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Theoretical Weekends is here with one of those long pieces of obtusivity (made up word, there) which I wonder if anyone actually reads. They get high marks on the blog hits, but really, are that many people as nutty as me.
Anyway, it comes with its own lengthy introduction, so I won't bother to add more.
From Mediations: Journal of the Marxist Literary Group...as the say in court papers, Comes Now Antonio Negri by and through his translators Sara Mayo, Peter Graefe, Mark Cote, and editor Mark Cote (again).
The Labor of the Multitude and the Fabric of Biopolitics
I had the pleasure of driving Toni Negri to the McMaster University campus for his brief stay as the Hooker Distinguished Visiting Professor. (This lecture was delivered on 18 April 2006.) As contingency would have it, we approached the city from the east, since I had picked him up at Brock University. Anyone familiar with Hamilton knows that this necessitates driving past the heart of "Steeltown." Negri, in a driving practice true to his theoretical orientation, excitedly requested that we follow the route most proximal to the mills and smokestacks of Stelco and Dofasco. He asked many questions about the history of steelworkers' labor struggles, the composition of the labor force, its level and form of organization, and the role of heavy industry in the Canadian economy.
Negri's keen interest in the conditions of a quintessentially material form of industrial production provides a necessary counterpoint to the strong poststructuralist inflection of his lecture. After all, his stated focus was on the subjective, the cultural, and the creative as key modalities of labor under globalization. These contrapuntal elements bring us to the heart of Negri's project, wherein the conceptual deployments of Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze act as articulated elements of his longstanding and ongoing commitment to Marxist theory and praxis. It is, of course, an open Marxism, iterable as necessitated by our historical moment. But then innovation, as opposed to orthodoxy, has been a hallmark of Negri's distinguished and sometimes incendiary career.
In the lecture that follows, Negri asks two basic questions. First, how can we understand the organization of labor under neoliberal globalization, where it has been anchored in the bios? Second, when and by which modalities does life itself enter into the field of power and become a central issue? In answering these questions, he offers an exciting reconceptualization of power (pace Foucault) that provides a unique and provocative lens through which to examine globalization in relation to the human condition. The purpose of this brief introduction will therefore be both to contextualize the work of Negri and to introduce key concepts used in the lecture, namely biopower-biopolitics and the crisis of measure.
Negri may be most familiar to some through his scholar-as-celebrity status achieved with the massive success of Empire.1 In Italy, however, he has been producing important work since the 1960s. The autonomist Marxist tradition from which Negri emerged — historically called operaismo (workerism) in Italian — was distinguished by turning orthodox Marxism "on its head," as it were. Its fundamental conceptual innovation was to reverse the dynamic of labor-capital power relations. Rather than beginning with capital's domination over labor, the autonomists — via Mario Tronti in the early 1960s — began with the struggles of labor. In short, this new model understood capitalist power as having a reactive dynamic, only ever responding to the potential, the practices, and the struggles of labor. Thus capitalist development proceeds through the rearticulation of existing social and productive forms of labor. Under such a model, questions about the composition of labor are of preeminent importance, particularly as they can reveal the weakest points of capitalist control.
Negri attained another kind of prominence in the 1970s. At that time, the Left in Italy was certainly the largest and most febrile in Europe.2 It was also polyvalent, active both within representative democracy and on an extraparliamentary level. Throughout the 1970s, the Eurocommunism of Enrico Berlinguer's Italian Communist Party was tantalizingly close to gaining power, falling only four percent short of plurality behind the ruling Christian Democrats in 1976. The Party's institutional successes created a wider swath for more critical and open Left politics. Negri was a preeminent part of this tradition, long active in the more radical extraparliamentary Left, both as a revolutionary militant and as professor and head of the Institute of Political Science Department of the University of Padova. Clashes grew more constant, not only between the variegated radical Left and the Italian state but with the Italian Communist Party as well. Indeed, Negri's work from that time cannot be properly understood without recognizing that the antagonism it expresses is directed as much against the Italian Communist Party as the state and capital. After the murder of Italian prime minister Aldo Moro in 1978 by the Red Brigades, the state went on the offensive with its net indiscriminately cast wide. Despite the lack of evidence, and the fact that Negri had been a vocal opponent of the Leninist-vanguardist Red Brigades, he was accused of being their theoretical wellspring.
He quickly fled to Paris, and while in exile there was invited by Louis Althusser to deliver a series of lectures at the prestigious École Normale Supérieure, eventually transcribed as Marx Beyond Marx.3 Based on the Grundrisse, the lectures evinced not the despair of post-insurrectionary failure but a liberatory focus on making Marx more adequate to a historical moment in which post-Fordism was beginning to take flight through neoliberal globalization. As such, it signaled an expanded theoretical perspective that would lead Negri increasingly to Foucault, Deleuze, and the conceptual cornerstones of his Hooker lecture, which follows.
Negri identified a "crisis of measure" in the Marxist labor theory of value as both an emergent characteristic of global capital and a new path for radical political, social, and economic change. A key factor in the breakdown of a simple temporal measure of the productivity of labor is the radical transformation of the production process though information and communication technology. This facilitates the rise of "immaterial labor" and the "general intellect" as the dominant productive forces, as opposed to unmediated material labor.
What is innovative about the interpretation by Negri and other autonomists is that this is primarily a subjective process — hence the increasingly poststructuralist trajectory. Marx, in the Grundrisse, posited "general intellect" as accumulating in the fixed capital of machinery. However, the "subjective" reading of the autonomists situates this value in new laboring subjectivities, the technical, cultural, and linguistic knowledge that makes our high-tech economy possible. Such subjectivities become an immediate productive force. And, as autonomist Paolo Virno notes, "They are not units of measure, but rather are the measureless presupposition of heterogeneous operative possibilities."4 The temporal disjunction provocatively situates immaterial labor beyond the commodity form, signaling a "scissor-like widening" of the gap between wage labor/exchange value and this new subjective productive force.
For Negri, such a force is diffused — albeit asymmetrically — in an individuated manner across society, and it expresses the "global potentiality which has within it that generalized social knowledge which is now an essential condition of production."5 In short, this new "subjective" condition of labor is the liberatory potential of what Negri would later call the "multitude." Thus inscribed in this new power dynamic is the possibility of labor being not only antagonistic to capital but autonomous from — as opposed to within — capital.
Foucault's biopower offers a new conceptual foundation. Here Negri helps make visible the strong lines of affinity between Foucault (and Deleuze) and autonomist Marxism that have been largely overlooked. What is taken from Foucault is a thoroughly reconfigured understanding of power. What it enables us to see with greater precision is the intertwining of life and power in myriad productive formations. Foucault identified biopower as a form emergent since the end of the eighteenth century in the wake of the inadequacies of sovereign and disciplinary power. This is a productive form of power relations that "manages" populations (not individual bodies) in a "preventive fashion" to maximize their productivity as opposed to, say, punishing them after the fact as with sovereign power (Foucault offers sexual health and early epidemiology as initial examples). As Foucault notes, "biopower uses populations like a machine for production, for the production of wealth, goods, and other individuals."6
Thus far, biopower has been presented as a more sophisticated form of command, but such a unidimensional interpretation obscures the very aspects that make it so favored by autonomists. Maurizio Lazzarato emphasizes this in his important essay, "From Biopower to Biopolitics." Lazzarato reminds us that Foucault distinguished constituted biopower (a dispositif of command, management, and domination) from biopolitical becoming (creativity and resistance).7 It is the latter biopolitical form that holds the capacity for freedom and transformation identified by Negri in his lecture. Power, be it in the labor-capital dyad or in biopolitical-biopower form, is always in an indissoluble linkage between resistance and control. The pursuit of its productive, creative, and liberatory potential is the real heart of Negri's lecture, and it contributes to bringing about more desirable forms of globalization. [Ed.]
The Labor of the Multitude and the Fabric of Biopolitics
I would like to discuss the problem of the anchoring of the organization of labor — and of the new postmodern political field which results — in the bios. We will see in a moment when and according to which modalities life enters into the field of power and becomes an essential issue.
Let's take as a starting point the Foucauldian definition of biopolitics. The term "biopolitics" indicates the manner in which power transforms itself in a certain period so it can govern not only individuals through a certain number of disciplinary procedures but also the set of living things constituted as "populations." Biopolitics (through local biopowers) takes control of the management of health, hygiene, diet, fertility, sexuality, etcetera, as each of these different fields of intervention have become political issues. Biopolitics thus comes to be involved, slowly but surely, in all aspects of life, which later become the sites for deploying the policies of the welfare state: its development is in effect entirely taken up with the aim of a better management of the labor force. As Foucault says, "the discovery of population is, at the same time as the discovery of the individual and the trainable [dressable] body, the other major technological nucleus around which the political procedures of the West were transformed."8 Biopolitics is thus based on principles which develop the technologies of capitalism and sovereignty: these are largely modified by evolving from a first form — disciplinary — to a second, which adds to disciplines the dispositifs of control.9 In effect, while discipline presented itself as an anatomo-policy of bodies and was applied essentially to individuals, biopolitics represents on the contrary a sort of grand "social medicine" that applies to the control of populations as a way to govern life. Life henceforth becomes part of the field of power.
The notion of biopolitics raises two problems. The first is tied to the contradiction that we find in Foucault himself: in the first texts where the term is used, it seems connected to what the Germans called in the nineteenth century the Polizeiwissenschaft, that is to say the maintenance of order and discipline through the growth of the State and its administrative organization. Later on, however, biopolitics seems on the contrary to signal the moment that the traditional nation/State dichotomy is overtaken by a political economy of life in general. And it is this second formulation that gives rise to the second problem: is it a question of thinking biopolitics as a set of biopowers? Or, to the extent that saying that power has invested life also signifies that life is a power, can we locate in life itself — that is to say, in labor and in language, but also in bodies, in desire, and in sexuality — the site of emergence of a counterpower, the site of a production of subjectivity that would present itself as a moment of desubjection (désassujettisement)? It is evident that this concept of biopolitics cannot be understood solely on the basis of the conception that Foucault had about power itself. And power, for Foucault, is never a coherent, stable, unitary entity but a set of "power relations" that imply complex historical conditions and multiple effects: power is a field of powers. Consequently, when Foucault writes of power, it is never about describing a first or fundamental principle but rather about a set of correlations where practices, knowledge, and institutions are interwoven.
The concept of power becomes totally different — almost totally postmodern — in relation to this Platonic tradition that has been permanent and hegemonic in a good part of modern thought. The juridical models of sovereignty are thus subject to a political critique of the State that reveals first the circulation of power in the social, and consequently the variability of phenomena of subjection to which these models give rise: paradoxically, it is precisely in the complexity of this circulation that the processes of subjectifi cation, resistance, and insubordination can be given.
If we take these different elements, the genesis of the concept of biopow er should then be modified as a function of the conditions in which these elements have been given. We will now seek to privilege the transformation of work in the organization of labor: we have here the possibility of working out a periodization of the organization of labor in the industrial era that permits us to understand the particular importance of the passage from the disciplinary regime to the control regime. It is this passage that we can see, for instance, in the crisis of Fordism, at the moment where the Taylorist organization of labor no longer sufficed to discipline the social movements, as well as the Keynesian macroeconomic techniques that were no longer able to evaluate the measure of labor. Starting in the 1970s, this transformation (which will provoke in turn a redefinition of biopowers) was most clearly seen in the "central" countries of capitalist development. It is thus in follow ing the rhythm of this modification that we can understand the problematization of the theme of production of subjectivity in Foucault and Deleuze by underlining that these two schools of thought have common ground. In Deleuze, for instance, the displacement of what he takes to be the genuine matrix of the production of subjects — no longer a network of power relations extending throughout society but rather a dynamic center and a predisposition to subjectification — seems completely essential. From this point of view, when we speak of the themes of discipline and control and of the definition of power which follows, Deleuze does not limit himself to an interpretation of Foucault but integrates labor and develops his fundamental intuitions.
