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High-Resolution Audio CD Receiver with Bluetooth
€ 850.00(incl. VAT and WEEE)
High-Resolution Audio CD Receiver with Bluetooth
The Way The Artists Truly Intended
Enjoy the subtlest nuances of studio-quality sound in higher-than-CD quality with High-Resolution Audio. Passion for music unites every component from signal to speaker, so it feels like the artist is performing right in front of you.
Uncompromised sound with High-Resolution Audio
Take your Hi-Fi setup further with the compact MAP-S1 audio player – delivering sound that's closer to the original recording thanks to High-Resolution Audio. The Digital Sound Enhancement Engine HX (DSEE HX) restores the quality of your compressed music files. Hook up all your speakers and amplifiers – there's a built-in CD player too.
Power output
Despite being compact in size, this system delivers 100W of power.
NFC & Bluetooth connectivity
Stream music wirelessly by touching your NFC smartphone against the MAP-S1 to make a connection.
Complete your setup
There's two outputs for your speakers, as well as an analogue input and output. Connect your smartphone, tablet or PC to a front or rear USB port.
Hear your music at its best
Whether it's High-Resolution Audio, CDs or MP3s – listen to your music in the highest possible sound quality. The MAP-S1 supports High-Resolution Audio formats such as DSD, FLAC, WAV and ALAC, as well as formats like MP3, Apple AAC, ATRAC and Windows WMA – restoring their quality closer to that of the original.
How High-Resolution Audio works
High-Resolution Audio converts analogue sound to digital at a higher, more precise rate than CDs. High-Resolution Audio can have a rate of 24bit/96Hz, capturing more details and subtleties, resulting in music that is as real as it gets.
Restore all your compressed files
The Digital Sound Enhancement Engine HX (DSEE HX) upscales your compressed digital music files (MP3, ACC, ATRAC and WMA) and takes it closer to the quality of High-Resolution Audio. By restoring the high-range sound lost in the compression process, DSEE HX produces your digital music files in rich, natural sound, closer to the quality of the original recording.
Savour every note
Traditional amps require multiple digital to analogue conversions – each affecting quality. Sony's S-Master amp is 100% digital for more power without distortion, improving efficiency and reducing size. Enhanced for High-Resolution Audio, the S-Master HX digital amplifier reduces noise levels for the precision needed with high frequency ranges (above 40kHz).
Enhanced for High-Resolution Audio
The S-Master HX digital amp reduces distortion for precise results with high frequency ranges (above 40kHz).
The heart of your sound system
Reach new heights with your Hi-Fi set-up with the MAP-S1. Hook up speakers through two outputs, there's also analogue input and outputs. Connect you to your home network through the LAN port. And plug-in and play through two USB ports.
CD player
Dust off your CD collection and enjoy your old favourites in sharp, precise sound quality.
DAB digital radio
Pick from a wide-range of DAB radio stations for pure sound with less interference, or tune into FM and AM radio.
USB ports
Connect your smartphone, tablet or USB stick to the front USB port to hear your favourite playlists. There's a rear USB port for your PC so you can enjoy High-Resolution Audio.
Real refined listening
The MAP-S1 is all about style and substance. Put it on a shelf or a cabinet, a compact aluminium design looks good anywhere you put it – it also helps reduces vibration for low distortion.
Pairs perfectly with SS-HW1 speakers
Fine-tuned to get the very best from the MAP-S1, the SS-HW1 High-Resolution Audio speakers feature a 13cm woofer with a Mica Reinforced Cellular fibre cone that minimises unwanted resonance. A Wide Dispersion Super Tweeter reproduces extended high frequencies with unprecedented clarity.
Connect with your music
Seamless streaming via Wi-Fi, DLNA, or AirPlay
All your music is a simple connection away – stream wirelessly from your smartphone, tablet, or laptop using Wi-Fi, DLNA and Airplay. Enjoy online music services, such as Spotify® and Deezer. An Ethernet port lets you listen to songs from your PC. Pair with Bluetooth in an instant thanks to NFC One-touch. And control everything from your mobile with SongPal app.
Designed for however you listen
Access the latest tunes in an instant thanks to a variety of online music services, including Spotify® and Deezer.
One-touch listening
To start streaming music wirelessly, simply touch your NFC smartphone or tablet against the MAP-S1 to make a connection. Or stream audio by manually pairing with Bluetooth instead.
Unite your music
Easy streaming control with the new SongPal app
The SongPal app allows you to easily and intuitively manage your listening experience. Simply install it on your mobile phone to take control of music playback, device settings and more—all through one app.
SongPal App
Available on iOS and Android


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cotton 0.1.0-java
Cotton is a JRuby exclusive Web Application Framework. It takes the best of Ruby frameworks, like REST style routing, asset packaging and mountable apps, and adds a few tricks of it's own like first-class Forms, clustered caches and Sessions, and performance++. We aim to ensure Cotton is the fastest platform for Ruby on the Web, period.
- 0.1.0 - November 01, 2012 java (5.5 KB)

subset: commoncrawl


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System identification
System identification refers to the general process of extracting information about a system from measured input-output data. A typical outcome is an input-output model which may be static or dynamic, deterministic or stochastic, linear or nonlinear. One can use such an input-output model for simulation, controller design, or analysis. System identification can extract the physical properties of a system such as its mass, stiffness, and damping distribution. System identification methods can also be applied to obtain information other than a model of a system. For example, it can be used to identify an observer or Kalman filter gain, existing feedback controller gain, disturbance environment, or to detect actuator and sensor failure. The same theory can even be used to synthesize feedback or feedforward controller gains directly from input-output data without having to obtain an intermediate model of the system first. System identification has widespread applications in virtually all areas of engineering including chemical, electrical, mechanical, biomedical, aerospace engineering, and economics.
Faculty contact: Minh Q. Phan


