text:
Pueblo Crime Beat: Fugitive, others arrested
An early Saturday morning visit by police to two East Fifth Street residences resulted in several arrests.
Although police were searching for fugitive Michael Johnson, 30, in the first home, they didn't find him there. But they did locate Dominic Suazo, 44, who had a felony warrant out of the Department of Corrections' fugitive unit; Joseph Garcia, 27, who had a felony warrant for failure to appear; and Christopher Fuentes, 23, who had a probation-related warrant.
At the home, police obtained information regarding Johnson's possible whereabouts. At another address on East Fifth Street, they found Johnson and took him into custody on a felony warrant, for a parole violation, from the DOC's fugitive unit.
Search warrant reveals guns, drugs
On June 13, Officer Cody Metcalfe contacted a vehicle on the property of Corwin International Magnet School on Lakeview Avenue. Inside the vehicle was Gilbert Salazar, 29, who was wanted on two no-bond, felony warrants for aggravated motor vehicle theft and possession of controlled substances with intent to distribute.
On Saturday, Metcalfe executed a search warrant on that vehicle and located a loaded handgun, 35 grams of suspected methamphetamine and a gram of suspected heroin. Metcalfe will request further charges against Salazar as a result of the search.
Sandra A. Manchego, 57, of the 2000 block of East 15th Street, was arrested Saturday on suspicion of felony menacing and on a failure to appear warrant. Total bail was set at $2,425.
Chieftain reporter Jon Pompia can be reached by email at firstname.lastname@example.com or at twitter.com/jpompia. Help support local journalism by subscribing to the Chieftain at chieftain.com/subscribenow


text:
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The item "K2 First Light Snowboard 2020 Women's 146 cm" is in sale since Wednesday, June 19, 2019. This item is in the category "Sporting Goods\Winter Sports\Skiing, Snowboarding & Snowshoeing\Snowboards". The seller is "seatoski" and is located in Freeport, Maine.This item can be shipped to United States.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Last years' developments in Geneva on the UN business and human rights treaty.
In October 2016, States and civil society groups and from all over the world gathered at the at the UN in Geneva for the second session of the open-ended intergovernmental working group (IGWG) on transnational corporations and other business enterprises with respect to human rights .
The main purpose of these talks was to deliberate on the content, scope, nature and form of the future international instrument on business and human rights. SOMO was one of the many NGO's following the discussions in Geneva and works together with partner organisations towards a treaty that will effectively contribute to enhanced access to justice and remedy for victims of business related human rights abuse.
See updates from these negatations below. Useful links, summaries and statements are found at the bottom of this page.
October 28, 2016
Read a summary of day 5 here.
Optimistic end to an intense week in #Geneva discussing #BindingTreaty to #stopcorporateabuse! #bizhumanrights https://t.co/MIzlpAzZZq
— ECCJ (@corpjust) October 28, 2016
Draft report 2nd #IGWG session adopted. Elements for #BindingTreaty to be developed for next year. Let's keep up good work! @TreatyAlliance
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 28, 2016
Venezuela and Bolivia support South Africa's proposal. Now discussion among States, whether or not to ask for draft treaty text in IGWG rep https://t.co/dtSdQoNEiO
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 28, 2016
States deliberating final report of #IGWG for #BindingTreaty to stop #StopCorporateAbuse. SouthAfrica wants ask 4 draft treaty text included pic.twitter.com/jtN5hzpOcl
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 28, 2016
#BizHumanRights: 2nd round of negotiations of a #bindingtreaty ends today https://t.co/5KuIxPIwuI @Fidh_en mobilized to #StopCorporateAbuse!
— FIDH at the UN (@fidh_un) October 28, 2016
Intense talks on #bindingtreaty @UNGeneva!Read Day 3&4 summary: https://t.co/k83KMScc2J! Thanks @SOMO @BROT_furdiewelt @fidh_eu @foeeurope! pic.twitter.com/SqFqJpw8sa
— ECCJ (@corpjust) October 28, 2016
People from all over the world joined the #weekofaction for a #BindingTreaty to #stopCorporateAbuse. Check it out! https://t.co/GbZFKIgmze pic.twitter.com/NReQWORxF7
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 28, 2016
"We are here in Geneva to demand a #BindingTreaty. The guiding principles are not enough for communities!" E. Pèriz @TierraDigna pic.twitter.com/zqwxOjDoPp
— CIDSE (@CIDSE) October 28, 2016
#BindingTreaty key as the balance of power is different for companies & affected populations- J.Fernandes @MAB_Brasil #StopCorporateImpunity pic.twitter.com/6tUhmrZLrA
— CIDSE (@CIDSE) October 28, 2016
Victims of abuses of corporate power should have effective instruments for #HumanRights @Aprodeh https://t.co/1HgJ4hOdES
— CIDSE (@CIDSE) October 28, 2016
.@ECCHRBerlin shares obstacles faced 2 ensure victims can participate in court proceedings in corporate cases @TreatyAlliance #BindingTreaty
— Marion Cadier (@MarionCadier) October 28, 2016
Angela Choc from #Guatemala highlights the lack of #translators in court as great obstacle in having access to remedy for #IndigenousPeoples
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 28, 2016
#IndigenousPeoples and #women most affected by TNCs and OBEs #humanrights abuses in Guatemala #BindingTreaty #stopcorporateabuse pic.twitter.com/1H7nSePPPE
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 28, 2016
Issues raised at Side Event: violation to the right to #information and lack of #independence of the judicial system @UNGeneva in Guatemala
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 28, 2016
Side Event to the IGWG on TNCs-OBEs by @FIANista on behalf of @TreatyAlliance on access to remedy #stopcorporateabuse #BindingTreaty
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 28, 2016
@TreatyAlliance side event starting now in room XXIII #BindingTreaty #stopcorporateabuse pic.twitter.com/Bwu6Jxeo1M
— Marion Cadier (@MarionCadier) October 28, 2016
"40 years of voluntarism shows that voluntarily mechanisms are not enough." Professor Stephens on #BindingTreaty to #stopcorporateabuse pic.twitter.com/jK4EOJQ8cq
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 28, 2016
Farmer Abu Saker speaks about state-corporate #LandGrabbing + theft of #Palestine #water, for #settlements. #BindingTreaty @BADIL_Center https://t.co/MNI3jnt7eh
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 28, 2016
Our Gizela Zunguze asks for access to justice for victims of abuses by #mining giants #Vale and Jindal #BindingTreaty #StopCorporateAbuse pic.twitter.com/YTUQd2X1xw
— Friends of the Earth (@FoEint) October 28, 2016
"#Colombia's #peaceprocess needs an #accountable extractives industry" says coalition of NGOs: https://t.co/1yJiP53i02
— BusinessHumanRights (@BHRRC) October 28, 2016
Treaty should guarantee states obligations to protect #HumanRights in connection wt corporate activities. Read here https://t.co/vG1zVYbdcB pic.twitter.com/D0QenhmS2c
— CIDSE (@CIDSE) October 28, 2016
Over the past decades, States have reaffirmed the right to an effective remedy in numerous treaties and declarations, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law. It is time to put these words into action, and ensure that the right to an effective remedy is protected and promoted for all victims, also for those whose rights were violated by corporate actors.
– Lydia de Leeuw of SOMO, also on behalf of other organisations – read the full statement
Statement was made on behalf of @CIDSE @fidh_en @bread4theworld @IBFAN_GIFA @foeeurope @SOMO: https://t.co/nkp2O6UY7y
— Mariëtte v Huijstee (@Mariette_v_H) October 28, 2016
#BindingTreaty must remove barriers in access to remedy (eg, remove corporate veil obstacle), argues @LydiaDeLeeuw pic.twitter.com/wDnOxgMTG2
— Surya Deva (@ProfSuryaDeva) October 28, 2016
In particular, the treaty should oblige states to provide for civil, criminal and administrative liability in case of violations of human rights by business. The treaty should also include a provision for collective redress and access to legal aid in appropriate cases. Furthermore, transparency and access to information need to be ensured through the treaty, in order to enable victims to effectively seek remedy. Legal action from both host and home States should be required, with denial of access to remedy being treated as a human rights violation by the State concerned.