Once we have established that what we mean by biopolitics is a non-static, non-hypostatized process, a function of a moving history connected to a long process that brings the requirement of productivity to the center of the dispositifs of power, it is precisely that history that must be understood.
The danger to avoid is to read at the heart of biopolitics a sort of positivist vitalism (and/or materialist: in effect we could very well find ourselves before what Marx called "a sad materialism"). This is what we find, for instance, in certain recent interpretations of the political centrality of life. These interpretations develop a reading of biopolitics that creates a sort of confused, dangerous, even destructive magma: a tendency which refers much more to a thanatopolitics, a politics of death, than to a genuine political affirmation of life. This slippage toward thanatopolitics is in reality permitted and fed by a great ambiguity that we lend to the word "life" itself: under the cover of a biopolitical reflection, we slide in reality to a biological and naturalistic understanding of life which takes away all its political power. We have thus reduced it to, at best, a set of flesh and bones. We would have to ask at what point a Heideggerian ontology doesn't find in this move from the zoē to bios an essential and tragic resource.10
Furthermore, the fundamental specificity of biopolitics in Foucault — the very form of the relationship between power and life — which immediately becomes, in Deleuze as in Foucault, the space for producing a free subjectivity was given an indiscriminately vitalistic interpretation. But as we well know, vitalism is a dirty beast! When it begins to emerge in the seventeenth century, after the crisis of Renaissance thought and from the interior of modern thought itself, it paralyzes the contradictions of the world and of society to the extent that it considers them as impossible to resolve. Or more exactly: it brings them to define the very essence of the world starting from the postulate of their invariability. In the confusion of vitalism, there is no capacity for discernment. Life and death are locked in a relation of great ambiguity: the war between individuals becomes essential, the co-presence of an aggressive animal and a society exasperated by the market — what we call the dynamic of possessive individualism — is presented as a natural norm, that is to say, precisely as life.
Vitalism is thus always a reactionary philosophy, while the notion of bios, as it is presented in the biopolitical analysis of Foucault and Deleuze, is something entirely different: it was chosen in order to rupture this frame of mind. For us who follow their lead, biopolitics is not a return to origins, a manner of re-embedding thought in nature: it is on the contrary the attempt to construct thought starting from ways of life (whether individual or collective), to remove thought (and reflection on the world) from artificiality — understood as the refusal of any natural foundation — and from the power of subjectification. Biopolitics is not an enigma, nor a set of such inextricable fuzzy relations that the only way out seems to be the immunization of life: it is on the contrary the recovered terrain of all political thought, to the extent that it is crossed by the power of processes of subjectification.
From this point of view, the idea of a biopolitics accompanies in an essential manner the passage to the postmodern — if we understand by this a historical moment where power relations are permanently interrupted by the resistance of the subjects to which they apply. If life has no "outside," if it must by consequence be totally lived "inside," its dynamic can only be one of power. Thanatopolitics is neither an internal alternative nor an ambiguity of biopolitics but its exact opposite: an authoritarianism transcendent, adispositif of corruption.
To finish this point, let me rapidly mention two last things regarding thanatopolitics. It is no accident that it was particularly affirmed in the experiences that are sometimes called "revolutionary conservatism" (let us think for example of a figure such as Ernest Jünger), that is to say, a type of thought where individualist and vitalistic anarchism functioned as a genuine foreshadowing of Nazi thought. We can think today of what is meant by the act of a kamikaze: if we make an abstraction of the suffering and desperation that leads to such choices — suffering and desperation that are absolutely political — we are then again face-to-face with the suicidal reduction of the bios to thezoē which suffices to remove all biopolitical power from the act that one commits (notwithstanding the judgment that we may have on this act).
It is important to note the type of methodological approach that biopolitics necessitates. It is only by confronting the problem from a constitutive (genealogical) point of view that we can construct an effective biopolitical discourse. This discourse must be founded on a series of dispositifs that have a subjective origin. We are perfectly aware that the concept of dispositif, as it appears in Foucault and in Deleuze, is used by the two philosophers as a group of homogeneous practices and strategies that characterize a state of power in a given era. We thus speak of dispositifs of control or of normativedispositifs. But to the extent to which the biopolitical problematization is ambiguous, because it is at the same time the exertion of power over life and the powerful and excessive reaction of life to power, it has seemed to us that the notion of dispositif should assume the same ambiguity: the dispositif could equally well be the name of a strategy of resistance.
When we speak of "dispositif," we want therefore to speak here of a type of genealogical thought whose development includes the movement of desires and reasonings: we thus subjectify the power relations that cross the world, society, institutional determinations, and individual practices.
However, this line of argument, which was that of Foucault and Deleuze, finds a profound anchoring in the non-teleological philosophies that have preceded Historismusor that have developed in parallel to this.11 These schools of thought, from Georg Simmel to Walter Benjamin, have brought with them theoretical formulations that permitted, through the analysis of forms of life, the reconstruction of the ontological weave of culture and society. From this point of view, and beyond our legitimate insistence on the origins of the concept of biopolitics in French poststructuralist thought, it would be equally interesting to find in German thought at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries an epistemological development of the same type. The fundamental figure would clearly be Nietzsche: we would have in effect to analyze all the Nietzschian efforts to destroy positivist and vitalist teleology and the manner in which we find in this same effort the project of a genealogy of morals. The genealogy of morals is simultaneously an ensemble of subjectification processes and the space of a materialist teleology that both accepts the risk of projectuality and recognizes the finiteness of its own subjective source. This is what we have chosen to call, many years later, and following a postmodern reinvestment of Spinozist thought, a "dystopia."
It is therefore possible to push the analysis of biopolitics as it was in the liberal and mercantile era — and the resistance to it — toward the location of the functions it takes, once removed from modernity, in the context of the "real subsumption of society under capital" [to paraphrase Marx – Ed.]. When we speak of real subsumption of society under capital (that is to say, how capitalism is actually developing), we mean the mercantilization of life, the disappearance of use value and the colonization of forms of life by capital, but we also mean the construction of resistance inside this new horizon. Once again, one of the specificities of postmodernity is this character of reversibility that profoundly marks the phenomena which are present: all domination is also always resistance. On this point, one must underline the surprising convergence of certain theoretical experiences within Western or postcolonial Marxism (we can think here obviously of Italian operaismo or certain Indian culturalist schools) and the philosophical positions formu lated by French poststructuralism. We will come back to this.
In addition, we have already insisted on the importance of "real subsump tion," to the extent that one must consider it as the essential phenomenon around which the passage from the modern to the postmodern has occurred. But this transition's fundamental element seems also to be the generalization of resistance on each of the nodes that make up the great weave of real subsumption of society under capital. This discovery of resistance as a general phenomenon, as a paradoxical opening inside each of the links of power, as a multiform dispositif of subjective production, is precisely what comprises the postmodern affirmation.
Biopolitics is therefore a contradictory context of/within life. By its very definition, it represents the extension of the economic and political contradiction over the entire social fabric, but it also represents the emergence of the singularization of resistances that permanently cut across it.
What do we mean exactly by "production of subjectivity"? Here we'd like our analysis to go beyond the anthropological definition assumed in Foucault as in Deleuze. What seems important in this perspective is in effect the historical (also productive) concreteness of the constitution of the subject. The subject is productive: the production of subjectivity is thus a subjectivity that produces. Let us insist at present on the fact that the cause, the motor of this production of subjectivity, is found inside power relations, which is to say in the complex set of relationships that are nonetheless always traversed by a desire for life. However, to the extent that this desire for life signifies the emergence of a resistance to power, it is this resistance that becomes the genuine motor of production of subjectivity.
Some have judged this definition of the production of subjectivity to be unsatisfactory because it makes the mistake of reintroducing a sort of new dialectic: power includes resistance, resistance could even feed power. And, on another level, subjectivity would be productive; the productivity of resistances could even construct subjectivity. It is not difficult to stymie this argument: it only suffices to return to the concept of resistance we spoke of earlier, that is to say, the productive link that binds the concept of resistance to subjectivity and immediately determines the singularities in their antagonism to biopower. We do not understand very well why all allusion to antagonism must be necessarily reduced to a return to the dialectic. If this is truly a singularity that acts, the relationship that develops with power can in no case give rise to a moment of synthesis, of excess, of Aufhebung — in sum, the negation of negation in the Hegelian manner. On the contrary, what we're dealing with is absolutely a-teleological: singularity and resistance become exposed to risk, to the possibility of failure, but the production of subjectivity nonetheless always has the possibility — better still, the power — to give itself as an expression of surplus. The production of subjectivity can therefore not be reabsorbed into the heart of dialectical processes that seek to reconstitute the totality of the productive movement under transcendental forms. Certain effects of "reabsorption" are of course inevitable (as underlined by the particularly subtle schools of modern sociological thought such as Luc Boltanski and Richard Sennett), but it has to do in all cases with unpredictable phenomena, ones that go in all directions and never give rise to consequences that can be determined in advance. As we will insist again shortly, when it is obliged to pass from the exercise of government to the practice of governance, the machine of power reveals itself incapable of running its own mechanical dimension in a unilateral and necessary manner. Any attempt to reabsorb subjective productions can try to block new ways of life, but it will only immediately solicit other resistances, other surpluses. This becomes the only machine that we recognize in the function of postmodern societies and politics: a machine that is paradoxically not reducible to the mechanics of power.
We could object that politics and statism have always proceeded according to a logic which, in the heart of capitalism, would give to power relations the Leviathanian figure of a unilateral negotiator and resolver of problems: that is precisely what power consists of. In the eighteenth century, theories of the "raison d'État" included not only the arts of violence but also the arts of mediation. When we move the theme of power into the context of biopolitical relations, what appears — and what is new — is exactly opposed to this capacity of neutralization or immunization. It is in effect the emergence of rupture that forms alongside the production of subjectivity — the intensity of this surplus is its defining characteristic.
Two words on this concept of surplus — or, as we have sometimes called it, the notion of excessiveness. This idea was born inside a new analysis of the organization of labor, a moment at which value comes from the cognitive and immaterial product of a creative action, and when it escapes at the same time from the law of labor value (if we understand this in a strictly objective and economistic manner). The same idea is found at a different level in an ontological dissymmetry that exists between the functioning of biopower and the power of biopolitical resistance: where power is always measurable (and where the idea of the measure and the gap are in fact precise instruments of discipline and control) or power is on the contrary the non-measurable, the pure expression of non-reducible differences.
