has been raised by tbe Turin and Paris papers against Austria. Tbe article, which is attri buted to a celebrated Austrian statesman, is much too long for translation, but the pith of it will be found in the subjoined sum- j mary :—: — "The position which Austria occupies in Northern Italy must necessarily bo disagreea ble to those Powers whose interest it is to bring about territorial changes. If the power of Austria is broken in Italy, the map of Europe, as drawn by the Powers in 1815, is in imminent danger of being completely changed. The final act of the Treaty of Vienna gives the Emperor of Austria as good a right to the north-eastern part of Italy as it does the King of Sardinia to the Duchy of Savoy and to the former Republic of Genoa In virtue of the same treaty the Kiug of Prussia holds the Rheni&h Provinces, the Emperor of Russia the kingdom of Poland, England the lonian Islands, &c. Should the existing order of things be destroyed in the Italian peninsula, the rights of the European States would cease to rest on a firm basis. Fortunately, however, international law in Uuropc is not dependent 'on the arbitrary will of one individual/ Even in IS4B, when very singular ideas res pecting international law prevailed, no Euro pean Power openly ventured to propose to break up States in order that nationalities miffht bo free. It was the Carbonari who first endeavoured to eject Austria from [taly. 'In 1821 the presumptive heir to the throne of Sardinia (Charles Albeit) was induced by ambition to make common cause with the sectarians, and i$ consequence of his example a part of the Eoyal army was faithless. At the same time there was to have been a rising against Austria in Milan, but thedotermination and promptitude of Count Bubna, who was then in command at Milan, wtre such that the conffagration was extinguished in Piedmont before it could reach Lombardy. 