– Lydia de Leeuw of SOMO, also on behalf of other organisations – read the full statement
.@LydiaDeLeeuw: "#bindingtreaty should oblige states to provide for civil, criminal and administrative liability for #bizhumanrights abuse" pic.twitter.com/j236i8FWtB
— Mariëtte v Huijstee (@Mariette_v_H) October 28, 2016
@LydiaDeLeeuw @SOMO asks what are states doing to improve access to legal remedy for victims of corporate abuse? #BindingTreaty
— CAFOD Policy (@CAFODwire) October 28, 2016
Parent companies are rarely held liable for human rights abuses committed by their subsidiaries or along their supply chains, while the environment of local subsidiaries and suppliers is often characterized by weak regulation and enforcement. Therefore, the future international legally binding instrument must remove obstacles to remedy at the national level […]
– Lydia de Leeuw of SOMO, also on behalf of other organisations – read the full statement
@SOMO reads joint statement on access to effective remedy in the #BindingTreaty This is the time for States to act to #stopcorporateabuse
— Maddalena Neglia (@MaddalenaNeglia) October 28, 2016
Crucial discussion on this last #BindingTreaty IGWG day: obstacles to access to remedies. Ex from Burma @KDanielAguirre #stopcorporateabuse
— Marion Cadier (@MarionCadier) October 28, 2016
#Myanmar is important example of govt. prioritising attracting investment over #humanrights, says legal expert: https://t.co/ctZKaJNo9x
— BusinessHumanRights (@BHRRC) October 28, 2016
Try telling a farmer in Myanmar that an investor has rights to protect its land while the farmer has none, @KDanielAguirre on #BindingTreaty pic.twitter.com/CNZLe4ks2f
— Irene Pietropaoli (@IPietropaoli) October 28, 2016
Important lessons to learn from experiences with litigation under the US Alien Torts Claims Acts for #bindingtreaty: https://t.co/vwE5tY1HDG
— Mariëtte v Huijstee (@Mariette_v_H) October 28, 2016
Indeed, and 1 way of protecting #HRDs is resolving legislative gaps re corporate activities. #BindingTreaty #stopcorporateabuse @ICJ_org https://t.co/YAr4zD6FOR
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 27, 2016
Day 5 of negotiations #BindingTreaty #bizhumanrights @un #Geneva. Catch up on day 1-4! #stopcorporateabuse : https://t.co/6sGClCMMlT
— SOMO (@SOMO) October 28, 2016
October 27, 2016
Read a summary of day 4 here.
Robert McCorquodale in Geneva at IGWG: "CSR is not human rights". We need a #BindingTreaty to #StopCorporateAbuse!
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 27, 2016
Read joint oral statement on scope #BindingTreaty by @fidh_en @SOMO @CIDSE @alhaq_org @icj @IBFAN_GIFA BFTW https://t.co/iawKr4u7y6
— Marion Cadier (@MarionCadier) October 27, 2016
.@FIDH reads Statement on scope #bindingtreaty #bizhumanrights – Should cover activities of ALL businesses with specific measures on TNCs
— SOMO (@SOMO) October 27, 2016
@annevanschaik: "There is an inconsistency & injustice that offends us all and must be at heart of future treaty" #BindingTreaty @foeeurope pic.twitter.com/p98US5aHt4
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 27, 2016
IGWG day 4: discussions on one of most contentious issue: scope of the #BindingTreaty #stopcorporateabuse pic.twitter.com/nwh0huwFJX
— Marion Cadier (@MarionCadier) October 27, 2016
October 26, 2016
Read a summary of day 3 here.
Lawyer @RichardMeeran: affected people dying while he fights legal battle over forum non conveniens; barrier to address in #BindingTreaty
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 26, 2016
.Congiu makes an important point @UNHumanRights in Geneva: enforcement of the future #BindingTreaty is crucial for effective design
— Mariëtte v Huijstee (@Mariette_v_H) October 26, 2016
Netherlands opens comments on #bizhumanrights #bindingtreaty w update on #publicprocurement – says suppliers must comply w OECD GL (1:19) pic.twitter.com/mBlitpDFTN
— Claire MethvenOBrien (@claire_ob1) October 26, 2016
Godwin Ojo intervening NOW for #BindingTreaty to #StopCorporateImpunity pic.twitter.com/BivotOyGqv
— Friends of the Earth (@FoEint) October 26, 2016
Palestine at UN #Geneva: dismissal of Dutch #IHL case against Lima Holding illustrates need for #BindingTreaty to ensure remedy. @ZegveldL pic.twitter.com/vV840XdQ0c
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 26, 2016
Our Rizwana Hassan from FoE Bangladesh on ship wrecking: voluntary guidelines simply don't work. Time for #BindingTreaty pic.twitter.com/LLlmxjRQY0
— natacha cingotti (@c_natacha) October 26, 2016
Susan George on developing a #BindingTreaty on transnational corporations and human rights @TNInstitute pic.twitter.com/X1CmUtCoce
— Friends of the Earth (@FoEint) October 26, 2016
"Don't expect an industry that profits from human misery to be your friend." @FCTCofficial about need for #BindingTreaty. @TreatyAlliance pic.twitter.com/OViQRpWaML
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 26, 2016
What happened yesterday at the #IGWG session? Check out the summary here #StopCorporateAbuse: https://t.co/FYMDgbtGoD
— CIDSE (@CIDSE) October 26, 2016
To @kromjong from @IOEvoice: the glass is EMPTY for victims of HR abuse by business that still wait for remedy and justice #bindingtreaty
— Mariëtte v Huijstee (@Mariette_v_H) October 26, 2016
No centre of power in society should be immune to
obligations flowing from HRs law" @suryadeva #stopcorporateabuse #BindingTreaty
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 26, 2016
"Must avoid "hurting business through too much regulation" says CSR Finance Inst: …& the people?? #stopcorporateabuse #BindingTreaty
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 26, 2016
IGWG Day 3 #BindingTreaty : panel on ex of existing intl instruments on obligation & responsibilities of private sector #stopcorporateabuse pic.twitter.com/AlAmDYDegV
— Marion Cadier (@MarionCadier) October 26, 2016
October 25, 2016
Read a summary of day 2 here.
Spotlight on soft law regulation of corp. obligations at 2nd day of #UN Intergovt. Working Group, says NGO: https://t.co/7aKZw83zZs
— BusinessHumanRights (@BHRRC) October 26, 2016
Abu Sakr from the Jordan Valley Popular Committees explains how agriculture has become a desert land because of lack of water #BindingTreaty
— Dismantle Corp Power (@StopTNCimpunity) October 25, 2016
Inspiring panel from all over the world exposing consequences of corporate control of #water
We need a #BindingTreaty on #BizHumanRights pic.twitter.com/3xaYOVfgZw
— Sol Trumbo Vila (@Soltrumbo) October 25, 2016
Kinda Mohamedieh @South_Centre: #BindingTreaty should clarify ETOs of and access to remedy in home State of companies. @TreatyAlliance pic.twitter.com/1h2c36SH7r
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 25, 2016
"States have the obligation to provide a public complaint mechanism in the
review process on trade & investment agreements" says @IGJ2012 pic.twitter.com/xYqJMIVgw8
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 25, 2016
UN Working Group on issue of HR and transnational corporations supports process of #bindingtreaty to #stopcorporateabuse says @ProfSuryaDeva
— annevanschaik (@annevanschaik) October 25, 2016
Full house in side event organised by @StopTNCimpunity to share the 6 joint proposals for a #BindingTreaty at @UNGeneva #bizhumanrights pic.twitter.com/GI2GwRdTn5
— Sol Trumbo Vila (@Soltrumbo) October 25, 2016
We are in @UNGeneva supporting a #BindingTreaty on Transnationals and #HumanRights. We bring 6 specific proposals. https://t.co/pdLbniPpTk
— Dismantle Corp Power (@StopTNCimpunity) October 25, 2016
Geneva: Outrageous that @AMeyerstein from @USCIB said #ISDS designed to "protect human rights". False: it shields impunity. #BindingTreaty pic.twitter.com/6CRgwLuxDg
— Tom Kucharz (@tomkucharz) October 25, 2016
Check out our blog series on #BindingTreaty for expert opinions & the main debates on the issue https://t.co/Ifd3kN39Av #stopcorporateabuse
— LegalAccountability (@cla_bhrrc) October 25, 2016
"Powerful companies have an enormous influence on States decisions, which negatively affects people's #righttohealth " says @StopCorpAbuse pic.twitter.com/FG2uWYTMtR
— Treaty Alliance (@TreatyAlliance) October 25, 2016
#Tanzania: NGO leader says proper legal framework needed to ensure locals benefit from uranium mining: https://t.co/HwFg11ZeEe
— BusinessHumanRights (@BHRRC) October 25, 2016
#Canada says host countries have the primary responsibility for addressing violations by companies. Not good enough.#CEDAW #bizhumanrights
— Sanyu Awori (@Sanyu_Awori) October 25, 2016
"What would you do if you were in the shoes of the victims?", Bolivia asks @AMeyerstein @USCIB who defend #ISDS #injustice. #BindingTreaty
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 25, 2016
@USCIB @AMeyerstein claim #ISDS is a mechanism for human rights protection despite contrary evidence: https://t.co/dQJAxHED1b #BindingTreaty
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 25, 2016
China delegate: all states have primary obligation to protect HRs including in relation to TNCs; govt regulates Chinese cos operating abroad pic.twitter.com/ZCFWstKN7c
— Surya Deva (@ProfSuryaDeva) October 25, 2016
Good to see @NLInGeneva participating on #bindingtreaty to #stopcorporateabuse and share workon #HR. Yet NL should not focus on #UNGP alone.
