how 51Degrees redefined the device detection industry.
Logos and corporate images useful to press, bloggers and affiliates.
Mobile device emulators for Windows based operating systems recommended by 51Degrees.
means each individual or legal entity that creates, contributes to the creation of, or owns Covered Software.
means the combination of the Contributions of others (if any) used by a Contributor and that particular Contributor's Contribution.
means Covered Software of a particular Contributor.
means Source Code Form to which the initial Contributor has attached the notice in Exhibit A, the Executable Form of such Source Code Form, and Modifications of such Source Code Form, in each case including portions thereof.
that the initial Contributor has attached the notice described in Exhibit B to the Covered Software; or
that the Covered Software was made available under the terms of version 1.1 or earlier of the License, but not also under the terms of a Secondary License.
means any form of the work other than Source Code Form.
means a work that combines Covered Software with other material, in a separate file or files, that is not Covered Software.
means this document.
means having the right to grant, to the maximum extent possible, whether at the time of the initial grant or subsequently, any and all of the rights conveyed by this License.
means any of the following:
any file in Source Code Form that results from an addition to, deletion from, or modification of the contents of Covered Software; or
any new file in Source Code Form that contains any Covered Software.
means any patent claim(s), including without limitation, method, process, and apparatus claims, in any patent Licensable by such Contributor that would be infringed, but for the grant of the License, by the making, using, selling, offering for sale, having made, import, or transfer of either its Contributions or its Contributor Version.
means either the GNU General Public License, Version 2.0, the GNU Lesser General Public License, Version 2.1, the GNU Affero General Public License, Version 3.0, or any later versions of those licenses.
means the form of the work preferred for making modifications.
means an individual or a legal entity exercising rights under this License. For legal entities, "You" includes any entity that controls, is controlled by, or is under common control with You. For purposes of this definition, "control" means (a) the power, direct or indirect, to cause the direction or management of such entity, whether by contract or otherwise, or (b) ownership of more than fifty percent (50%) of the outstanding shares or beneficial ownership of such entity.
Each Contributor hereby grants You a world-wide, royalty-free, non-exclusive license:
under intellectual property rights (other than patent or trademark) Licensable by such Contributor to use, reproduce, make available, modify, display, perform, distribute, and otherwise exploit its Contributions, either on an unmodified basis, with Modifications, or as part of a Larger Work; and
under Patent Claims of such Contributor to make, use, sell, offer for sale, have made, import, and otherwise transfer either its Contributions or its Contributor Version.
The licenses granted in Section 2.1 with respect to any Contribution become effective for each Contribution on the date the Contributor first distributes such Contribution.
The licenses granted in this Section 2 are the only rights granted under this License. No additional rights or licenses will be implied from the distribution or licensing of Covered Software under this License. Notwithstanding Section 2.1(b) above, no patent license is granted by a Contributor:
for any code that a Contributor has removed from Covered Software; or
for infringements caused by: (i) Your and any other third party's modifications of Covered Software, or (ii) the combination of its Contributions with other software (except as part of its Contributor Version); or
under Patent Claims infringed by Covered Software in the absence of its Contributions.
This License does not grant any rights in the trademarks, service marks, or logos of any Contributor (except as may be necessary to comply with the notice requirements in Section 3.4).
No Contributor makes additional grants as a result of Your choice to distribute the Covered Software under a subsequent version of this License (see Section 10.2) or under the terms of a Secondary License (if permitted under the terms of Section 3.3).
Each Contributor represents that the Contributor believes its Contributions are its original creation(s) or it has sufficient rights to grant the rights to its Contributions conveyed by this License.
This License is not intended to limit any rights You have under applicable copyright doctrines of fair use, fair dealing, or other equivalents.
Sections 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, and 3.4 are conditions of the licenses granted in Section 2.1.
All distribution of Covered Software in Source Code Form, including any Modifications that You create or to which You contribute, must be under the terms of this License. You must inform recipients that the Source Code Form of the Covered Software is governed by the terms of this License, and how they can obtain a copy of this License. You may not attempt to alter or restrict the recipients' rights in the Source Code Form.
