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South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences
On-line version ISSN 2222-3436
Print version ISSN 1015-8812
S. Afr. j. econ. manag. sci. vol.15 n.3 Pretoria Jan. 2012
The psychological consequences of unemployment in South Africa
Hans de WitteI; Sebastiaan RothmannII; Leone TB JacksonIII
IDepartment of Psychology, K.U. Leuven, Belgium andNorth-West University, Vanderbijlpark
IIOptentia Research Programme, North-West University, Vanderbijlpark
IIIPotchefstroom Business School, North-West University, Potchefstroom
The objective of this study was to investigate the affective experiences, attitudes to work, and job application behaviour of unemployed people. A survey design was used and samples (N = 381) were drawn from unemployed people in the North West Province. The Experiences of Unemployment Questionnaire was administered. Regarding affective experiences, being unemployed was described as very unpleasant and it was associated with boredom, loneliness, uncertainty about the future, concerns about financial matters, emptiness and conflict. When it came to the participants' attitudes to work, the results showed that almost 96 per cent of them regarded work as important, particularly because it provides meaning. Regarding job application behaviour, the results showed that most of the participants would like to find a job within the month, and they expected to do so. Almost 78 per cent of the participants were asking people for a job at least once a week or more often. Most of them asked friends and acquaintances for employment information, but unemployed people also reported that they looked out for advertisements. People with poor education had the most negative experiences of unemployment and saw work as more important than did those with better education.
Key words: unemployment, experiences, attitudes, behaviour, well-being
1 Introduction
Unemployment is a serious issue in most countries in the world, but for some countries (e.g. the United States, New Zealand, Spain and Taiwan) the problem has become severe because of the financial crisis that developed after 2007 (Wanberg, 2012). Unemployment has also been a serious problem facing South Africa (Contogiannis, 2007; Kingdon & Knight, 2004; National Planning Commission, 2011). According to Contogiannis (2007), the unemployment rate in South Africa increased from 13 per cent in 1993 to 26 per cent in 2007 (excluding discouraged workers, that is, people who had opted out of the labour market). Unemployment affects economic welfare, production, the erosion of human capital, social exclusion, crime and social instability (Dollard & Winefield, 2002; Kingdon & Knight, 2004).
The negative consequences of unemployment for well-being have been well documented (Creed & Watson, 2003; McKee-Ryan, Song, Wanberg & Kinicki, 2005). Hanisch (1999) separates the negative effects of unemployment into individual and family effects. Individual effects include physical and psychological effects. Physical effects include an increase in headaches; stomach aches; sleep problems; lack of energy; hypertension; heart disease and kidney disease. Psychological effects include increased hostility, depression, anxiety, stress, anger, fear, despair, loneliness and social isolation, and decreased self-esteem, life satisfaction, aspiration levels, concentration and personal identity. Family effects include an increase in spousal abuse, marital friction, spousal depression, family conflict, and child abuse and a decrease in family cohesion, and the well-being of children. Lucas, Clark, Georgellis and Diener (2004) showed that, although life satisfaction is moderately stable over time, unemployment affects this in the long term.
Research comparing unemployed with employed people has consistently found higher levels of psychological distress and depression, and lower levels of self-esteem among the unemployed (McKee-Ryan et al., 2005; Waters & Moore, 2001). Poor well-being in the unemployed has also been demonstrated to be largely a concern and a consequence of unemployment, and not the result of those with poorer health "drifting" into that situation (Waters & Moore, 2001). Although unemployment seems to have predominantly negative effects, factors such as the employment commitment, coping resources, cognitive appraisal and coping strategies might increase the effects of unemployment on individual well-being (McKee-Ryan et al., 2005).
While it is crucial to understand and document the psychological experiences of the unemployed in South Africa, there seem to be few studies on the topic. Van der Merwe and Greef (2003) investigated the coping mechanisms of 82 unemployed African men, while Ribton-Turner and De Bruin (2006) studied stressors and support in a group of eight unemployed adults in mid-career. M0ller (1993) points out that unemployed people often "just sit around", and most of them admitted that they were bored. Boredom and despair often featured in the respondents' descriptions of their own activity schedules (M0ller, 1993). Unemployment (or experiences thereof) in South Africa might be different from that in Europe. This is for the following reasons: a) In Europe, there are social security systems, while no such system currently exists in South Africa. Unemployed people in Europe still receive a reasonably good income, which cannot be said of unemployed people in South Africa. b) The South African culture is more collective than in other countries and work might be less important for individuals in this country. Masango (2005) suggests that being unemployed in South Africa might thus be less problematic.
However, based on the above description of the problem, unemployment is clearly a serious problem in the country. Furthermore, there is a lack of information on the attitudes to work, affective experiences and job application behaviour of unemployed individuals. We aim to fill the gap in the literature with results from a large-scale representative sample of unemployed people in the Potchefstroom area of the North West Province of South Africa. Information on the experiences of unemployed individuals could be used by local, provincial, and national governments to plan and implement strategies for assisting them.
2 Experiences, attitudes and behaviours of unemployed people
According to the International Labour Office (ILO), the unemployed comprise all those above a specific age who were without work during the reference period (i.e. they were not in paid employment or self-employment), were available for paid employment or self-employment, and had taken active steps to seek paid employment or self-employment (ILO, 2000:429). Unemployment is a complex and multifaceted construct which involves situational (non-employment), motivational (seeking work) and medical and legal aspects (being available for work) (Paul & Moser, 2006:597). Unemployed people are therefore those who are able to work, are allowed to work, and prefer to work.
Given the above definition, unemployed people should be studied not only in terms of experiences (associated with being unemployed), but also in terms of their availability for work (employment commitment), and job application behaviour (Paul & Moser, 2006). De Witte, Hooge and Vanbelle (2010) developed a model which focuses on unemployed people's affective experiences (well-being), cognitions (attitudes towards work), and behaviours relating to unemployment (job application behaviours). The model by De Witte et al. (2010) was applied in Europe to aid understanding of the attitudes to work, affective experiences, and behaviours of unemployed people, but it has not yet been applied in South Africa.
2.1 Affective experiences of unemployed people
The affective experiences of unemployed people are relevant to their well-being. The latent deprivation theory (Jahoda, 1982) is the most influential for understanding the affective experiences of unemployed people (Wanberg, 2012). Jahoda argued that employment has not only the manifest function of earning a living, but also five latent functions. Deprivation of the latent functions has a negative impact on psychological well-being. These latent functions, which are associated with the satisfaction of basic human needs, include the establishment of a daily time structure, provision of regular shared experience and contacts outside the nuclear family, information on personal identity, a link with the collective purpose and the enforcement of regular activity (Jahoda, 1982). According to Jahoda (1982), adults need clear time structures and the possibility of filling their days with planned activities. The absence of such a structure results in boredom and waste of time. People also need regular shared experience and contacts outside the nuclear family. These cannot be replaced by the intensification of family life, because they provide more information and more opportunities for judgement and rational appraisal of other human beings with their unique perspectives. Information about personal identity is shaped by people's social status, which depends on the society in which they live. People tend to see themselves as others see them, but unemployed people see themselves as having no status at all, which is detrimental to their well-being. Furthermore, people need a collective purpose that transcends individual purposes, as well as the feeling of being useful, and being needed by other people. If there is no collective purpose, the result will be purposelessness and meaning-lessness. Finally, regular activity is an important determinant of personal well-being.
Studies have shown that unemployed people tend to report less access to the latent functions than do those employed, while those with less access generally experience lowered physical and psychological well-being (Creed & Macintyre, 2001; Creed, Muller & Machin, 2001; Evans & Haworth 1991; Haworth & Ducker 1991; McKee-Ryan et al., 2005; Paul & Batinic, 2009; Wanberg, Griffiths & Gavin, 1997). It seems that the latent functions might be partially provided in activities other than employment, such as meaningful leisure activities or attending work-related training (Creed, Hicks & Machin, 1998).
Warr (1987) has developed the vitamin model, which is similar in many respects to Jahoda's (1982) model. According to Warr (1987), insufficiency or excess of nine environmental features are responsible for psychological well-being. The nine features, which largely mirror Jahoda's six consequences, are: opportunity for control; use of skills; interpersonal contact; external goal and task demands; variety; environmental clarity; availability of money; physical security; and valued social position. Based on Warr's (1987) approach, it would be inappropriate to suggest that unemployment is inevitably destructive or that employment is inevitably constructive: "... the impact of the transition from paid work to unemployment will be a function of changes which occur in the nine primary environmental features. In most cases, these shifts will impair mental health, but the transition can sometimes be neutral or even beneficial in its effect" (Warr, 1987:355).
According to Herbert, Drebing, Mueller and Van Ormer (2006), the effects of employment and unemployment can be analysed in terms of benefits and costs. The benefits of employment include income benefits; having structured time; contact with other people; and a sense of identity, both individual and collective (Jahoda, 1982). Potential costs associated with working include increased stress and the loss of leisure time. On the other hand, some benefits of unemployment include increased leisure time or time for other life activities. The costs of unemployment include financial stress, isolation and low self-esteem (Feather, 1990; Price, Choi & Vinokur, 2002; Winefield, Winefield, Tiggeman & Goldney, 1991).
Comparative analyses indicate that the type of job search motivation people experience is an important predictor of their unemployment experience and well-being (Vansteenkiste, Lens, De Witte & Feather, 2005). Feather and Bond (1983) found a positive association between levels of self-esteem and the structured, purposeful use of time. Further, unemployed respondents (in comparison with employed respondents) showed less engagement, less direction, and less routine in their use of time. Winefield, Tiggeman and Winefield (1992) also found that engaging in purposeful activities relieves the stress associated with both unemployment and unsatisfactory employment.