text:
Mi SciELO
Servicios Personalizados
- Citado por SciELO
- Accesos
Tempo Social
versión impresa ISSN 0103-2070
Tempo soc. v.3 n.se São Paulo 2007
After racial democracy
Depois da democracia racial
Antonio Sérgio Alfredo Guimarães
Translated by Renato Rezende
Translation from Tempo Social, São Paulo, v.18, n.2, p. 269-287, Nov. 2006.
In this article, I trace a scenario that is becoming increasingly actual and close to Brazilians. In that scenario racial inequalities coexist with a popular state regime in which Black NGOs participate in the implementation of multicultural policies and racial democracy ceases to be a hegemonic discourse. We have acquired consciousness of the limitations of our democracy, of the multicultural nature of our national formation, and of our invidious system of racial inequalities, but we are not successful in stopping it from reproducing itself. I take this scenario as an occasion to point to two current misinterpretations in the sociological literature: neither are racial inequalities in Brazil the product of racial democracy, neither can racial inequalities result from the mere existence of racial categories.
Keywords: Racial democracy; Racial inequalities; Multiculturalism; Popular State.
Neste artigo, meu objetivo é refletir sobre um cenário futuro, que se torna cada vez mais real e próximo: aquele em que as desigualdades raciais no Brasil convivem com um regime de Estado do qual as organizações negras e outras organizações populares participam ativamente na formulação de políticas multiculturalistas e no qual a ideologia da democracia racial cessou de ser hegemônica. Se, por um lado, nesse cenário, ganhamos efetiva consciência das limitações de nossa democracia, da heterogeneidade da nossa formação e da insidiosa reprodução das desigualdades raciais, nem por isso somos capazes de reverter esse quadro. Essa é a oportunidade de expor alguns equívocos interpretativos atualmente correntes na literatura: nem as desigualdades raciais resultam da "democracia racial", nem a reprodução das desigualdades pode ser explicada pela simples existência de categorizações de base racial.
Palavras-chave: Democracia racial; Desigualdades raciais; Multiculturalismo; Estado popular.
What is Brazilian racial democracy? After having been pronounced a myth (cf. Fernandes, 1965) and transformed during the 1980's as the main target of attacks from the Negro movement for being a racist ideology1, in the last decade "racial democracy" has come to be the object of a more systematic investigation by social scientists and historians. Initially, the understanding that it was really a founding national myth prevailed. After all, Brazil had historically been perceived as a country where Caucasians had a weak or almost no racial conscience (cf. Freyre, 1933); where since the colonial period, miscegenation was disseminated and morally consented; where the multiracial, if well educated, would be regularly incorporated into the elite2; in conclusion, where racial prejudice has never been strong enough to create a "color line." Viotti da Costa (1985) perhaps made the most complete synthesis of this interpretation.
In the mid-1990's, with the aggravation of the Negro activist attacks to "racial democracy" and the reduction of the dominate ideology (and the oppressing race), some anthropologists (cf. Maggie, 1996; Fry, 1995-1996; Schwarcz, 1999) remind us that before being a "false conscience" a myth is a set of values that have concrete effects on individual practices. The myth of racial democracy, however, could not be interpreted as mere "illusion," since it has largely been and still is an important ideology to soothe and reduce prejudices.
In successive attempts (cf. Guimarães 2001; 2002; 2003), I introduced another element to the debate. Against the tendency to interpret "racial democracy" as a timeless myth, a founder of nationality, I sought to make note of its historical emergence, and commit myself to the investigation of the origin of the expression "racial democracy" instead of seeking the historical origin of the ideas that define it. Thus, I analytically separated what historians called "racial paradise," a set of beliefs in the absence of racial prejudice in Brazil, which could be retraced to the Empire, from the same set of beliefs that did not reclaim the Brazilian paradise image, but democracy instead. The studies of Campos (2002; 2006), reinforcing my argument, later revealed that the expression emerges widespread among Brazilian intellectuals from 1937-1944, or during the New State, facing the enormous challenge of inserting Brazil into the free and democratic world by opposing racism and Fascist-Nazi totalitarianism, which was vanquished during II World War.
This change in the manner of understanding "racial democracy" allows us to study it not only as myth or cultural construction, but also as political "cooperation", "consent" or "commitment"3. More than an ideology, it was a way of tacitly agreeing on an integration of Negros to the classist society of post-war Brazil, to quote the famous title of Florestan, both in terms of national symbology and in terms of its economic and social policies. But this was a doubly limited commitment: on one hand, it included only city workers, leaving out not only other low-income urban segments, such as, domestic maids, but all employed in rural areas; on the other hand, it was an agreement of restricted power since there was no space for the recognition of an ethnos that had intended to participate in the political system. In fact, the political system had been conceived and functioned guided by generic universalistic principles that disregarded specific social belonging, while in practice, that is, on the regime level4, it related unions, associations and local community leadership, generally from the neighborhood, to political leaders and their parties.
I had also developed (cf. Guimarães, 2002) the manner in which the political commitment was lost with the military coup of 1964 the implantation of the authoritarian regime that followed and the international political situation of the 1970's influenced by the successful establishment of a multiracial order in the United States. We return in a general outline to how this occurred.
One of the peculiar traits of the democratic commitment, from the ideological point of view, was the mobilization of intellectuals against personality oriented parties and the abusive prepotency of the oligarchies. Really, the modernization of customs and moralization of political practices were ideas pursued both from the center and the left of the political spectrum. Racial prejudice was understood by sociologists in the 1960's (cf. Azevedo, 1953; Bastide and Fernandes, 1955; Fernandes, 1965) as a characteristic of the privileges of the cast regime (cf. Wagley, 1952) or of Brazilian Patrimonialism (cf. Faoro, 1958). All thought (or desired?) that racial prejudice and the inequalities surrounding slavery should be efficiently combated by generalizing life's opportunities (mainly education and health) and with guarantees of competition through merit in markets free from social, cultural, political or biological particularisms. As had occurred in Western Europe and the United States (American, French and English revolutions), it was meant to implant democracy through a revolution (cf. Holanda, 1936; Wagley, 1960) that would cripple the lordship from power and would establish a representative democracy whose foundation would be based on the productive classes and urban workers. The Negros and mulattos, however, entered politically into the democratic commitment with the people, as workers and as intellectuals. Barbosa (2007), in a very well informed article, clarifies the manner in which the universality of Guerreiro Ramos is founded with the diasporic identity of Negritude to forge a peculiar nationalism.
Between 1964 and 1985 the military regime departed from some of the presuppositions of this commitment, but not all of them. The generalization of life's opportunities and the struggle against corruption that beat the competition by merit were, for example, flags of the first order of the regime. We take what occurred in superior education in the country as an example, something that interests us particularly due to the present reclaiming of quotas. The educational reforms of the military period aimed, primarily, to expand the educational system as a whole, generalize primary and secondary education, and through the institution of unified, classified and objective entrance exams (multiple choice tests), to insure that entrance into universities would occur solely through performance on the tests. Public university education remained free, although the expansion of superior education had come to depend mainly on the creation of private, paid universities. In the mid-1970's, the consequences of these choices were: the proliferation of private preparatory courses for the exam, the expansion of the private network of primary and secondary education, and the transfer of middle-class children to these schools. Consequently, access to the best universities began to be associated with paid, private secondary education, and no longer with public education. This also meant associating entrance into these universities to higher family income and lighter skin color. In the private network, a good part of the weaker performing university population came mainly from public secondary schools, where those of lower income and darker skin studied.
All efforts to require payment for superior public education for high-income families failed, which would have provided some margin for social inclusion programs based on scholarships or fee exemptions, which would conserve the legitimacy and merit of the entrance exams. Conversely, entrance into school universities, like the University of São Paulo (USP), began to increasingly depend on graduation from paid schools. In 2006, for example, only 27% of the students that entered USP came from public schools. With this, the rigidity of elite social reproduction was accentuated, so again associating class, color and opportunities for public ascension to levels near, at least relatively, to those of the First Republic.
Multiculturalism in Brazil and Latin America
A large part of the Latin American countries underwent great constitutional reform in the 1980's and 90's. This can be explained to a large degree by the reconstruction of the right-wing democratic state after two decades of authoritarianism that devastated the continent from the mid-1960's to the mid-1980's. The reconstruction was not identical to that of the post-war era, however, in the sense that the democratic and liberal ideology of the 1980's differed in much from that of the 1940's. The similarity occurred in the fact that once again the countries in the region sought to mirror themselves based on Europe and the United States to reconstruct their democratic models.
But, between the 1940's and the 1980's, at least two important paradigms had changed: that of the nation and that of civil rights. First, the model of national construction born in the 19th Century no longer dominated internationally, according to which the nations were communities belonging to homogeneous culture, linguistics and race. To the contrary, now the paradigms of multiculturalism and multiracialism prevailed, by which the state must preserve and guarantee the linguistic and cultural diversity of its citizens. Second, democracy could no longer be understood in strictly liberal terms, such as formal equality of citizens and the guarantee of individual liberties. At present, ideas such as collective rights or that there are social groups and collectives that should be guaranteed equal opportunities, for example, the idea that such equality should reflect in terms of results, are currently internationally accepted.
Consequently, the recent constitutional reforms in Latin America in regard to racial identities have introduced the concept of multiethnic and multicultural societies and nations as novelty. Such constitutions submerged the ideal founder of multiracial and culturally homogeneous nations, seen as the product of biological and cultural miscegenation among Europeans, Indigenous Americans and Africans, an ideal carefully managed with great effort since the independence wars in the 19th Century.
Countries such as Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and Venezuela recognized the historical rights of their indigenous minorities in their new constitutions. Others began to recognize collective rights or adopt forms of positive discrimination for Negro minorities, such as Brazil (Constitution of 1988, Law 7,716, University quotas, 2001), Colombia (Constitution of 1991 and law 70 of 1993), Ecuador (Constitution of 1998), Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua.
According to Donna Van Cott (2000), this constitutional model, which could be called multicultural, has the following characteristics; 1) formal recognition of the multicultural nature of its societies and the existence of indigenous peoples as social collectives and distinct governing societies; 2) recognition of the customary laws of the indigenous peoples such as public and official laws; 3) the right to collective property with restriction to alienation or division of communal lands; 4) official status for indigenous languages in territorial units of residence; and 5) a guarantee of bilingual education. In the case of Brazil, we need to add a sixth element to the model: recognition of racism as a national problem.
Notably, these constitutional reforms were almost immediately followed or occurred simultaneously to the introduction of neoliberal policies, in the social and economic fields. In other words, a redemocratization accompanied the reintegration of Latin-American economies into the new world economy, since it could not cease to be, after the crisis that had accumulated in the 1980's. Such coincidence of the state and economic political sphere afforded opportunities for some interpretations, which should be mentioned.
The first of which (Brysk and Wise, 1997; Yashar, 1999) is that the neoliberal reforms of the 1980's catalyzed the constitutional reform. For these authors, the neoliberals threatened local independence, which caused protests and ethnic mobilization. State reforms conceding cultural rights were the state answer to this mobilization. Please note that these authors studied mainly Central-American nations.
With a slightly different interpretive bias, Van Cott (2000) argued that multiculturalism had been a means for the political elite to reconquer validity corroded by economic reforms and growing social demands. Hale (2002) preferred to argue that the Latin-American nations would be recognizing or conceding rights to their Indigenous and Negro minorities as a way to invalidate more radical demands, which they would use to attack the neoliberal economic order. Comparing the advances of recognition of these two minorities, Hooker (2007), in turn, argues that the Indigenous peoples obtained these collective rights with more ease than the Negros because historically they were defined as belonging to another culture. She states:
I will argue that the main criterion employed to determine the beneficiaries was the possession of a distinct cultural group identity. In addition to this, because of the different ways through which the two groups were racially categorized in Latin America, the use of a distinct group identity, conceived in an ethnic or cultural manner as a criterion for the concession of collective rights, permitted that Indigenous peoples would be more successful than the Afro-descendents in reclaiming such rights. (Hooker, 2007:93-4)
Moreover, the fact is that greater or lesser recognition obtained by Latin-American ethnic minorities during the redemocratization period in the 1980's depended mainly on factors that we can display in two groups: the internal conditions of each country and the external or international conditions.
In general, we can say that the characteristics assumed by the Latin-American Negro movement fighting for ethnic or racial recognition on the internal plane depended mainly on two factors: mobilized local traditions and characteristics of the political and demographic contexts5.
The demographic differences between these countries does not, however, explain the most intriguing fact of all: only Brazilian political mobilization maintained the objective of fighting against racial inequalities, while in other countries the mobilizations maintained recognition of the Negro cultural diversity as their main goal, who followed suit some time after the Indigenous movement.
It is understood that regarding Indigenous peoples, the theoretical and ideological collapse between "race" and "ethnicity" has always been the climax of the European colonization in the Americas, including Brazil, as Van Cott reminds, which naturally connected the Anglo-Saxon and Latin-American worlds.
But for Afro-Brazilians, the lasting practice of incorporating African traditions into national cultures historically inhibited mobilizations of cultural-ethnic origins and favored purely racial ones (meaning, those in favor of combating the social consequences of prejudice and racial discrimination). In which international circumstances did such mobilizations occur?
First, the changes of the state regime in the 1980's need mentioning. For example, the military dictatorships in the Southern Cone were substituted by representative democracies that sought new forms of international validity for their countries. Then in light of the first, the integration of these new democracies into the international economic order occurred in a new regime of accumulation, which was known as neoliberalism. Concluding the declaration of these external circumstances, it is fitting to mention three others of a more cultural and ideological order: 1) the doctrine of multiculturalism becomes victorious in the battle against racism in the United States, South Africa and in Anglo-Saxon countries; 2) the battle for the guarantee of human rights gains international prominence, which for the Negros transforms into the battle against racism; and finally 3) the ecology, the defense of the environment, and biological and cultural diversity for international development agencies assume more importance.
The regimes that enter into crisis in Latin America in the 1970's were for the most part national-developmental authoritarian states that resolved their previous validity crisis by fortifying the identity of multiracial and racial democracy. Then, in the period of redemocratization in the 1980's, the political oppositions and the general public sought to give democracy a more radical, equalitarian meaning in terms of redistribution of wealth and life opportunities.
Multiculturalism and identity politics were ideological practices available in the international market of ideas even while the new Latin-American democracies wrote their constitutions. In this sense, Christian Gros (2000) affirmed that multiculturalism is to neoliberalism what racial democracy was to national-developmentalism.
The new minimum State
Although Brazil has never known a State of social well-being, the truth is that the conquests urban workers have achieved since the Vargas government in terms of pension, work legislation, education and public health etc., served as a model to all mobilizations and popular claims since the 1930's. On the state's part, also the policy of class commitments served as a model for meeting the demands of the popular sectors, including Negro organizations. In general, the absorption of popular demands occurred through expanding the pension or employment legislation to include new geographic areas, new population contingents, or through the simple growth of the state apparatus, extending it to new areas and putting it to work for a larger number of social groups.
In the case of the Negro population, racial democracy condensed a commitment, as I mentioned above, which had two slants, one material and another symbolic. Materially, the job market expansion absorbed large contingents of black- and brown-skinned workers, definitely incorporating them into the factory worker and low-income urban classes. This was an integration institutionalized by laws such as the Native Brazilian Workers Aid (Amparo ao Trabalhador Brasileiro Nato), signed by Vargas in 1931, which guaranteed that two thirds of employees in industrial establishments were native Brazilians; or the Afonso Arinos law in 1951, which transformed racial prejudice into a misdemeanor. Symbolically, the ideal modernist of the multiracial nation was absorbed by the state and artistic, folkloric, and symbolic manifestations of the Afro-Brazilian were recognized as Afro-Brazilian culture. The "Afro," however, merely designated the origin of a culture that was primarily defined as regional, multiracial, and like the Negro, Creole. The political ideology of racial democracy, as a social pact, was predominately employment-based, a tendency dating to the First Republic (for example, see the ideology of Manoel Querino) and was continued by new leaders, such as Abdias do Nascimento6.
We saw that although the military regime, starting in 1964, maintained racial democracy as its material and symbolic slant, it sought to remove its political essence by repressing associative and union life by force. The pact was consequently broken along with representative democracy and the national-developmentalist state.
When in 1985 democratic life was reestablished, the state would try for a short time to reestablish the old game of classes, trying to relate to new social movements starting with political parties, the expansion of its own apparatus, and the adjournment of its legislation. For the Afro-Brazilian population, legal revision occurred when racism was made illegal in the constitution of 1988, ruled by law 7,716 in 1989; while the main symbolic marks were the creation of the Palmares Cultural Foundation in 1988, and the Zumbi dos Palmares was instituted as a Brazilian national hero in 1995.
For a brief period, Negro activism itself began to bloom again in an articulated manner to class policy, as enacted by social movements and supported by the political parties, mainly PT (Workers' Party), PDT (Democratic Labor Party), and PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party), and later, PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party). Beginning in 1988, meanwhile, the Negro movement would come to take the constellation form of non-governmental, financial, ideological, and politically independent organizations.
Many new Negro NGOs withdraw from both the old employment policy now represented by PDT, as from the new, represented by PT. The fusion of two tendencies develops in Brazil, which seemed to be opposites: the search for greater integration and participation in national life and the construction of an ethnic feeling based on racial consciousness. Even though a clear distinction can be traced between political and cultural NGOs, Negro cultural entities are rarely found today that do not defend some form of affirmative action in the social arena, as it is also rare to find a Negro political organization that does not imbibe their discourse into what is today called "black culture."