— annevanschaik (@annevanschaik) October 25, 2016
#CorporateImpunity is the result of asymmetry between rights & obligations of companies: Juan Hernandez-Zubizarraeta at OEIWG #BindingTreaty pic.twitter.com/wvCSvZvqP0
— Surya Deva (@ProfSuryaDeva) October 25, 2016
Read written contributions, including @fidh_en's, to the IGWG's 2nd session: https://t.co/HdfP5tX6QB #BindingTreaty #StopCorporateAbuse
— FIDH at the UN (@fidh_un) October 25, 2016
Investment arbitration protects #HRs too; many claims won by states, argues @AMeyerstein Evidence-based discussion needed for #BindingTreaty pic.twitter.com/C6apeDxzfG
— Surya Deva (@ProfSuryaDeva) October 25, 2016
2nd Session of UN #IGWG negotiations for #BindingTreaty on #TNCs and human rights, 2nd day starting soon: Watch https://t.co/lEl2EVAKSH pic.twitter.com/WAEVmLhtYu
— Geneva Global Health (@G2H2_Geneva) October 25, 2016
October 24, 2016
Read a summary of day 1 here.
#BindingTreaty talks Day1 Summary: #EU in the room. Is it enough 2 #stopcorporateabuse? https://t.co/JMj45Rnffk @UNGeneva pic.twitter.com/80pK6AqErG
— ECCJ (@corpjust) October 25, 2016
Great day today. #StopCETA becomes reality and a #BindingTreaty is closer at the @UNGeneva
Let's enjoy common victories. pic.twitter.com/TN0VjfMNe8
— Sol Trumbo Vila (@Soltrumbo) October 24, 2016
ESCR-Net & @fidh_en launch 10 key Legal proposals for UN Treaty to #stopcorporateabuse https://t.co/fA3iEO5Cf3 #BindingTreaty @UNHumanRights pic.twitter.com/mXbEbY5IBn
— ESCR-Net / Red-DESC (@ESCRNet) October 24, 2016
The Treaty should ensure that trade and investment treaties do not prevent States from meeting their pre-existing human rights obligations, and do not provide the means for companies to escape their responsibility. It should :
- Contain a hierarchical clause that establishes the primacy of this Treaty above any trade and investment treaty between two Parties, in the event of a conflict.
- Reaffirm the primacy of human rights, as guaranteed by States' pre-existing obligations to respect, protect and fulfil human rights at every stage of negotiation, interpretation and dispute resolution.
- Address the critical gaps of the monitoring and assessment of the concrete impacts of trade and investment agreements.
- Effectively empower States and affected populations to prevent and remedy the adverse human rights impacts of these agreements.
– Debbie Stothard of FIDH, also on behalf of SOMO
EU is still adopting a conservative position on #BindingTreaty, but states in IGWG welcomed its willingness to participate in discussions.
— Irene Pietropaoli (@IPietropaoli) October 25, 2016
The treaty should address the following challenges, namely:
- Trade and investment agreements oblige States to adopt measures that may infringe upon human rights, hamper their capacity to protect human rights or, prevent them from controlling private stakeholders
- Investment agreements are used by investors
- Trade and investment agreements become an obstacle to the recognition of pre-existing human rights obligations, therefore subordinating human rights to investor protections.
– Debbie Stothard of FIDH, also on behalf of SOMO
A #BindingTreaty shld have hierarchical clause to establish primacy above any trade and investment treaty, says @fidh_en, @SOMO, @foeeurope
— annevanschaik (@annevanschaik) October 24, 2016
FIDH, CIDSE, SOMO and FoEE which are all members of the Treaty Alliance, firmly believe that a legally binding instrument must not be conceived as an isolated instrument – it must address the legal issues and potential conflicts that result from other legal regimes, such as those created by trade and investments agreements.
– Debbie Stothard of FIDH, also on behalf of SOMO
IGWG – FIDH, IBFAN-GIFA, CIDSE, SOMO and FoEE will make an oral statement on what #BindingTreaty can do re. trade and investment agreeemnt
— FIDH at the EU (@fidh_eu) October 24, 2016
We call on States to begin considering how the future binding instrument can best respect, protect and fulfill human rights in this context, and ask them to consider the inclusion of a general 'good governance and conflict of interest mitigation' provision into the text of the future instrument.
– Intervention by ESCR-net
#BindingTreaty: majority of jobs created by #TNCs are far from decent work says @uniglobalunion
— ECCJ (@corpjust) October 24, 2016
.@UNCTADs R. Kozul-Wright at panel @UNHumanRights:"contemporary free trade agreements dont deal with trade, nor with freedom" #bindingtreaty
— Mariëtte v Huijstee (@Mariette_v_H) October 24, 2016
Panelist Jean-Luc Mélenchon(EP) stresses the huge imbalance between annual turnover of TNCs vs BNP of States > need for #bindingtreaty
— Mariëtte v Huijstee (@Mariette_v_H) October 24, 2016
Voice of affected communities is the voice that needs to shape work towards #BindingTreaty on TNCs & human rights-Brid Brennan @TNInstitute
— Dismantle Corp Power (@StopTNCimpunity) October 24, 2016
1/2 Taking stock of morning session on #bindingtreaty to #StopCorporateAbuse: in favour: SA, Ecuador, Etiopia, Egypt, Palestine, Cuba.
— annevanschaik (@annevanschaik) October 24, 2016
2/3 also in favor #bindingtreaty: Nica, Bolivia, Namibia, Indonesia, Peru, Chile, Pakistan, Colombia, malaysia, Argentina.
— annevanschaik (@annevanschaik) October 24, 2016
2/3 More cautious of #bindingtreaty to #stopcorporateabuse: China, Switzerland. Not so much in favour: Russia, @EU_InGeneva, Japan.
— annevanschaik (@annevanschaik) October 24, 2016
Program of Work adopted! bit of an emo-moment, it took us a whole day at the previous session of #bindingtreaty to #stopcorporateabuse
— annevanschaik (@annevanschaik) October 24, 2016
Protests outside UN Geneva of concerned citizens & NGOs regarding ongoing negotiations to come to #BindingTreaty on business + #humanrights pic.twitter.com/11iV9irQ7y
— Barbara Ruis (@safaribarbara) October 24, 2016
NGOs building strong alliances pushing 4 #UN #BindingTreaty on business and human rights.@TreatyAlliance @StopTNCimpunity Today talks start! pic.twitter.com/622FVdhgs2
— Lydia de Leeuw (@LydiaDeLeeuw) October 24, 2016
The first day of the week-long second session of the UN Intergovernmental Working Group (IGWG) on the proposed business & human rights treaty is about to kick off!
Oral and Written Statements
Panel IV: Open debate on different approaches and criteria for the future definition of the scope of the international legally binding instrument – By SOMO, CIDSE, FIDH, ICJ and more organisations.
Panel VI: Lessons learned and challenges to access to remedy (selected cases from different sectors and regions) – By SOMO, CIDSE, FIDH, ICJ and more organisations.
Useful links
UN Human Rights – Live stream, agenda and more.
Press release by FIDH – International Federation for Human Rights.
Treaty Alliance – Global movement for a binding treaty on business and human rights.
Treaty Alliance: Resources – Official docs, statements, studies, opinions, background information.
Business and Human Rights Resource Centre – Live Twitter feed, related statements and articles, a blog and more.
European Coalition for Corporate Justice – Live Twitter feed, articles and more.
International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights – Video of side event, views of the day and more.
Red International de Derechos Humanos – Facebook page: video's, side events, views of the day and more.
Stop Corporate Impunity – Campaign to stop corporate impunity, mobilisation and more.


text:
Abdorrahman Boroumand Foundation's Response to Fars News Agency's Article on the Legitimacy of the 1988 Massacre of Iranian Prisoners
The following is a translated excerpt of a Fars News Agency article published on August 1, 2012, entitled "What lurks behind the scenes of the Iran Tribunal show trial?" [1] The provocative nature of this article prompted us to prepare a brief legal analysis in response to the arguments presented therein, which will follow the translation.
The Fars News Article
"What occasioned the writing of this article, was the anniversary of Imam Khomeini's Religious Decree ("Fatwa") concerning the arrested or imprisoned members of the Hypocrites (formerly, Mojahedeen e Khalgh.) This Decree can truly be called a redeeming and lifesaving Fatwa, the result of which was poking the eyes out of a calamity named the Mojahedeen e Khalgh Organization.
we are out to prove the legitimacy of the 1988 executions from the perspective of international law.
There is no question as to the legality of the 1988 executions where national and religious laws are concerned; proving the legitimacy of these executions from an international law standpoint, however, is a task that has seldom been undertaken. That is why we are out to prove the legitimacy of the 1988 executions from the perspective of international law.
The first instance of doubt ["Shobheh" is an Islamic legal term which roughly translates into legal doubt or uncertainty] is as to the legality of a second trial for individuals already in prison, and whether or not a second trial for those sentenced to prison terms, and perhaps sentenced to death in the second trial, is legal.