2.2 Unemployed people's attitudes towards work
Unemployed people's attitudes towards work can be studied in terms of the importance they attach to work. In the unemployment literature, this has been studied in terms of work involvement or employment commitment (Warr, Cook & Wall, 1979), the Protestant work ethic (Mirels & Garrett, 1971), and the valence of work (Feather, 1990).
Warr et al. (1979:130) define employment commitment as "the extent to which a person wants to be engaged in work". Employment commitment (also referred to as work-role centrality) indicates the importance of work to an individual's sense of self (McKee-Ryan et al., 2005). Work-role centrality may stem from Protestant work ethic socialisation or from a belief that engaging in activities such as work has a lasting effect on an individual's life satisfaction (Paul & Moser, 2006; Seligman, 2002). Work gives people the opportunity of using their strengths in the service of something larger than the self, which contributes to meaning in life (Peterson, Park & Seligman, 2005; Seligman, 2002; Wrzesniewski, McCauley, Rozin & Schwartz, 1997).
Paul and Moser (2006) found that the employment commitment of both employed and unemployed people was high. However, employed people showed a marginally stronger level of employment commitment. Basing their approach on consistency theory (Grawe, 2004), Paul and Moser (2008) explain the unwell-being, psychological distress and dissatisfaction of unemployed people in terms of the incongruence between their goals and their perceived goal attainment. Individuals who are strongly committed to work will see their job search as incongruent if it is unsuccessful, with detrimental consequences. Employment commitment could mitigate or buffer the negative consequences of unemployment (Fryer & Fagin, 1993; Fryer & Payne, 1984).
2.3 Job application behaviours of unemployed people
Studies of the predictors of job search among unemployed people have often used an attitude-behaviour model (Van Hooft, Born, Teris, Van der Flier & Blonk, 2004). According to the theory of reasoned action, the immediate antecedent of job search behaviour is the intention to look for a job (Van Hooft et al., 2004). Job search intention in turn is predicted by a person's adhering to a positive or negative evaluation of job search behaviour and the perception that there is social pressure to look for a job. Furthermore, in the context of job seeking, individuals' perceived control over their actions affects their perceptions of control over job seeking behaviour, such as when people are not sure how to apply for a job or even how to write a letter of application (Van Hooft et al., 2004).
Active job search is a form of problem-focused coping (McKee-Ryan et al., 2005), and is an important predictor of reemployment (Kanfer, Wanberg & Kantrowitz, 2001). McKee-Ryan et al. (2005) point out that active job seeking behaviour is often associated with decreased well-being, particularly because job seeking is often discouraging, with its associations with rejection and uncertainty. Individuals who are actively seeking a job might feel pressured to accept almost any job, including one of low quality. According to De Witte et al. (2010), reducing the value of work might become a coping strategy for decreasing the negative experiences associated with unemployment.
2.4 The effects of demographic factors
The demographic group in which unemployed people find themselves might affect their experiences, attitudes and behaviours (Kingdon & Knight, 2004). Six demographic factors were relevant to this study: gender, race, age, qualification, time unemployed and employment history.
Race might affect the experiences, attitudes and behaviours of unemployed people, especially because African, coloured and Indian people have traditionally been the victims of discrimination in South Africa. According to the National Planning Commission (2011), decades of racial discrimination have confined black people to menial labour, poor wages, poor-quality schooling and low levels of income. As pointed out by Wanberg (2012), differential skills, location and discrimination by employers affect unemployment rates, which could also impact on the experiences, attitudes and behaviours of those discriminated against.
According to Kingdon and Knight (2004), young and uneducated African people living in rural areas are the most vulnerable to unemployment. The writers point out that rural unemployment rates are higher than urban rates, which is atypical of other countries and is explained by historical policies restricting mobility. Also, many unemployed people in South Africa have never held a job. However, expanding education and skills development will reduce overall unemployment (Wanberg, 2012).
Unemployed males and females might differ regarding experiences, attitudes and behaviours for various reasons. First, males might be more inclined to experience unemployment negatively because of the sex role stereotypes that make males the breadwinners. Second, females might find it more difficult to get jobs because of gender discrimination, which could affect their affective experiences (Wanberg, 2012).
When it comes to age, older people might experience unemployment more negatively than younger people do, especially if they find it difficult to get a job (Wanberg, 2012). According to a diagnostic overview by the National Planning Commission (2011), unemployment is experienced mostly by young people (15-34 years), who are also poorly prepared for work.
De Witte et al. (2010) found that people who were unemployed in the short term experienced more psychological distress, showed more employment commitment and applied for jobs more often than those who were unemployed in the long term. They attributed these findings to an adaptation process that took place in long-term unemployed people whereby their psychological well-being increased after a while. However, these findings should be interpreted with caution, given that the unemployment contexts in South Africa and Belgium differ. For instance, unemployment in South Africa is accompanied by poverty and the absence of social grants and other forms of support from the government.
Previous employment experience is an important factor affecting the experiences, attitudes and behaviours of unemployed people. Such experience might have empowered the individual with job-specific skills and competencies, but could also have resulted in the level of knowledge and skills required to work with others in an organisational context (National Planning Commission, 2011; Wanberg, 2012).
3 Research objective
The objective of this study was to investigate the attitudes to work, affective experiences and job application behaviour of unemployed people in the Potchefstroom area of the North West Province.
The following hypotheses are set, based on the discussion above:
Hypothesis 1: People in various race groups differ in their experiences of unemployment, the importance of work and job application behaviours.
Hypothesis 2: Males and females differ in their experiences of unemployment, the importance of work and job application behaviours.
Hypothesis 3: People with different qualifications differ in their experiences of unemployment, the importance of work and job application behaviours.
Hypothesis 4: People in different age groups differ in their experiences of unemployment, the importance of work and job application behaviours.
Hypothesis 5: People with different employment histories differ in their experiences of unemployment, the importance of work and job application behaviours.
Hypothesis 6: People who have been unemployed for a longer period differ from those who are unemployed for a shorter period in their experiences of unemployment, the importance of work and job application behaviours.
4 Method 4.1 Research design
A cross-sectional survey design was used to investigate the psychological experiences of unemployed people (Howell, 2008). The research is exploratory and descriptive because very limited research has been carried out on the experiences of unemployed people in South Africa.
4.2 Participants
The total population is a stratified sample of individuals who were unemployed at the time of the study (N = 381). The participants were sampled from three areas: Potchefstroom (mainly white = 21 per cent), Promosa (Coloured = 54 per cent) and Ikageng (African = 24 per cent). The population consisted of both females and males, whether married, single, divorced, widow or widowered. The majority of the respondents fell between the ages of 17 and 30 years (54.4 per cent), with the minority (7.0 per cent) of respondents being older than 50 years. The participants' characteristics are reported in Table 1.
The majority of the participants were male (53.5 per cent), preferred Afrikaans as the language of communication (65.4 per cent), and were single (70.6 per cent). A total of 57.3 per cent was between 17 and 30 years of age. Further, 24.9 per cent of the participants were occasionally employed and 20.5 per cent of them were almost always unemployed. A total of 11.3 per cent had been unemployed for longer than 7 years.
4.3 Measuring instrument
The Experiences of Unemployment Questionnaire (EUQ) was developed to measure the participants' experiences, behaviour and well-being for the purposes of this study. The EUQ was developed according to the model and questionnaire by De Witte et al. (2010). In line with the conceptualisation in this study, the EUQ included questions concerning unemployed people's affective experiences, attitudes towards work, and job application behaviour. The questionnaire was divided into four sections. Section 1 gathered demographic information, including gender, home language, marital status and highest qualification. The three dimensions (i.e. affective experiences, the attitude to work, and job application behaviour) were measured in the next three sections by a short-cut to the variable (i.e. a brief question summarising the issue), a list of items, and a question on the evolution of the specific concept, in order to establish whether or not it remained stable over time.
Section 2 focused on the affective experiences of the unemployed person. The items were developed on the basis of Jahoda's (1982) model, and adapted according to research in the Netherlands and Belgium (De Witte et al., 2010). The participants were asked to indicate the extent to which their typical day was filled with content or activity (regular activity); their life was temporally organised and structured (time structure); they were meeting people and socialising (shared experience); they felt they were useful members of society (collective purpose); they were appreciated by other people (status); and felt confident and self-respected (personal identity). For instance, one question was: "How does it feel to be unemployed?" which should be answered on a scale ranging from 1 (very pleasant) to 5 (very unpleasant). Another question was: "How often do you experience the following?: feelings of boredom; difficulty surviving financially; uncertainty about the future; saving on personal expenditure; feeling lonely and empty; experiencing conflict; decreased self-confidence and self-esteem; how to use time; extent of social support; not feeling part of society; and feeling relaxed. A three-point scale was used, varying from 1 (often) to 3 (never). Also included was a question that tapped into the temporal dimension of unemployment ("How do you feel about being unemployed?"), on a scale ranging from 1 (feel better than before) to 4 (never felt bad).
Section 3 focused on the importance of work. The participants' desire to be in paid employment was assessed through the Employment Commitment Scale of Warr et al. (1979). Typical questions were: "How important is it to have a job?" with an answer scale ranging from 1 (very important) to 5 (very unimportant) and "How do you feel about not having a job at this moment?" with an answer scale ranging from 1 (job became more important) to 4 (job was never important).
Section 4 focuses on job application behaviour. Questions include: "When would you like to find a job?" with an answer scale ranging from 1 (within a month) to 7 (never), and "When do you expect to find a job?" with an answer scale ranging from 1 (within a month) to 7 (never). Job application behaviour was measured by presenting five different behaviours (e.g. "Search for advertisements") which had to be scored according to the frequency of behaving in this way in the recent past (scale ranging from 0 (never) to 5 (70 times or more).