On the other hand, starting in Collor's government in 1990, the Brazilian state comes to explicitly assume a more liberal discourse. Its objective becomes restructuring the governmental apparatus, seeking freedom from many functions instated by the old national-developmentalist state, and concentrating chiefly on reforming retirement, employment, and educational and health systems, so as to launch economic and socio-political development. State planning organs are downsized in order to remove the political conflict of redistribution of wealth from the state apparatus, and many of the state social assistance and service organs are transformed into NGOs and private companies, mainly in the form of partnerships.
Such redirection of the state apparatus ends up strengthening the NGOs in general, and the Negro NGOs in particular, which advance enormously in serving needy populations, offering services to the most diverse causes, mainly in the areas of education, health, entertainment, and human rights advocacy. Through these means, what was developed in the expansion of superior education was also consolidated: an ample Afro-Brazilian intellectual layer, shaped by professional conditions of superior level, largely independent in relation to the state, whose main source of resources are large international foundations, churches, and institutions of private law.
On the other hand, the Brazilian state worries less with the development of the national identity policy, removing it from the agenda of the Ministries of Education and Culture. It adopts a multicultural discourse and passes the responsibility and liberty to non-governmental agents to manage it.
In my understanding, the culmination of this kind of minimal state occurs in the government of Lula, when the state seeks to absorb a large part of the claims of social movements through incorporating their conditions into the state apparatus, making communication more fluid between the state and the NGOs, while keeping economic policy they are completely unaccountable for meeting popular demands. Perhaps this explains why the Workers' Party was so refractory to affirmative action and non-classist identity while in the opposition, which were seen as bourgeois policies, but since in power, it has transformed its government into that which most advanced in meeting the agenda of Negro organizations.
In this way, the new neoliberal regime gives incentives toward the independence of NGOs; contrary to the old national-developmentalist regime, which favored political commitments, forcing the state to meet the claims of social movements and creating, direct links between, on one side, its apparatus and conditions, and on the other, the apparatus and condition of the party or associative organizations. In those events, the movements lost something of their own ideology, part of their ethnic language, to adjust to the national ideology; presently, the state abdicates from its nationalist discourse in favor of a multiplicity of languages and identities, harmonized based on social and democratic coexistence, synthesized in citizens' rights. What Gramsci called trasformismo or the absorption by the state of social movement conditions, which generated a type of routine of social claims, stripping them from revolutionary potential was substituted by the relative independence of all political agents, whose are automatically incorporated into the system: the regime's general rule is participation in the democratic game of the right-wing state, guarding all the unnecessary specifics to the game.
The previous regime could meet the claims of the Negro movements (mainly the struggle against discrimination and racial prejudice) taking away their ethnic language and integrating them symbolically into the nation. On the international scene, it could also brandish the ideology of racial democracy as a more civilized solution to overcome the real problem of inequalities in the distribution of wealth and opportunities between Negros and Caucasians.
Since the democratic rupture in 1964, Negro leaders began to doubt the effectiveness of racial democracy. In substitution, they began to express their complaints in ethnic language. What we know today is that this language fuses the traditional elements of Afro-Brazilian identity with the Negro ideologies in international circulation, such as Pan-Africanism, Negritude and Afrocentrism. But evidently, not even the formation of a new language, nor a new state regime explains everything. The majority of what the movement had managed, in terms of quotas for university education, for example, occurred in independent instances of power, such as federal universities. In some of them, Negro activists who represented the social movement have even participated in the selection process of the quota students.
Consequently, the manner in which causes of the Negro movement, mainly quotas for Negros in universities, gain support from politicians, technocrats, and university authorities remains to be investigated.
Today, for many (cf. Petruccelli, 2006), multiculturalism is an appropriate ideology for the contemporary state, which needs to recognize the new social identities based on race and culture, or rather, the new social groups and political actors (Negros, Indigenous Peoples, etc.). The state needs to name and measure the differences and social inequalities harmful to these groups if it intends to be a good government. For others (cf. Carvalho, 2004), multiculturalism is a profoundly contrary ideology to the spirit that guided the historic formation of the Brazilian nation. More than this: they argue that quota policies would necessarily lead to the functioning of judging committees to decide on the "color" or "ethnicity" of a possible beneficiary, leaving two things evident: that the "color" or "ethnicity" has less solid and consensual character in sociological terms of than what the required criteria of selection of benefits is; and that the individual right to naming one's self or self representation is consequently disrespected.
Presently in Brazil, opinion defending racial inequalities gains strength, meaning, social inequalities attributable to the idea of race and the form in which people are racially classified, can only be combated with actions and policies that reinforce these racial identities. In other words, the policies and affirmative actions would require identity policies.
The reproduction of inequalities in different State regimes
The argument that social inequalities in Brazil are tied to invisible mechanisms (or mechanisms made invisible) of racial discrimination, which favor its increased reproduction, slowly came to be consensual, reaching not only the public arena where they have promoted social movements in the last decade, but governmental planning organizations as well. The argument of the "cumulative circle of inequality" was originally constructed by the sociologists Carlos Hasenbalg ([1979] 2005) and Nelson do Valle Silva (1978), at the end of the 1970's. Based on the analysis of census data (or of household samples) such as income, education, nationality, rural or urban origin, occupation, parents' occupations, state of residence, color, and other data, they demonstrate in a statistically irreproachable manner that the color of individuals weighed heavily upon the explanation of poverty and its reproduction. Consequently, poverty was colored black and brown.
The consequent political argument was that the simple generalization of formal education, the absence of legal racial barriers, and the expansion of employment and income opportunities brought through the capitalist advance would not be sufficient enough to diminish Brazilian social inequalities, since they carried an implicit and invisible racial character, which hindered any illusion of the generalization of opportunities. Racial democracy was really a myth and a farce, as were some Negro leaders, and some sociologists had said this before the end of the 1960's (after the military coup).
In fact, such a political consequence had been adopted by several social and political actors, many of which were young Negro university students, who being benefitted by the boom in the 1970's, conducted their superior studies and found racial and cultural resistance to their absorption into markets that had formed Caucasian niches media, schools and universities, for example (cf. Santos, 1985); in addition, civil rights activists were not completely comfortable with the explanations derived exclusively from Marxism.
This was how the battle against racial discrimination enrolled early on in the struggling movement for redemocratization in the country. The democratic resistance gained strength in the late-1970's and leads to the adoption of anti-racist chapters and anti-racist and multicultural articles, whether in the constitution or laws during the 1980's and 90's.
The scene that I have drafted serves us to discuss a proposition (cf. Tilly, 2003a; 2003b) according to which social inequalities (in the case of racial inequalities) could be entrenched in present Brazilian society thanks to the use of public policies that begin to categorize and "create" groups based on racial labels. Keeping in mind that now, in 2007, at least thirty public universities have adopted quotas or some other form of affirmative action for Negros.
Indeed, two of the most frequent arguments in Brazil from people against affirmative action policies benefitting Negros closely follow the causal schema promoted by Tilly. First, the state imposition of classifying categories based on racial belonging would lead to the racial classification of Brazilian society, meaning, to fixing the idea of race in private and public discourses, such as social identity, reinforcing the random existing cycle of racism; second, such categorizing of Brazilians into Caucasians and Negros (or non-Caucasians) is an unhappy "loan" from our Northern neighbors.
The preliminary observation is that for Tilly, "imposition," whether governmental or not, seems to always come from the dominating group or a service of this group, to the degree in which the dominating group would occupy a role of resistance, defense or reaction. Conversely, here the dominated group is intentionally benefitted by the imposition and the "resistance" will come from a part of the dominant group. In other words, if applied to Brazil, the schema would have a "conservative" character apparently not desired by Tilly7, but well noted by João Feres (2005), following the description made by Hirschman (1991) of conservative discursive strategies: the "racial classification" of Brazilian society, meaning, the adoption of public policies based on belonging to racial groups would only benefit the racists in the long run.
One way or another, whether conservative or not, whether it is or is not a mere discursive strategy used by conservatives or radical anti-racists, the causal explanation developed by Tilly places three different questions before us: are the "races" in Brazil or are they not a mechanism of magnified reproduction of social inequalities, as according to Hasenbalg and Silva (1988;1992), Telles (2003), Sores (200) and many others? If affirmative, how can they be combated without publically recognizing them as racial constructs and so run the risk of crystallizing them and reproducing them as natural facts? Historically, in the real history of Afro-Brazilians, are the "races" and "racial strategies" of demand for public wealth strangers to their tradition? In other words, can the activist discourse of recent years demanding quotas in public universities, the media and private and public employment be characterized as simple "loans"?
Historically, the Negro identities in Brazil have formed a dialogue with other Negro identities in the Americas. In this context, the idea of an Atlantic Negro (cf. Gilroy, 1993) seems to be a more productive idea to me, where people, objects, and ideas circulate, rather than the concept of "loan." In the same way, the question which seems the most correct is: why does the idea of "race" and "black culture" gain strength among activists and intellectuals who consider themselves Negros only after 1980, and not before, for example, in the post-war era, when the prestige of French Negritude was so strong in Brazil? Why is it that only in the 1990's the idea of affirmative action seems applicable to Brazil, when Negro activists have complained of "color prejudice" that afflicts the entire Brazilian "Negro" community since 1925? Which discursive consensuses needed to be overcome or broken in order for such claims to be formulated?
Similarly, we saw that the idea of "racial democracy" could not be analyzed as a simple myth, ideal or ideology. We have to ask ourselves about the true character of "democracy" in Brazil during post-war years (1945-1964); during the military dictatorship years (1964-1985) and in the New Republic (after 1985). Would "democracy" have the same meaning? stimulate the same expectations? nurture the same hopes and aspirations in each of the three periods?
My argument, to a great extent, is supported in the hypothesis that the change in aspirations of the democracies of today, based mainly on the promise of full civil, social, and political rights for all, finished by removing the initial appeal for Latin-American "racial democracies." The central node of these racial democracies was the absence of legal or violent barriers to the social mobility of "men of color," in contrast to the hierarchical segmentation inherited from slavery and the colonial period. The new democracies being reinstituted since the 1980's, conversely, will have to offer multicultural rights and recognize racial differences to accommodate expectations of integration, mobility, and equality that alternatively could only be handled in the paradigm of the conflicts of class in the French or English manner. But, to begin, the modern social organization in classes supposes far more balanced levels of social inequality, full employment and social security than what the Latin-American societies can presently exhibit.
Consequently, the strongest implication of the Tilly model is that he does not deny, in fact he reaffirms, the fact that we are dealing with processes that flow and are molded by deeply rooted social, economic, and personality structures. Therefore, the "imposition" or the "loan," meaning the causal mechanisms, seem to be contingencies and references to a concrete time, taken arbitrarily, and so disconnected from the flow of history. Activated to resolve a form of inequality, the racial categories do not seem to have the gift of undoing social or even racial inequalities, but only of establishing a certain balance of forces between struggling groups, whether by imposing a monopoly (the initial case of colonization), or whether to escape a destiny imposed by these same categories in some previous moment in time (the post-colonial situation).
Finally, a crucial point in the explicative model by Tilly remains to be examined. Although we may discard it by analyzing the manner in which social inequalities in Brazil began to be perceived by the "Negros," and even though we may argue convincingly that the racial categories "imposed" by public politics were secularly active in Brazilian society, we need to respond to the greater implication of the model, which is: racial or multicultural public policies do not overcome or satisfy the inequalities in themselves, but only reproduce them in a more clear and precise condition. In other words, they regulate the distributive conflict to new bases, without risking the reproduction of the system as a whole.
In this aspect, Tilly seems to be right: there is no reason to expect that the new organizational form of political actors (in ethnic, racial or cultural bases) is necessarily more efficient in hindering the reproduction of social inequalities.
Bibliographic References
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BARBOSA, Muryatan Santana. (2006) "Guerreiro Ramos: o personalismo negro". Tempo Social, nov. 2006, vol.18, no.2, p.217-228.
BARTH, Frederik. (1994), "Enduring and emerging issues in the analysis of ethnicity". In: VERMEULEN, Hans & GOVERS, Cora (eds.), The anthropology of ethnicity, beyond "Ethnic Groups and Boundaries". Amsterdã, Het Spinhuis, pp. 11-32.
BASTIDE, Roger & FERNANDES, Florestan. (1955), Relações raciais entre negros e brancos em São Paulo. São Paulo, Unesco-Anhembi.
BRYSK, Alison & WISE, Carol. (1997), "Liberalization and ethnic conflict in Latin America". Studies in Comparative International Development, 32 (2).
CAMPOS, Maria José. (2002), Arthur Ramos: luz e sombra na antropologia brasileira: uma versão da democracia racial no Brasil nas décadas de 1930 e 1940. São Paulo. Dissertação de mestrado. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Antropologia Social, FFLCH-USP.
_____. (2005-2006), "Cassiano Ricardo e o 'mito da democracia racial': uma versão modernista em movimento". Revista USP, 68.
CARVALHO, José Murilo de. (2004), "Genocídio racial estatístico". O Globo, 27 de dezembro.
FAORO, Raymundo. (1958), Os donos do poder. Rio de Janeiro, Globo.
FERES JR., João. (2005), "Ação afirmativa no Brasil: a política pública entre os movimentos sociais e a opinião douta". Trabalho apresentado no Seminário Internacional "Ações afirmativas nas políticas educacionais: o contexto pós-Durban", 20 a 22 de setembro, Brasília.
FERNANDES, Florestan. (1965), A integração do negro na sociedade de classes. São Paulo, Cia. Editora Nacional.
FREYRE, Gilberto. (1933), Casa-grande & senzala: formação da família brasileira sob o regime da economia patriarcal. Rio de Janeiro, Schimidt.
_____. (1936), Sobrados e mucambos. Rio de Janeiro, Editora Nacional.
_____. (1938), Conferências na Europa. Rio de Janeiro, Ministério da Educação e Saúde.
FRY, Peter. (1995-1996), "O que a Cinderela Negra tem a dizer sobre a política racial brasileira". Revista USP, 28: 122-135.
GILROY, Paul. (1993), The Black Atlantic: modernity and double consciousness. London/New York, Verso.
GROS, Christian. (2000), Políticas de la etnicidad. Identidad, estado y modernidad. Bogotá, ICANH.
GUIMARÃES, Antonio Sérgio. (1999), Racismo e anti-racismo no Brasil. São Paulo, Editora 34.
_____. (2001), "Democracia racial: o ideal, o pacto e o mito". Novos Estudos Cebrap, XX (61): 147-162. São Paulo.
_____. (2002), Classes, raças e democracia. São Paulo, Editora 34.
_____. (2003), "Démocratie raciale". Cahiers du Brésil Contemporain, 49/50: 11 38. Paris.
HALE, Charles. (2002), "Does multiculturalism menace? Governance, cultural rights and the politics of identity in Guatemala". Journal of Latin American Studies, 34: 485-524.
HARRIS, Marvin. (1956), Town and country in Brazil. New York, Columbia University Press.
HASENBALG, Carlos. (2005), "Estrutura de classes, estratificação social e raça". In: _____. Discriminação e desigualdades raciais no Brasil. 1ª edição 1979. São Paulo, Humanitas, cap. 3.
HASENBALG, C. & SILVA, N. V. (1988), Estrutura social, mobilidade e raça. Rio de Janeiro, Vértice/Iuperj.
_____. (1992), Relações raciais no Brasil contemporâneo. Rio de Janeiro, Rio Fundo Editora.
HIRSCHMAN, Albert O. (1991), The rhetoric of reaction: perversity, futility, jeopardy. Cambridge, Mass., Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
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LEAL, Maria das Graças de Andrade. (2004), Manuel Querino entre letras e lutas Bahia: 1851-1923. São Paulo. Tese de doutorado em História. Pontifícia Universidade Católica.
MACEDO, Márcio. (2006), Abdias do Nascimento: a trajetória de um negro revoltado: 1914-1968. São Paulo. Dissertação de mestrado em Sociologia. FFLCH-USP.
MAGGIE, Yvonne. (1996), "Aqueles a quem foi negada a cor do dia: as categorias de cor e raça na cultura brasileira". In: MAIO, Marcos C. & SANTOS, Ricardo V. (org.), Raça, ciência e sociedade. Rio de Janeiro, Fiocruz/Centro Cultural Banco do Brasil.
NASCIMENTO. Elisa L. (2003), O sortilégio da cor. São Paulo, Summus.
PETRUCCELLI. José. (2006), "Classificação étnico-racial brasileira: onde estamos e aonde vamos". REAA, Textos para Discussão número 1.
PIERSON, Donald. (1971), Brancos e pretos na Bahia (estudo de contacto racial). 1ª edição 1942. São Paulo, Editora Nacional.
POLICE, Gerard. (2000), Abdias do Nascimento: l'afro -brésilien reconstruit. 1914-1944. França. Tese de doutorado. Département de Portugais, Université Rennes 2, Haute Bretagne, 2 vols.
PRZEWORSKI, Adam. (1985), Capitalism and social democracy. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
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SOARES, Sergei. (2000), "O perfil da discriminação no mercado de trabalho: homens negros, mulheres brancas e mulheres negras". Ipea, Textos para discussão número 769.
TELLES, Edward. (2003), Racismo à brasileira. Rio de Janeiro, Relume-Dumará.
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_____. (2003b), "Historical perspectives on inequality". Draft chapter for Mary Romero e Eric Margolis (eds.), Blackwell Companion to Social Inequalities.
VAN COTT, Donna Lee. (2000), The friendly liquidation of the past: the politics of diversity in Latin America. Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press.
VIOTTI DA COSTA, Emilia. (1985), "The myth of racial democracy: a legacy of the Empire". In: _____. The Brazilian Empire, myths and histories. Belmont, CA, Wadsworth Publishing Company.
WAGLEY, Charles (org.). (1952), Race and class in rural Brazil. New York, Columbia University Press.
_____. (1960), Revolução brasileira: uma análise da mudança social desde 1930. Salvador, Progresso Editora.
YASHAR, Deborah. (1999), "Democracy, indigenous movements, and the postliberal challenge in Latin America". World Politics, 52 (1).
1. Not only activists, but I myself wrote; "During the military dictatorship, between 1968 and 1978, 'racial democracy' became a dogma, a type of ideology of the Brazilian state. But, the reduction of anti-racism to anti-racialism, and its use to negate the facts of discrimination and racial inequalities increasing in the country, ended up forming a racist ideology, meaning, a justification of discriminatory order and of truly existent racial inequalities" (Guimarães, 1999, p. 62). Ronaldo Sales Jr. (2007) also develops this argument.
2. Studies of racial relations from 1940 to 1960 corroborate with this view. See, among others, Pierson ([1942] 1971); Azevedo (1953); Wagley (1952); Harris (1956).
3. I understand by "consent," according to Przeworski (1985, p. 146), the collective behavior in which the "Negros act expecting to improve their material condition in life by following given social rules. Cooperation consists of using strategies and threats known to the opponent in the course of negotiation." In commitment, consent from the Negro organizations to representative democracy is possible in exchange for social integration and material improvement in life.
4. From now on, I begin to use the word "regime" in the sense of the "state regime" as given by Barth (1994).
5. In terms of demographics, Latin-American countries having some Negro presence can be classified in at least four groups: 1) countries with large Negro population and extensive cultural tradition of African origin, such as Brazil and Cuba; 2) Negro countries such as Haiti and Santo Domingo; 3) countries with important Negro minorities, such as Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador; 4) countries with scarce Negro population and mobilization, such as Mexico, Peru, Uruguay and Argentina.
6. About Manoel Querino, see the biography of Leal (2004); about Abdias do Nascimento, see Police (2000), Nascimento (2003) and Macedo (2006).
7. Here it is fitting to also observe that Tilly's causal model is morally charged with meaning: "imposition," for example, is an act of force, not authoritarian; "resistance" is an act of defense to an aggression; "loan" is not something authentic and, therefore, is despicable in the romantic tradition that values authenticity in national and local cultures.