In providing an answer to this legal uncertainty, one factor that cannot easily be set aside, is the "substantive revolution" that happened in early 1367 [mid-1988] in the nature of the Mojahedeen Organization; within five months from the start of the year 1367, the Mojahedeen Organization was transformed from a "political-ideological" organization with a military branch, to an "army" with a "military" nature. Three military operations within five months, killing a large number of [Iranian regular] military, Revolutionary Guards, and Bassij [organized militia] forces, getting equipped with, and utilizing heavy military equipment such as tanks, etc. in these five months, are not signs of a military force [the writers probably mean "are" signs of a military force.]
In accordance with the international criminal rule of "Enemy Character," if it can be proven that individuals in prison are in contact with enemy military forces [in a situation of war,] all the rules that apply in a situation of war, apply to these individuals
The second point, is the imprisoned individuals' contact with this Organization and their information as to the "substantive revolution" that had occurred in the nature of this Organization, since proving this point is of great significance in international law. In accordance with the international criminal rule of "Enemy Character," if it can be proven that individuals in prison are in contact with enemy military forces [in a situation of war,] all the rules that apply in a situation of war, apply to these individuals, such as legitimate defense [or self-defense,] summary execution, or execution ordered by a military tribunal (the decisions of which are binding and cannot be appealed, and there is no need to secure an attorney for the accused) etc.
This rule provides: "[The concept of, or the word]"Enemy" is not solely limited to nationals, individuals or similar institutions that are under the enemy's rule and sovereignty; the enemy's vital lifelines, as well as nationals and goods belonging to impartial governments, or belonging to one's own government but at the service of the enemy, are also considered enemy. [There should be an end quote here, but there isn't] Hence, the Hypocrites that were in prison had that same enemy character, and therefore no objection can be made to putting these individuals on trial a second time: at the start of the year 1367, they were effectively a unit of the enemy's military in prisons.
There are many signs in the memoirs of the remaining Hypocrites that indicate that imprisoned members of the Hypocrites had information about and identified with the military nature of the Mojahedeen (Hypocrites) Organization. These memoirs are also proof of imprisoned individuals' undeniable contact with their military personnel and their information as to this "substantive revolution;" this is a fact that gives rise to the Enemy Character rule in international law.
On July 22, 1988, Massoud Rajavi who had gathered all the Organization's forces in the Ashraf community center, announced in an extensive speech, the start of the "Eternal Light" operation and the "takeover of Tehran," and stated: "A large number of forces will help us in this operation. Also, once prison doors are opened, they too are with us and will help us along. Prison forces are potentially with us."
The analysis of the accounts of those months' events reveals that the disruption of order in prisons in 1988 by certain prisoners, especially those affiliated with Mojahedeen e Khalgh, was due to Mojahedeen members stationed in Iraq carrying out the operations known as "Aftab" and "Chelcheragh" on March 27 [1988] and on June 19, respectively, and claiming that Iranian forces had been defeated in both operations and that their morale was low.
The third point in proving the legality of the executions is the role of the investigative boards (three-member board appointed by the Imam) in discovering this relation. Events that have transpired in the world today indicate that, had a phenomenon such as the Mojahedeen Organization and the 15,000 Iranians it killed (until 1988) occurred in any other country, that country's authorities would most certainly have condemned the individuals associated with that organization to death without a trial; however, in Iran, through the Imam's wisdom, this three-member board was devised in order to make sure that the individuals inside prisons were [in fact] in contact with the Hypocrites' military forces. This is an innovation that deserves to be strongly applauded.
Another point is that certain remaining members of the Hypocrites have attempted to create doubt by stating that many of the prisoners did not know the nature of these three-member boards and did not know what the objective of these investigative boards was in asking them about their contact with the Organization and whether they maintained their position [of membership in the Mojahedeen Organization.] There are, however, numerous memoirs of remaining members of the Hypocrites, such as Mehdi Aslani and Iraj Mesdaghi, where they admit that many of the prisoners who insisted on [maintaining] their positions, were aware of the consequences of taking a stand in favor of the Mojahedeen Organization (execution,) but they still insisted on maintaining their revolutionary (!!) stance. Hence, this doubt [objection] is also not accepted, based on the same memoirs.
Therefore, it can be said in short, that [bringing up] the killings of 1988 is a human rights excuse so that the remaining Hypocrites can continue to be cronies and mercenaries of the enemies of Iran
The last point about the individuals executed that year, is their number, which, in the remaining Mojahedeen's psychological operations, has been stated to be two to five thousand, and at times they've taken it up to 30,000. This statistical difference itself is quite ridiculous, since this number [30,000] of prisoners in those years, is many times the capacity of the entire prison system of the Islamic Republic. Therefore, it can be said in short, that [bringing up] the killings of 1988 is a human rights excuse so that the remaining Hypocrites can continue to be cronies and mercenaries of the enemies of Iran by keeping pressure on the Islamic republic."
The Boroumand Foundation's Response
The Fars article purports to provide a legal analysis of the 1988 killings, with the objective of "proving the legitimacy of the 1988 executions from an international law standpoint." Our goal, as stated above, is to provide a brief legal analysis of the arguments presented in that article. It bears mentioning that the Boroumand Foundation, in cooperation with a renowned international law jurist, has conducted and published a thorough legal analysis of the 1988 massacre in which it has concluded that the massacre is a prime example of crimes against humanity.[2]
During the months of August and September of 1988, thousands of political prisoners incarcerated in the Islamic Republic, were summarily executed. The basis for this inhuman deed was Ayatollah Khomeini's "Fatwa" to execute "Moharebeen"
During the months of August and September of 1988, thousands of political prisoners incarcerated in the Islamic Republic, were summarily executed. The basis for this cruel and inhuman deed was Ayatollah Khomeini's "Fatwa" (religious decree) of July 30, 1988, to execute "Moharebeen" (enemies of God.) To carry out the executions, the Ayatollah created a three-member board and instructed them not to take pity on Moharebeen, and "not to have any temptations [of] doubts or uncertainties and rid [Islam] of infidels."[3] (For a thorough account of the 1988 killings, see G. Robertson Report)[4]
Although Fars believes "there is no doubt or question [as to the legality of] the 1988 executions, as far as religious laws and internal laws [of Iran] are concerned," the implementation of that Fatwa is a clear and flagrant violation of Iran's international obligations. The Iranian government is signatory to a number of international conventions, the ratification of which has made the content of those conventions legally binding on Iran. For the purposes of critiquing the Fars news article, it is imperative to point out that Iran has ratified the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) ("ICCPR") and the Geneva Convention on the Treatment of Prisoners of War (1949) ("Geneva Convention"), in 1975 and 1957, respectively. This means that Iran is under the obligation to abide by and implement the provisions thereof, since, through ratification (i.e., acceptance of the provisions by the relevant national authority,) these conventions effectively become legally binding domestic law, infringement and violation of which creates domestic and international responsibility. Hence, any attempt in proving the legality/legitimacy of the executions must be done within the framework of the above conventions and the provisions thereof, as well as customary international law.
"proving the legitimacy … from an international law standpoint" runs into some very serious problems from the get go, if not to say completely lacks a legal foundation
- Generally speaking, from an international law standpoint, the death penalty lacks legitimacy and can only be applied in very particular cases and upon going through a complex legal procedure. The limitations placed on the death penalty in ICCPR Article (6) are practically nothing short of abolishment. The article provides that the "sentence of death may be imposed only for the most serious crimes in accordance with the law in force at the time of the commission of the crime and not contrary to the provisions of the present Covenant." Accordingly, political "crimes" are not subject to the death penalty. Further, the "penalty can only be carried out pursuant to a final judgment rendered by a competent court."
Also, pursuant to ICCPR Article (7), "no one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment." Many international law jurists have interpreted Article (6) in light of Article (7), thereby rendering the death penalty a prime example of cruel and inhuman punishment and therefore completely illegal. Based on this very viewpoint, the death penalty has been abolished in a great many countries, including the European Union.
Thus, any argument with the stated objective of "proving the legitimacy … from an international law standpoint" runs into some very serious problems from the get go, if not to say completely lacks a legal foundation.
The basis for a new trial was neither a new accusation nor new evidence, but simply Ayatollah Khomeini's explicit decree to kill
- Fars then proceeds to analyze "the legality of a second trial" for the prisoners. Disregarding the fact that the basis for a new trial was neither a new accusation nor new evidence, but simply Ayatollah Khomeini's explicit decree to kill, none of the rules normally associated with a trial, such as submitting an indictment, appointing or allowing the defendant to hire an attorney, or submitting evidence by the defendant, were observed. Further, since the three-member board was not an impartial court of any kind and was at best an extra-judicial body, one basically cannot talk of a "second trial." Ayatollah Khomeini's intention was not to initiate a tribunal and conduct a second trial, nor did the three-member board ever claim to be one. This is a fact. The three-member board was assigned the duty of assessing whether the Mojahedeen members were still loyal to their Organization, and whether members of the other leftist groups believed in God and Islam. Period. The claim of a "second trial" made by Fars is illusory, since there never was a second "trial," and since there was no trial, there can be no talk of its legitimacy/legality.