4.4 Procedure
The study, which formed part of a larger project on experiences of unemployment in the North West Province, was initiated during 2005 after discussions with the executive mayor of Potchefstroom (in the North West Province). The project was planned during 2006 and funding was obtained from the National Research Foundation. During June 2006, the researchers implemented the project. Literature searches were conducted, while there were interviews and focus groups to develop the questionnaire in English. It was then translated into Afrikaans and Setswana by professional translators. A process of back-translation ensured that the meaning of the words in the different languages was the same throughout. Thereafter, questionnaires were presented to experts to be checked for face validity and final changes were made. Three fieldworkers (who were able to speak Afrikaans, English and/or Tswana) were used to administer the questionnaires. The researchers, assisted by language practitioners, trained the fieldworkers prior to the data gathering.
Fieldwork took place during July 2006. Unemployed people were randomly selected via door-to-door selection in different areas of the town and neighbourhoods. Given the poor educational qualifications of most unemployed people, field workers conducted structured interviews with all the participants and their responses were recorded on the questionnaires. The data were captured by a computer program and checked for mistakes. Finally, the data set was prepared for statistical analysis.
4.5 Statistical analysis
The statistical analysis was carried out with the help of the SPSS program (SPSS Inc., 2009). Descriptive statistics (frequency tables) were used to analyse the data. A frequency table lists items together according to the number of times, or frequency, the items occurred. Exploratory factor analyses and Cronbach alpha coefficients were used to assess the validity and reliability of the constructs measured in this study. One-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was used to determine the significance of differences between the scores of the demographic groups.
5 Results
5.1 Descriptive statistics, factor analysis and reliability
Affective experiences of unemployed people Most of the participants (59.6 per cent) experienced unemployment as very unpleasant. Only 8.7 per cent of the participants reported that it felt pleasant or very pleasant to be unemployed. Furthermore, 72.7 per cent of the participants reported that they felt worse than before because they did not have a job. A total of 5.2 per cent of the participants reported that they never felt bad about being unemployed. Table 2 shows the experiences of unemployed people in more detail.
Table 2 shows that a large percentage of participants experience boredom; difficulty in surviving financially; saving on personal expenditure; and uncertainty about the future. A relatively large number of participants experienced feelings of emptiness and lone- liness; poor social support; conflict at home; and low self-esteem and self-confidence. Interestingly, a substantial percentage of the participants felt that they were no longer part of society; never felt relaxed when unemployed; and did not know how to spend their time since being unemployed. Advantages of being unemployed included doing things they wanted to do and spending time with their families.
Unemployed people's commitment to work
A total of 74.8 per cent of the participants reported that having a job became more important than before, while only 8.9 per cent reported that it was less important. Table 3 shows the evaluation of the items measuring employment commitment.
Table 3 shows that most of the participants reported that work contributed to a meaningful life. A large percentage of the participants found it important to have work. Indeed, a large number of participants regarded work as the most important aspect of life. In fact, 70.6 per cent agreed that it was better to accept any job than to be unemployed. In addition, most of the participants reported that they could enjoy leisure time only if they had worked for it and that they had to work to be part of society.
Job application behaviour of unemployed people
A total of 62.5 per cent of unemployed people looked for work at least once a week, while only 6.6 per cent were not looking for a job at the time of the interview. Furthermore, 60 per cent of the participants were making more effort than before to find jobs, while 15.2 per cent were making less effort, and 3.7 per cent had not looked for a job at all. The job-seeking behaviours of unemployed individuals are reported in Table 4.
Table 4 shows that 47.5 per cent of unemployed individuals had inquired whether work was available 10 times or more. A total of 45.9 per cent of the participants had searched for advertisements 10 times or more. Only 42.0 per cent of the participants had submitted applications 10 times or more.
Table 5 indicates unemployed individuals' expectations as to finding a job.
Table 5 shows that 87.1 per cent of the participants would prefer to find a job within a month. Further, 75.6 per cent expected to find work within a month. 42.3 per cent of the participants asked for a job every day, with 34.6 per cent asking once, twice or three times, while 6.3 per cent were not looking for a job at that time. Only 4.2 per cent of the participants never enquired about the availability of work, while 9.2 per cent never presented themselves for work.
Factor analysis
Exploratory factor analysis was used to explore the factor structure of the EUQ. A simple principal component analysis was carried out on the 26 items of the EUQ. An analysis of the eigenvalues (> 1.00; Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007) indicated that four factors explained 45.65 per cent of the variance. The scree plot confirmed that four factors could be extracted. A principal factor analysis with a direct Oblimin rotation was then performed. The results of the principal factor analysis with loadings of variables on factors and communalities (h2) are shown in Table 6.
Items were retained for further analyses if their factor loadings were higher than 0.30 (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007).
Table 6 shows that four factors were extracted. The first factor, Negative Experiences, included items such as decreased self-worth/self-esteem; loss of self-confidence; feeling disconnected from society'; feelings of emptiness; uncertainty; conflict; loneliness; and ;boredom. The second factor, Application Behaviour, included items which described behaviours triggered by unemployment, e.g. enquiring whether work was available and spontaneously presenting themselves to possible employers, submitting applications and searching for advertisements. The third factor, Importance of Work, referred to the value of work in a meaningful life and to feeling part of society. The fourth factor, Positive Experiences, included items about the benefits of unemployment in terms of social support, time for family, relaxing and leisure time. Two items, "Know how to spend time" and "Save on personal expenditure", showed low communalities, indicating that these items were not well-represented by the extracted factors.
Descriptive statistics
The descriptive statistics, alpha coefficients and Pearson correlations of the scales of the EUQ are reported in Table 7. The minimum and maximum values are included to facilitate the interpretation of the mean scores. Further, internal consistencies and correlations of the scales are reported to assist in forming reliable dimensions that could be used when comparing demographic groups. Further, the correlations between dimensions were computed to assess whether multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) or one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) should be used to study differences between demographic groups. MANOVA is recommended when the scales are at least moderately related (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007).
Table 7 shows that the alpha coefficients of the scales were acceptable, except for positive experiences, which was lower than the cut-off value of 0.70 (Nunnally & Bernstein, 1994). The Pearson correlations show a statistically significant correlation between the importance of work and negative experiences. Statistically, application behaviour is significantly and negatively related to negative experiences of unemployment. Application behaviour is related to positive experiences of unemployment. Given the small correlations between some of the scales, it was decided to use ANOVA rather than MANOVA in the subsequent analyses.
Differences between biographical groups
ANOVA followed next to investigate the relationship between affective experiences, the importance of work and application behaviour of various groups, including race, gender, age, qualification, time unemployed and employment history. The results of these comparisons are reported in Table 8.
Table 8 reflects the significant effect of qualification on the negative experiences of unemployment (F(3,17) = 4.79, p < 0.01; η2 = 0.04). Although the extent of the effect was small (4 per cent of the variance explained), the results showed that people with a qualification of Grade 8 and lower (Mean = 1.42, SD = 0.39) experienced unemployment more negatively than did people with Grade 11 and 12 (Mean = 1.68. SD = 0.50). Qualification also had a statistically significant effect on the importance of work (F(3, 317) = 7.08, p < 0.01; η2 = 0.06). Although the effect size was small (6 per cent of the variance explained), the results showed that people with Grade 8 and lower (Mean = 1.18. SD = 0.32) and people with Grade 9 and 10 (Mean = 1.29. SD = 0.38) found work to be more important than did people with Grade 11 and 12 (Mean = 1.40, SD = 0.40). Based on these findings, only hypothesis 3 is partially accepted.
Table 8 shows that no statistically significant differences were found between the affective unemployment experiences, the importance of work and application behaviour of different race groups (hypothesis 7), males and females (hypothesis 2), different age groups (hypothesis 4), different employment history (hypothesis 5) and different periods of time unemployed (hypothesis 6). These hypotheses are rejected. The reason why few differences between affective unemployment experiences, importance of work and application behaviour demographic groups were found is that most unemployed people experience unemployment intensely negatively, they regard work as important and they reported strong application behaviour.
6 Discussion
The objective of this study was to investigate the attitudes to work, affective experiences and job application behaviour of unemployed people in the Potchefstroom area of the North West Province. Exploratory factor analysis resulted in four factors, i.e. negative and positive experiences of unemployment, the importance of work and job application behaviour. Qualification affected negative experiences of unemployment and the importance of work. Compared with people who had higher schooling levels, those with less schooling experienced unemployment more negatively and found work to be more important. When it came to the participants' affective experiences, the results showed that more than 80 per cent of them experienced unemployment as unpleasant. Boredom, uncer- tainty about the future, concerns about financial matters, emptiness, and conflict seemed to contribute to the unpleasantness. Regarding the participants' cognitive experiences (importance of work), the results showed that almost 96 per cent of them regarded work as important, especially because it gave meaning. The results clearly indicated that participants would like to find jobs within a month.