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Another trip for the football-mad, with more to include Liverpool coming very soon, but we're heading to Manchester for a weekend in August 2017. So pack your Man Utd colours and get ready for match day, you're heading to see them play Leicester City in Old Trafford!
Your weekend starts early, with a collection by coach at 3.30am in Cork on Friday August 25th. The coach can also make collections at the following pick up points, at these approximate times:
3.30am Cork City
4.10am Cahir
4.45am Urlingford
5.30am Portlaoise
5.50am Kildare Village Outlet Centre
7.00am Dublin Port at the front of the Irish Ferries Terminal Building, Dublin Port (North Wall).
At 8.05am you'll depart for Holyhead on Irish Ferries 'Ulysses', for 3.5hours ferry ride across the Irish Sea, during which you can enjoy countless bars, restaurants and facilities on board.
On arrival at Holyhead you'll be whisked off to your hotel in Manchester, and the rest of the afternoon and evening are yours to enjoy the city. The hotel is a comfortable and convenient 2* with a modern restaurant and bar, and is just 15 minute walk from Deansgate Railway Station and Manchester City Centre.
All rooms at the hotel each have free Wi-Fi, a work desk and a TV with on-demand movies. Rooms also feature a private bathroom and tea/coffee facilities, and a Full English Breakfast each morning is included.
On Saturday August 26th it's time to get excited! You'll be allocated your match tickets at noon, and the coach departs at 12.30 to bring you all to Old Trafford in plenty of time for kick-off at 3pm so you can savour the pre-match atmosphere as you prepare for the clash of Man Utd and Leicester City.
After the full time whistle, meet the coach for optional transfer to the hotel via the city centre, and the evening is yours to spend as you wish.
On Sunday August 27th enjoy a hot breakfast in the hotel before you board your coach back to the Ferry Terminal and head home! The Ferry departs at 2.10pm, arriving in Dublin at 5.25pm, and the coach finally arrives in Cork city at 9pm, stopping at all the same pick-up points on the way.
So treat yourself and your little football fans to a totally Man Utd weekend, prices are per family and include:
- All luxury coach travel & transfers
- Air Conditioning
- Return ferry via Holyhead with Irish Ferries
- Reserved match ticket
- 2 Nights accommodation with Full English Breakfast each morning
- Please note that a triple room consists of one double bed and one single bed only
Terms & Conditions apply. Please note that the date and time of this match is yet to be confirmed and is subject to change. Packages are booked through Barrys Travel. Barrys Travel and associated companies are not responsible for late or cancelled ferries. All services are subject to change.
Prices as follows:


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When Mark Milian set out to compile a book of Steve Jobs' infamous emails to customers, he never thought the Apple co-founder would pass away before he could release it.
The CNN technology writer began compiling and authenticating email responses the Apple co-founder had sent to customers in February of this year.
At the time, Jobs had just taken what would turn out to be his last medical leave from the Cupertino-based technology company.
The man behind the iPhone and the iPad had taken medical leaves before and returned.
Milian thought this would be the same thing. But just as "Letters to Steve: Inside the E-mail Inbox of Apple's Steve Jobs" was almost done, Jobs passed away with his family by his side in his Palo Alto home.
"I mean I weighed whether to scrap it entirely," Milian said. "At that point it was nearly finished. I didn't want to come of looking like I was trying to profit from this great business person's death…His death was a shock to me."
Milian consulted friends and people in the tech industry about whether he should move forward and publish the book.
He was told it was a perfect opportunity to show a different side of Jobs for the millions of people who have used his products but haven't thought much about the man or the company behind them.
What followed is just under 100 pages of intimate details of how Jobs managed his company, what he thought of competitors and his amazing detail to customer service.
Unlike the much heralded Walter Isaacson biography on Jobs, Milian's portrayal is the Apple founder directly in his own words -- sometimes good, sometimes bad but always interesting.
The book includes several never before published emails from Jobs to customers that Milian was given directly by his sources over the years of covering Apple for both CNN and the Los Angeles Times.
Other letters, Milian pulled from the vast number of them available on Apple blogs across the web.
But the veteran tech journalist went through a rigorous authentication process to ensure that the letters were real, including speaking with the people who made them available, authenticating that they had been sent from Apple servers and verifying the email addresses with those known to be used by Jobs.
"If they didn't seem fishy that was a pretty good indicator," he said. "It was a squishy process but like you said (Jobs) did talk about publicly a few times that this is something he's done from the beginning."
Milian said he wrote and compiled the book more for Apple users who may not be part of the legions of Apple fan boys and girls, notorious for trolling the web for any bit of Apple or Jobs information they could find.
Instead the book spans 14 years of Jobs' emails to customers, from the time he was running Next and Pixar and came back to lead Apple.
But even for a veteran tech reporter who has covered everything Apple for the past several years, Milian said he was surprised by some of what he found in the letters.
"The extent to which he dealt directly with customer service was a surprise," Milian said. "I had heard some of the legends over the years that after sending an email to Steve Jobs that someone who reached out to him about a problem would magically have an iPhone show up in a Fed ex box the next morning. He did this a lot.
"I really can't recall in covering tech, business for several years another executive that operates this way."
In the book, Milian highlights the difference between Jobs' interaction with customers compared to some of Apple's partner companies, such as AT&T.
In one instance, an email sent to AT&T's CEO complaining about an iPhone was met with a cease and desist voicemail from an AT&T lawyer.
By comparison, Milian writes that in one instance Jobs' was walking by a customer support employee at Apple, picked up the phone and said "This is Steve."
"The person says, 'Steve Jooooooooobs?' And he says, 'Yea,'" Milian said.
Jobs continued to apologize to the long-time Apple customer for the troubles he was having with his iPhone and the CEO dealt with the problem personally.
Jobs' habit of responding to emails or taking a personal interest in customer complaints is a legacy that he left behind at Apple. Milian said Jobs' hand-picked successor, Tim Cook, now makes a regular habit of responding to customer emails to him.
The book is available for $2.99 as a digital download for Kindle. It is also available for BlackBerrys and Milian says it will soon be available as an iBook.
He said he wanted it to be a digital book only because that made the most sense considering the subject matter of the book.
"I think it's a good read if you have a Kindle or an iPad or on a phone if you are on a subway or something like that," he said.
The book is available for purchase on Amazon.com for $2.99.