If You distribute Covered Software in Executable Form then:
such Covered Software must also be made available in Source Code Form, as described in Section 3.1, and You must inform recipients of the Executable Form how they can obtain a copy of such Source Code Form by reasonable means in a timely manner, at a charge no more than the cost of distribution to the recipient; and
You may distribute such Executable Form under the terms of this License, or sublicense it under different terms, provided that the license for the Executable Form does not attempt to limit or alter the recipients' rights in the Source Code Form under this License.
You may create and distribute a Larger Work under terms of Your choice, provided that You also comply with the requirements of this License for the Covered Software. If the Larger Work is a combination of Covered Software with a work governed by one or more Secondary Licenses, and the Covered Software is not Incompatible With Secondary Licenses, this License permits You to additionally distribute such Covered Software under the terms of such Secondary License(s), so that the recipient of the Larger Work may, at their option, further distribute the Covered Software under the terms of either this License or such Secondary License(s).
You may not remove or alter the substance of any license notices (including copyright notices, patent notices, disclaimers of warranty, or limitations of liability) contained within the Source Code Form of the Covered Software, except that You may alter any license notices to the extent required to remedy known factual inaccuracies.
You may choose to offer, and to charge a fee for, warranty, support, indemnity or liability obligations to one or more recipients of Covered Software. However, You may do so only on Your own behalf, and not on behalf of any Contributor. You must make it absolutely clear that any such warranty, support, indemnity, or liability obligation is offered by You alone, and You hereby agree to indemnify every Contributor for any liability incurred by such Contributor as a result of warranty, support, indemnity or liability terms You offer. You may include additional disclaimers of warranty and limitations of liability specific to any jurisdiction.
If it is impossible for You to comply with any of the terms of this License with respect to some or all of the Covered Software due to statute, judicial order, or regulation then You must: (a) comply with the terms of this License to the maximum extent possible; and (b) describe the limitations and the code they affect. Such description must be placed in a text file included with all distributions of the Covered Software under this License. Except to the extent prohibited by statute or regulation, such description must be sufficiently detailed for a recipient of ordinary skill to be able to understand it.
5.1. The rights granted under this License will terminate automatically if You fail to comply with any of its terms. However, if You become compliant, then the rights granted under this License from a particular Contributor are reinstated (a) provisionally, unless and until such Contributor explicitly and finally terminates Your grants, and (b) on an ongoing basis, if such Contributor fails to notify You of the non-compliance by some reasonable means prior to 60 days after You have come back into compliance. Moreover, Your grants from a particular Contributor are reinstated on an ongoing basis if such Contributor notifies You of the non-compliance by some reasonable means, this is the first time You have received notice of non-compliance with this License from such Contributor, and You become compliant prior to 30 days after Your receipt of the notice.
5.2. If You initiate litigation against any entity by asserting a patent infringement claim (excluding declaratory judgment actions, counter-claims, and cross-claims) alleging that a Contributor Version directly or indirectly infringes any patent, then the rights granted to You by any and all Contributors for the Covered Software under Section 2.1 of this License shall terminate.
5.3. In the event of termination under Sections 5.1 or 5.2 above, all end user license agreements (excluding distributors and resellers) which have been validly granted by You or Your distributors under this License prior to termination shall survive termination.
Covered Software is provided under this License on an "as is" basis, without warranty of any kind, either expressed, implied, or statutory, including, without limitation, warranties that the Covered Software is free of defects, merchantable, fit for a particular purpose or non-infringing. The entire risk as to the quality and performance of the Covered Software is with You. Should any Covered Software prove defective in any respect, You (not any Contributor) assume the cost of any necessary servicing, repair, or correction. This disclaimer of warranty constitutes an essential part of this License. No use of any Covered Software is authorized under this License except under this disclaimer.
Under no circumstances and under no legal theory, whether tort (including negligence), contract, or otherwise, shall any Contributor, or anyone who distributes Covered Software as permitted above, be liable to You for any direct, indirect, special, incidental, or consequential damages of any character including, without limitation, damages for lost profits, loss of goodwill, work stoppage, computer failure or malfunction, or any and all other commercial damages or losses, even if such party shall have been informed of the possibility of such damages. This limitation of liability shall not apply to liability for death or personal injury resulting from such party's negligence to the extent applicable law prohibits such limitation. Some jurisdictions do not allow the exclusion or limitation of incidental or consequential damages, so this exclusion and limitation may not apply to You.