The results of this study showed that four factors, negative experiences of unemployment, positive experiences of unemployment, the importance of work and job application behaviour represented the constructs in this study. These factors, which correspond to the three factors reported by De Witte et al. (2010), can be defined as follows: Negative affective experiences of unemployment refer to decreased self-worth/self-esteem; loss of self-confidence; feeling disconnected from society; and feelings of emptiness, uncertainty, conflict, loneliness and boredom. Such negative affective experiences are associated with the deprivation of latent functions, such as the establishment of a daily time structure; provision of regular shared experience and contacts outside the nuclear family; information on personal identity; a link with the collective purpose; and enforcement of regular activity (Jahoda, 1982). Studies (Creed & Macintyre, 2001; Creed et al., 2001; Evans & Haworth, 1991; Haworth & Ducker, 1991; McKee-Ryan et al., 2005; Paul & Batinic, 2009; Wanberg et al., 1997) showed that unemployed people reported less access to the latent functions than those who were employed, and that those with less access generally experienced lowered psychological well-being.
The negative affective experiences of unemployed people in this study correlate with the abovementioned theoretical explanation and empirical results. The results showed that unemployment was experienced as unpleasant by almost all the participants, and only a small percentage experienced it as pleasant. Negative affective experiences included boredom, finding it difficult to survive financially, uncertainty, loneliness and emptiness. Positive experiences included spending time with family and doing things that were valued (but only 40 per cent of the participants). These findings correlate with international findings on the topic (e.g. De Witte et al., 2010; Wanberg, 2012). The profile for the affective experiences of unemployment in South Africa is thus not much different from that found internationally.
Jahoda (1982) maintained that time structure is an important latent benefit of work. Indeed, boredom proved to be the experience with the highest frequency in this study. A study by M0ller (1993) also concluded that some respondents often or sometimes "just sit around", while most of them admitted that they were bored. Boredom and despair were often associated with the descriptions of respondents' own activity schedule (M0ller, 1993). The loss of self-esteem was another issue experienced by the participants in this study. The loss of self-esteem among the unemployed is thought to be a reflection of both society and the individual, and the loss of it may be felt more intensely when one's self-definition is derived mainly from one's occupation (M0ller, 1993). The study confirmed that people need to work if they are to save on personal expenditure and, according to M0ller (1993), some people had a regular source of income from either employed relatives or self-employment. They stated that their household expenditure was limited to basic necessities (M0ller, 1993).
The financial implication of unemployment was also a very important theme. A high percentage of the participants reported that they found it difficult to survive financially and that they had to save on personal expenditure. This was because they had no money to fulfil their basic needs. The example is illustrated by M0ller (1993), who argues that the respondents described how unemployed people borrowed, begged and stole to make ends meet, while reference was made to "borrowing" from family members with the intention of returning the loan. However, it appeared that loans would effectively become gifts when the unemployed were not in a position to repay the amounts borrowed (M0ller, 1993). Singer, Stacey and Ritchie (2001) have argued that, if a person is unemployed, they have little money, they cannot afford to do things and they cannot provide financial help for others.
The study also established that social support was experienced negatively. In the study by Kelvin and Jarrett (1985), it is stated that the family sees the male unemployed as 'having a problem', to which extent he is a problem to them and they may see him as 'less-than-the-man-he-was', sympathetically or disdainfully, depending on earlier issues. However, other people who are unemployed receive support from friends and seek help from them. Studies also concluded that, in general, unemployment stress is exacerbated by a low sense of social support (Linn, Sandifer & Stein, 1985). Gore (1978) found that the rural unemployed evidenced a significantly higher level of social support than did the urban unemployed. Where domestic circumstances were positive, the family could continue to provide loving support for its members, regardless of the bad times (M0ller, 1993).
Participants in the current study showed that they felt worse than on the previous occasions when they were unemployed, and only a few never felt bad about it. In her study, M0ller (1993) argued that the euphoria and short-lived feeling of freedom after losing one's job may be perceived as a feeling of independence and liberation from the many constraints of working life. However, when work is a central value and gives meaning to all the other aspects of life, job loss may have devastating effects (M0ller, 1993). That is why most of the participants felt worse at being unemployed.
The importance of work is defined as unemployed people's cognitions of the value of work in terms of a meaningful life and the feeling of being part of society. The results of this study showed that most unemployed people indeed wanted to be engaged in work (Warr et al., 1979). Work does not just give people the opportunity of using their strengths in the service of something larger than the self (Peterson et al., 2005; Seligman, 2002;
Wrzesniewski et al., 1997). A total of 70 per cent of the participants reported that they would do any job rather than be unemployed. It is seen as important to work in order to enjoy leisure time and to be part of society. Jobs have become more important than before, according to the participants. Almost all the participants regarded work as important, and most saw it as meaningful. To them, it meant that they had to work in order to find purpose in life and they were motivated by the determination to find meaning. Victor Frankl (1985), the well-known Holocaust survivor -maintained that finding meaning in life is important for the individual's well-being. Work is thus regarded as an important factor in finding meaning in life.
The above findings show that most of the participants had made more effort than before to find work, which means that people search desperately for a job, regardless of what kind. Some of the participants had asked anyone they could came across whether work was available. Other studies also confirmed that people in search of a job had stated that their search would become as important as they wanted it to be (Van Hooft et al., 2004). In addition, there is the 'contact' in the shape of a third person, a relative or a mutual acquaintance, who becomes an intermediary between the job-seeker and the employer (Kelvin & Jarrett, 1985). This is true, because in the current study, people had asked their friends, as well as presenting themselves to possible employers in the effort to find a job.
Application behaviour includes efforts by unemployed people to enquire whether work is available, spontaneously presenting themselves to possible employers, submitting applications for work and searching for advertisements. When it came to job application behaviour, the results showed that most participants would have liked to find a job within the following month, and they also expected to do so in that time. Most of them had asked friends and acquaintances for employment information, but they also reported that they looked for advertisements. There are four possible interpretations of this puzzling finding. First, it is possible that participants answered the question in a socially appropriate way. Second, they might have experienced unrealistic optimism. Third, they might possibly have felt that others and society in general expected that they should find a job soon. Fourth, time might be seen from a different perspective in the African context, and may have a different meaning.
The analyses showed that qualification was the only demographic factor affecting experiences of unemployment and the importance of work. More specifically, people who had 10 years of schooling or less found work to be more important than those with 11 to 12 years of schooling. Further, people with eight years or less schooling experienced unemployment more negatively than those with more than eight years of schooling did. People with poor education were more inclined to experience decreased self-worth; loss of self-confidence; not being part of society; emptiness; uncertainty about the future; conflict at home; loneliness and boredom than were people with better education. Furthermore, people with poor education were more inclined to believe that work contributed to a meaningful life, and that it was better to accept any job at all rather than be unemployed; work is the most important aspect of life; one could enjoy leisure time only if one had worked for it; it was important to find a job; and one had to work if one was to really be part of society. Although access to and participation in education have improved since 1994, many individuals had poor educational opportunities and the quality of education is also problematic (National Planning Commission, 2011). The fact that gender, age, employment history and the length of time unemployed did not affect experiences of unemployment, the importance of work and job application behaviour indicates the pervasive effects of unemployment in the South African context.
This study had various limitations. First, the study was conducted in the Potchefstroom area of the North West Province. The findings can therefore not be generalised to other towns in the province or South Africa as a whole. Second, this study made use of a cross-sectional design to study the effects of unemployment on people. Longitudinal studies are needed to study the causal effects of unemployment on individuals. Unemployed individuals with lower levels of mental health than those of the employed comparison group do not necessarily have lower levels of mental health as a consequence of the unemployment (McKee-Ryan et al., 2005). Instead, it is possible that individuals with lower levels of mental health are more likely to lose their jobs or that individuals with higher levels of mental health are more likely to find new jobs (Warr, Jackson & Banks, 1988). Therefore, while the causal relationship between unemployment and poor well-being has been documented, more research is needed to verify such relationships.
Based on the results of this study, three recommendations are made. First, there is an urgent need to expand the cover of social security in South Africa. The injection of cash into poor households is probably one of the most empowering ways of assisting poor people to strengthen their own coping mechanisms. Second, programs should be implemented to stimulate economic growth, job creation and skills development. Investment in infrastructure has a huge potential to redress the high unemployment and poverty levels in South Africa and also to correct the skills shortages (Thwala, 2008). Third, programs should be implemented to assist unemployed people in coping with unemployment and improving their application behaviour. Wanberg (2012) showed that poorer psychological health reduced the speed of reemployment. The government could also provide training for people who really want employment in order to enhance the skills necessary in the work situation, which would assist them in coping better with unemployment. Productive activities are lacking in the lives of the unemployed, and if they were given training they would know how to use such skills in the work environment. Skills training programs should therefore be provided so that unemployed people could also develop the idea of small businesses, probably receiving government funding.
It is recommended that future research include further investigation into the experiences of unemployed people, their job application behaviour and coping, as well as their subjective well-being in other contexts, conducted also with larger samples. Longitudinal studies could be carried out to better establish experiences of unemployment and the causal relations related to these experiences. More research is needed to determine the reliability and the validity of the Experiences of Unemployment Questionnaire using samples in South Africa.
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Accepted: May 2012