At a third level, one must be attentive to what is happening in State theories: the surplus is always described as a production of power — it takes, for example, the face of the "state of exception."12 Yet this idea is inconsistent, even grotesque: the state of exception can only be defined on the inside of the relationship that links power and resistance in an indissoluble manner. State power is never absolute; it only represents itself as absolute, it offers a panorama of absoluteness. But it will always be made up of a complex set of relations that include resistance to what it is. It is not by chance if, in the theories of dictatorships that exist in Roman law — that is to say, in those of the state of exception — the dictatorship can only exist during brief periods. As Machiavelli noted, this temporal limitation cannot be referred to as a constitutional guarantee but to a reasoning in terms of efficiency. Consequently, the state of exception, even if it is in force for short periods, is unacceptable for free spirits and can thus only be valued as a desperate recourse in an equally desperate situation.
Finally, we find it grotesque that theories of totalitarianism (be they thought up by dictators themselves or, later on, by certain figures of contemporary political science, in particular during the cold war) make of it a version of power where all resistance is excluded. If totalitarianisms have existed — and if their sinister political practices continue to haunt our memories — the so-called absolute totality of their power is a mystifying idea that is long overdue for critical examination.
We must finally insist on one fundamental element: there is a sort of Marxist watermark that is found in all critiques of univocal conceptions of power — even if these, paradoxically, were produced in Marx's name. Capitalist power, according to what was put in evidence by the current critiques we have just mentioned, is always a relationship. Constant capital is confronted with variable capital, capitalist power is confronted with the resistance of labor power. It is this tension that produces the development of the economy and history. It is true that "official" Marxism locked labor power and variable capital inside relations that were objectively prefigured by the laws of the economy. But it is precisely thisprefiguration having the value of necessity — more closely resembling the Heideggerian conception of technique than the liberation desire of proletarians — which certain Marxists, starting in 1968, began to break into pieces. This is the point of theoretical convergence between the operaismo of Laboratory Italy in the 1970s, schools of Indian postcolonial thought, and the analysis of power formulated by Foucault and Deleuze.
Let us return to the link between subjectivity and social labor. As we have said, labor possesses genuinely new dimensions. The first remarkable thing is without a doubt the transformation undergone by the temporal dimension in the postmodern modification of productive structures. In the Fordist era, temporality was measured according to the law of labor value: consequently it concerned an abstract, quantitative, analytic temporality, which, because it was opposed to living labor time, arrived at the composition of the productive value of capital. As it is described by Marx, capitalist production represents the synthesis of the living creativity of labor and of the exploitive structures organized by fixed capital and its temporal laws of productivity. In the era of post-Fordism, on the contrary, temporality is no longer — nor totally — enclosed within the structures of constant capital: as we have seen, intellectual, immaterial, and affective production (which characterizes post-Fordist labor) reveals a surplus. An abstract temporality — that is to say, the temporal measure of labor — is incapable of understanding the creative energy of labor itself.
On the inside of the new figure of the capitalist relation, the surplus permits the creation of spaces of self-valorization that cannot be entirely reabsorbed by capital: in the best case, it is only recuperated by a sort of permanent "pursuit-race" of this mass of autonomous labor — or, more exactly, of this multitude of productive singularities. The constitution of capitalist temporality (that is to say, capitalist power) can therefore no longer be acquired in a dialectical manner: the production of goods is always followed by the subjectivities that oppose it, under the form of a virtually antagonistic dispositif that comes to frustrate any capitalist synthesis of the process. The Foucauldian distinctions between regimes of power and regimes of subjectivity are therefore totally reinvested inside this new reality of capitalist organization; they are represented by the scission between capitalist time/value and the singular valorization of labor power.
We must thus return to an essential problem that we have already quickly mentioned: the problem of the simultaneous measure of capital's labor and time. If we start from the idea that living labor is the constituent cause and motor — material or immaterial — of all forms of development, if we think that the production of subjectivity is the fundamental element that permits us to escape the dialectic of biopower and to construct, on the contrary, a fabric of biopolitics to complete the passage from a simple disciplinary regime to a regime that equally integrates the control dimension and permits at the same time the emergence of powerful and common insurgencies, then the theme of measure (that is to say, of the quantified rationality of valorization) becomes central once again. Yet it only becomes central in a paradoxical manner because all the measures that capital wanted to discipline and control henceforth become evasive.
Without a doubt, it will be necessary to one day open a new field of research so we can understand if the thematic of measure can be proposed once again today on a terrain of social production, according to new forms and modalities that will have to be defined. In that case, the ontological rupture that we have located between living labor and constant capital will have to be considered as the presupposition of any analysis. The fact is that the surplus of living labor in relation to constant capital presents itself as production "beyond measure" — that is to say, as "outside" quantitative measurement — and it is in this that the difficulty forever reappears. Rather it is a production that goesbeyond the idea of measure itself, that is to say, it ceases in reality to be defined as a negative passing of the limits of measurement to become simply — in an absolutely affirmative and positive manner — the power of living labor. This is how it becomes possible to foresee at least tendentiallythe end of exploitation. And it is without a doubt what Foucault and Deleuze allude to when they speak of the process of subjectification.
We have thus arrived at the edge of a new definition of capital as crisis — a capitalist relation which, from the point of view of constant capital, seems from now on totally parasitic; we have also arrived at the center of what is perhaps the possibility of a recomposition of antagonisms that engage with both the production of subjectivity and the expression of living labor.
We started by attempting to close in on the terms of biopower, biopolitics, discipline, and control. It seems now essential to address the question of multitude.
In effect, all our analyses constitute in reality this presupposition of the multitude. Let us therefore propose, as a point of provisionary support that we will have to reformulate and modify, the following definition. The concept of multitude is derived from the relationship between a constitutive form (that of singularity, of invention, of risk, to which all the transformation of labor and the new measure of time has brought us) and a practice of power (the destructive tendency of value/labor that capital is today obliged to put in effect). But while capital was in the past capable of reducing the multiplicity of singularities to something close to the organic and unitary — a class, a people, a mass, a set — this process has today failed intimately: it no longer works. The multitude should thus be necessarily thought of as a disorganized, differential, and powerful multiplicity. But this could be the subject of another lecture.
I thank you.
- Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2000). [Ed.]BACK
- There are three excellent sources for an overview of the Italian autonomist Marxist movement. S. Lotringer and Christian Marazzi's Italy: Autonomia—Post-Political Politics(New York: Semiotext(e), 1980) has contributions from core members of the movement and was written in the wake of the state crackdown. Steve Wright's Storming Heaven: Class Composition and Struggle in Italian Autonomist Marxism (London: Pluto Press, 2002) offers a comprehensive historical overview. Finally, Michael Hardt and Paolo Virno's Radical Thought in Italy: A Potential Politics (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1996) is a collection of essays that both assess the tradition of autonomist thought and propose future directions. [Ed.]BACK
- Antonio Negri, Marx Beyond Marx: Lessons on the Grundrisse (New York: Autonomedia, 1989). [Ed.]BACK
- Paolo Virno, "Notes on the General Intellect," Marxism Beyond Marxism, ed. Saree Makdisi, Cesare Casarino, and Rebecca E. Karl (New York: Routledge, 1996) 269. [Ed.]BACK
- Antonio Negri, "Archaeology and Project: The Mass Worker and the Social Worker,"Revolution Retrieved: Writings on Marx, Keynes, Capitalist Crisis, and New Social Subjects (1967–1983) (London: Red Notes, 1988) 224. [Ed.]BACK
- Michel Foucault, "Les mailles du pouvoir," Dits et écrits, t. 2 (Paris: Gallimard, 1994) 1012. [Ed.]BACK
- Maurizio Lazzarato, "From Biopower to Biopolitics," Pli: The Warwick Journal of Philosophy 13 (2002): 112–25. [Ed.]BACK
- Foucault, "Les mailles" 1012.BACK
- The dispositif is an important concept developed by Foucault that has been literally "lost in translation" and thus largely overlooked by English-language interlocutors. Most prominently, it was used by Foucault in Histoire de la sexualité, tome 1: La volonté de savoir (Paris: Gallimard, 1976) as the "dispositif de sexualité." Inconsistently translated as "apparatus," "arrangement," or "deployment," the dispositif is a methodological frame for understanding power. A dispositif is both discursive and non-discursive. Foucault describes it thusly: "[It is] firstly, a resolutely heterogeneous ensemble consisting of discourses, institutions, architectural forms, regulatory decisions, laws, administrative measures, scientific statements, philosophical, moral and philanthropic propositions — in short, the said as much as the unsaid" (299). Thus dispositifs are always in the middle of things, comprising a complex "system of relations" of discursive and non-discursive elements. We can see that the dispositif brings together heterogeneous elements that have distinct registers: from the materiality of institutions, to the regulation of juridical processes, to the expression of what elsewhere might be called ideology, and finally to the techniques and practices of particular subjectivities. There is a complex composition to these distinct elements; yet this heterogeneity, in part, is designed to go beyond the reductive schema of an all-determining mode of production. This shift to more complex causal relations reflects Foucault's inexorable turn to seeing power as diffused, decentralized, and arranged in microphysical relations. Methodologically, this means not just examining each element of this heterogeneous composition but focusing on the effects of a given dispositive — in terms of what we can say, see, or be. [Ed.]BACK
- Giorgio Agamben (Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen [Palo Alto: Stanford UP, 1998]) revived the terms zoē and bios from Greek antiquity where they were key conceptual markers distinguishing "natural life" (zoē) and "political life" (bios) — the former refers to the home as the sphere of influence and the latter the polis.For Negri, bios expresses a dynamic of power — particularly in biopolitical form—which cannot be contained by older forms of sovereign power. In turn, this reveals the limits of such constituted power and necessitates the permanent turn to the "state of exception." Here Negri is expanding on key insights made by Maurizio Lazzarato ("From Biopower"), a contemporary autonomist theorist who made important contributions to a more critical and political deployment of Foucauldian biopower. He notes, "The introduction of the zoēinto the sphere of the polis is, for both Agamben and Foucault, the decisive event of modernity; it marks a radical transformation of the political and philosophical categories of classical thought. But is this impossibility of distinguishing between zoē and bios, between man as a living being and man as a political subject, the product of the action of sovereign power or the result of the action of new forces over which power has 'no control'? Agamben's response is very ambiguous and it oscillates continuously between these two alternatives. Foucault's response is entirely different: biopolitics is the form of government taken by a new dynamic of forces that, in conjunction, express power relations that the classical world could not have known. [Ed.]BACK
- Historismus is a German variant of Historicism initiated by Leopold von Ranke in the nineteenth century. It is of relevance to Negri as it was an early methodological break with "universal history" and instead emphasized the particularities of different historical periods and their unique conditions of possibility. This "relativism" was also a central characteristic of the Italian philosopher Benedetto Croce. [Ed.]BACK
- Carl Schmitt was a German political theorist who was active in the Nazi Party, attractive therein no doubt because he postulated that the actions of sovereign power are never limited by the laws of the state. In other words, sovereign power has the permanent option of transgressing its own internal regulations, and at any time it can negate the rights of citizens through the "state of exception."What was a virtuous and functional insight for fascists takes on unintended consequences when critically deployed, most notably by Agamben. The "state of exception" is turned on its head, as it were, and presented as the manifest limit to safeguarding political rights and life under sovereign power. Agamben, who has long focused on the relationship between sovereign power and marginalized political subjectivities, uses the "state of exception" as the permanent model for our historical moment, as seen in everything from Guantanamo Bay to the refugee camp.Negri has had a longstanding interest in Agamben's work and wrote an important review of State of Exception for the Italian paperBACK
Il Manifesto which has been translated as "The Ripe Fruit of Redemption," trans. Arianna Bové, Generation Online, 2003, <http://www.generation-online.org/t/negriagamben.htm>. [Ed.]