Any litigation relating to this License may be brought only in the courts of a jurisdiction where the defendant maintains its principal place of business and such litigation shall be governed by laws of that jurisdiction, without reference to its conflict-of-law provisions. Nothing in this Section shall prevent a party's ability to bring cross-claims or counter-claims.
This License represents the complete agreement concerning the subject matter hereof. If any provision of this License is held to be unenforceable, such provision shall be reformed only to the extent necessary to make it enforceable. Any law or regulation which provides that the language of a contract shall be construed against the drafter shall not be used to construe this License against a Contributor.
Mozilla Foundation is the license steward. Except as provided in Section 10.3, no one other than the license steward has the right to modify or publish new versions of this License. Each version will be given a distinguishing version number.
You may distribute the Covered Software under the terms of the version of the License under which You originally received the Covered Software, or under the terms of any subsequent version published by the license steward.
If you create software not governed by this License, and you want to create a new license for such software, you may create and use a modified version of this License if you rename the license and remove any references to the name of the license steward (except to note that such modified license differs from this License).
If You choose to distribute Source Code Form that is Incompatible With Secondary Licenses under the terms of this version of the License, the notice described in Exhibit B of this License must be attached.
This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
This Source Code Form is subject to the terms of the Mozilla Public License, v. 2.0. If a copy of the MPL was not distributed with this file, You can obtain one at http://mozilla.org/MPL/2.0/.
If it is not possible or desirable to put the notice in a particular file, then You may include the notice in a location (such as a LICENSE file in a relevant directory) where a recipient would be likely to look for such a notice.
You may add additional accurate notices of copyright ownership.
This Source Code Form is "Incompatible With Secondary Licenses", as defined by the Mozilla Public License, v. 2.0.
This Source Code Form is "Incompatible With Secondary Licenses", as defined by the Mozilla Public License, v. 2.0.


text:
A driver who hit and killed a nanny pushing a baby in a stroller in Torrey Highlands last month has been charged with misdemeanor vehicular manslaughter, the City Attorney's Office said Monday.
Christine Padilla, 35, is also facing one count of failure to yield to a pedestrian within a crosswalk and one count of failure to stop at a red light, said Gina Coburn, a spokeswoman for the city attorney.
Padilla was heading north on Camino del Sur at Via Verrazzano about 11:45 a.m. on Feb. 1 when she struck 41-year-old Monserrat Mendez, who was crossing the street in a marked crosswalk.
The impact threw Mendez some 30 feet and dragged the stroller with the baby boy strapped inside across the intersection, leaving it wedged under Padilla's Toyota 4Runner.
Mendez died at the scene and the 13-month-old was hospitalized with critical injuries.
The San Diego Police Department forwarded the case to the City Attorney's Office on Feb. 12. The investigation found that Padilla was neither speeding nor using her cellphone when the crash occurred, police said. She had just had a baby the day before, police said.
Mendez, described by friends as a loving caretaker, was the single mother of a 13-year-old son and 15-year-old daughter. She had been working for the baby's family since September. A memorial fund benefiting her family was set up at Wells Fargo Bank.
Padilla, who was not injured in the collision, is scheduled to be arraigned at 12:30 p.m. on March 18, Coburn said. If convicted on the manslaughter charge, she could face a maximum of one year in jail, the spokeswoman said.
According to the Department of Motor Vehicles, Padilla had no previous violations on her driving record.


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Joshua DuBois' Presidential Devotional Book Ruffles Feathers of Church-State Group
While many may find spiritual edification or profound religious messages in the pages of former Director of the Office of Faith-Based Community Initiatives Joshua DuBois' recently released book about his daily devotionals for President Obama, one church-state watchdog group has expressed concern.
DuBois recently had a book published titled The President's Devotional: The Daily Readings That Inspired President Obama.
Americans United for Separation of Church and State, a Washington, D.C.-based organization, has taken issue with the possibility that DuBois wrote the devotional while "on the clock" at the Office of Faith-Based Community Initiatives.