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Check ice rink availability
These facilities host minor and adult ice sport leagues. Jimmie Condon Arena is dedicated to figure skating, public and senior skate. Rose Kohn and Jimmie Condon Arenas are available for bookings from 6 a.m. to midnight, seven days a week during prime hockey season (October through March). Requests outside of these hours will be considered.
Rose Kohn and Jimmie Condon Arenas - Walking Map
Public Skating and Shinny Hockey schedules
Admission fees:Public Skating and Shinny Hockey>
For your safety and enjoyment helmets (CSA approved) are strongly recommended for all participants during ice activity and in particular for children and youth.
Looking for more places to skate? Recreation runs 12 Arenas in Calgary.


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Elderly man arrested for Miami road rage shooting
Witnesses say 83-year-old man shot at car's tire, window
MIAMI – An 83-year-old man is in custody after he shot at another driver in a road-rage incident in South Florida.
Miami police said the driver of a white Acura driven by Miguel Garcia was leaving a tire shop and turned into traffic, cutting off a red Volkswagen Beetle driven by 83-year-old Mario Perez-Tano.
Witnesses told WPLG-TV the two drivers began to argue when Mario Perez-Tano got out of the Volkswagen and fired two shots -- once at the Acura's tire and a second time through the driver's side window.
Garcia wasn't shot and immediately sped off, only to be pursued by Perez-Tano. Both were stopped by a draw bridge.
Henry Laurido, the owner of the tire shop, was with his two daughters when they witnessed what happened.
"The bad thing about it is the bridge came up, and it caught everybody," Laurido told WPLG-TV.
Police officers in the area arrived and arrested Perez-Tano.
Garcia was treated and released at the scene for minor injuries.
Police said Perez-Tano was arrested and charged with one count of attempted murder.
Copyright 2014 by Graham Media Group. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.


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Meet Cathryn Thomas, Stroudsburg's new borough manager.
Meet Cathryn Thomas, Stroudsburg's new borough manager.
"The area is just beautiful, as far as the scenic beauty of it, the terrain, the mountains, hiking opportunities and open space," she said of her first impression of the Poconos.
Thomas has only been to the area a couple of times and is in the process of moving here with her husband, Michael Dickinson, who works as managing editor of the Rochester Business Journal.
She began her new role as borough manager on Monday.
Thomas brings with her a lot of experience, having worked as a professional municipal manager for nearly three decades.
For the past seven years, she worked as city administrator for New Castle, Del.
Prior to her time in Delaware, she served 12 years as a town supervisor in Webster, N.Y., a position equivalent to mayor.
Thomas had to run for election every two years to keep that position.
"I was getting ready to run my seventh time, when I decided I would like to try to get appointed somewhere," she said.
There are many similarities between New Castle and Stroudsburg, she said.
The communities both have about the same geographical and population size. The municipal offices also have a similar number of employees.
Thomas was impressed with Stroudsburg's neighboring municipalities, Stroud Township and East Stroudsburg Borough, which share a police force and the Stroud Region Open Space and Recreation with the borough.
"There's a lot of nitty-gritty for me to get used to, but at the same time, I've been doing this job for a long time and I'm still very motivated," she said.
Thomas will replace outgoing borough manager Barbara Quarantello, who is retiring.
Quarantello has been working for the borough since 1989 when she started at the front desk of the municipal building.
She became permanent borough manager in 2007.
Quarantello will stay on through the end of April to help Thomas train for the position.
"It's going to be very hard to follow Barbara's act. It looks like she's just incredible at what she does, as far as being a really great borough manager," Thomas said.


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There was a time when Chicago had its fair share of men's clubs — even the Berghoff used to have an exclusive bar where gents only could be found enjoying a corned beef sandwich with a few brews. While those days may be long gone (thanks to a little thing called equal rights), the Windy City's latest (and pretty rad) men's store definitely has a classy, old-school vibe that kinda makes us want to hang with the good ol' boys.
Local Chicagoan Ryan Newman recently opened up the gorgeous new Wilfred Newman (named after his great-grandfather) store in River North — and you can find him there every day. The style-savvy entrepreneur started out by making custom suits and shirts for a laundry list of high-profile clients, such as NHL all-star Brian Campbell, Billy Corgan (yes, he dresses up apparently), and CNBC contributor Steven Cortes. Now, regular dudes like your boyfriend, spouse, dad, and bro can get the same celeb-like treatment — including a little nip of whiskey to enjoy while perusing all the well-constructed wares.
While you can definitely get a custom suit or shirt here, there is also a wide array of ready-to-wear apparel and accessories for work and play. So, click through to check it out — and make sure to share this post with the man in your life.
Photo: Courtesy of Wilfred Newman


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Miley Cyrus Poses Naked for V Magazine [PHOTO]by Maggie Malach | PopCrush
This might be the most skin Miley Cyrus has ever flaunted! The singer posed naked for V magazine's upcoming rebel issue.
In the black-and-white photo, taken by famed fashion designer Karl Lagerfeld, Miley is sprawled on what appears to be a pile of stuffed animals. Although the shoot's location wasn't revealed, she appears to be outside because there's grass in the photo as well. (We hope you put on sunblock, Miley.)
Of course, the photo is censored to remain Instagram-friendly. Smiley faces are strategically placed over her breasts in what could be a potentially awkward reference to her childhood nickname.
According to V's website, the cover story includes insight from Miley on "her motivations for being one of the most bewitching acts on the planet." Seeing as Lagerfeld is known for pushing the boundaries in fashion, we can only imagine this is an interesting conversation.
Miley looks lovely in V's photo, but this isn't the first time the singer has showed some skin. She's posted numerous topless selfies and previously posed nude for W magazine.
You can see the full issue of V magazine when it hits newsstands on Sept. 10.
You've Got to See These Celebs' Yearbook Pics!