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Release Date: 2011 |
Album Rating: 4.5Listening to this album right now, completely agree with you that they are experimenting with some of their older material and mixing in some new stuff as well.
Album Rating: 2.5Can't stand the guitar riffing that I know stems from deathcore influences on the guitar player. Some parts are really cool, a few cheesy, but it's about half and half. I wish I liked this, honestly.
I do like the album cover quite a bit.
Looking forward to listening to this
Digging: Fluke - Puppy
Album Rating: 3.5Daniel's pretty good, he's a deathcore guy who can shred. I wasn't worried about that, I've seen his old band several times. It doesn't really sound much like old BTA though so some people might hate on it. I personally think its a solid release.
Album Rating: 2.5Thaddeus is fun live but that's about it honestly. Apparently you must live near where I do.
Album Rating: 1.5What the fuck was that?
Digging: Xazraug - Unsympathetic Empyrean
Album Rating: 2.0 | Sound Offan awful album
Album Rating: 2.0this album, while i have not listend to all of it yet, seems to disapoint me. i loved terminate, went "meh" to physics, drooled over the lewis inspired lyrics of dichotomy, but this just crosses way to far into generic metalcore sound and loses me, even with jason's awesome roar. we shall see though...
Album Rating: 3.0A few shining moments among random genre experimentation and generic riffing.
Album Rating: 1.5Really poor album. Bloc probably won't even like this, that's how terrible it is.
Album Rating: 3.5 | Sound Offhaters gon hate
Album Rating: 2.5This is shit
Album Rating: 3.5People are really overreacting.
Album Rating: 3.5solid state was way cooler 5-10 years ago......right? so where's the hip christian label now?
I was gonna get this, but not after seeing some of these ratings.
Digging: Wake - Devouring Ruin
Album Rating: 3.0The intro riff in Path of the Beam is such a rip off of Born of Osiris' Open Arms to Damnation that it disgusts me.
Album Rating: 3.5As bringonthebreakdown previously stated, saying the riff is a ripoff of BOO is quite an exaggeration. They are similar, and that's about it.
About halfway through so far, and I must say this is pretty solid. Although the first track is awful.
Album Rating: 3.5Too many juns and bad cleans.
Hopefully my review will be up soon. Having some serious writer's block
Bands: A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z