- In its quest to find legal justification for what it refers to as a "second trial," Fars endows the prisoners with the term "war prisoner." There are two basic problems with Fars' legal analysis and the conclusions it draws therefrom, namely, a) how a political prisoner becomes a war prisoner, and b) assignment of the death penalty for a prisoner of war, based on international law, which we will consider separately below:
The victims of the 1988 massacre were either political prisoners or prisoners of war; they cannot turn from one into the other at the whim and pleasure of the authorities and on the basis of the exigencies of the day
a) The victims of the 1988 massacre were either political prisoners or prisoners of war; they cannot turn from one into the other at the whim and pleasure of the authorities and on the basis of the exigencies of the day. At the time of their arrest, most of these individuals were either members of the Mojaheddeen Organization, who, in most cases, were arrested prior to that Organiztion's announcement of armed combat, or members of organizations and parties such as the Tudeh part, or the Fedayeen Organization (Majority) whose objections were solely political and their criticism geared toward some of the regime's policies.
They had been arrested, tried, and sentenced for having committed political crimes such as distributing publications and announcements, participating in demonstrations, or presence in organizational meetings. Therefore, trying them again for any reason, (other than having committed another crime, which requires a new trial and not a second trial, since it is a new crime) whether criminal, political, or war-related, has no legal basis. Trying them for a new crime requires full adherence to the relevant procedure and taking all the necessary procedural steps required by law, the least of which is to inform the accused of the criminal charges against him/her and apprise him/her of the punishment(s) for such crime(s), which was not done in the case of any of the prisoners. The argument that they were "soldiers at the service of the enemy" and therefore "prisoners of war," is not a valid one since it is not based on facts and on the usual and customary definitions of these concepts: Did they have access to arms while in prison, and if so, did they take up arms and wage combat? Were they in direct contact with the enemy and did they receive orders from the leadership of the enemy? If so, what did these orders consist of and what was the extent of the actions taken based on those orders? If they were involved in espionage activities, what type of confidential information did they provide to the enemy from inside the prison? Is it at all possible that a severely controlled prisoner, incarcerated in the frightening prisons of the Islamic Republic, essentially engage in armed combat?
"The prisoners' contact with this [Mojahedeen] Organization and their knowledge of the substantive revolution [in that Organiztion]," as stated in the Fars article, must not only be proven first, but it nevertheless, does not make a prisoner a "war prisoner" deserving of the death penalty, and under international law nonetheless. Additionally, what of prisoners who were not members of the Mojaedeen Organization, but were members of various leftist groups? How does a political prisoner suddenly turn into a prisoner of war, when the organization to which he/she belongs, not only is not at war (in accordance with the tenets of international law) with the Islamic republic, but also supports its general objectives?
b) Let us assume, however, that the arguments presented by Fars' jurists are valid, and consider the victims war prisoners. Not only does such an assumption not strengthen Fars' position -contrary to what it believes- it considerably weakens it. The regulations of the Geneva Convention enumerate specific rights for prisoners and bestow great responsibility on member states, which the Islamic republic cannot claim, in any shape or form, to have adhered to where the 1988 massacre is concerned. For instance, Article 3 of the Convention prohibits very clearly and in no uncertain terms "violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture." Essentially, the raison d'etre of this convention and subsequent related conventions is to ensure and guarantee humane treatment of war prisoners, prevent summary executions, and generally prohibit the cruel and inhuman conduct that became rampant during the first and second world wars.
- Let us now move to the international law exception to which the Fars news article refers in support of and as the central argument for its contention. It is worth mentioning that this so-called "exception" has a fairly long history that is better suited for discussion elsewhere. Suffice it to say that, in the past, certain soldiers and warriors, including pirates, spies, and irregular forces did not fell under the "prisoners of war" category and were at times summarily executed. A century ago, this was considered legal under existing international law, including the Law of the Sea. However, the experience of WWII influenced nations occupied by foreign forces to change the law to protect this group. According to Article 4 of the Third Geneva Convention of 1949, irregular forces are also entitled to prisoner of war status under certain circumstances.
Therefore, trying them again for any reason, (other than having committed another crime, which requires a new trial and not a second trial, since it is a new crime) whether criminal, political, or war-related, has no legal basis.
- Now let us assume that the 1988 victims fell under this exception. In such an event, in accordance with customary international law, a military court would first have to be instituted and the accused must have the right to defend him/herself and have the right to present minimal evidence, even without in the absence of legal representation. As for the victims of the 1988 killings, there never was a military court. The three-member board was at best a non-military institution and certainly not a military court, if it can be called a "tribunal" or "court" at all, since none of the elements associated with a court of law, were present therein.
Today, prisoners of war, whether military or civilian, regular or irregular, are protected by major international conventions such as the Geneva Convention, the Hague Convention, and customary international law. Prisoners-of-war must be treated in carefully defined ways which definitively ban summary execution, as the Second Additional Protocol of the Geneva Conventions (1977) Article 6.2 states: "No sentence shall be passed and no penalty shall be executed on a person found guilty of an offence except pursuant to a conviction pronounced by a court offering the essential guarantees of independence and impartiality."[5]
The Islamic republic may also have had the concept of "enemy combatant" in mind, which was used widely by the United States subsequent to the September 11, 2001 attacks, the legitimacy of which is strongly in doubt from an international law standpoint, if not to say non-existent. A number of Supreme Court decisions allow the indefinite detention of these individuals at least until the end of hostilities, and authorize the government to try and punish them in military tribunals for crimes related to taking up arms against the United States. Having said that, and although certain inhuman conduct with prisoners held in detention facilities such as Guantanamo is now common knowledge, except for a few individuals who have been sentenced to life imprisonment after years of investigation and upon exhausting all legal remedies and going through the entire appellate process, no one has ever been summarily executed and in the way the Islamic Republic seeks to justify.
Further, in order to refute Fars' argument, it is imperative to emphasize that, even though according to existing valid data, the majority of the victims were members of the Mojahedeen Organization, a considerable number were members of other political groups
Further, in order to refute Fars' argument, it is imperative to emphasize that, even though according to existing valid data, the majority of the victims were members of the Mojahedeen Organization, a considerable number were members of other political groups such as the Tudeh Party, The Fadyeen e Khalq, Rah e Kargar, Peykar, and others, as well as non-affiliated individuals, who had not taken up arms against the Islamic Republic and cannot be described as war enemies. Therefore, none of the arguments presented in the Fars news article can ever justify the murder of the non-Mojahedeen prisoners. And that is precisely why the article makes no mention of those prisoners. The truth of the matter is that the overwhelming majority of the victims was civilians and their most basic human rights, including the sacred right to life was violated. There never was a competent court, nor was there a fair trial, whether in accordance with domestic rules and regulations or with the principles of international law. The Ayatollah's decree which explicitly contained the order of execution, and insisted on expedited implementation thereof, was the basis of these crimes. The three-member board, simply asked certain questions the substance of which were in total violation of human rights tenets and contrary to human beings' basic freedoms, and then signed the order of execution.
Finally it must be mentioned that although the Fars article tries to make light of these murders and pretends the subject is repetitive ("hostile media has once again brought up the repetitive subject of the 1988 executions") this article itself is definitive evidence of admission to having committed these atrocious murders, something the Islamic republic has always avoided and has basically denied. Further, as stated above, none of the branches of international law related to this tragic event, whether it is international human rights law, international laws of war, or customary international law, contain a concept(s) that would justify summary execution. On the contrary, the entire body of international rules and principles consider summary execution vile and illegal, and perpetrators of such crimes have been condemned to the harshest punishments in the course of numerous international tribunals set up for this same exact purpose.
It seems that the Fars News Agency, which is "a news agency connected to the security apparatus … and financed by the government" as stated by Iranian president Ahmadinejad in his recent news conference of October 13, 2012, is not only worried about the effect this massacre (and the continuous and relentless follow-ups by international institutions and organizations) has had on international public opinion (and will continue to have such an effect) but is at the same time unable to provide a logical and reasonable, not to mention legal, explanation and justification. Any attempt to justify the Islamic republic's actions and position by resorting to international law, is in vein and will only result in further indignation and ridicule on the part of international public opinion and the international community as a whole.
[1] The Iran Tribunal is a social movement set up in 2007 to investigate the atrocious murders of thousands of political prisoners at the hands of the Islamic republic of Iran during the 1980's, and to hold the latter responsible for the killings. To that end, a "Truth Commission" was set up which held its proceedings in London between June 18 and 22, 2012. A final session, the Tribunal itself, was held on October 25-27, 2012. The Fars News Article in question was written between the two sessions.
[2] http://www.iranrights.org/english/document-1380.php.
[3] http://www.iranrights.org/library/document/106/ayatollah-khomeinis-decree-ordering-the-execution-of-prisoners-1988 .
[4] http://www.iranrights.org/english/document-1380.php.