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Is LittleBigPlanet 2 the most unassuming sequel of all time? Maybe. Arriving shortly after Christmas with surprisingly little hype and fanfare, it doesn't claim, like the original, to revolutionise gaming as we know it. In fact, it seems happy to feel like a continuation, not a new model. The presentation, from the Stephen Fry voiceover to the cheesy "Take Hart" music to the lovable, hand-crafted visual style, is as familiar and as comfortable as an old sofa.
Our hero, the hand-stitched, stuffed-up Sackboy, looks the same as ever and - to the chagrin of some players - has the same, slow, inertia heavy movement we either loved or hated before. You can still dress the little chap up or sling stickers all around the level, and those with existing costumes, props and stickers from the first game can happily import it to the second. "Like LittleBigPlanet?" the sequel seems to be saying, "well, here's more of the same. Enjoy."
In fact, it might be a while before you realise how much better the sequel actually is, probably because the key features aren't the usual checkbox items that you get in most video games (bigger levels, smarter baddies, more bad-ass guns) but the stuff that's bubbling beneath the surface. LittleBigPlanet isn't loved because it's a decent 2D platform game, but because you could take all the stuff in that decent 2D platform game and use it to make your own worlds. This LittleBigPlanet's biggest fans did with zeal, producing not just beautiful add-on levels, but such weird curiosities as working calculators, computers, shoot 'em ups, movie parodies and intricate, Sackboy-torturing contraptions. The important bit wasn't what was on the disc, but what other players would do with it.
LittleBigPlanet 2 gives this creative community so much more to work with. New toys like the Creatinator, which can be used to produce fully-controllable moving vehicles, and the programmable, AI-controlled Sackbots, won't mean much to the majority of us, but to hard-working creators, they're gold. The same goes for the Creatinator, a customisable helmet which can be used to fire specific substances, or the doorways which can be used to link several levels in a chain. It also goes for the various programmable chips and sequencers which, as smarter people than us understand, make it much, much easier for LBP aficionados to produce more dynamic and exciting games.
With LittleBigPlanet, there was always the feeling that you could create something really incredible if only you could put in the hours of hard work. LBP2 doesn't cut down on the work, but it does cut down on the hours, and while many us still won't be producing anything more complex than sandbox levels where we can toss in objects, ramps and vehicles, then invite a couple of mates to jump in and muck around, you can guarantee that more committed creators now have everything they need to make something stunning. And we don't just mean stunning platform game levels; from shoot 'em ups to racing games to Diablo-style RPGS, it looks like LBP2 can make just about anything.
The good news, however, is that you don't have to create anything to make LittleBigPlanet 2 worth your while. The team at MediaMolecule has used these exact same tools to make LittleBigPlanet's Story mode a spectacular showcase for what LBP2 can do, and - coincidentally - one of the smartest, most imaginative platform games to appear without a "Mario" in the title.
For a start, LBP2 has a running narrative, complete with cinematic cutscenes, fantastically nutty characters and a plotline that ensures a continual steam of weird and wonderful levels. Platforming in LBP2 still has that same sense of physicality that it did in LBP, with almost tangible interactions between Sackboy and the world, but all the new tools and gadgets give the game a more diverse and playful feel. With springboards, chutes and high-speed raceways, certain levels have a touch of the Sonics about them, while toys like a grappling hook, the "grabinators" and the water cannon are used to power brilliant stretches of puzzle-solving action. Throw in the sackbots, which have to be herded or cajoled safely from one end of a level to another, and LBP2's story mode almost has a surfeit of great ideas. We can't say this enough: if you only looked at LBP2 as a 2D platform game, it would still be a great example of the breed.
And as time goes on, the game shows off a Meryl Streep-like versatility, transforming from a platformer to a Nemesis-style scrolling shoot 'em up, a Jeff Minter-esque arcade game, an oddball top-down arcade blaster and a whole stuffed sack of other variations. No level outstays its welcome, and the cool stuff comes so thick and fast that dull moments are few and far between. Plus, after LBP's fiendish difficulty spikes, LBP2 has a classic, manageable difficulty curve. What's more, it's genuinely spectacular at times, resembling what might have happened had Oliver Postgate been given a million dollars to transform The Clangers into Star Wars. It's unique, strange, effortlessly cool and often very funny.
It's also worth noting that few platform games have embraced multiplayer quite so effectively. Whether your friends are online or local, the regular levels work brilliantly, and the specific co-op and versus levels are consistently good for a laugh. LBP2 can be a great game to play, especially with kids.
The cumulative effect of all this goodness is that LBP2 is a veritable factory for smiles, constantly rewarding you with more Sackboy duds, more classy décor, and just more stuff you can use to build levels. It's not a sequel that will convert those that hated the first game, but it's one that showers blessings on the faithful while delivering on LBP's potential. Best of all, it's a game that leaves you feeling that the best is yet to come.


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Discussion in 'Hunting Africa' started by Jacques.strauss, Feb 26, 2012.
What would you consider is the ultimate species to hunt in africa?? Plainsgame and Big Five?? :elch:
Vaal Rhebuck -Seeing I don't hunt animals that could eat or stomp me I love the challenge of the vaal.
My ultimate plainsgame hunt would be for a Lesser Kudu in Tanzania's Maasailand.
An Elephant Bull in Botswana would be my choice for one of the Big 5.
If I could only win the lottery...:daydreaming:
Bushbuck is one of my favorites.
Plains game: Bongo
Big 5: Elephant
Bongo and lion.
Derby Eland and Elephant
(PG) Blue Wildebeest
(DG) Cape Buffalo
(dg) Leopard by a long margin for me the most challenging, and most rewarding hunt in Africa
(pg) bushbuck, strictly during the day!
and Zebra with bow via spot and stalk
Bongo and Elephant-Buffalo
Bongo and leopard.
Lord Derby Eland and Leopard would be mine...
DG-Leopard and not by baiting. Stalking/tracking one would great
PG-Lord Derby Eland by spot and stalk with a bow.
DG: I would say elephant(some day all of them)
PG: bushbuck
IMO opinion the best hunt is for tuskless cow in the thick jess.
IMO the greatest trophy is a tie between a big, old, dark maned lion or a 100 pound elephant.
I'm going to go with a Leopard and Bongo!!!!!
I would like to shoot a 70" Kudu ! 57 " is my biggest so far .
Leopard and Lord Derby Eland, although Lesser Kudu, Bongo and Sitatunga arent far down the list.
So, what is your vote Jacques?
Separate names with a comma.


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Shine like a Star, Star (Update)
The story so far:
- David Lee King, "The Librarian IS the Rockstar"
- Nancy Dowd, "Rock Stars"
- Mine, "Shine like a Star, Star"
At the end of last week, Roy Tennant posted on his Library Journal blog an entry about "How to Become (and Stay) Famous". He's got some great advice for those getting notice (or looking to get notice) within the field and what it entails. He makes reference to an older post "How to Be 'Famous'" by Karen Schneider that works as a good companion piece. The focus of her piece revolves around what this type of 'fame' means for the individual. In reading both articles together, it gives a good balance to the library 'fame game' in offering equal parts of how to get there, how to stay there, and what to expect when you're there.
The one item I'd like to highlight from these entries comes from Roy's post.
Make connections. No one becomes famous alone. Well, almost no one. Becoming famous can be a long, winding road that includes fellow travelers. Lend them a hand when you can and they will do the same. Some of these connections will grow into trusted life-long friends.
For the long strange trip that the Ben & Jerry's group has been, the sheer volume of people that I have met along the way has been staggering. It has allowed me to indulge in my overriding curiosities about other people in the profession. I love taking whatever recognition that has been afforded me and being able to quiz my peers as to what they do, how they feel about librarianship, and what they are working on or towards. Though I might be biased, I find what motivates, what drives, and where the spark of passion for the professions exists to be rather fascinating. For all that people endure from their patrons, the governing bodies, their coworkers, and various ups and downs, I love the twinkle that people get in their eyes when they are talking about their Element (to borrow the phrase from Sir Ken Robinson).
So, fair and learned readers, what is your passion in the librarian field? What gets the twinkle in your eye?AndyW


text:
It is often necessary to perform various actions at different stages
of a persistent object's lifecycle. JDO includes two mechanisms for
monitoring changes in the lifecycle of your persistent objects: the
InstanceCallbacks interface, and the
InstanceLifecycleListener event framework.
Your persistent classes can implement the
family of interfaces to to receive callbacks when certain JDO
lifecycle events take place. There are four callbacks available:
method is called by the JDO implementation after the
default fetch group
fields of your class have been loaded from the datastore.
Default fetch groups are explained in
Chapter 5, Metadata; for
now think of the default fetch group as all of the primitive
fields of the object. No other persistent fields can be
accessed in this method.
jdoPostLoad is often used to
initialize non-persistent fields whose values depend on
the values of persistent fields. An example of this is
presented below.
StoreCallback.jdoPreStore is
called just before the persistent values in your object
are flushed to the datastore. You can access all
persistent fields in this method.
jdoPreStore is the complement to
jdoPostLoad. While
jdoPostLoad is most often used to
initialize non-persistent values from persistent data,
jdoPreStore is usually used
to set persistent fields with information cached in
non-persistent ones. See the example below.
Note that the persistent identity of the object may not
have been assigned yet when this method is called.
method is called before the persistent fields of your
object are cleared.
JDO implementations clear the persistent state of objects
for several reasons, most of which will be covered later in
this document. You can use
to clear non-persistent cached data and null
relations to other objects. You should not access the
values of persistent fields in this method.
DeleteCallback.jdoPreDelete is
called before an object transitions to the deleted state.
Access to persistent fields is valid within this method.
You might
use this method to cascade the deletion to related objects
based on complex criteria, or to perform other cleanup.
Unlike the
PersistenceCapable interface,
you must implement the
interfaces explicitly if you want to receive lifecycle callbacks.
Example 4.3. Using Callback Interfaces
/** * Example demonstrating the use of the InstanceCallbacks interface to * persist a java.net.InetAddress and implement a privately-owned relation. */ public class Host implements LoadCallback, StoreCallback, DeleteCallback { // the InetAddress field cannot be persisted directly by JDO, so we // use the jdoPostLoad and jdoPreStore methods below to persist it // indirectly through its host name string private transient InetAddress address; // non-persistent private String hostName; // persistent // set of devices attached to this host private Set devices = new HashSet (); // setters, getters, and business logic omitted public void jdoPostLoad () { // form the InetAddress using the persistent host name try { address = InetAddress.getByName (hostName); } catch (IOException ioe) { throw new JDOException ("Invalid host name: " + hostName, ioe); } } public void jdoPreStore () { // store the host name information based on the InetAddress values hostName = address.getHostName (); } public void jdoPreDelete () { // delete certain related devices when this object is deleted, based // on business logic PersistenceManager pm = JDOHelper.getPersistenceManager (this); pm.deletePersistentAll (filterDependents (devices)); } }
Only persistent classes can implement the
InstanceCallbacks interfaces. This makes sense for
lifecycle actions such as caching internal state and deleting
dependent relations, but is clumsy for cross-cutting concerns like
logging and auditing. The lifecycle listener event framework solves
this problem by allowing non-persistent classes to subscribe
to lifecycle events. The framework consists of a common event
class, a common super-interface for event listeners, and several
individual listener interfaces. A concrete listener class can
implement any combination of listener interfaces.
InstanceLifecycleEvent: The
event class. The source of a lifecycle event is the
persistent object for which the event was triggered.
Common base interface for all listener types.
InstanceLifecycleListener has no operations, but
gives a measure of type safety when adding listener objects
to a
PersistenceManager or
See Chapter 8, PersistenceManager and
Chapter 7, PersistenceManagerFactory.
Listens for persistent state loading events. Its
postLoad method is equivalent to
method described above.
Listens for persistent state flushes. Its
preStore method is equivalent to
method described above. Its
handler is invoked after the data for
the source object has been flushed to the database. Unlike
preStore, the source object is
guaranteed to have a persistent identity by the time
postStore is triggered.
Receives notifications when objects clear their persistent
state. Its
preClear method is
equivalent to
postClear event is sent
just after the source object's state is cleared.
Listens for object deletion events. Its
preDelete method is equivalent
postDelete handler is triggered
after the source object has transitioned to the deleted
state. Access to persistent fields is not allowed in
postCreate event is fired when
an object first transitions from unmanaged to
persistent-new, such as during a call to
Dirty events fire when an object is first modified
(in JDO parlance, becomes dirty) within a transaction.
The runtime invokes
preDirty before
applying the change to the object, and
after applying the change.