subset: commoncrawl


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In this short article, we are going to explain what is AFNA and who are our AFNA lectures aimed at.
Accounting can be defined as "the information system that measures, processes and communicates financial information about a business". It provides a vital service and it is important for every key person of a business to understand how accounting records are kept and to be able to interpret accounting reports.
Not all managers and key persons of a business have training in accounting. "Accounting for Non-Accountants (AfNA)" has been designed for all who occupy responsible positions in the business but lack accounting background.
To access free online accounting courses click here
Accounting Course objectives
In general, the course seeks to enable participants with no accounting background to explain and apply the principles, basic tools, and techniques of the accounting process.
Specifically, at the end of the course, participants will be able to:
* Understand how financial transactions are recorded
* Understand how final accounts are produced
* Discuss and apply principles, concepts, methods and procedures of financial management and planning such as capital budgeting, cost-volume profit analysis, and working capital;
Read financial statements,and analyze and use them for decision-making.
The course is open to entrepreneurs, owner-managers of businesses, finance staff of SMEs and officers of private voluntary organizations with no accounting background but are involved directly or indirectly with financial management.


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The video in this document shows you the most common ways to find your Product Name (Model), Product Number, or Serial Number. If you are unable to see the video or have further questions, select the appropriate link in the table below for detailed information.
Select your type of product from the following table:


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How to: Set the Service Startup Account for SQL Server Agent (SQL Server Configuration Manager)
This topic describes how to set the SQL Server Agent service account with SQL Server Configuration Manager. The SQL Server Agent service startup account defines the Windows account that SQL Server Agent runs as, as well as its network permissions. To launch SQL Server Configuration Manager, in SQL Server Management Studio, right-click an instance of SQL Server in Registered Servers, and then click SQL Server Configuration Manager.
Beginning with SQL Server 2005, SQL Server Agent no longer requires that the service startup account be a member of the Microsoft Administrators group. However, there are some restrictions associated with using a non-administrative account for the SQL Server Agent service. For more information, see Service Account Types Supported for SQL Server Agent. The SQL Server Agent service startup account must be a member of the SQL Server sysadmin fixed server role, and if multiserver job processing is used, the account must also be a member of the msdb database role TargetServersRole on the master server.
To set the service startup account for SQL Server Agent
On the Start menu, point to All Programs, point to Microsoft SQL Server 2008 R2, point to Configuration Tools, and then click SQL Server Configuration Manager.
In SQL Server Configuration Manager, click SQL Server Services.
In the details pane, right-click the name of the SQL Server Agent instance for which you want to change the service startup account, and click Properties.
In the SQL Server Agent <instancename> Properties dialog box, click the Log On tab, and select one of the following Log on as account types:
- Select a Windows Built-in account if your jobs require resources from the local server only. For information about how to choose a Windows built-in account type, see Selecting an Account for the SQL Server Agent Service.
Do not select the Local Service account. The SQL Server Agent service cannot be run under this account. It is not supported.
- Select This account if your jobs require resources across the network, including application resources; if you want to forward events to other Windows application logs; or if you want to notify operators through e-mail or pagers.
If you selected This account, enter the Microsoft Windows account name that SQL Server Agent will use in the Account Name box, enter the password for this account in the Password box, and then re-enter it in the Confirm password box. Click Browse to search for a user or group.
You must restart SQL Server Agent before these configuration changes take effect.
See Also


text: I have 3 used and 1 brand new boards for sale. These have all been used in the local surf and proven to be excellent boards. The first one is Green and white, 7'6 Turning Point funboard...has that short board feel with awesome stabilization. Quick turns, low entry rocker, hella fun board and it is Brand new with fins $395. The other funboard is also 7'6 22, 2.75, white and $400. (Sold) Second board is a 6'4 fish Red and white. tip has had the paint rubbed off sliding in and out of the board bag. Excellent board for local surf being 6'4, 22, 2 5/8. Quad fins in Future make this board super quick down the line and the rail to rail is sick. ($350 obo). Third board is almost new 6'6 red and white egg shape fun board named "Cinnamon". thruster set up, flat bottom make this board a true favorite of mine. I am still thinking I may keep this one but will part with it for $375 firm (sold). I have the same board also in a 6'10 for slightly more money(sold). PM for info


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In late January 2011, I posted this giving the views of UOB Kay Hian. It argued investors will be best served by having a balanced portfolio comprising firstly of counters that promise high and sustainable dividend yields.
S'pore equities: Can't argue with this safety first approach
In Economy, Investments on 20/01/2011 at 5:31 am
UOB Kay Hian says that with the prospect of slowing economic growth and reasonable stock market valuations in 2011, investors should balance their portfolio with a combination of high-yielding large-cap and mid-cap counters that offer a higher margin for growth.
Despite the moderate earnings [8%} outlook for Singapore compared with its regional peers, we think Singapore's safe haven status will continue to attract selective investor interest amid the uncertain external outlook.
Investors will be best served by having a balanced portfolio comprising firstly of counters that promise high and sustainable dividend yields.
These would be local telcos StarHub and M1, along with real-estate investment trusts K-Reit, Sabana Reit and CapitaCommercial Trust.
And'laggard' large-cap stocks that offer good growth prospects eg. the banks. Its top pick in this segment is OCBC, followed by DBS. (I prefer Haw Par because of its stake in UOB).
Investors should also be on the lookout for the so-called Garp (growth at a reasonable price) stocks in both the mid-cap, like Ezra and Ezion, CDL Hospitality Trusts, First Resources and Super Group, and large-cap space.
Its 'sell' calls include Keppel Corporation, SingTel, Tiger Airways and CapitaLand. Surprised abt Keppel call because the offshore marine sector is looking gd, what with firm oil prices and offshore projects in Brazilian waters.


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Walker breaks ground at Hwy 45, Innovation Park projects
Gov. Scott Walker put his shovel to the ground in Wauwatosa Friday as the Highway 45 reconstruction project gets into full swing.
As part of the Zoo Interchange reconstruction project, Highway 45 will see some improvements near Swan Boulevard as a new overpass and entrance ramps will be added to accommodate UW-Milwaukee's Innovation Park.
"This area is an economic engine," Walker said of not only the road construction, but Innovation Park as well. "When we starting moving on that Innovation campus, it was like putting jet fuel in the economic engine of this region."
The Innovation Campus is located along Highway 45 south of Swan Boulevard. It is located in between the Milwaukee Regional Medical Complex, Milwaukee County's Research Park and the Firefly Ridge Community Gardens.
The campus, owned by the UWM Real Estate Foundation, is reserved for private-sector development for companies interested in partnering with UWM or other academic institutions.
Two buildings are currently being constructed on the site and are expected to open in the first half of 2014.
The site also house four historic areas known as the Eschweiler buildings.
Designed by Milwaukee architect Alexander Eschweiler, the buildings housed the county School of Agriculture and Domestic Economy, one of the state's first technical schools. Now in a state of disrepair, UWM is looking for a developer to step forward to help restore the buildings and make them a useful and historic part of the campus.
The Highway 45 reconstruction project is expected to last until late 2014.


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Danville leaders deserve credit for austerity that enabled the town to provide consistent service levels while many communities made severe cuts.
The town has been insulated in part because it contracts for many services and does not participate in traditional pension programs that financially squeeze most local governments.
All six candidates running for three seats on the Town Council in the Nov. 6 election support preservation of the current management system. However, they differ over growth issues.
They all agree that the county's urban growth boundary should be respected and development should occur within those lines to encourage infill development.
But they disagree on a key project known as Magee Ranch, a plan for 70 homes on about 410 acres of land zoned for agricultural use. Some residents say it should be put up for a vote under a growth-control measure voters passed in 2000.
The city says it can't legally do that. But residents could eventually collect signatures to force a ballot vote if they dislike the city's ultimate decision on the project.
While this project has become a key campaign issue, we think it's a premature battle. Hence, our endorsements include candidates on both sides, candidates we believe will best preserve the city's fiscal approach.
To us, Councilmen Newell Arnerich and Mike Doyle have shown strong long-term financial leadership. Retired business executive Bob Nealis brings critical financial acumen that will help preserve the town's budget integrity.


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SIX 01 STUDIO is proud to present the West Coast Premiere of TENDER NAPALM, written by Philip Ridley, and Directed by Edward Edwards. The fiercely explosive production will be returning to SIX 01 STUDIO, beginning October 12, 2013.
About The Show
Two young lovers struggle to reconcile their relationship in the face of disaster. As their individual coping mechanisms trigger each other's despair the young couple lives out the play in a series of wild fantasies, transcending time and space in a violent and sexually charged tapestry of what was, and what is to be. Funny, brutal, and surprisingly touching, TENDER NAPALM is a gorgeously rendered and singular play.
What the Press Are Saying
"Fascinating show!" - ArtsBeatLA.COM
"Hamilton and Paige give as good as they get, both expertly wielding Ridley's rhapsodic, razor-edged monologues and giving profound meaning to the expression, "acting is reacting." - LA WEEKLY
"Intoxicating" - THE TIMES (UK)
"Romantically entertaining...breathtaking...Director Edwards shows off his talents in this marvel of a production..." - LIFE IN LA
"Violently beautiful...Unforgettable!" - TIME OUT
WOW! "Sensational West Coast Premiere...L.A.'s most dynamic and gifted young actors" - STAGE SCENE LA
"Fierce...Transfixing...Moving...Daring..." - THE NEW YORK TIMES "Explosive...Viciously Funny...Deeply Sensual" - THE GUARDIAN
TENDER NAPALM runs October 12 through November 26, 2013. Performances are at SIX 01 STUDIO at 601 Anderson Street in Los Angeles, Sunday 7PM, Monday & Tuesday 8PM. Tickets are $20 (General Admission). Running time is 80 minutes with concessions available. Allow time for street parking.
Note: There will be no performances on Tuesday, Oct 15 - Sunday, Oct 27 - Monday, Oct 28 - Tuesday, Oct 29 - Sunday, Nov 3
For reservations, call (323) 960-4410 or RESERVE ONLINE:


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VI. Working Collaboratively
INTRODUCTION The ability to work collaboratively has been highlighted in the professional Code of Conduct (NMC 2002a) as an essential part of a nurse's role. There is an expectation that a nurse will work co-operatively with other professionals, respecting their skills, expertise and contributions.Additionally, a nurse must communicate […]Read more


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Michelle Obama sure loves Twitter!
The First Lady, who already has the @MichelleObama Twitter account, celebrated her 49th birthday by launching the @FLOTUS account early Thursday. The second tweet from her office was a picture of herself featuring her brand spanking new bangs.
Check out celebrities' dramatic weight loss
It's unknown when FLOTUS got the drastic new 'do, but she is just the latest famous face to jump on the bangs bandwagon. Late last year, celebrities like Britney Spears and Kate Middleton both debuted bangs.
Do you think her new bangs? Or do you like her hair better the old way?