[5] Iran is not a signatory to this protocol, but its contents now constitute customary international law.


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Sometimes they just hang up on her.
When Princess Gaye, a 16-year-old Liberian refugee, goes job hunting over the phone, prospective employers sometimes simply hang up the phone after hearing her thick Liberian accent.
It happens so often that Princess has learned to mask her native dialect, almost comically.
She overcompensates by using valley girl-esque mallrat speech, peppered with the words such as "like" and "ya'know."
This habit, or variations of it, is a common practice known as code-switching.
"Code-switching is not a new phenomenon," said Bonnie Urciuoli, Professor of Anthropology at Hamilton College. "It appears to have always have been a normal phenomenon in immigrant language communities."
Even on Staten Island, traditionally the city's most homogeneous borough in this linguistically diverse city, a growing Liberian refugee population is code-switching to assimilate. Even though they speak English, language poses a significant barrier to acceptance at school and work. Schools on the Island, facing a clash of languages and dialects in the classroom, encourage students to use an "inside" or "classroom" dialect at school.
The Park Hill neighborhood is home to a Liberian diaspora that number around six to eight thousand, according to local organizers, joining the Mexican immigrant community there. The refugees escaped the war-torn country in the '90s and have settled in the public housing projects of Park Hill and Stapleton. They speak English, but the dialect is incomprehensible to native New Yorkers.
But what happens when these languages and accents collide in the classroom?
"It's very difficult," said Sara Signorelli, an art teacher at P.S. 16 in the St. George area of Staten Island. "The Mexican kids speak little English. The Liberians speak English but sometimes I can't understand them."
Signorelli and other teachers attempt to foster a common, neutral speech in the classroom, starting from kindergarten.
Urciuoli said that young children are most adept at code-switching.
"In most switching situations, those who switch most fluently are those who grow up doing it," Urciuoli said. "Anyone of any age may be a code-switcher though, since it is most fluently learned from childhood."
Princess was still a child when she came to Staten Island in 2002, along with her cousin, Amanda Gaye, to live with her grandmother.
Princess said that some of the elder Liberian refugees have not learned how to code-switch.
"She can't talk on the phone," Princess said about her grandmother. "So she gives us the phone and tells us what to say."
Princess' cousin, Amanda, is also adept at code-switching. Amanda is six months pregnant and is wary of the language difficulties that may face her child.
"I don't want my baby to stay with my grandmother," Amanda said. "I don't want her to speak like I do."


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Medical Delivery in Nangi, Myagdi
Nangi is small village in the mid-hills of Nepal. Nangi village is located in western Nepal on the Southern flank of the Annapurna and Dhaulagiri ranges of the Himalayas. Dhaulagiri I (8,167 m, 26,795 ft) and Annapurna I (8091 m, 26,545 ft) are the seventh and the tenth highest peaks of the world.
Reaching Nangi usually requires two to three days of traveling from Nepal's capital city, Kathmandu. From Kathmandu, it is a seven hour bus ride or 35 minute plane trip to Pokhara, the second largest city in Nepal. From Pokhara, one must travel by bus or taxi for 3 to 5 hours to reach to get to Beni, the nearest major town to Nangi.
The hike into Nangi usually takes between six to nine hours, and includes an ascent through several mountain villages and forests. The elevation of Nangi village is about 2,260 m. (7,345 ft). It takes about 3 hours in a very nauseating trip to Nangi in a vehicle like Scorpio or Bolero.
Being the home of Dr. Mahabir Pun, the chairman of National Innovation Center, Nepal, he decided it would be the ideal testing grounds of our drones. Our aim was to test our drones for payload delivery in high altitudes of Nepal and also prove that medical deliveries are possible in Nepal.
We had 4 large-sized tin boxes where we had our drones and other equipment. Our goal was to deliver a payload to Ramche, a small village close to Nangi. The aerial distance to Ramche was close to about 1.2km, however, it would take a person around 3 hours to reach Ramche on foot. There were no roads from Nangi to Ramche, so it was very difficult.
We had one Octocopter and one Fixed wing. The octocopter was fully autonomous and it dropped a 600 grams payload at Ramche travelling a total of 2.4 km forth and back. The fixed wing was tested for its aerodynamics, control and mobility and the results were fantastic. The test flights of both octocopter and fixed wing were successful but reliability and sustained communication were an issue.
We had a really good experience with the drones and test flights. It was a clear indications for us that medical payload delivery using drones is applicable in our country and we should strive to make it a reality.


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Showing 1507 resultsAuthority record
- Person
Elspeth (McAlpine) Alley (1924-2000) was one of the first women to be ordained to the priesthood in the Diocese of New Westminster. She was born on November 24, 1924 in Vancouver, B.C. and lived most of her life in this area. Her school years were spent at Crofton House School in Vancouver. She entered the University of British Columbia in 1942 and completed two years; moving on to Mills College in Oakland, California, U.S.A. where she completed her Bachelor of Arts with a major in music in 1946. After teaching music for a year she married John G. Alley, Barrister and Solicitor, in 1947. They had three daughters together, Claudia, Jennifer, and Frances. Prompted by her daughtersメ questions, she decided to learn more about her Christian heritage. Elspeth enrolled at the Vancouver School of Theology in 1967 and graduated with a Bachelor of Sacred Theology in 1972. In 1977, the Vancouver School of Theology changed this to the Master of Divinity degree which she was awarded in 1980. Elspeth was ordained to the Diaconate on Whitsunday, May 21, 1972 in Christ Church Cathedral, Vancouver by the sixth Bishop of the Diocese of New Westminster, the Right Reverend T.D. Somerville. Her first posting as Deacon Assistant was to St. Catherineメs Church, North Vancouver, working with the Rector, Ian Grant, from May 1972 to September 1974. During this period her husband died, due to an accident at home, on May 1, 1974. From October 1974 to April 1975 Elspeth became the part-time Assistant at St. Chadメs Church, working with the Rector, Henri Taudin-Chabot. Then, in June 1975 she became a full-time Assistant at St. Faithメs Church, working under the tutelage of the Rector, Peter Davison, until February 1977. A milestone both personally and in the history of the Anglican Church of Canada took place on St. Andrewメs Day, November 30, 1976. Elspeth Alley and Virginia Briant were the first women to be ordained to the priesthood in the Diocese of New Westminster and, simultaneously, part of the first group of women in the Canadian Church to be so ordained. This took place in Christ Church Cathedral; the Metropolitan, Archbishop T.D. Somerville presiding. On a personal note she officiated at the wedding of her daughter, Jennifer, to James M. Britton on December 30. 1976 ヨ presumably the first woman priest in Canada to do this. Subsequently, Elspeth became priest-in-charge of St. Edwardメs Church from March 1977 to November 1979. In November 1979, she received her first appointment as Rector, at Holy Trinity Church in Vancouver, one of only three priests in the Canadian Anglican Church to hold the office at this time. She continued at Holy Trinity until March 1985. From November 1985 to September 1987 she was an Honorary Assistant at St. Philipメs Church, Dunbar. In January 1989 she became an Honorary Assistant at Christ Church Cathedral, a position she held until her death on September 9, 2000 in Vancouver. The funeral Requiem was held at Christ Church Cathedral on September 15, 2000. An important aspect of her ministry was writing. She prepared a history of the Diocese of New Westminster for the Diocesan Centennial Committee but her major undertaking was a biography of the Most Reverend Edward Walter Scott, Primate of the Anglican Church of Canada from 1971 to 1986. She obtained permission from the Archbishop in 1983 to begin her work, entitled モCall me Tedヤ, published in 1992 by Brenda Stenson, Best Business Solutions, Vancouver. B.C.
Anglican Church Foundation of the Diocese of New Westminster
- Corporate body
- 1956-1972
The Anglican Church Foundation of the Diocese of New Westminster was incorporated as a Society in 1956 under the Societies Act of the province of B.C. The objects of this Society were: "To receive bequests, devises and donations of every kind and description...; to promote objects of a religious, charitable and educational character, and in particular but without limiting the generality of the foregoing, to aid in establishing Parishes and Missions, in erecting, maintaining and operating Churches, Church Schools, Parish halls and Parsonages...; to use, devote and apply its assets and income [...] for the promotion and attainment of the aforesaid purposes..." The foundation was administered by a Board of Directors and trustees with Bishop Gower as chair ex-officio. The members, not more than 12 laymen, were elected by the Executive Committee of the Synod of the Diocese. The positions of secretary and treasurer could be held by one and the same person. The principal and registered office was located in Vancouver, B.C. The society was dissolved in 1972.


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It's generally my approach to try to give whatever I write a bit of an optimistic spin. And I've spent the best part of the last 18 months developing my growth mindset- not just chucking on the rose tinted glasses but instead truly looking for the gift in each challenge. But as I'm sitting here in the dark, in my bed at 1.30 in the afternoon eating an eclair- I sense that this is not going to be the jolliest of entries.
Don't get me wrong- I've been working my butt off to be positive and look at the bright side of everything that has been going on lately. But today, I must say, I'm just seriously not feeling it.