text:
Benjamin P. Gulak necesitaba un nuevo diseño de página web y lanzó un concurso de diseño en 99designs.
Un ganador ha sido elegido entre 15 diseños de 5 diseñadores freelance.
BPG - Motors
I am a 20 yr old engineering student at MIT.
I recently started a company which is developing an all electric motorcycle/unicycle called the Uno. The project started out as a highschool science fair project and has evolved into a full time job.
I have always loved motorcycles havign grown up watching OCC, Monster Garage and Junkyard Wars. My grandfather was an engineer and I spent countless hours playing around in machine shops as a kid. I like extreme sports and have also started another extreme sports company which builds these really cool ATVs.
My favorite kind of music is house and trance.
School is not necessarily my thing, but i see it as an amazing opportunity. But my real passion is pursuing these projects of mine.
The Uno first became public a year ago when the magazine "Popular Science" chose it as the invention of the year for 2008 and placed it on their cover. Since then, the Uno has graced magazines and newspapers around the world including the wallstreet journal, The New Yorker, The Chicago Times, National Geographic etc.
for more information google : the uno, ben gulak uno
The target audience for the site is pretty broad. The Uno hits quite a few categories including:
- motorcycle enthusiasts
- green activists (people who are eco friendly)
- urban commuters
I see the target user base for the Uno being the 18-30 yr demographic. People who live in overpopulated and dense cities who are looking for a small compact urban commuting vehicle which is still cool.
The design aesthetic of the bike is critical for me. I wanted to design something which is not only interesting from an engineering standpoint, but also something which is exciting and sexy.
I hate the idea the being green isn't cool and wanted to rectify that.
The real target market for the Uno is countries in Europe, Asia and SOuth America. Places where motorcycles, mopeds and small vehicles are an accepted and integrated mode of transportation already.
I am looking for an innovative web design layout. Something which has some flash components, some interactive components, and unique.
The main pages we need are:
- Home
- Design
- Team (with sub categories of Board, advisory Board, Engineering, Design)
- Contact
- History
- Opportunities
- Technology
- Media
- Gallery
There is a lot of freedom with this layout. I am looking for some really wild ideas that mesh with my personal beliefs and culture I am trying to build around the company.


text:
The purpose of Title I, Part A is to ensure that all children have a fair, equal, and significant opportunity to obtain a high-quality education and reach, at a minimum, proficiency on challenging State academic achievement standards and state academic assessments.
Visit the District Title I Parent Resource Center
Additional Information
LEA's target the Title I funds they receive to public schools with the highest percentages of children from low-income families. Schools that meet eligibility requirements use Title I funds for school-wide programs designed to enhance their educational programs to improve achievement for all students, particularly the lowest-achieving students.
In Marion County, private schools are provided with the "targeted assistance program" in which the school identifies students who are failing, or most at-risk of failing, to meet the state's challenging academic achievement standards. Through targeted assistance, schools collaborate with parents, school and district staff, to design an educational program to meet the needs of those students.
Both school-wide and targeted assistance programs must use instructional strategies based on scientifically-based research and implement parental and family engagement activities.
- Most Title I Schools in Marion County are school-wide programs
- Elementary schools identified at 40% free/reduced lunch
- Secondary schools identified first at 58% free/reduced lunch
Title I, Part A funds are used for:
- Resources supporting educational programs:
- State-Certified Teachers and Highly-Qualified Para-Professionals
- Student materials and supplies
- Technology and equipment for student use
- Supplemental programs for Reading, Writing, Mathematics and Science
- Professional Development
- Collaborative Planning
- Parent and Family Engagement Trainings
- Before, After School, or Summer Tutoring Programs
If you would like more information about Title I, please contact the Title I Office at 352.671.4171


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Illinois Lottery
seeks permission to sue Falcon in LightSquared case
Send a link to a friend
[April 05, 2014]
(Reuters) — Dish Network Corp <DISH.O> Chairman Charles Ergen, the
largest creditor of bankrupt wireless company LightSquared, is
seeking permission to sue Phil Falcone, the investor whose Harbinger
Capital fund controls LightSquared.
In a court filing on Friday, Ergen asked the judge overseeing
LightSquared's Chapter 11 bankruptcy case for permission to bring a
lawsuit alleging Falcone mismanaged the company, focusing on
preserving his own investment at the expense of other stakeholders.
Ergen, who once made money playing Blackjack, compared Falcone to
someone with a gambling problem.
"Just as a compulsive gambler will hang onto a long-shot wager far
past the point he should have cut his losses, Mr. Falcone tightened
his grip on the direction of LightSquared's restructuring as the
company's outlook deteriorated," lawyers for Ergen's investment
vehicle said in the filing.
LightSquared, majority-owned by Harbinger, went bankrupt in 2012,
when the Federal Communications Commission revoked its license to
operate spectrum out of concern it could interfere with GPS systems.
Ergen then acquired about $1 billion of the company's senior loan
debt, giving him a controlling stake in LightSquared's capital
The case has become a messy fight between Ergen and Falcone for
control of the company. Ergen's filing on Friday is a step toward
going on the offensive in a case in which he has generally been on
the defensive.
LightSquared has already sued Ergen, saying he acquired his debt
illegally to set the stage for a Dish takeover. Ergen countered that
he bought the debt solely for his personal portfolio.
[to top of second column]
Meanwhile, other LightSquared lenders have accused Ergen of a
bait-and-switch in which a Dish unit made a $2.2 billion offer for
LightSquared, then revoked the offer earlier this year in an attempt
to scoop up the company later at a lower price. Ergen blamed the
withdrawal on an unidentified "technical issue."
Judge Shelley Chapman, in U.S. Bankruptcy Court in New York, is not
expected to rule on whether Ergen acted improperly until next month.
The question of Ergen's motives is central to LightSquared's plan to
exit bankruptcy, which essentially requires a finding that Ergen
acted surreptitiously.
The case is In re: LightSquared Inc et al, U.S. Bankruptcy Court,
Southern District of New York, No 12-12080.
(Reporting by Narottam Medhora in Bangalore and Nick Brown in New
York; editing by Lisa Shumaker)
[© 2014 Thomson Reuters. All rights
Copyright 2014 Reuters. All rights reserved. This material may not be published,
broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
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text:
Facebook has always been the hottest platform for scammers to spread (scam) messages. In the past few days, we have revealed several Facebook scams, however there are few such scams that are still active and rapidly spreading on Facebook despite of several warnings and blogs posts all over the Internet.
We've put together a list of some of the most active scams spreading on Facebook and what would happen if you click them.
Ryan Dunn's LAST WORDS EXCLUSIVE Video
This is the latest scam that has been spreading. Ryan Dunn was an American reality television personality who was killed in a car accident on June 20, 2011.
The scam indicates that there is video showing Ryan Dunn's last words. The Facebook scam asks users to complete surveys and promises to show the video in the end, but the video does not exist. The scam message is then posted on the user's wall to spread across the user's friends list.
You won't beleive what she does!! Scam
This like-jacking scam has been there for quite a long time. The scam contain a YouTube link which when clicked, spreads on the user's wall.
I Can't Believe You Are In This Video Scam
The scam contains the user's name along with a message which varies. The message states – "WTF [you-name] I can't believe you're in this video", "ROFL I cant believe you're tagged in this video", "WTF!! [your-name] you should untag yourself from the video", "OMG, I can't believe you are tagged in this video", "WTF!!!, why are you tagged in this video" and so on.
Upon clicking the the links, it will be automatically posted on your wall.
The scam started spreading on March 26th and it is the most active scam ever reported. The scam is about Marika Fruscio, an Italian journalist showing her breasts on Italian TV! There is actually a video on YouTube, but the link on Facebook is fake.
OMG Can't Believe Justin Beiber Did This To A Girl Spam
The scam is about Justin Bieber abusing a girl, but the fact is that there is no such video about Justin Bieber doing anything to a girl. This scam will ask you to fill out surveys and then lead you to a video that does not exist. And just like any other scam, it automatically posts on your wall and likes it.
Girl Killed Herself After Dad Posted On Wall Scam
The scam states that a girl committed suicide on Christmas eve after her dad posted on her Facebook wall.
Other Facebook Scams
Here are more Facebook scams that you should be aware of and avoid clicking them.
OMG Look What This Kid Did To His School Scam
Young Teen From Egypt Commits SUICIDE Scam
See Who Has Viewed Your Profile Event Spam
How to Avoid Scams?
Follow one simple rule – Do not click on any links, especially on short URLs. If you're curious to know where that short URL leads to, then copy-paste the URL on LongURL.org to reveal the original URL
An article posted by Clif Sipe explains how you can Avoid Facebook LikeJacking Scams and Facebook Chat-Jacking Scams