Simon Brown of Americans United wrote on the group's blog "The Wall of Separation" an entry where he alleged that DuBois spent too much time writing the devotional rather than focusing on "serious policy matters."
"What's troubling is that DuBois seems to have used taxpayer-funded time to nurture Obama's religious interests. That idea doesn't sit well with Americans United," wrote Brown.
Brown quoted Americans United Legislative Director Maggie Garrett, who in a recent interview with Time stated that she did not believe one should write religious material while working at a government job.
"It seems quite inappropriate for the faith-based director to be composing prayers and Bible lessons on the government dime," said Garrett.
"And it is especially true when there was really important work to be done, such as reforming the faith-based initiative rules."
Published on Tuesday, Pentecostal minister Joshua DuBois' book The President's Devotional is compilation of morning devotionals DuBois sent President Barack Obama during DuBois' time at the Faith-Based Office.
"The President's Devotional lets you start each day with the words that have inspired President Barack Obama, collected by Joshua DuBois, President Obama's "Pastor-in-Chief" (Time magazine)-his spiritual advisor who also served as the executive director of the White House Office of Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships," reads the Amazon description.
"Every day, DuBois provided President Obama with a morning devotional weaving together scripture, song, prayer, and reflections, motivated by the spirit of God and infused with joyful flair. The President's Devotional contains the best of these devotionals, daily spiritual guidance that offer peace, comfort, and inspiration throughout the entire year."
DuBois campaigned for then Senator Obama back in 2008 and later was named to the director position of the Office of Faith-Based Community Initiatives. He resigned from the position in February.
The release of the book comes months after DuBois stated in an interview with ABC News that the president was a deeply religious Christian.
"He spent a lot of time thinking about the Book of Job and Job overcoming trials," said DuBois, reflecting on the daily readings he would send to the president. "We also spent a lot of time in the prophets, particularly the prophet Isaiah. But [he] reflects on some theologians as well, like C.S. Lewis and Howard Thurman."


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Electronics & Wiring
Electronics & WiringIf you're looking to add electronic devices to enhance the safety and comfort of your motorcycle, you're in the right place. Browse from a selection of wiring, fuse blocks, device mounts and cradles made for your motorcycle that will get the job done. Shop with us to stay powered up and connected with wiring and electrical components made for motorcyclists and their motorcycles.
DENALI SoundBomb Compact Dual-Tone Motorcycle Air Horn
LOUD! Stylish! Rugged!
Producing an earsplitting 120 decibels of sound, the SoundBomb is 4 times louder than a standard motorcycle horn! The Denali™ SoundBomb was designed for those who want to be heard, but still want to maintain a stylish look. Thanks to its compact design and blacked-out housing, the SoundBomb will practically disappear once installed.Learn More$49.99
DENALI SoundBomb Split Dual-Tone Air Horn
The DENALI SoundBomb split dual-tone air horn produces an earsplitting 120 decibels of sound (four times louder than your typical motorcycle horn!) in a compact two piece design for motorcycles that have a limited amount of space. Ear splitting performance demands attention to make your presence known and keep you safe from traffic that might have failed to notice. A 3 foot length of air line is included to allow the powerful horn to be mounted separately from the compressor for the most efficient use of space. The lightweight components can be securely mounted with cable ties. For maximum safety the compact compressor instantly supplies air to the trumpet by pressing the factory horn button. An upgraded Plug-N-Play Wiring Kit is highly recommended and simple to connect. Significantly improve your safety and visibility with the SoundBomb split dual tone air horn from DENALI!Learn More$59.99