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is the official state record-keeper of the biggest fish caught in the state-regardless of the method of capture. To take a look at some of the enormous and unique fish taken from our state waters, click on
State Records.
Then, there's the
Hawaii Granders
page. Check out these monsters of the deep and the men who caught them!
We also host the elite
100-Plus Club
that celebrates giant trevally weighing over 100 lbs. that have been caught from shore on the main Hawaiian Islands. You will not believe these catches. Wow!
Plan your tournament activities by visiting our
site and hooking up with the event coordinators. Hawaii has some of the most lucrative purses in the tournament fishing world and you already know we have some of the greatest fishing and fish!
For those of you who keep a close watch on our ocean for your activities, check out the monthly moon and tide calendar on our
page. With the Almanac you can time your ocean activities for peak fishing action.
Charter Boats
listing is free and it lists the charter businesses by island, so visitors can plan their trips and correspond with the captains. It's also a great resource for tournament anglers hoping to "cash in" on their trip to the islands.
link will take you to a page that will tell you all about
subscriptions rates and other information.
Link to the
page to learn more about our great writers, contributors, and staff.
Click on the
link to see our great publications:
Jim Rizzuto's three-part series of fishing books are the ultimate source of how to catch Hawaii's amazing variety of sport fish. You can read more about them right here along with information about his wife, Shirley's, excellent "Fresh Catch of the Day" cook book. And don't miss "Hawaii's Offshore Hunters" a book that turns novice fishermen into pros and shows you how to not only catch more fish but how to cut them for the best results!
Finally, check out the
page for information and products for fishing in Hawaii. This page also provides links to ways to connect with HFN online. We're on
Call us at (808) 395-4499, give us your email address and we will send you a free digital copy!
HFN Customers:
Please know that you can ONLY obtain a subscription for
DIRECTLY FROM HFN via mail or at hfnpublishing.com.
For subscription information, click on the "INFO" link on the left side of this page.
One of our current subscribers let us know that there is a fraudulent online company claiming to sell subscriptions to our publication. We hope this warning will help you not become a victim of fraud. We are also doing what we can to have this online subscription offer taken down. If you
discover anything suspicious representing
Hawaii Fishing News
publications please let us know.
(808) 395-4499
We're constantly updating our page, so check in any time!
Aloha a hui hou!
FISHY TOONS by A. Tsukamoto
©2017 Hawaii Fishing News


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edited for coherence (june 9th, 2012)
so that whole "die cis scum" thing that has everyone raging? i'm totally gonna touch it. with like, my actual hands and not with a pole of any length.
i want to preface this by saying that i'm hoping to start a dialogue on my blog about the "die cis scum" meme, but i'm not going to start calling people out for telling cis people to die (metaphorically/literally). i'm not judging people who think of "die cis scum" as a battle cry, a cathartic release, or a cry of defiance and pride. if you feel that "die cis scum" is valuable to you, fucking go for it. oppressed minorities are entitled to their anger.
i recognize that my dfab trans* privilege could be influencing my opinions on this matter and that i can only speak for myself. also, i'm white as white as white and race intersects with transness in serious ways; i totally declare my white privilege.
i'm going to talk about what "die cis scum" means to me and why it's not for me. hopefully, other peoples will talk about what "die cis scum" means to them and we'll rock each other's brain fish neoncore. also, i love rebuttals.
* * *
"die cis scum" makes me feel itchy cuz it can mean that all cis people are scum and they should fucking die, but it can also mean that people who are scum and cis should fucking die. those are 2 pretty different meanings; one of them threatens my mom with metaphorical death and the other one doesn't.
partly for the sake of accuracy, i prefer "die grue scum" to "die cis scum." when i write "die grue scum," i'm specifying that scummy cis people should die before they beat up, rape, murder, deny employment and housing to, or otherwise harass my fellow trans* people. and that non-grue cis people can just keep being awesome, preferably by standing up to the grues.
i also prefer "die grue scum" to "die cis scum" cuz it doesn't encourage cis people to whine about being called cis. you know how some cis people whinge on about how they're just "bio women/men", or "natal women/men"? or worse, "real women/men" and that they don't see why they need to be labelled cuz they're the default people anyway? and then they whine about how they didn't get to name themselves and how "cis" is actually a slur? i think "die cis scum" sorta encourages that. that shit is really fucking annoying and i totally don't want to encourage it. (edit: i want to stress that i'm not trying to put the burden of education on the trans* community. we aren't obligated to educate anybody; we are entitled to decide if/when we will educate other people. andy the nerd says it here.)
i'd love to know what all you neon cats think about this.


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Lindenwood University is chartering two fan buses to the NAIA National Football Championship Game on Dec. 19 in Rome, Ga. They will depart from the university at noon on Friday, Dec. 18, and will return immediately following the contest. Seats will be filled on a first-come, first-served basis.
The cost of the trip is $99 per person, which covers transportation and lodging. Food and ticket costs are not included.
Fans are invited to tailgate from 10 a.m. to noon on game day outside Barron Stadium, located at 300 West Third Street, Rome, Ga., 30165-2803. Hot dogs, wings, Philly sandwiches, chips, and soda will be provided.
Tickets for the national championship game can be purchased by calling 800-858-7601, or by visiting www.forumevents.org.
To reserve a spot on the charter bus, please contact Chanda Jackson by email at firstname.lastname@example.com. To RSVP to the Lindenwood tailgate prior to the game, please email Whitney Fraier at firstname.lastname@example.com by Thursday, Dec. 17.


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Made for the ultimate sports fan, you will be proud to show where your loyalty lies with this impressive Officially Licensed stool from the Holland Bar Stool Co. This contemporary L8B1 stool features a single-ring black wrinkle base with a 5" scooped cushion that conceals the swivel for an exceptionally clean look. A state of the art print process is used in applying specially formulated UV vinyl ink in numerous stages to produce a sharp, crisp, clear image to ensure a perfect reproduction of the logo. You won't find a higher quality logo stool on the market. The frame is made from commercial quality 16 gauge, 1 1/4 inch tube steel with solid mig welded joints to guarantee strength and durability. The powder coated finish resists chips and scratches and ensures a long-lasting, rich appearance. The cushion seats are of the highest quality as well, utilizing a breathable, commercial grade vinyl. At the heart of the cushion is highly-dense, US made foam that provides maximum support and will not breakdown in a couple years. If you're going to finish your bar, game room, or man cave do it right- with a logo stool made in the USA by the Holland Bar Stool Co.
Product Features:
Design 1:
Design 2:
Available Sizes:
Leaves Warehouse/Manufacturing Time: 7-10 business days
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text: Sec. 1118. [42 U.S.C. 1318] In the case of any State which has in effect a plan approved under title XIX for any calendar quarter, the total of the payments to which such State is entitled for such quarter, and for each succeeding quarter in the same fiscal year (which for purposes of this section means the 4 calendar quarters ending with September 30), under paragraphs (1) and (2) of sections 3(a), 1003(a), 1403(a), and 1603(a) shall, at the option of the State, be determined by application of the Federal medical assistance percentage (as defined in section 1905), instead of the percentages provided under each such section, to the expenditures under its State plans approved under titles I, X, XIV, and XVI, which would be included in determining the amounts of the Federal payments to which such State is entitled under such sections, but without regard to any maximum on the dollar amounts per recipient which may be counted under such sections. For purposes of the preceding sentence, the term "Federal medical assistance percentage" shall, in the case of Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, and Guam, mean 75 per centum.


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Download "Fist Full of Dollars"
Every Monday through Friday, we deliver a different song as part our Song of the Day podcast subscription. This podcast features exclusive KEXP in-studio performances, unreleased songs, and recordings from independent artists that our DJs think you should hear. Today's featured selection, chosen by Morning Show host John Richards, is "Fist Full of Dollars" by Bang Bang Eche from their forthcoming self-released Sonic Death Cuntttt EP.
A year ago, we broadcasted Bang Bang Eche live from CMJ Festival and put their heavy hit single "4 To The Floor" into our on-air rotation. Since then, this self-made and self-released group headed by T'Nealle Worsley and hailing from Christchurch, New Zealand have been hard at work touring and producing the abrasive and unabashedly misspelled "Sonic Death Cuntttt EP".
Equal parts abrasion and body moving rhythms, "Fist Full of Dollars" is one track from this EP that you can't possibly miss. It's the sort of song that comes out of the gate at 200 kph and doesn't quit until its last measures. There's no petering out at the end and no compromises in the middle as it barrels towards you like a Kraftwerkian New Order. Sawtooth synths, telephonic vox, and never-say-die drums & guitars are the main ingredients in this high octane single and if the rest of the EP is full of this much gusto then you can count me in as a fan and an attendee at their next Seattle appearance.
You'll have to wait until November 3 for the full EP to come out, so enjoy this preview. Currently, Bang Bang Eche are touring through Australia with dates through October in Christchurch (09/17), Auckland (09/19), Wellington (09/25), Hamilton (10/02), and Dunedin (10/09). Following that, they return to the U.S. for the CMJ Music Marathon on 10/20 to reprise what many people remember as one of the best performances of the festival. If you want to find out anything more about the band, head over to their MySpace page at http://www.myspace.com/bangbangeche.


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If you are already a customer, you may login to retrieve your shopping cart.
For 50 years, Dominic's Restaurant delighted Daytonians with their authentic Italian cooking and home-style flavors. Enjoy those flavors once again with Anna Mantia Classic Pasta Sauce, the same sauce created by Dominic and Susie Mantia that was used at Dominic's Restaurant. This savory sauce uses traditional ingredients to produce a flavor that will complement any pasta dish and leave your mouth watering. Order the companion, Dominic's Classic Garlic Dressing, to complete the at-home dining experience.