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Jonathan Pettibone edges Ethan Martin for the #8 spot. To keep up with variety of choices I have added Mitch Gueller, Dylan Cozens, and Andrew Pullin, the additions will likely come in larger patches for a bit as there are a lot of viable candidates beyond the top 10-12 or so.
List so far:
- Biddle
- Quinn
- Morgan
- Joseph
- Franco
- Ruf
- Asche
- Pettibone

subset: commoncrawl


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Melilla, Modernist city
Fachada de un edificio modernista de Melilla
Come to Melilla and discover its Modernist heritage. Did you know that, besides Barcelona, this is the city in Spain with most Art deco and Modernist buildings - more than 900? Its architecture is just one of the many charms of this Spanish enclave in Africa.
Multi-cultural fusion. Exoticism, contrast and diversity. This is how you could describe Melilla, a city on the shores of the Mediterranean that looks over two continents. Discover its streets, packed with Modernist façades: this architectural style revolutionised the city in the 20th century. You will see this if you take a stroll through the Ensanche district, the part of the city just outside the defensive walls of the old Citadel. This is where a host of architects gave free reign to their creativity, building an area of monuments that is fascinating for its wealth and variety.
Modernism arrived in the city in 1909, through the work of Catalonian architect Enrique Nieto, a disciple of the brilliant Antoni Gaudí. The movement took root so strongly that in just a few decades close to 900 buildings were constructed. On your visit you will see how wrought iron bars, floral decorations, curves and concave forms, women's faces and silhouettes of animals fill the façades of houses, palaces, official buildings, cinemas, shops... a real architectural museum in the open air.
Art deco, Classicism, Eclecticism… there are just so many Modernist buildings to be found in Melilla that it is impossible to list them. The best thing to do is to head for the tourist office, where they will help you plan your route. We would suggest a good place to get started: Plaza de España Square. From there you can head for the streets that make up the "Golden Triangle", home to the best examples of Modernism in the Ensanche area. You should also make sure you see La Asamblea Palace and the "Monumental Cinema Sport", two important art-deco buildings. This architectural boom can even be seen in constructions by different religions in Melilla: the Or Zoruah Synagogue, the Central Mosque and various Catholic churches.
So, amongst elegant, stately buildings you will discover all the charm of this unique city, with its sunny blue skies almost all year round. Come and be surprised.
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Twin Turbines
Heiligeweg 37
Contrast oxford with stitching
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It's no secret that Twin Turbines should be an essential part of your everyday ride. Crafted from smooth leathers with elegant interlacing details on the uppers and heel cup, The Heiligeweg 37 is named after the address of Fluevog Amsterdam! Hand buffed and finished so that they give off just the right antique vibe, these spiffy oxfords will guide you straight to greener pastures. Know the power.
- Made in Vietnam
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Internships Search
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Business Studies and/or Management Science, Communication and Information Sciences, Social Sciences
Our company is a worldwide content provider of product information for the IT, Telecom, CE, Lighting and Office sectors. We work together with important vendors such as Philips, HP, Sony, Toshiba and others.


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Here's how the academic publishing industry works: Academics do research (frequently supported by public funds) and submit that research to journals, often paying "$600-$2,000 to either the publisher or the academic society that owns the journal" for the privilege of publication. Then journals send the research back out to other academics to be reviewed (typically pro-bono — a 2008 study estimated the worldwide worth of unpaid peer review was £1.9 billion a year), and the (often for-profit) journal publishers sell access to the published research, mostly to the academic institutions who do the majority of basic research.
The system is big business: The largest of the for profit academic publishers, Elsevier, reportedly earned over $1 billion in profits in 2011 with a profit margin around 35 percent and 71 percent of their revenue coming from academic customers like university libraries.
But the rapid inflation of journal subscription prices — the per subscription cost rose by 215% between 1986 and 2003 — has left many of those universities struggling to keep up. In a statement last spring, the Harvard Faculty Council called rising costs to maintain access to scholarly works "untenable" and the University of California San Francisco Library spends 85 percent of their collection budget on journal subscriptions, but "[d]espite cancelling the print component of more than 100 journal subscriptions in 2012 to keep up with a budget reduction, [their] costs still increased by 3 percent."
This major disconnect between how much of this research is funded and produced and who controls the final product has led to a flourishing Open Access movement with broad support among private and public academic institutions, focused on using technological innovations to democratize access to scholarly research and correct what they see as imbalances in the current system through reform on local and national levels. One such national reform they welcomed was the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy memorandum outlining a plan to open up access to research to some federally funded research.
ThinkProgress' coverage of that announcement drew criticism from an executive at Elsevier:
When reached for comment, Elsevier head of Corporate Relations Tom Reller agreed with her comment and confirmed Smith is VP for Global Internal Communications for Reed Elsevier subsidiary Elsevier, but referred questions about the company's support of Open Access movement to its website and a recent statement of support for the White House's proposal. Elsevier's website says the company "will continue to identify access gaps, and work towards ensuring that everyone has access to quality scientific content anytime, anywhere."
But their parent company's lobbying disclosures in 2012 and members of the Open Access community suggest a very different position. When asked over email if they have seen Elsevier and many of the for-profit academic publishers actively cooperate with the Open Access movement on advancing public access to federally funded research, Heather Joseph, the Executive Director of the Scholarly Publishing & Academic Resources Coalition (SPARC), balked at the suggestion:
Quite the opposite. SPARC and the Open Access community spent the first eight weeks of 2012 fighting The Research Works Act (H.R 3699) — a bill introduced into the House of Representatives with the sole aim of overturning the highly successful NIH Public Access Policy, and prohibiting other Federal Agencies from enacting similar policies. Elsevier and the American Association of Publishers were two of only three organizations who publicly endorsed the bill.
If this was the first time they took this tactic, I might be tempted to cut them some slack. But it was a repeat performance; in 2008, they tried the same thing with "The Fair Copyright in Research Works Act (H.R. 801)" — a bill that tried to amend U.S. copyright code to make the NIH Policy — and policies like it — illegal.
According to the U.S. Senate Lobbying Database, Elsevier's parent company Reed Elsevier spent $1,420,000 lobbying the U.S. government in 2012. Reed Elsevier's in-house lobbying team disclosures and those from the Podesta Group listing Reed Elsevier as a client corroborate Wilson's comments about their support for The Research Works Act — only withdrawing support after a boycott of from academic communities, according to news reports. That boycott continues today, and has attracted over 13,000 scholars and academics who object to Elsevier's business practices.
Reed Elsevier lobbied OSTP on "[c]opyright issues related to scientific, technology, and medical publications" during the run up to the White House's Open Access announcement and their in-house lobbying team reported working on "[i]ssues related to science, technical, medical and scholarly publications" and on "all provisions" of the Federal Research Public Access Act (FRPAA) — a proposal similar to the recently introduced Fair Access to Science and Technology Research Act (FASTR) that would have required federal agencies with annual extramural research budgets of $100 million or more to provide the public with online access to research manuscripts stemming from funded research no later than six months after publication in a peer-reviewed journal.
Elsevier was one of 81 publishers to sign a Association of American Publishers (AAP) letter opposing FRPAA, with AAP President and CEO Tom Allen calling it "little more than an attempt at intellectual eminent domain, but without fair compensation to authors and publishers." Remember, these publishers claiming to be concerned about "fair compensation to authors," are the same ones often charging them publication fees.
As Reller noted to ThinkProgress, the sum total of Reed Elsevier's 2012 lobbying expenditures represents the all lobbying done in support of their business ventures and their disclosures list a number of bills unrelated to Open Access. Companies are not required to disclose what proportion of their total lobbying is spent on which topics. We do know that Elsevier, the corporate subsidiary involved with academic publishing, accounted for over 47 percent of Reed Elsevier's adjusted operating profits in 2011.
While AAP released a statement in support of the White House's plan Open Access memorandum, their comments praised how the plan only included guidelines for releasing research, not mandates, saying the policy's success is dependent on "how the agencies use their flexibility to avoid negative impacts" on the current system and calling it fair "[i]n stark contrast to angry rhetoric and unreasonable legislation offered by some" — a reference to the Open Access movement. Elsevier's similar response to the plan praised it for promoting "gold open access funded through publishing charges and flexible embargo periods for green open access" and dismissed Open Access legislative proposals, saying they would like "open-access advocates [to] withdraw their support from unnecessary and divisive open access legislation now introduced in the US at federal level."
There's ample room to credit the academic publishing industry's history of serving as the shepherds of scholarly research — but technology has dramatically changed researchers' ability to share knowledge without intermediaries. There is an ideological debate at hand, and it's about if the public is better served by expanding access to the research they fund or protecting the interests of companies who have a substantial financial stake in limiting that access.