RAM Mounts B-231ZU Universal Handlebar Base with Zinc Coated U-Bolt for 0.5in to 1.25in BarsThe RAM motorcycle handlebar base contains a 1" rubber ball designed to sit at right angles to the mounting rail. The rust proof metal u-bolt accommodates rails in diameter from 0.5" to 1.25" in diameter. The base also includes black cover caps to be placed over the exposed ends of the u-bolt. Learn More$16.49 $14.99
RAM Mounts B-201U-A Short Double Socket Arm | 1.75in$14.49
RAM Mounts B-349U Base with M10 x 1.25 Pitch Threaded PostNot using the threaded hole for your bike mirror? RAM has the perfect 1" gadget mount. The RAM-B-349U threaded ball base fits many motorcycles including the Victory Vision. Place a RAM rubber ball on your motorcycle to quickly and easily mount a GPS, Cell Phone, MP3, Cup Holder or most any small electronic device. Learn More$9.99 $8.99
RAM Mounts HOL-PD3U Quick-Grip Spring Loaded Universal Device CradleAdjustable cradle for mounting larger cellphones or video iPods. This kit may be mounted directly to any RAM-B-238 mounting base, as well as any Techmount, Bags-Connection, SW-MOTECH GPS holder. Cradle Clamping Dimensions: Height Range: 4.75" - 6.25" Width Range: 2.25" - 3.25" Learn More$16.99 $16.49
RAM Mounts B-238U Diamond Plate Cradle AdapterRequired for all RAM device cradles when used with a RAM arm. Not required for connecting RAM device cradles to SW-MOTECH, Techmount, or Adaptive device mounts. Learn More$7.99 $6.99
RAM Mounts B-201U Double Socket Arm | 3in$14.99 $13.49
RAM Mounts HOL-UN7BU Universal X-Grip Cradle for Cell Phones & iPhonesSometimes, it's all about the design. If you are looking for a compact mount for your cell phone without that cookie cutter shape, you've found it. The RAM X-Grip has a clean and clever four leg design that sports great holding power without hiding your phone behind foam pads and plastic. The RAM X-Grip is the cell phone holder evolved. Compatible and interchangeable with a wide range of popular RAM Mounting products, this elegant holder is ready to complement your phone and become the most useful accessory on your motorcycle. Learn More$29.99 $26.99
RAM Mounts B-200-12U Double Socket Arm with SwivelThe RAP-B-200-12U, double socket twist arm, consists of a double 1" diameter open ball sockets with a 360° rotation point at the center of the arm. The rubber ball and socket at either end, and a central pivot point provides unsurpassed adjustability. The RAM ball sockets maximize ball coverage for optimal fit. Learn More$16.49
RAM Mounts HOL-UN10BU Universal X-Grip IV Cradle for Large Phones or PhabletsThe X-Grip™ IV has a clean and clever four leg design that sports great holding power without hiding your phone or phablet behind foam pads and plastic. Learn More$33.99 $29.99
RAM Mounts B-400U Tough-Claw Clamp-On Base for Round, Oval, or Square 0.625in to 1.5in BarsThe RAM Tough-Claw™ is the perfect mounting base for quick and easy tool-less installation and removal on round, square, odd shaped rails and bars. The Tough-Claw™ can be clamped on rails from 0.625" - 1.5" outer diameter. Ideal for mounting tablets, action cameras, smartphones, rod holders for rod storage and much more in a wide variety of applications. Perfectly suited for mounting on the yoke of an aircraft, handlebars and seat posts of bicycles, kayak rails, roll bars and much more, the RAM® Tough-Claw™ will soon become another essential RAM® component in your collection of mounting options. Learn More$33.49 $29.99
RAM Mounts B-346U Brake or Clutch Reservoir Cover Base | OffsetThe RAM-B-346U brake/clutch reservoir cover base fits cleanly over your existing reservoir cover with the 1" ball OFFSET. Made of Die Cast aluminum with an over molded rubber ball, both form and function are unsurpassed. Installation is simple and all necessary hardware is included. Learn More$21.49 $18.99
RAM Mounts Level Cup Drink Holder with KoozieA favorite world wide, the RAM self-leveling drink cup holder will bring a smile to anyones face when they get it. Learn More$19.99 $18.99
RAM Mounts B-349-1U Base with M10 x 1.5 Pitch Threaded Post
Not using the threaded hole for your bike mirror? RAM has the perfect 1" gadget mount. The RAM-B-349-1U threaded ball base fits many motorcycles including BMW R1200GS, F650GS twins and F800GS threaded mirror holes.
