The  next  doctrine  of  this  obnoxious  Sermon
that  provokes  the  indignation  of  Mr.  Burke,
is,  ''  tnat  the  Revolution  has  estabUshed  our
right  to  cashier  our  governors  for  miscon-
duct.'^  Here  a  plain  man  could  have  foreseen
scarcely  any  diversity  of  opinion.  To  contend
that  the  deposition  of  a  king  fdr  the  abuse
of  his  powers  did  not  establish  a  principle  in
favour  of  the  like  deposition,  when  the  like
abuse  should  again  occur,  is  certainly  one  of
the  most  arduous  enterprises  that  ever  the
heroism  of  paradox  encountered.  He  has,
however,  not  neglected  the  means  of  retreat.
"No  government,*'  he  tells  us,  "could  stand
amomeirt,  if  it  could  be  blown  down  with
anything  so  loose  and  indefinite  as  opinion  of
misconduot."  One  might  suppose,  from  the
dexterous  levity  with  which  the  word  "  mis-
conduct" is  introduced,  that  the  partisans
of  democracy  had  maintained  the  exnediency
of  deposing  a  king  for  everjr  frivolous  and
venial  fault,— of  revolting  a^inst  him  for  the
choice  of  his  tilled  or  untitled  valets, — his
footmen,  or  his  Lords  of  the  Bedchamber.  It
would  have  been  candid  in  Mr.  Burke  not  to
have  dissembled  what  he  roust  know,  that
by  "misconduct"  was  meant  that  precise
species  of  misconduct  for  which  James  11.
yras  dethroned, — a  conspiracy  against  the
liberty  of  his  country.
Nothing  can  be  more  weak  than  to  urgo
the  constitAitional  irre«f)Oosibility  of  kings  or
parliaments.  The  law  can  never  suppose
them  responsible,  because  their  responsioilitj
supposes  the  dissolution  of  society,  which  is
the  annihilation  of  law.  In  the  sovemments
which  have  hitherto  existed,  the  power  of
the  magistrate  is  the  only  article  in  the  social
compact:  destroy  it,  ana  society  is  dissolved.