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The birds join two other pelicans found underweight and bedraggled in Rhode Island after Superstorm Sandy.
Two more juvenile brown pelicans blown off course to New England by Hurricane Sandy arrived in Daytona Beach on Tuesday night, where they were delivered to Volusia County's Mary Keller Seabird Sanctuary. The birds joined two other pelicans found underweight and bedraggled in Rhode Island after Sandy, then flown to Volusia County earlier in November. Brown pelicans usually aren't found any farther north than North Carolina.
The Wildlife Rehabilitators Association of Rhode Island treated all four pelicans and raised the money to send them to Florida. The pair flown in Tuesday arrived via Delta Air Cargo, riding in modified dog carriers in a heated cargo hold. One of the two pelicans was found on Narragansett Bay, R.I.. The other was found at a landfill in Nantucket, Mass. The sanctuary's Chris Wise said the first two pelicans have nearly recovered and soon will be released.


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Common Household Chemicals Might Harm Kids' Immunity
Study found lower response to vaccines in those with higher levels of PFCs in their blood
URL of this page: http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/news/fullstory_121144.html
(*this news item will not be available after 04/23/2012)
Tuesday, January 24, 2012
The team of researchers, from the United States and Denmark, showed that elevated exposures to perfluorinated compounds (PFCs) in early childhood was associated with a reduced immune response to two routine immunizations.
"We found that PFC pollution is apparently making the immune system more sluggish, so that it doesn't react as vigorously to vaccines as it should," said study author Dr. Philippe Grandjean, an adjunct professor of environmental health at the Harvard School of Public Health in Boston.
The findings appear in the Jan. 25 issue of the Journal of the Medical Association.
PFCs are commonly used in a wide range of household products including nonstick cookware, carpets, upholstery and food packaging such as microwave popcorn bags; previous research has found that the chemicals are present in most people's bloodstreams.
Other recent studies have linked increased exposure to the chemicals with early menopause and elevated cholesterol levels. But Grandjean said this is the first study in humans to find an association between high levels of PFCs in the blood and an impaired immune response.
"What we don't know is whether this association represents a general immune system dysfunction, and if it has implications in regards to infections, allergies or even cancer," Grandjean said. "We are looking at something that appears to be just the tip of the iceberg, and we'd very much like to know what the rest of the iceberg looks like."
For the study, Grandjean and his colleagues followed 587 children born in the Faroe Islands between 1999 and 2001. In the Faroes, located in the North Atlantic Sea between Iceland and Norway, frequent intake of seafood is associated with increased exposure to PFCs.
To examine the chemicals' effects on immunity, the research looked at antibody levels to the tetanus and diphtheria vaccines, which children in the Faroes are given at 3, 5 and 12 months of age, with a booster shot at 5 years of age. The children's prenatal exposures to five kinds of PFCs were measured by conducting blood tests on their mothers in the last weeks of their pregnancies. Postnatal exposure was assessed through blood tests at age 5. The researchers then measured serum antibody concentrations against tetanus and diphtheria vaccines at ages 5 and 7.
Grandjean's team found that all of the five PFCs measured showed negative associations with antibody levels. In children who had twice the average levels of PFCs in their blood at age 5, their immune response to the tetanus and diphtheria vaccines at age 7 was only half of what it should have been, Grandjean said.
The researchers noted that most levels of PFCs measured in the children studied at age 5 were lower than the levels found in a group of 3-year-olds to 5-year-olds in the United States studied in 2001 and 2002.
Another children's environmental health expert said the findings were concerning. "It's one more thing, along with a number of other findings about perfluorinated chemicals, that suggests we should all be concerned about them in general and try to decrease everybody's exposure to them," said Dr. Jerome Paulson, medical director of the Child Health Advocacy Institute at Children's National Medical Center in Washington, D.C.
Grandjean said that in addition to avoiding products made with PFCs such as microwave popcorn and nonstick cookware, parents who want to reduce their young children's exposure to PFCs should vacuum their rugs and upholstery more frequently "to control the levels of house dust."
Copyright (c) 2012 HealthDay. All rights reserved.
- More Health News on:
- Children's Health
- Immune System and Disorders


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Woodland Black Lab Salad
Details https://www.belk.com/p/spode-woodland-black-lab-salad/76001241369568.html $32.50 32.50
Additional Information
Designed to celebrate hunting and the elaborate presentation of game, this refined dinnerware is essential for any home. Dating back to 1831, this style's British flower border is rendered in distinguished, earthy brown and handsomely illustrates traditional game animals. Present all of your favorites in this exquisite serving plate.
Product Details
- 8-in. D
- Glazed finish
- Microwave safe
- Imported
Material & Care
- china
- Dishwasher safe
Shipping Details
Shipping Details
Shipping your purchase is easy at belk.com. Depending on your shipping method and the destination of your package, you can expect it to arrive within 4-7 business days Shipping Information.
Return Details
Returns are easy at belk.com. Easy returns

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Some properties allow cancellations up to 14 days before arrival. Check the policy before booking. Also, we strongly recommend following guidance from health officials as well as travel advisories from local authorities. Visit our help article
Vrbo offers a large selection of vacation rentals near lovely places in Hat Creek. From Vrbo travelers, the top most popular points of interest to stay for a holiday trip or just for a weekend are:
But there are many other points of interest around Hat Creek listed on Vrbo where you can find your place to stay. Please use our search bar to access the selection of vacation rentals available near the point of interest of your choice.
Yes, of course. Vrbo has 5 Houses in Hat Creek. Our other popular types of vacation rentals in Hat Creek include:
Yes, you can select your preferred vacation rental with internet/wifi among our 6 vacation rentals with internet/wifi available in Hat Creek. Please use our search bar to access the selection of vacation rentals available.


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Related Products
Are there any specific washing instructions I should follow for organic cotton?
We recommend you wash cold and tumble dry low for best results and the least shrinkage. Conventional cotton apparel is generally treated with chemicals during finishing to reduce the shrinkage effects of heat. Organic cotton is not treated, so in high heat it is possible for the cotton to shrink more. Shrinkage is worse for the lengths of the garments and is less noticeable for widths.
Do not use bleach or harsh detergents on natural, organic cotton - it will cause fading and weakening of the fibres.
Will the dyes fade?
Eco-friendly dyes are just as long lasting as the harmful dyes used on conventional products. However, they will fade if powerful detergents or bleaching agents are used.
Because there are no chemical color fixatives used in our clothing, please do not mix dark colors with light ones for the first few washes. For the first wash, if you add ¼ cup of vinegar to the final rinse, this will help to set the color and resist fading or bleeding.
Tip! - when washing prints, you can turn them inside out during the first few washes to help lock in the colour.