Place a RAM rubber ball on your motorcycle to quickly and easily mount a GPS, Cell Phone, MP3, Cup Holder or most any small electronic device. Ideal for use with Doubletake Mirrors.Learn More$12.99 $11.49
RAM Mounts B-202U Round Plate with AMPS Hole PatternIncludes RAM-B-202 base with 2.5" diameter platform. Compatible with all 1" RAM receptacles. Requires RAP-300-1U. Learn More$8.49 $7.49
RAM Mounts B-252U Offset M10 Bolt & Mirror Post BasePlate is 0.87" wide X 2.25" long with a 11mm hole in one end and a 1" RAM ball at the other. Perfect for all motorcycles with standard M10 handlebar mirror mounts. Can be used with most bikes by BMW, Ducati, Honda, Kawasaki, KTM, Suzuki, Triumph, Yamaha, and others with handlebar-mounted mirrors. Learn More$12.99 $11.99
RAM Mounts B-367U Base for Handlebar Clamps with M8 BoltsYour motorcycle rides on rubber tires for grip and to soften the ride. Why should it be any different for your mounted electronics? With RAM's patented rubber ball and socket technology, the turn of a single knob grips the adjustment arm to a rubber ball designed to dampen shock and vibration. With RAM products, it's all grip and no slip plus protection for your valuable electronics. Simply place our easy to install ball base onto the motorcycle handlebar top clamp and you're done. After that, a world of mounting possibilities just opened up. Fits 2004-2012 BMW R1200GS rear handlebar clamp screws and Triumph Explorer handlebar clamp screws. Learn More$11.49 $9.99
RAM Mounts B-202U-GOP1 Custom GoPro Hero AdapterThe RAP-B-202U-GOP1 consists of a 1" diameter rubber ball, connected to a custom GoPro® adapter. The adapter attaches directly to the under-side of the camera, replacing the factory mounting bracket. Learn More$10.99 $9.49
RAM Mounts B-379U-M81208 Tough-Ball Base with M8 x 1.25 Pitch Male Threaded Post
The RAP-B-379U-M81208 is an M8 x 1.25mm male threaded base post connected to a 1" diameter rubber ball.
Many mount points available including any M8 x 1.25 threaded mirror hole.Learn More$9.99
RAM Mounts B-202U-152 Rectangular Base Plate with AMPS Hole Pattern | 2in x 1.5in
The RAM-B-202U-152 contains a 1" diameter rubber ball connected at right angles to a 1.5" x 2" rectangular base. This mount has pre-drilled holes at each corner of the base plate.Learn More$18.49 $16.49
SW-MOTECH Vibration-Damped Quick Release GPS Mounting Base for Honda CB900F '02-'05, CB1300 '03-'09, KTM 1290 Super Adventure / T '15-'17, Triumph Speed Triple 1050 '04-'07, Tiger 1050 '06-'12, Yamaha Xj6 '08-'13 & FZ8 '10-'14This bike-specific electronics mount is outfitted with quick-disconnect and vibration damped mechanisms. This device mount will hold any RAM-B-238-compatible RAM Mount, Garmin Zumo GPS, TomTom Rider GPS, or a Bags-Connection GPS or PDA pocket. Learn More$69.95
SW-MOTECH Vibration-Damped Quick Release GPS Mounting Base for BMW R1200R '07-'10, Honda NC700X '12-'15, NC700S '12-'14, NT700V Deauville '05-'09, NC750X/S '14, Suzuki GSR600 '05-'10, GSF650 Bandit '05-'13 & GSX650F '07-'13This bike-specific electronics mount is outfitted with quick-disconnect and vibration damped mechanisms.This device mount will hold any RAM-B-238-compatible RAM Mount, Garmin Zumo GPS, TomTom Rider GPS, or a Bags-Connection GPS or PDA pocket. Learn More$69.95
SW-MOTECH Vibration-Damped Quick Release GPS Holder for 10mm - 12.5mm diameter handlebar crossbarsThis electronics mount is outfitted with quick-disconnect and vibration damped mechanisms. Fits all 10 to 12.5mm (0.4 to 0.5 inch) diameter crossbars. Compatible with most handlebar crossbars, including the SW-MOTECH universal handlebar crossbar LST.00.244.100. Learn More$69.95
SW-MOTECH Vibration-Damped Quick Release GPS Holder Ducati Multistrada 1200/S '10-'14This bike-specific electronics mount is outfitted with quick-disconnect and vibration damped mechanisms. Fits the Ducati Multistrada 1200/S '10-'15 and will hold any RAM-B-238-compatible RAM Mount, Garmin Zumo GPS, TomTom Rider GPS, or a Bags-Connection GPS or PDA pocket. Learn More$69.95 $52.46
SW-MOTECH Vibration-Damped GPS Holder for 16mm - 16.5mm diameter handlebar crossbarsThis electronics mount is outfitted with vibration damped mechanisms. Fits all 16 to 16.5mm (0.65 inch) diameter crossbars. Compatible with the original crossbar on the BMW R1200GS Adventure handlebar. Learn More$69.95
