Washington (CNN)Democrats who have gleefully watched Republican infighting for years are about to feel some heat of their own. As the party works to retake control of the Senate in 2016, Democrats are looking at a Senate landscape that could feature titanic intraparty clashes starring big personalities who have been waiting years for a shot at the big time. It's a big shift from recent years when Republicans, riven by long-standing ideological fault lines, faced divisive and attention-grabbing primaries, usually pitting a party favorite against insurgents from the conservative grassroots. Memorably, in 2010 and 2012, the fights were so damaging that Republicans failed to pick up winnable Senate seats by nominating flagrantly unprepared candidates. Democrats, for the most part, have not had to face the same problem. But that might be changing. While the fields of candidates are still taking shape, a platoon of Democrats are mulling Senate bids in Ohio, Florida, Maryland, California, Pennsylvania and Illinois. While many of them have yet to formally declare campaigns, none possess the kind of field-clearing star power that could help Democrats avoid a primary bonanza, and few show signs of putting their ambitions aside for the sake of party unity. Republican primary battles aren't going anywhere in 2016, and on the presidential level, Democrats continue to line up behind Hillary Clinton as their nominee, without a whiff a serious primary challenge. But there is a different story unfolding in the next race for the Senate, where the question is whether Democrats will cleave along ideological and generational lines in primary fights, jeopardizing the party's hopes of regaining control of the the Upper Chamber. "The great irony of Democrats celebrating fissures amongst Republicans in recent years is that historically they're much less capable of confronting the extreme elements within their party than the GOP," said Josh Holmes, a former top strategist to Republican Senate Leader Mitch McConnell. "Now we're watching several years of pent-up liberal aggression about to spill into divisive primaries that will undoubtedly complicate things considerably for their Senate chances." Democrats scoff at the idea, claiming that no potential candidate has the ability to fumble away a Senate win against the many Republicans up for re-election next year. Of the nine Senate seats rated as toss-up or competitive the Rothenberg & Gonzales Political Report, seven of them are held by Republicans elected in the tea party wave of 2010. Democrats need a net gain of five seats to take back the Senate. "Unfortunately for the numerous vulnerable Republican senators, there are no Todd Akins here, and there isn't a single state on the map with a Democratic primary that will negatively impact our ability win the state," said Justin Barasky, the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee's communications director. Akin, of course, was the GOP nominee in Missouri in 2012 who derailed his own campaign with a comment about "legitimate rape." Last cycle, Barasky said, Democrats witnessed hotly contested Senate primaries in New Jersey, Massachusetts and Hawaii. All of those fights were in blue states, of course. But none of them resulted in a November loss for Democrats. Republicans, though, are hoping to breathe life into the narrative, especially with Democratic primaries brewing in the competitive states of Florida and Ohio. "Democrats are facing messy primaries in key Senate races across the country, and there doesn't seem to be any end in sight," said Andrea Bozek, communications director for the National Republican Senatorial Committee. "The infighting is so bad that it's not just limited to candidates in key races, but is even playing out between Harry Reid and the DSCC in Washington." The most crowded lane, for now, appears to be in Maryland, where five-term Sen. Barbara Mikulski is retiring. In a state that reliably goes blue in federal elections, the retirement has at long last opened a door for a raft of Democrats in Congress eyeing higher office. With the exception of House Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer, nearly every Democrat in Maryland's eight-member congressional delegation has signaled some kind of interest in the Senate seat. NAACP President Benjamin Jealous and Baltimore Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake have also been floated as contenders. Despite the microscopic ideological differences between the likely candidates, the race has already been heralded as a battle between the party's play-it-safe establishment and its restive liberal wing. Harry Reid, the Democratic leader in the Senate, declined to stay neutral and promptly endorsed Rep. Chris Van Hollen for the seat, a sign that the national party apparatus might be in his corner. The DSCC, however, has not picked a side in the race. Progressive groups, meanwhile, have championed a known figure from their community: Rep. Donna Edwards, who joined the race last week vowing to protect Social Security and Medicare, "no ifs ands buts or willing-to-considers." That was seen as a poke at Van Hollen, who said in 2012 he was "willing to consider" entitlement changes as part of deficit negotiations. But even if the primary turns