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Home of Harvard Fencing, Volleyball and Wrestling
Facility Information:
The historic Malkin Athletic Center (MAC) was built in 1930, renovated in 1985, and again in 2004. Once known as the Indoor Athletic Building, the facility was renamed in 1985 to honor Peter L. Malkin (A.B. 1955) who provided the funding as well as the impetus for the improvements. A member of fifteen Harvard committees, including the committee on University Resources, Mr. Malkin has been a long-time supporter of Harvard.
The MAC serves both as the University's primary recreation facility and as a satellite location for several varsity sports. The majestic five story building holds a wealth of options for the recreational exerciser. Two Cardio Rooms allow members to choose from over 70 pieces of equipment. Exercisers in the Cardio Rooms enjoy a view of the pools: in addition to a 25 yard pool for laps and swimming lessons (both private and group), there is a smaller pool for aquaerobics and other activities. Those who prefer group exercise gravitate to the Mezzanine, where all types of classes are held at all hours of the day, or to our Indoor Cycling Studio. Club Sports provide an opportunity to learn a martial art or other skill. Those who want more intense guidance can work with a Personal Trainer or join a specialty class. Others round out their workout schedules in our three weight rooms, or head up to the three-court gym floor to play basketball. The final stop is often the locker rooms, with shower and toilet facilities as well as day and overnight lockers.
Home to Harvard men's and women's volleyball, men's and women's fencing and wrestling, the MAC provides practice, competition, and office space for these sports. Its location just outside of Harvard Square and proximity to student housing provides a strong "home field" advantage for the teams. The wrestling practice space was recently renovated and expanded to accommodate the team. The volleyball floor played host to the 2000 Ivy League Women's Volleyball championships, and the fencing space is considered by many to be the finest collegiate fencing facility in the country.
More Information:
Malkin Athletic Center
39 Holyoke Street
Cambridge, MA 02138
(617) 495-2219


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Chevron Corp. said it would spend $4 billion to develop its Big Foot project in the Gulf of Mexico, even as tougher rules and higher costs loom for deepwater operators.
Chevron, the second-largest U.S. oil company behind Exxon Mobil, has continued to invest in the Gulf of Mexico even as uncertainty over costs and the U.S. government's new safety regulations linger after the BP Plc oil spill.
"Sanctioning Big Foot underscores our commitment to the Gulf of Mexico and will contribute to future U.S. energy supply," George Kirkland, vice chairman of Chevron, said in a statement.
In October Chevron said it planned to spend $7.5 billion at its Jack/St. Malo project in the Gulf.
Big Foot, about 225 miles south of New Orleans in water depths of 5,200 feet, is expected to have production capacity of 75,000 barrels of oil and 25 million cubic feet of natural gas per day.
First oil is anticipated in 2014, the San Ramon, Calif., company said.
Last week, Chevron said it planned to increase spending 20 percent next year, with the bulk of its $26 billion budget earmarked for exploration and production projects.
Shares of Chevron rose 20 cents, to $88.21, in morning trading on the New York Stock Exchange, compared with a small decline in the Chicago Board Options Exchange index of oil companies.


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NORTH ADAMS, Mass. — The nonpartisan League of Women of Williamstown is sponsoring a public forum for the candidates running in the Democratic primary elections for the offices of the Sheriff of Berkshire County and State Representative from the Berkshire 1st District.
The forum will be held on Tuesday, Aug. 17, from 7 to 9 p.m. on the Massachusetts College of Liberal Arts campus, in the auditorium on the second floor of the Church Street Center. League President Anne Skinner will moderate. Each candidate will make opening and closing statements, and members of the audience will have the opportunity to ask questions.
According to the League, all of the campaigns have indicated that their candidates will be attending. The Democratic candidates for the office of sheriff are Daniel E. Bosley and Tom Bowler. The Democratic candidates for the office of Berkshire 1st District representative are David Bissaillon, Gailanne Cariddi and Edward MacDonald. (There are no Republican candidates for these offices).
WUPE/WNAW radio is also planning an on-air debate for the sheriff' candidates in early September that iBerkshires has agreed to participate in. More information will be released when the date and time as been confirmed.
The primary election will be held on Tuesday, Sept. 14. Because of the dearth of Republican and independent candidates for sheriff and the 1st district, the primary will essentially decide the winners for the two positions.
Where to vote in Berkshire County
State Election
Tuesday, Nov. 4
Voting is from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m.
Deadline to register or change party affiliation was Oct.15.
Candidates on the ballot in races for state office; all others on the ballot are unopposed. Links will take you to their campaign websites.
U.S. Senator
• Edward J. Markey, Democrat
• Brian J. Herr, Republican
Governor/Lieutenant Governor
• Charlie Baker & Karyn Polito, Republican
• Martha Coakley & Stephen Kerrigan, Democrat
• Evan Falchuk & Angus Jennings, United Independent Party
• Scott Lively & Shelly Saunders, Independent
• Jeff McCormick & Tracy Post, Independent
Attorney General
• Maura Healey, Democratic
• John B. Miller, Republican
Secretary of State
• William Francis Galvin, Democratic
• David D'Arcangelo, Republican
• Daniel L. Factor, Green-Rainbow
• Deborah B. Goldberg, Democratic
• Michael James Heffernan, Republican
• Ian T. Jackson, Green-Rainbow
• Suzanne M. Bump, Democratic
• Patricia S. Saint Aubin, Republican
• MK Merelice, Green-Rainbow
The cities of Pittsfield and North Adams will hold municipal elections for mayor, city council and school committee in 2015
You may vote absentee: if you will be absent from your town or city on election day, have a physical disability that prevents you from voting at the polls or cannot vote at the polls because to religious beliefs.
2010 Special Senate Election Results
Election 2009 Stories
Election Day 2008


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Yield: About 28
¾ cup (175 ml.) water
6 Tbsp. (85 g.) unsalted butter
¼ Tsp. salt
1 Tbsp. sugar
1 cup (125 g.) all-purpose flour
4 large eggs
For Egg Wash: 1 egg and pinch of salt
Pre-heat oven to 425◦F/220◦C degrees. Line two baking sheets with parchment paper.
Preparing batter:
Combine water, butter, salt and sugar in a saucepan over medium heat. Bring to a boil and stir occasionally. At boil, remove from heat and sift in the flour, stirring to combine completely.
Return to heat and cook, stirring constantly until the batter dries slightly and begins to pull away from the sides of the pan.
Transfer to a bowl and stir with a wooden spoon 1 minute to cool slightly.
Add 1 egg. The batter will appear loose and shiny.
As you stir, the batter will become dry-looking like lightly buttered mashed potatoes.
It is at this point that you will add in the next egg. Repeat until you have incorporated all the eggs.
Transfer batter to a pastry bag fitted with a large open tip (I piped directly from the bag opening without a tip). Pipe choux about 1 inch-part in the baking sheets. Choux should be about 1 inch high about 1 inch wide.
Using a clean finger dipped in hot water, gently press down on any tips that have formed on the top of choux when piping. You want them to retain their ball shape, but be smoothly curved on top.
Brush tops with egg wash (1 egg lightly beaten with pinch of salt).
Bake the choux at 425◦F/220◦C degrees until well-puffed and turning lightly golden in color, about 10 minutes.
Lower the temperature to 350◦F/180◦C degrees and continue baking until well-colored and dry, about 20 minutes more. Remove to a rack and cool.
Can be stored in a airtight box overnight or frozen.
Once filled with pastry cream (or any other cream based filling) they should be refrigerated, or served immediately, at room temperature.