RAM Mounts B-237U Base with 1/4-20 Threaded Post for CamerasIncludes RAM-B-237 camera mount (without platform) with 1/4" x 20 male threaded stud. Can also be used as a base if threaded into a 1/4-20 hole. Learn More$8.99 $7.99
RAM Mounts B-309-7U Combination Base for 0.5in to 1.25in Handlebars or Brake & Clutch Control ClampsIncludes U-bolt and all mounting hardware to add a single RAM ball to a 1-1/8", 1", 7/8", or 3/4" diameter bar, as well as being able to connect to your handlebar's left-side clutch clamp or right-side brake clamp. Learn More$21.99 $19.49
RAM Mounts B-272U Offset M8 Bolt & Mirror Post BaseAluminum small plate base with 9mm-diameter hole and 1'' ball. For use with any M8 (8mm-diameter) or smaller screw mount point. Learn More$14.49 $12.99
RAM Mounts Control Mount Kit for Can-Am Spyder RoadsterBike-specific RAM mount assembly for the Can-Am Spyder Roadster. Compatible with all RAM mount components. Learn More$14.99
RAM Mounts B-342U Fork Stem Mount Base for 12-33mm Fork StemsThe RAM fork stem mount is one of the cleanest ways to mount small electronics on your motorcycle. Simply slide the assembly into the hole of the stem and tighten the machine screw to create a tight fit. This part is designed to fit into the cylindrical bore wall of fork stems and will work with stems that measure from 12 -20mm and 28mm or .5 1.10 at the following intervals: Learn More$18.49 $16.49
RAM Mounts B-360U Twist and Tilt Pivot Base for Mirror Mounts & M10 x 1.25 or M8 x 1.25 Threaded Holes
RAM offers a wide variety of motorcycle mounts. A great new addition to this already extensive product line is our new Twist and Tilt base. Made of die cast marine grade aluminum, durability won't be a concern. The patented rubber ball dampens shock and vibration helping to maintain the performance of the mounted device. Simple to use and install, this great little product is compatible with numerous 1" ball mount systems. Designed to be compact and discrete, the Twist and Tilt won't take up a lot of space but will provide a world of mounting possibilities.Learn More$23.99 $21.49
RAM Mounts B-345U Brake or Clutch Reservoir Cover Base | CenteredThe RAM-B-345U brake/clutch reservoir cover base fits cleanly over your existing reservoir cover with the 1" ball CENTERED. Made of Die Cast aluminum with an over molded rubber ball, both form and function are unsurpassed. Installation is simple and all necessary hardware is included. Learn More$19.99 $17.99
RAM Mounts B-202AU Round Plate with AMPS Hole Pattern & 1/4-20 Threaded Post for CamerasThe Powder Coated Marine Grade Aluminum Universal Camera Plate has a 1.0 inch diameter Rubber Ball connected at right angles to a 2.5 inch diameter Plate with a centered 1/4'' X 20 thread. The plate adds support to the thread, by allowing the camera to rest on the plate, creating a stable connection with the camera.
Note: The male 1/4'' long, 1/4'' X 20 thread in the middle of the 2.5'' diameter plate will connect to the standard female thread found at the bottom of most still and video cameras. An alternative to this camera mounting system is the Male 1/4'' X 20 Threaded Ball RAM-B-237. Learn More$12.99 $11.49
RAM Mounts B-201U-C Long Double Socket Arm | 5.25in$20.99 $18.99


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Our admiral washer leaks about every other load or two, and now its starting to bang on the sides during rinse spin only, it does not bang during the last spin cycle or at any other time, it also sounds like motor surging or something its not that noticeable through. I have checked the pump and it seems clean and non binding, its not that old I replaced it before.Whats even more odd is, it had that leak once in awhile for a month or two but I could never find the source of, I have run the washer with the front off, it must be somewhere underneath but I see rust marks inside the casebut now the wild spin came out of no where it is not unbalanced loading that was the first thing I checked and the springs and brackets seem okany ideas on trouble shooting further
How much soap are yall using per load? That is a front loader ain't it?