As much as I recognise the super importance of everyone staying at home in this crazy Covid world we're living in, and as much as I am doing everything I can to adhere to those guidelines, I think it is fair to say that self-isolation is by a large a pile of shit. And I hate it.
I double hate it being 8 months pregnant.
I triple hate it with my total inability to coerce my already-here children to pack up the crap they get out to play with each day.
I've been subconsciously playing my typical strategy where I simply push on through and ignore what has been troubling me. I was even hoping to write a shiny article detailing all the unexpected treasures that being at home has presented (and there have been a few!). But damn, have these last few days knocked the shit out of that. And today? Well, there's something I didn't even want to face after a night of broken sleep.
So, in full awareness of the fact that there may be a dear reader out there hitting up against the same steaming pile, I thought I would set the scene on a few points as to why iso can jump up its own arse and die.
- Waiting for a baby at home, alone (for months) completely blows– Seriously. Anyone who has been here knows all too well how that last chunk of pregnancy just generally stretches out seemingly for ever. Well that fact has been significantly multiplied through the magic of needing to be at home for ALL OF IT. I was 29 weeks gone when this whole fiasco seemed to launch and there is still 5 weeks to go now. I feel like I'm losing my mind. I had plans for this time. Plans to go for some solo walks, to go swimming, get to Pilates each week, to meditate on the beach as I had done with my previous two babies, to get to the shops for the last few things, to have coffee with my mum friends and to just generally keep busy and savour that which (all going well) will be my last run at this pregnancy caper. Not to mention enjoying the time before sleep deprivation and ongoing nappy changes that newborn-life is sure to bring. It may not have been any huge multi-country adventure, but I was going to have a full calendar. Now of course, I preface the following by saying I realise complaining doesn't fix anything, and of course we're all struggling with something big or small at this time in history. But honestly, as much as I have been trying to deny this to myself, I feel totally robbed of what I had lined up for a time in life that frankly, I'm not going to get back or see again. I've been trying to picture myself in 50 years, having lived through all this, telling my grandchildren about how odd it was to be having a baby at the time of a pandemic. Thinking about it as if it could be reduced to a historical drama of sorts at a later date. Detaching myself from how awful it actually feels inside me as a cyclical emotion at this moment. But I'm too tired to fight that battle today and it's all just horse shit.
- Planning a birth in iso is stressful AF… Point one neatly brings me to angsty point two. Here I've actually been super lucky considering the circumstances. Lucky that I was well versed, educated and experienced in birth, that I've had largely positive births, that I've attended so many births now and that I already had a birth plan somewhat formed in my mind. Lucky as well that I had a man in my house who was open to my needs and my desire to switch to a homebirth despite the fact that it meant more work and financial strain for him. But holy macaroni, I feel totally overwhelmed by the fact that for most women- this is just not the case. At all. Any of it. We've got antenatal appointments and support people dropping all over the place, overwhelmed health professionals and a system which already fails to educate and support expecting and new mums effectively struggling with just that much as well. I'm seriously just trying not to look. But I have (what now seems) foolishly made birth and birth work such an integral part of my life and my social media feed that it's pretty tricky to get away from. Not to mention I just feel like I want to help these women! Not least of which because both they and I don't really know for sure that what we are hoping for in birth will be possible, even with our best laid plans and adaption during this batshit crazy time. Do I want to go down the path in my mind of whether or not we'll successfully avoid the virus and my midwives will really be allowed to attend my birth? Not at all. But it is hard not to think about.
- Just waiting on my Mother of the Year Award- You'd better believe I've given my kids ample screen time, too few stimulating activities, sup-par meals and left them largely to their own devices during the day. And no I don't want to play. I want to sit down in silence. Given that today I am stretched thin enough to write a pissy blog entry, you can also assume that I have snapped multiple times at my poor little people, who frankly are only being difficult because they're so tapped in to how shit I'm feeling. Naturally coupled with their own frustration of no kinder, no friends, no grandparents and no sense of routine or normality in sight. My two year old has been toilet trained for 3 months but she's chucked that in given we never go anywhere or do anything and my four year old has taught herself how to use the TV remote. Fucking rad. And if you think the fact that I'm 100 years pregnant and can barely hold my own head up at the moment assuages my guilt or makes me feel justified in this predicament- you can guess again my friend. I'm just waiting on that award now, I think today will definitely get me over the line. I just hope it comes with chocolate.
- The housework is never-ending and almost always too close to the floor- No, but seriously, I would like to request a small bulldozer or street sweeper to collect all the shit on my living room floor. It. Is. Everywhere. My children get things out and leave them places, my husband 'cleans up' by moving items from one room to another and if anything is below knee height, I can't reach it. I pick up a grand total of 10 toys a day as each time I bend down, my BP drops and I get the super fun puffy-breaths that signal my pulse is trying to keep me from passing out. Every morning is a battle of wills with my oldest child to get her to in any way help me with the mess she and her sister have distributed as well. Games no longer work, bribery no longer works, reward systems and even chucking stuff out no longer works. We've been home too long and she just does not care about this stuff anymore. She just wants to watch Play School and relax. Who could blame her really? There are also roughly five baskets of clean laundry around my house and two of dirty in my laundry and I am once again pretending they do not exist. I've never seen the dishes pile up so quickly each day. Basically they are my Everest at this point. Also I think it's fair to say there are not enough computers in the world for the amount of cables and shit piled in boxes throughout the dining room. And like, maybe none of this even really matters except that I've had it in my head that I'd really love to feel comfortable at home right now. And more importantly, I just really feel like the condition of the house is a reflection of both my psyche and my limited dedication to any given task too. I look around and the shit storm is like a photograph of the inside of my head.
- I have so many unused craft supplies- Oh yes my friends, I had big plans for this time of social isolation. I was writing a program of activities, learning opportunities, engagement with literature and arts and craft. I was going to go back to being the excellent teacher I have been for children who were not my own for the last 10 years. I was ready. And yeah, so, none of that fucking happened. And I need to just go and get some fun stuff out of the cupboard and assume the risk that the house will inevitably become more trashed than it already is. Otherwise it's just wasting glitter.
- I'm about to go nuclear on the kids next door- A minor point really, but as I have moved outside to write this and as they are usually at school at this time each day, and as they appear to have two settings- 1. Obnoxiously heckling me and my kids and 2. Obnoxiously heckling each other at a jillion decibels- I'm really not in the mood to filter my reactions at this point.
- It's lonely and miserable- When it comes down to it, I think the worst thing about iso is how it is by definition quite isolating. Yes I've taught online courses and my life is full of video calls, Facebook messenger and text messages to friends and family. I've been doing my best to fill the void. But I miss my mates. I miss my Mum. I miss being able to take my kids to see their grandparents or their Aunty and to give them (and me) the gift of that interaction. I miss kinder drop-off (who knew?). I bloody miss mother's group and the ability to just pop down the street whenever I like. I miss one-on-one in-person support time with clients. I miss taking maccas to a friend's place when she's having a hard time. I miss being over-talkative with new people at Pilates class. And frankly, I miss not having to over-compensate for the void all of this has left. It is just exhausting. For now, what I'm mostly gaining is insight into how extroverted I actually am (here I was thinking I was an introvert just because I'm socially awkward- what a joke). As much as I adore my children- I have also become one of those wives who is dragging her whole self by her fingernails to the hour when her husband walks in the front door. Believe it or not, I didn't used to be. Being in the same room as another adult is just golden right now.
It will be truly wonderful when we can all be together again, whenever that might be. I am acutely aware of that fact. And tomorrow may be better. Actually- it more than likely will be much better. Some days in iso are fine, no big deal, good even… and others are the friggin worst. Today is just one of those. I don't have some uplifting note to end on. But if you're stuck at home like me and it suuuuuucks, just know that I feel you. And I wish you all the self-cleaning houses and chocolate in the world.


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Review: Nick Hakim conjures up a twilight tone at the Hare & Hounds
- Nick Hakim performed at the Hare & Hounds on February 12th
- Support was provided by Jamie Isaac
- Both artists crafted a woozy atmosphere, characterised by reverberating melodies and half-heard vocals
How does the current wave of musicians loosely bundled underneath a banner defined only by its hazy nostalgia (aka Mac DeMarco's merry men) continue to move forward? Or rather, how do artists with eyes faced fixedly on the past evolve? At their continually enigmatic show in Birmingham's resident weirdo-haven, the Hare & Hounds, Nick Hakim and Jamie Isaac offered a shared answer to this specifically postmodern problem — namely adding a little soul.
Jamie Isaac was the first to perform his piece of the solution. By refracting dream pop through an R&B lens, Isaac doubled down on the slinkiness inherent to the music of his peers, infusing his delicate vocal melodies with minimal jazz arrangements. Prefaced by Adam Regan's deep-reaching set of bombastic jazz-funk numbers, Isaac ambled onto stage with all the calm gravitas you'd expect, before crouching before his laptop as he gesticulated in time with the eerie synth pads and gut-knocking bass.
