The one raising- upon it all those doctrines, and
more, which we have been reviewing, respecting the
general right of resistance, the inalienable sovereignty
H 2



148 HISTORICAL ESSAY. SECT. III.
of the people, and their rights beyond the law, over
their monarchs; the other contenting themselves
with looking upon it as a case of necessity, which was
met with the greater wisdom, because, as they
contend, no new or untenable principles in the
science of government were engendered, no dan-
gerous usurpations of force over law accomplished ;
so that, while our liberties were enforced, the harmony
and security of society were not disturbed.
Those who contend for the first, assert that it is
proved that we have a right "to revoke abused power,
cashier our governors for misconduct, elect others in
their room to frame a government for ourselves, and be-
stow the crovm*^ as we please.
So said Mackintosh in his "VindiciaeGallicae;'' so
said Price in his famous sermon.
The opinions of Locke we have already noticed.
These tenets were all warmly (?pposed, and elo-
quently ^arposed, by a number of statesmen and con-
stitutional lawyers, (Mr Burke their leader and
powerful chief,) who saw the danger of so destroying
all the foundations which support civil society, as
these principles, if carried as far as they would lead,
would inevitably do. Burke therefore met the whole
question in all its modifications, in perhaps the most
celebrated of his works, the "Reflections on the
French Revolution," and afterwards in several others
supplementary to it.
Let us examine these propositions, and see how
they are borne out by the history; we shall then be



SECT. III. REVOLUTION OF 1688. 149

able to tdli stript of their colours of rhetoric, to
what they really amount.