into a pitched battle over progressive priorities, there is little chance the nomination fight would hinder Democratic hopes in Maryland, which hasn't seen a GOP senator since Charles Mathias in 1987. And Mathias, a civil rights advocate and skeptic of Ronald Reagan, was one of the most liberal members of the Republican Party. Republicans are also hoping for Democratic carnage in Ohio, where Sen. Rob Portman is up for re-election. National Democrats have endorsed former Gov. Ted Strickland for the nomination, but the news did not force P.G. Sittenfeld, an up-and-coming 30-year-old Cincinnati city councilman, out of the race. Democrats are skeptical that Sittenfeld can raise the kind of money to compete against Strickland and Portman, but if he does, his candidacy will make for a stark contrast against the 73-year old Strickland. In an interview, Sittenfeld spoke critically of Portman, calling him "a 25-year creature of Washington" who is "out of touch" with Ohio. But the next-generation rhetoric could also stir inevitable questions about Strickland's age. "I fit the mold for new leadership," Sittenfeld told CNN in an interview, careful to note his admiration for Strickland and stressing that he is running against Portman. "If you put together 100 people into the Senate, wouldn't you want at least one person from the largest generation in American history, the most technologically savvy generation in American history?" Sittenfeld asked. "How can we invest  in technology and innovation to solve problems when we are rehashing stale battles?" As in Maryland, there appear to be no major early-stage differences between Strickland and Sittenfeld on the issues, which again suggests that the Democratic primary boom of 2016 is more about timing and opportunity than anything else. With a presidential election on the ballot, increased voter turnout is expected to give Democrats a lift in the general election. "There is an ideological reason for running, but let's not separate that from a path to victory," said Nathan Gonzales, editor of the Gonzales & Rothenberg Report. "Primaries happen when multiple candidates see a good opportunity. Democrats have good opportunities in multiple states this cycle, specifically in Maryland. The Democratic nomination is incredibly valuable because Maryland is a Democratic state. Lots of candidates see paths to victory and think, 'Why not me? Why not now?' " And while primaries can drain financial resources and drive uncomfortable headlines, the contests are not necessarily damaging, Gonzales said. "Crowded and expensive primaries do not prohibit general election victory," he said. "That doesn't mean that a party can't win." Brad Todd, a Republican consultant who worked on several top tier Senate races in 2014, said the primaries might boost Democrats. "Some of those primaries will animate elements of their base, including some donors, more than the general elections," he said. But Todd said the rush of primary activity for Democrats does not compare to the pitched tea party-versus-establishment battles that have roiled his party for years. "I don't see that happening with Democrats as much as it does with Republicans since all of their candidates are pretty much orthodox liberals," he said. "There's no such thing as a centrist Democrat anymore, so there won't be nearly as many sabers to rattle against them in primaries."
Summarize the highlights of this article.
Recently, it's been Republicans who have been in attention-getting, bruising primaries.
A platoon of Democrats are mulling Senate bids in Ohio, Florida, Maryland, California, Pennsylvania and Illinois.
Of the nine Senate seats rated as toss-up or competitive in 2016, seven are held by Republicans.
Washington (CNN)Demokrater som med glädje har sett republikanerna slåss i åratal kommer att känna en egen värme. Då partiet arbetar med att återta kontrollen över senaten 2016 tittar demokraterna på ett senatslandskap som skulle kunna innehålla titaniska intrapartykrockar med stora personligheter som väntat i åratal på ett skott på stortid. Det är ett stort skifte från de senaste åren när republikaner, upplivade av långvariga ideologiska förkastningslinjer, stod inför splittrande och uppmärksammande primärval, oftast ställa en partifavorit mot upprorsmän från den konservativa gräsrotsen. Minnesvärt, under 2010 och 2012 var striderna så skadliga att republikaner misslyckades med att plocka upp vinnarbara senaten platser genom att nominera flagrant oförberedda kandidater. Demokraterna har för det mesta inte behövt ta itu med samma problem. Men det kan förändras. Medan kandidaternas områden fortfarande tar form, grumlar en pluton demokrater senatsbud i Ohio, Florida, Maryland, Kalifornien, Pennsylvania och Illinois. Även om många av dem ännu inte formellt har deklarerat kampanjer, har ingen den typ av fältröjning stjärna makt som skulle kunna hjälpa demokrater undvika en primär bonanza, och få visar tecken på att lägga sina ambitioner åt sidan för partienhet. Republikanska primärstrider går ingenstans under 2016, och på presidentnivå fortsätter demokraterna att ställa sig bakom Hillary Clinton som deras nominerade, utan att väsna en allvarlig primär utmaning. Men det finns en annan historia som vecklas ut i nästa lopp för senaten, där frågan