Jamie Isaac
From the moment Isaac took to the spotlighted Korg at the front of the stage his position as frontman was unquestionable, even as there was a slightly messianic-air to his interactions with his bandmates — is perfectionism defensible when the performance is one person's vision? Though the piano was ostensibly what lead each track, it was the deftness of Isaac's vocal control that felt inescapable, sculpting a harrowing journey through each musical movement. Isaac's reserved demeanour as a performer said it all — he let his voice do the talking (so to speak).
Jamie Isaac
Whilst Nick Hakim shares a breathy vocal with his support, rather than R&B lounge jams, Hakim focuses on incorporating psychedelia and soul music to create something hypnotically outmoded and alien. Although he probably lands somewhat closer to the aforementioned nostalgia-evoking artists than Isaac does, as a live presence he felt more specific in his intentions and effortless in his execution.
Nick Hakim
In place of gravitas, Hakim approached the stage with humility, wandering round checking gear and water bottle placement before gently strumming the intro to 'Green Twins'. Long after the point the song would typically break that's all we we're left with: Hakim and his guitar, amounting to a near transcendental subversion of expectation. Sure, it couldn't carry an entire performance, but it served as a careful reminder of what lies beneath the occasionally maximalist production on Green Twins, and what ultimately carries his music. When it finally kicked into a recognisable gear it felt cathartic, but this introduction coloured everything that followed.
Nick Hakim
To say he inhabited these tracks would be flippant, but to say he imbued them with notes of downfall and recovery is simply honest. Whilst his husky delivery precluded interpreting these themes directly from his lyrics, there was a tone of reconciliation found between each track, as they diverged and rerouted through jazz, soul and rock. Hakim's borderline lewd interaction with the microphone helped this massively, as he clasped it against his head and pressed his lips right against the metal at integral revelatory moments.
Hakim's stage conduct in general conveyed the impression that he occupies two different planes of reality — when singing without his guitar he absent-mindedly peeled the label from his Becks, and when he accidentally squeezed half a bottle of water down his shirt his Chaplin-esque response suggested a slight remove from it all. At one point he mumbled "These guys flew in from New York yesterday, so we're a little tired…but we feel good nonethe-lest…less? Less", before grinning his way through the next number. It was gratifying to feel in on the joke.
Nick Hakim
Even though Hakim was front and centre, it didn't feel as calculated as Isaac's centricity was, or as self congratulatory. Each band member got his time to step forward to the plate in much the same manner as a jazz outfit, feeding on each other's actions to finish one another's melodic sentences. Hakim's answer to the aforementioned issue is simple then: evolve in naturally forming ways, and look to others for growth.
Photographs by Phil Drury
Film editor, occasional writer, and sporadically coherent ranter. Bear in mind that if it stars Robert Pattinson or is directed by Bong Joon-Ho it's probably getting an extra star off the bat.


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Oil supply, demand to find balance in 2017 – IEA
Crude oil supply and demand will likely find real balance in 2017, paving way for a possible recovery of prices, according to the International Energy Agency, IEA.
The agency said oil price may have finally bottomed out after an unprecedented drop over the past 18 months, noting oil's "remarkable recovery" over recent weeks.
Recent sharp gains in the oil price, taking it to around $40 per barrel now from $28.50 in mid-January, do not necessarily mean that the worst is over, the IEA said in its monthly oil market report.
"Even so, there are signs that prices might have bottomed out," it said. Oil had seen a dramatic fall since trading above $110 in mid-2014 to lows seen in January of this year, before staging a modest recovery to current levels. But there is a long way to go before supply and demand find a real balance, probably in 2017, the IEA said.
"For prices there may be light at the end of what has been a long, dark tunnel, but we cannot be precisely sure when in 2017 the oil market will achieve the much-desired balance," it said.
Among factors for higher prices are talks among producers launched by Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Qatar and Russia to freeze production which the IEA said amounts to "a first stab at co-ordinated action that is intended to stabilise prices" with the presumed aim of pushing oil up to $50 a barrel.
The outcome of negotiations is, however, uncertain and a big supply overhang in the oil market means it would have little impact in the months ahead. "Later this month some oil producers are expected to meet to discuss a possible output freeze. We cannot know what this might be and in any event, it is rather unlikely that an agreement will affect the supply/demand balance substantially in the first half of 2016," the report said.


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DHAKA, – Bangladesh team management expected that Shakib Al Hasan will join the side from the beginning of the Twenty20 World Cup to be held jointly in Oman and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
The ace all-rounder is now busy with his commitments for Kolkata Knight Riders who brightened their chance to play the IPL final to be held on October 15 at Dubai in the UAE. Bangladesh will play their first match of the World Cup on October 17 against Scotland at Muscat in Oman.
Shakib's team will play the second Qualifier against Delhi Capitals on Wednesday and if they win, they will move to the final. If KKR concedes defeat in this match, Shakib will join the side earlier. But even if Shakib's side move to the final, chief selector Minhajul Abedin Nannu believes that they will get the premier all-rounder from the first match.
"Shakib's matter is being handled by the Cricket Operations. It is difficult to say from here at the moment. We certainly hope to get him from the first match of the World Cup," Abedin said here today. It is learnt Shakib won't have to stay quarantine upon his arrival to Oman, which is why there is no problem for him to join the side in Oman directly.


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This was a really good episode that featured a lot of personal stories, experiences and a deep conversation. Yes, I do say that time and time again but that's why we do this podcast.
Since we started to record the episode a week in advance now, I feel like it's right to give some context behind why we chose this topic.
During that week, the popular comedy TV series, Blackish, made headlines for a powerful episode written by Peter Saji, regarding the topic of colourism. I love Blackish because they are no strangers to discussing difficult topics and subject matters, it's one of the reasons why this show gets the reception they deserve. It's also not the first time colourism was mentioned on the show, but it was the first that they focused on it. Therefore, I assigned everyone homework for the week. Watch the episode before we record the podcast.
Listen below to hear us talk about what we felt about the episode, colourism and how it affected our lives and more! You may be surprised by what you hear!
Fun fact: As you may know by the first PITP post I mentioned we used to have heated discussions about certain topics, well this was one of them. Thankfully, this take went more smoother 😅.


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Freedom are a testament to how powerful straight edge is across the globe right now. After thundering out of Detroit in 2014 with debut 7" Pay the Price in tow, the band left in their wake a number of poison-free hardcore anthems. Now, a year on, their new LP USA Hardcore is a more than worthy successor. Like Pay the … Continue reading
Tag Archives: Noisey
Citizen Release Video for 'Yellow Love'
Citizen from Toledo, Ohio and Detroit, Michigan have released a music video for 'Yellow Love', a new track from their latest effort Everybody Is Going To Heaven. The video was directed by Max Moore. Citizen will be touring Europe in January 2016 with Turnover. Check all dates here. Citizen: Facebook / Bandcamp Continue reading
Cold World Release New Song 'Hell's Direction'
Cold World's new track 'Hell's Direction' from their new album How The Gods Chill is streaming now over at Noisey. This new album will be available on August 5th and is available for pre-order now. Years in the making, How The Gods Chill is the definitive Cold World album that the hardcore world has been clamoring for. Recorded by Will … Continue reading
Basement Announce New EP "Further Sky"
Shortly after the 2012 release of their honest and powerful 90s influenced record Colourmeinkindness, on Run For Cover Records, UK quintet Basement surprised fans by going on an indefinite hiatus. In the short two years since, the alternative rock act has steadily gained a loyal following across the globe. Besides an upcoming summer tour, Basement also announced the release of … Continue reading
Vice Release Documentary "Punk vs. Sharia"
After various media reports back in 2011 stating that Sharia police were assaulting punks in Aceh, Indonesia, Vice now released a documentary on the cause. "Indonesia's punk scene is one of the biggest and most vibrant in the world. It's a place where the country's silenced youth can revolt against endemic corruption, social conventions, and … Continue reading
An Amazing Short Documentary on Jacob Bannon (Converge)
Vice's musical offspring Noisey recently released a beautiful video piece on Jacob Bannon, the singer of one of the most creative Hardcore bands around, Converge. Made by production team McFarland and Pecci, it shows why Bannon is such a inspiration to a lot of us. "A meditation on life, art, and purpose, the film centers … Continue reading
Strife Stream New Album And Release A Music Video For 'Torn Apart'
Remember our post about Hardcore veterans Strife releasing their first song in 11 years? Well, 'Torn Apart' is now accompanied by a very raw and energetic video which can be streamed below: The band also just released their new record called Witness A Rebirth on 6131 Records. Check out the exclusive stream of the whole … Continue reading
Title Fight Release Part One of Tour Documentary
Kingston, PA's Title Fight have teamed up with Vice's Noisey to release the first part of their tour documentary. The film, which has been filmed and directed by Alex Henery, was recorded in April and May this year when the band was on tour with Rise Against. Title Fight's new album Floral Green is due … Continue reading