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Thanking the outgoing chairman of the group H.E. Mr. Miguel Carbo Benites, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Ecuador to the World Trade Organization, Dr. Kituyi noted that 2014 marks the 50th anniversary of the G-77 which was formed at the end of the first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in 1964.
"Congratulations Ambassador Carbo for your able leadership during the past year, which saw notably the finalization of the strategic framework for the next biennium and the modalities of celebrations of the 50th anniversary of UNCTAD and the Group of 77 and China," Dr. Kituyi said. "Your work has undoubtedly laid a firm foundation for what promises to be a crucial year for UNCTAD and the broader development community, when we both celebrate the 50th anniversary of our establishment."
In welcoming H.E. Mr. Malloum Bamanga Abbas, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Chad to the United Nations Office and other international organizations in Geneva, Dr. Kituyi stressed the work that lies ahead for the G-77 and China with respect to formulating the development agenda after 2015.
"I firmly believe that Ambassador Abbas will continue to ensure that the voice of developing countries will be heard in the United Nations and around the world, as the global community focuses its attention on the articulation of the post-2015 development agenda." Dr. Kituyi said.
The Group of 77 (G-77) was established on June 15, 1964 by seventy-seven developing countries at the end of the first session of UNCTAD in Geneva.
Subsequently, the group established chapters in the various UN centers so that today, the G-77 is present in New York, Geneva, Nairobi, Paris, Rome, and Vienna.
Although the membership of the G-77 has increased to 133 countries, the original name was retained for its historical and symbolic resonance.
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
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PITTSBURGH, April 11 (UPI) -- Jakub Voracek ended a big comeback Wednesday by scoring 2:23 into overtime and lifting Philadelphia to a 4-3 win over Pittsburgh in the NHL's playoff opener.
Pittsburgh took a 3-0 lead into the second period and wound up losing at home in a confrontation of teams that produced 100-point seasons.
Danny Briere began the Philadelphia rally by scoring 6:22 into the second period and 9:17 into the third.
With Pittsburgh's Brooks Orpik in the penalty box for interference, Brayden Schenn tied the score with 7:37 left in regulation.
Since Pittsburgh began playing in its new building, the Penguins have lost six of their seven home-ice games against the Flyers.
Pittsburgh will host Game 2 of the best-of-seven series Friday.
Sidney Crosby, Tyler Kennedy and Pascal Dupuis all scored for the Penguins in the first period, but Ilya Bryzgalov was perfect the rest of the way while making 25 saves. Bryzgalov evened his playoff record at 13-13 after suffering four losses in as many appearances last year.
Marc-Andre Fleury gave up the four goals on 26 shots.


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Macho Boogie-Woogie in Mexico
It's a rainy summer night in Guadalajara. Zooming through the dark, the jeep I'm riding in feels more like a powerboat as it leaves a black wake in the flooded streets. This ain't no British rain – and thank God for that. (I've had enough drizzle for two lifetimes.) Palm fronds shake and the heavy rain suddenly turns to hail. The frothy water in the[…..]


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Burnett not on trade block
TORONTO — Don't get all riled up by the report on ESPN.com last night that said the Jays were willing to entertain trade proposals for Burnett. This was a non-news news item that, if you ask me, got a little blown out of proportion.
Let's start by examing the quote that Jays general manager J.P. Ricciardi gave:
"We like having A.J. here," Ricciardi told ESPN.com. "He gives us a good opportunity to win in 2008, and that's our main objective right now.
"But we're open-minded," he continued. "If someone blew us away, we'd be foolish not to listen. If someone came to us tomorrow and said, 'We'll give you this, this and this for him,' we'd be foolish not to look at it."
Basically, Ricciardi said this: "We're not looking to trade Burnett, but of course we'd listen if a team came to us with a ridiculous offer to acquire him." J.P. didn't say the Jays were looking to trade him, and he didn't say the Jays would trade him if a team came with a big offer. All he said was he'd listen. Of course he will, he's a general manager.
Here's a quote he had at the end of the season: "If we do anything on the trade market, I don't see anything being major. It'd probably be more minor. We'd have to really get blown away to do something major. Everybody's going to want our kids on the mound, but we really don't want to give those guys up."
Is that really that much different that the breaking news quote ESPN ran last night? Nope.
It makes sense that speculation about Burnett's situation came up, and I guess it was only a matter of time. But if the Blue Jays want to seriously make a run at the division title, Burnett is a part of that. Toronto isn't going anywhere with Halladay and some kids behind him, especially when the team doesn't have a ton of financial flexibility to add another arm this winter.
The Jays need a healthy A.J. to compete in the East. But, he's due to make $12 million this year and in 2009 and '10 if he doesn't opt out of his contract after the '08 season. Given that situation, of course the Jays would listen to offers. I think if the Jays are out of the race by the trade deadline, they'll really listen to offers.
The Canadian Press got Ricciardi to clarify his comments: "We're not shopping him. We don't want to move Burnett, we want him to help us win next season. But if someone was to wow us with an offer, we'd have to listen."
And I don't think a Miguel Tejada for Burnett offer will wow the Jays. Toronto has its solution for 2008 at short in John McDonald. Honestly, I think Tejada has a move to third base in his future, too. Now, if Toronto could toss Troy Glaus and his huge contract and steroid allegation issues in the package, maybe Ricciardi would really listen.
I've listened to many trade proposals in some fantasy leagues this year. But I haven't pulled the trigger. Then again, given my place in the standings, maybe I should have.
Now watch, I've gone and said this is all a bunch of balogna and the Jays will deal Burnett before the season starts. Highly doubtful, though.
18 Comments
Jordan, thank you for the clarification. I find it interesting that some members of the press try to creat deals and trades this time of the year, just to fill their column.
That being said, if Baltimore want to trade Tejada and Bedard for Burnett and Glaus, I think I'd do the deal.
You're not going to get Bedard for Burnett. I'd look at Tejada for Glaus though.
I'd like to see A.J. stay. If the jays aren't going to go after a good pitcher this off-season then he's definitaly a valuable asset to have for 2008. Basically I agree with what Jordan said about the jays needing him if they want to seriously contend. Even if he does go on the d.l. once, it'll hopefully be just once and not much longer then 15 days.
I like Burnett as well, I think 2008 is going to be a career year for him.
I actually think Burnett likes it here, and could be negotiated with to extend his stay.
Although I do like Bedard a whole lot-hes probably the only guy I'd trade Burnett for
I have a question about the drug inquiry . I have been doing some reading about the "drug era". Mitchell is a director of the Red Sox, as well as chairman of The Walt Disney Company ( the parent company of ESPN ) , I realize they need somebody who has knowledge of baseball to head this inquiry but since Mitchell is directly involved with a team , is this not a conflict ?
I like Burnett and TO signed him when his health was questionable . I like to think he has some honour and will not opt out unless his health is an issue or he feels this team is not a good fit for him but I don't see the later. He and Doc have struck up a great friendship and he seems to be a good fit. Lets hope for a healthy year
As for Bedard , I would love to see him in a Jays uniform but he will command big bucks, I don't see it happening especially since the Yanks need pitching and have the big bucks.
Welcome back Harry
thanks everyone 🙂
I don't think that Boston would trade lowie for Lind either since lind did'n't have a good season last year. I am pretty sure that when snider comes up, thomas will most likely be gone and lind will take over that spot. This would mean stairs, johnson and snider which would then make stairs their utility guy. I don't like the idea of johnson and snider platooning i'd rather have snider play and bat second or fifth with rios or wells leading off. i may be completely off but how about this lineup
Wells (assuming he returns to his form, if not then rios)
amny assumptions are made here. To me line-up looks pretty balanced but glaus in the middle i don't like.
This leads me to this, i'd go for tejada for Glaus anyday. I'd even throw in a relief pitcher in the mix from the jays since i think we have enough.
Burnett i want him to stay but a pitching rotation of halladay, bedard, burnett, marcum, mcgowan would be like a dream come true. (better than bosox anyday)
i wouldn't trade burnett yet, wait till next mid-season and see whats going on and hopefully he isn't injured.
I think you might be surprised whether Boston would trade Lowrie for Lind. True Lowrie looks like he'll be a great ss; but Lind is a power hitter who can hit 30 hr's per year playing full time.
Boston paid Drew 75 million over 5 years-hoping they'd get that production.
I think it's a pretty fair trade with each team getting a high quality prospect at positions that help each team.
I think the most interested party in the Miguel Cabrerra trade talks is greed-rod. I'd bet he's hoping LA Angels or the Mets do not do the deal.
If either of them do, the market for greed-rod changes a lot. Assuming Boston sign Lowell-which I expect, LA or the Mets do the deal with Florida for Cabrera, and the Yanks do not negotiate and I actually believe they won't-there's not many markets who can afford the big greed.
If Baltimore are finally serious about dumping Tejada-he'd likely be traded to one of the Mets, Yanks, or Angels and if that happens I'd bet greed rod will be hard pressed to replace the contract he had in place.
Of course, theres always the Mud Hens.
JP is right about Burnett. My own opinion is that he's better now than he was 2 years ago. After he came off the DL, he seems to have backed it off a bit, and he's pitching better, as opposed to throwing it by people. When he's dropping his curve ball over for strikes, he is as good as anybody out there, bar none. Maybe his arm will last longer, too.
I agree with JP.No dealing pitching unless someone is willing offer a overwhelming deal.Of all pitchers,AJ would be as expected the the man dealt.If he has a good season this year,I expect him to opt out at the end of the season.Why not? Teams are paying stupid amounts of cash for mediocre pitching and if AJ proves he has put the injuries behind him,he will be in for a big payday.Still,having said that,AJ is more help to the Jays today even if he leaves next year.I hope a successful '08 may encourage him to stay put where things are working and reward the Jay's loyalty to him.
I heard a story on XM the other night that the Dodgers may have interest in Glaus.A person might be tempted to throw in some pitching with Glaus say for LaRoache and Russel Martin.
Sounds like the Twins are going to deal Santana. I can't imagine what they'd ask for in return.
Be nice to have him though.
Glaus, Johnson and Litsch for Russel Martin!
Then try and sign Stewart to replace Reed (big down-grade defensively) but I would do it.
Martin's ok, but not worth Glaus, Johnson and Litsch. We have two guys-Thigpen and Diaz who are going to be a lot better than Martin-particulary Diaz. So why give away so much talent?
Sign Fasano and try to keep him as a coach in 2009.
I don't know why everyone wants to trade Johnson. In 06 he was one of the best leadoff guys in baseball, when you consider OBP, speed, and the ability to take pitches and use the whole field. He suffered an injury last year that would have put most guys out for the season, but you know he's working like a fiend right now to get back to where he was. When you compare Shannon Stewart to Johnson at the same stages of their career, Johnson comes out on top, both defensively and at the plate.
I agree that Johnson needs another year before the Jays give up on him.He is too valuable a lead off guy if he can come back from the surgery.Besides,we have Lind and Stairs to back up in left field if Johnson can't do it.Fasano would be a good sign for the Jays.Besides being a capable back up,he is like having an extra coach on the bench.As for Martin,I would move Glaus and only 1 pitcher.Martin would give the Jays an upgrade at catcher(as much as I like Zaun, the clock is ticking). It sounds as if the Jays would like Thigpen to work a bit in the infield so having Martin would also give them flexibility in the future.
I think your offer for Martin is stil too rich. Frankly, I think a trade of Glaus for Martin's too rich.
Remember, we only need a back up catcher for one year or less than a year. Thigpen and Diaz are both just about ready.
So if we do trade Glaus who plays 3rd base and delivers the offense Glaus does?
Even if we move Glaus, we would likely be stuck with a big chunk of salary, and we wouldn't get market value unless he can prove he can stay healthy. And if he can stay healthy this year, why would we trade him?