This must be a Bravos washer
There should be a smaller brown box within the tranny package that contains all the seals, etc, plus some decent instructions. You'll need the Maytag spanner and the Hub removal tool to change the tranny. Aslo the brake removal tool, as it has to be removed first. You cannot just go in there la-dee-da with vise grips and expect to do it right with no colateral damage. Read the instructions in the kit for the list of REQUIRED tools.
Dude you gotta have the brake spring tool which helps to get the sh!t back together. Probably needs them other aforementioned thangs too. One other thang you can't buy though. The Maytag man. That sob ain't giving away any of his secrets and keeping his day job! LOL. Cain't get the time of day out of a Maytag repairman. Present company accepted of course. LOL


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Book online or call:(518) 463-0220
Book online or call: (518) 463-0220
Private Charter Cruise from 7:00 p.m. - 10:00 p.m., boarding at 6:30 p.m.
With our private charter cruises, our goal is to provide an entertaining and memorable event for your group on one of America's most historic and scenic waterways, The Hudson River.
The "DUTCH APPLE II" is a modern vessel with a maximum capacity of 150 people. The middle deck area is enclosed, offering a full bar, tables, chairs and a dance floor. The upper deck is open and has tables and chairs. The lower deck is fully enclosed with two restrooms, buffet area. The two fully enclosed decks are equipped with air-conditioning and heat.


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"We were sick of corporate farming, GMOs and pesticides"
Mikael Thalen
December 4, 2013
A Northwood, Iowa man charged with violating a city ordinance that bans raising chickens within city limits is set to face trial late next week.
Leo Hendrick, war veteran, father and owner of Spartan Arms, moved his family to Northwood five years ago in hopes to live a more healthy and self-sufficient life. Through hunting, gardening and raising small animals like chickens and rabbits, Hendrick has become almost completely food independent.
"We were sick of corporate farming, GMOs and pesticides," Hendrick told Storyleak. "The price of groceries just keeps going up too so this is really the only way me and my family can survive."
Unfortunately for Hendrick, once city council learned of his family's chickens, a Worth County sheriff's deputy arrived at his home late August to present a letter demanding he remove all animals from his property within 10 days.
"It really wasn't a surprise. I don't blame the sheriff's department though," Hendrick said. "There has never been a citizen complaint at all about my chickens or my gardens. It just comes down to the city government complaining about it."
After receiving the letter, Hendrick immediately requested to speak to the Northwood City Council while submitting a possible amended ordinance to keep the family chickens. With written support from more than a dozen neighbors, Hendrick went before the city council, only to have his request denied.
"They actually told me that I just needed to 'fit into society' and comply," Hendrick said. "The mayor even told me that government intruding into lives like this was okay and needed, which I didn't agree with."
Only a few days later, Hendrick received a citation in the mail informing him that he was in violation of Northwood City Code Section 55.05, which states, "It is unlawful for a person to keep livestock within the city except by written consent of the council or except in compliance with the city's zoning regulations."
Hendrick quickly returned the citation to the city, opting to plead not guilty.
"This is how you do it. This is how you are supposed to fight bad laws and bad ordinances," Hendrick said.
With the trial set for Dec. 13, Hendrick soon learned that the judge had banned him from bringing up any significant point during his trial including the benefits of homegrown food, other cities that allow residents to raise chickens and the fact that few people agree with the ordinance, showing a clear attempt by the city to stop any juror from nullifying the case.
"They had a whole list of things that I couldn't talk about. I was pretty upset when the judge upheld all of that," Hendrick said. "I felt that the judge and the prosecutor were both working against me."
Hendrick will be represented by a court appointed lawyer for the 9 a.m. hearing. If convicted, he could face up to 30 days in jail and a $600 fine.
This article first appeared at StoryLeak.com.
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