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August 30, 2012
You've done a lot of things in life that no one has agreed with at the beginning. Finding agreement this week will be difficult, but it should not deter you from moving forward. Feeling sorry for your loneliness will discolor what you are doing. Be happy that you are alone. Soul Affirmation: I get joy from giving good things.
Eternal optimist, eternity is now. Get in touch with your hopefulness and be a beacon to others. Try not to be taken in by promises made by others or promises you've made to yourself. Concerning your own affairs, avoid contemplating lofty subjects and seeking long ranged solutions. Soul Affirmation: Time is the greatest peacemaker of them all.
Some say optimism is fantasy. Suppose the good thing you're optimistic about never comes. This week you'll know that the joy of anticipating it is joy enough. Just the certainty of coming goodness is present goodness. The joy of tomorrow is available this week. Soul Affirmation: This week is the week the Lord has made. I rejoice in it.
You might be looking into the buying or selling of a piece of property, and this week seems to be a favorable week for this type of negotiation. Be careful with the intricacies of the matter. Pay attention to details or it could cost you a great deal later. Soul Affirmation: I care deeply about the feelings of others.
What a blessed week this will be. Spend it meditating on all that God has given you. This week think hard about some form of worship. Curtis Mayfield wrote a song called "Who Do You Love?" Someone should write one called "How Do You Love?" For your love lesson, the second song would be the one you should sing. Soul Affirmation: New intuitions create new plans and a new cast of characters.
Your self-discipline helps you to do more this week. People will be watching as you zip around with style and grace! Broaden your cultural horizons by trying new foods and meeting new people. You'll be pleasantly surprised! Soul Affirmation: I am patient with all that comes my way this week.
The urge to chase off on a tangent may be strong this week. Take a few minutes to study the big picture and make sure any whims serve the bigger purpose. It's a good week to do what needs to be done. Soul Affirmation: Luck is my best friend this week.
You'll be full of good ideas this week, so make sure you write down the ones you don't have time to put into action. You'll want to share your thoughts on a grand scale, and your mind will seem truly universal to you. Try to be patient with those who are staggered by your brilliance. Soul Affirmation: Light from my soul shines in many directions.
This week let your gentle spirit shine through. Your rough and tumble side is not appropriate for the relationships that you'll encounter. Someone will need your understanding and sympathy. Give it with sensitivity. Soul Affirmation: My life itself is my greatest creation.
You're faced with a formidable task but when you defeat it, you'll take big steps toward a goal. Weigh in and give it your best. Your energy is high. The task looks larger before you start. Compromise with a partner. The immediate future promises love. Soul Affirmation: I enjoy the spirits of people whose spirits are akin to mine this week
Yield to the harmony that lies below the surface of any seeming disagreement. Serenity is more important than your sense of righteousness. Questioning the motives of others will make your mind too suspicious to benefit from the unclear way in which love will present itself this week. Soul Affirmation: Freedom of mind is the greatest gift for me this week.
Always remember that loved ones make the world a wonderful habitat. Otherwise it is an empty place and no amount of material gain can give it the excitement you want and deserve. Soul Affirmation: I let my luck work for me.


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AMSTERDAM — Busy settling in after a work permit win on Friday, new Nottingham Forest forward Robbie Findley is eager to get into the team and make his debut for the English Championship side.
The 25-year-old Arizona native, whose contract ran out with Real Salt Lake at the end of the year, has long had admirers across the pond. Despite interest from the likes of Danish club Brøndby and EPL club Wolverhampton during that time, he says Forest simply suited him best.
"Of the teams interested, Forest was one of the top ones," Findley told MLSsoccer.com, speaking on the phone from Nottinghamshire. "After I visited for a few days and met the coaching staff, I think I made the right choice. I think it's the place for me."
[inline_node:326672]Much of the credit for drawing the American to City Ground goes to manager Billy Davies, who first noticed Findley in Houston, where he was visiting his brother-in-law, former Dynamo assistant and current Portland head coach Jon Spencer. Findley says he didn't talk to former Davies' charges Benny Feilhaber and Eddie Lewis—who played for him at Derby County—but plenty of Forest players and others offered a good word about his new boss.
"He's a great coach," said Findley. "He's very interactive in training. He's good at what he does, which is making a good environment to be in. When you do that, you have players around that are willing to commit to being successful."
Another reason for the comfy fit is Forest's playing style. In a league noted for frantic kick-and-chase soccer, Forest endeavor to play a more composed game more in line in the manner of Findley's old MLS employers.
"At Real Salt Lake, we liked to pass the ball around to create chances, we were very good at that," he said. "It's a lot like that here, from the back going forward."
Unlike RSL, however, Nottingham Forest are a 145-year old club with a storied history muted a bit by recent struggles. They have not played in the English top flight since 1999 but do have a trophy case stocked with one domestic league crown, two FA Cups and a pair of European Cups from back in the late 1970s, when Brian Clough was manager and the likes of Peter Shilton and Trevor Francis thrilled the fans at the City Ground.
[inline_node:326673]Upon making his debut, Findley will become the fourth American to play for the Reds, following John Harkes, Ben Olsen and Jon-Paul Pittman.
Still waiting for his registration to come through, the US forward was unable to suit up against visiting Portsmouth on Saturday. He was in the house for the stunning 2-1 rally win, though, as Forest extended their unbeaten run to five matches, with four wins.
"I met some of the fans, they introduced me," said Findley. "I felt like there was a lot of support, which made me feel welcome. I can't wait to get in that jersey and get out on the field."
That could happen this Saturday when the Reds travel to face, coincidentally enough, Davies' former club Derby County.


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The search found 389 results in 0.02 seconds.
We provide an overview of associations between income inequality and intergenerational mobility in the United States, Canada, and eight European countries. We analyze whether this correlation is observed across and within countries over time. We investigate Great Gatsby curves and perform metaregression analyses based on several papers on this topic. Results suggest that countries with high levels of inequality tend to have lower levels of mobility.
The rise of global environmental governance regimes allegedly contradicts the process of an environmental "race to the bottom" (RTB) that results from capitalist globalization. We examine new developments in this area through a qualitative case study of the Basel Convention. Here, we find that new regulations in toxic wastes governance are in fact being co-created with industry actors and aim to accelerate the flow of toxic "resources" to less-developed countries.


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By Teachers, For Teachers
Pretend your school has a ghost. What is his or her name? What does he/she look like? Draw the ghost and write his/her name under it.
1.) Put three columns on your paper and label them "past," "present" and "future."
2.) Write 5 action verbs that you "do" during the holidays.
3.) In each column, write the verb in proper tense (past, present or future).
Disney wants to release a sequel to A Christmas Carol. Describe three new ghosts they could create for Scrooge's next story. (9-12) Write a one-page pitch to persuade Disney to use your plot for the sequel.
Can't view this video? Try it here!


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JimRob wrote:My apologies to anyone who finds this disappointing behaviour. And my warmest thanks to everyone who's put up with and supported my erratic state of mind over the strip; I hope you'll come back and put up with me again when I return.
JimRob wrote:The funniest and most interesting things I think of now seem to run against the seriousness of the imaginary world I've built up; I'm not drawing a strip I'd want to read any more. Perhaps it's that I feel obliged to take what I write rather seriously (especially given the level of appreciation some put into my work, sometimes to the extent of pointing out details I didn't even notice, for which I am sincerely grateful).
Tim Tylor wrote:There's no contradiction between the comic and serious, as I see it, and I think you do a pretty good job of combining them.
I'm also looking to be more experimental my approach; more to avoid the 'three panel set up then funny line in fourth' formula
Let me just offer a bit of applause for today's AF.
You couldn't hear it, but I did clap.
When you get back, I know it will be better than ever. No pressure; we already have ample evidence that it will be.
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Due to a trend to put large amounts of family members in character infoboxes, to the order of many generations removed from the character, a vote was undertaken to create a policy to limit the number of family members listed in the infobox.
The original vote can be found here.
A later discussion resulted in an addendum to this policy, limiting the large number of descriptive and not widely used aliases in that infobox field.
The discussion and the vote that followed can be found here.
"Family members" field
Currently, the family in a character's infobox is limited to two generations in either direction. Simply put, this means that you should go no higher than grandparents, and no lower than grandchildren.
Allowed relations
Below is a list of allowed relations to place in the character infobox:
- Grandfather(s) (paternal and maternal)
- Grandmother(s) (paternal and maternal)
- Mother
- Father
- Brother(s)
- Sister(s)
- Spouse
- Children
- Grandchildren
- Uncle(s) (paternal and maternal)
- Aunt(s) (paternal and maternal)
- Nephew(s)
- Niece(s)
- Cousin(s)
- In-laws consisting of: Mother-in-law, father-in-law, brother-in-law and sister-in-law
- A link to the appropriate family page, e.g. Weasley or House of Black
- For certain characters, such as Harry Potter or Lord Voldemort, notable ancestors such as the Peverell brothers are allowed in the infobox.
- For some characters that share a surname, but where there is no canonically known family relation, said characters may be placed in the infobox and tagged with a (possible) using the {{comment}} template. Do not assume a relationship between the characters.
- No great-(aunt/uncle/niece/nephew/etc) relations should be placed in the infobox.
- No cousins X-times removed should be placed in the infobox.
- Relatives more than two generations removed, such as great-grandchildren and great-grandparents, may be included in the infobox if they are the only known relations of a character. For example, Cassandra Trelawney's only known relatives are her great-grandson, and her great-great-granddaughter, Sybill Trelawney. The two intermediate generations (Cassandra's children and grand-children) are unknown.
Be sensible!
In some cases, adding family to the infobox lengthens the infobox beyond the length of the article itself. This is especially true of certain members of the House of Black. When adding family, see if the family members are already mentioned in the article, and consider whether or not a simple link to the family page will suffice in place of listing information for the sake of listing it.
"Also known as" field
Both identities used directly by the character and identities used by others to refer to that character will be applicable to this field. The following four restrictions will apply to this field:
- The identity must be singular to the character. No generic insults such as "Mudblood".
- No descriptors. The identity must be capitalised as though addressed as a proper name or title.
- No mispronunciations or mix-ups. The identity must be deliberately and knowingly applied to the character.
- The identity must be used in reference to the character more than once.