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King's Family Restaurant employees in Delmont to use sign language for a day; school project turns into fundraiser
What started as a school project has turned into a mandatory lesson for King's Family Restaurant employees in Delmont, Pa.
Emily Gabriel was assigned to teach sign language to a group of her choice. When she approached her boss at King's, he loved the idea so much that it has evolved into a fundraiser.
Gabriel will first teach 40 co-workers how to use basic sign language, everything from greeting customers to exploring menu options.
"We're opening up their voice and teaching it to more people," said Gabriel.
On March 28, 2013, all store-front employees will use sign language to communicate to their customers, and 20% of the customers' bills will be donated to the Westmoreland Association of the Deaf. The fundraiser will be from 6:00 a.m. to 11:00 p.m. at the King's Family Restaurant in Delmont, Pa.


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Carolanne Wright
Natural News
November 15, 2012
One of the most beneficial aspects of the Yes on 37 campaign is the transparency it created regarding seemingly 'natural' and organic brands. Mega conglomerates like Dean Foods, Coca Cola, Hain, Kraft, PepsiCo and Heinz have gobbled up most of the organic food industry, leaving little to spare — spawning the term 'Big Organic.' These very same companies have a track record of destroying healthy food through industrial, genetically modified and conventional farming practices. The bottom line for these corporations — profit, plain and simple. While they take their share of the $30 billion-a-year organic food industry, small and true organics are laid to waste.
Insatiable appetite for profit driven organics
Over the last decade, the natural and organic food industry has become very lucrative for big business. A form of greenwashing, corporations such as Hain Celestial buy up small organic companies, then hide behind bucolic-sounding labels like Health Valley and Walnut Acres. Or worse, conglomerates like Dean Foods snapping up the Silk brand in 2002 and immediately reducing sustainable ingredients. This behemoth also bought Horizon Organic in 2004 and soon after began purchasing dairy from suppliers operating factory farms. The demand for organics has apparently compromised the entire industry by attracting profit hungry corporations. See the infographic here for a list of all the organic and 'natural' companies that have been swallowed up by conglomerates.
To make matters more appalling, the National Organic Standards Board is controlled by members from big business who do not necessarily hold the consumers best interests at heart. Keep in mind this is the board that wields considerable power over the organic industry — choosing whether an ingredient can be included in certified organic products or not. The board is supposed to represent the "diversity of the American public and of organic agriculture," according to the National Organic Program. Unfortunately, this is far from the case. The standards board is filled with members who strive to represent their specific interest groups and vote with bias. Consider Katrina Heinze, an executive at General Mills who was selected to serve as consumer representative in 2005. General Mills is famous for promoting nanotechnology and genetic engineering — not exactly a stunning organic model. Or take Ms. Beck, who is the national organic program manager at Driscoll's and has a board seat as a 'farmer.' The problem is, Beck is not a farmer. But she does have special interests. Evidently, this is all that is needed to gain board influence.
The last holdouts
The last holdouts
Sadly, only a few truly independent organic companies remain. Examples include: Eden, Nature's Path, Cedarlane and Organic Valley. For a full list, click here.
With the failure of Prop. 37, American consumers cannot rely on the government for food transparency or safety. It is up to us. By purchasing produce from local organic farms, supporting independent organic companies and boycotting 'Big Organic,' we can make a difference by casting votes with our dollars and our forks.
Sources for this article include:
"Has 'Organic' Been Oversized?" Stephanie Strom, New York Times, July 7, 2012. Retrieved on November 13, 2012 from: http://www.nytimes.com
"The Defeat of Prop 37 Means Go Back To Voting With Your Fork" Sayer Ji, Wake-Up World, November 9, 2012. Retrieve on November 13, 2012 from: http://wakeup-world.com
"Big Food Behemoths Embarrass Their Organic Offshoots" Jim Hightower, Truth-Out, October 10, 2012. Retrieved on November 13, 2012 from: http://truth-out.org
"Big Organic Joins Monsanto in Fighting Prop 37" Corey Hill, East Bay Express, September 12, 2012. Retrieved on November 13, 2012 from: http://www.eastbayexpress.com
"Organic Food Industry Bought Up by Corporations Like Coca-Cola" Anthony Gucciardi, Natural Society, April 3, 2012. Retrieved on November 13, 2012 from: http://naturalsociety.com
"Who Owns Organic?" Cornucopia Institute. Retrieved on November 13, 2012 from: http://www.cornucopia.org/who-owns-organic/
"The Stories (And Money) Behind 10 of Your Favorite Organic and Natural Brands" Vanessa Barrington, EcoSalon, October 28, 2009. Retrieved on November 13, 2012 from: http://ecosalon.com
About the author:
Carolanne enthusiastically believes if we want to see change in the world, we need to be the change. As a nutritionist, natural foods chef and wellness coach, Carolanne has encouraged others to embrace a healthy lifestyle of organic living, gratefulness and joyful orientation for over 13 years. Through her website www.Thrive-Living.net she looks forward to connecting with other like-minded people from around the world who share a similar vision.
Follow on Twitter at: www.twitter.com/Thrive_Living
Read her other articles on Natural News here:
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An archived copy of the 2013 Q1 Quarterly Market Report (QMR) is available for download below. The report features global insight into 75 countries that identifies current trends and provides intelligence into the labor market. In addition to market trends and country profiles, the QMR discusses labor trends and market conditions in order to highlight resulting impact across the globe.
To view individual Country Profiles from the Quarterly Market Report use the Workforce Profile drop-down to select a country at the top right hand side of this page.
For a copy of the full Quarterly Market Report including 75 country profiles, click Here to begin downloading.


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September 06, 2012
Do not travel in the company of those who work against you. Move towards people with words of encouragement and an extended hand. Release the grudge that you have for someone who betrayed you. You will find liberation and lightheartedness in forgiving. Follow your heart when it comes to a love interest. Soul Affirmation: Intelligent information does not have to come from intelligent sources
Stay adaptable, and all will be fine. Flexibility is easy for you when you want it to be. The situation you'll face this week will require that you alter your way of thinking about someone with whom you're involved in business or friendship. Soul Affirmation: Facing down challenges makes me feel good about myself.
Modesty doesn't mean cowardly. It can mean gracious. Let a friend have the credit for something that you did. Be cool. It's good exercise. Tooting your own horn doesn't get you the biggest notice. The people you want to impress this week will be more impressed by your graciousness. Soul Affirmation: I am willing to do more than my part to get the job done this week.
Give birth to some new impulses about love. The ones you've been using have led you to a place you do not wish to be. Give yourself a break. Change. Be less critical. Accept love even from those you do not completely agree with. Soul Affirmation: I keep in mind the practical side of life this week.
Be modest! Don't just be smug and cool about your greatness. This week get in touch with your limitations and acknowledge them. You're not doing it in order to fix anything. You're just enlarging your capacity for self-acceptance. Soul Affirmation: I am a giver of good words this week.
This could turn out to be the most argument-filled week you've had for a while. Your feelings could be deeply hurt if you try to force your sense of rightness off on anyone else. Chill. Remember that in the past when people were cantankerous you could find pleasure in nature, or animals. Soul Affirmation: I put my charm to work for me this week.
Your good will and intentions towards others will reap you an inheritance of abundance and wealth. You will be blessed with many good wishes and enjoy them in the company of family and friends. Soul Affirmation: I appear to others what I know myself to be.
Your dignity and composure is a sure asset this week. Be Mr. or Ms. Cool Breeze. In touchy situations you have the ability to maintain a high level of emotional balance and a calm disposition. Use these qualities to the fullest this week. You have the know-how to re-direct negative feelings into a positive solution. Soul Affirmation: Superficiality is often the best route to clarity.
Start this week to make a difference for tomorrow. You can determine the prosperity of your future by making difficult decisions in the present. Rearrange your priorities and decide what are the important things to you. Make a list. Write them down and act on it now! Soul Affirmation: As chances come around again. I take advantage of them.
You are often superb at exercising good judgment and rational decision-making. Yet sometimes you are rash. Flip to the observant side of your mentality this week. You will soon find yourself in a situation where there will be strife if you are not careful. Soul Affirmation: A cheerful soul should be wrapped in a cheerful package.
Just to prove to yourself once again how lucky you are you should fly into the face of bad predictions. Gamble this week in business, relationships, love -something. Remain truly confident that things will come out in a way that will satisfy you. Soul Affirmation: Change is my middle name.
Move through your social environments and festive occasions this week without stopping even for a little while to listen to rumors. Rumors are often untrue. And for goodness sake believe only good things about friends and your lover. Soul Affirmation: I keep my eyes open for business opportunities this week.