är om demokraterna kommer att klamra sig fast längs ideologiska och generationsmässiga linjer i primärstrider, vilket äventyrar partiets förhoppningar om att återta kontrollen över Övre kammaren. "Den stora ironin av demokrater som firar fissurer bland republikaner på senare år är att historiskt sett är de mycket mindre kapabla att konfrontera de extrema elementen inom sitt parti än GOP", sade Josh Holmes, en före detta toppstrateg till republikanernas senatsledare Mitch McConnell. "Nu ser vi flera år av uppdämd liberal aggression på väg att spilla in i splittrande primärval som utan tvekan kommer att komplicera saker avsevärt för deras senaten chanser." Demokraterna hånar idén och hävdar att ingen potentiell kandidat har förmågan att fumla bort en senatsvinst mot de många republikanerna som ställer upp för omval nästa år. Av de nio platser i senaten som bedöms som uppkastning eller konkurrens Rothenberg & Gonzales politiska rapport, sju av dem innehas av republikaner valda i te parti vågen 2010. Demokraterna behöver en nettovinst på fem platser för att ta tillbaka senaten. "Tyvärr för de många sårbara republikanska senatorerna, det finns ingen Todd Akins här, och det finns inte en enda stat på kartan med en demokratisk primär som kommer att negativt påverka vår förmåga att vinna staten," sade Justin Barasky, den demokratiska senatorskampanjkommitténs kommunikationschef. Akin var förstås GOP-nominerad i Missouri 2012 som spårade ur sin egen kampanj med en kommentar om "legitima våldtäkter". Förra cykeln, Barasky sade, Demokraterna bevittnade hett ifrågasatta senaten primaries i New Jersey, Massachusetts och Hawaii. Alla dessa slagsmål var i blåa stater, naturligtvis. Men ingen av dem resulterade i en novemberförlust för demokraterna. Republikanerna hoppas dock kunna blåsa liv i berättelsen, särskilt med demokratiska primaries som bryggs i de konkurrensutsatta delstaterna Florida och Ohio. "Demokrater står inför stökiga primärval i viktiga senatsraser över hela landet, och det verkar inte finnas något slut i sikte," sade Andrea Bozek, kommunikationsdirektör för den nationella republikanska senatorsutskottet. "Fightingen är så dålig att den inte bara är begränsad till kandidater i nyckellopp, utan till och med spelar ut mellan Harry Reid och DSCC i Washington." Den mest trånga filen, för tillfället, verkar vara i Maryland, där fem-term Sen. Barbara Mikulski går i pension. I en stat som blir blå i federala val har pensioneringen äntligen öppnat en dörr för en flotte demokrater i kongressen som tittar högre upp. Med undantag för House Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer har nästan varje demokrat i Marylands åttamannadelegation signalerat något slags intresse för senatens säte. NAACP:s president Benjamin Jealous och Baltimores borgmästare Stephanie Rawlings-Blake har också svävat som utmanare. Trots de mikroskopiska ideologiska skillnaderna mellan de troliga kandidaterna har rasen redan förebådats som en strid mellan partiets spel-it-safe etablissemang och dess resoluta liberala flygel. Harry Reid, demokraternas ledare i senaten, avböjde att förbli neutral och stödde omgående Rep. Chris Van Hollen för sätet, ett tecken på att den nationella partiapparaten kan vara i hans hörn. DSCC har dock inte valt sida i loppet. Progressiva grupper, under tiden, har förfäktat en känd figur från deras gemenskap: Rep. Donna Edwards, som anslöt sig till loppet förra veckan lovar att skydda social trygghet och Medicare, "inga oms ands mens eller villiga att överväga." Detta sågs som en poke på Van Hollen, som sade 2012 att han var "villig att överväga" rättigheter förändringar som en del av underskottsförhandlingar. Men även om primärvalet blir till en pitched strid om progressiva prioriteringar, finns det liten chans nomineringskampen skulle hindra demokratiska förhoppningar i Maryland, som inte har sett en GOP senator sedan Charles Mathias 1987. Och Mathias, en medborgarrättsförespråkare och skeptiker mot Ronald Reagan, var en av de mest liberala medlemmarna i det republikanska partiet. Republikanerna hoppas också på Demokratiska blodbadet i Ohio, där Sen. Rob Portman ställer upp för omval. Nationaldemokraterna har stött före detta Gov. Ted Strickland för nomineringen, men nyheterna tvingade inte P.G. Sittenfeld, en uppåtsträvande 30-årig stadsfullmäktigeledamot i Cincinnati, ut ur loppet. Demokraterna är skeptiska till att Sittenfeld kan samla ihop den sortens pengar för att tävla mot Strickland och Portman, men om han gör det kommer hans kandidatur att göra en skarp kontrast mot det 73-åriga Strickland. I en intervju talade Sittenfeld kritiskt om Portman, och kallade honom "en 25-årig varelse av Washington" som är "okontaktad" med Ohio. Men nästa generations retorik kunde också väcka oundvikliga frågor om Stricklands ålder. "Jag passar formen för nytt ledarskap", berättade Sittenfeld för CNN i en intervju, noga med att notera hans beundran för Strickland och betona att han ställer upp mot Portman. "Om du sätter ihop 100 personer i senaten, skulle du inte vilja ha minst en person från den största generationen i amerikansk historia, den mest tekniskt kunniga generationen i amerikansk historia?" Sittenfeld frågade. "Hur kan vi investera i teknik och innovation för att lösa problem när vi omformulerar gamla strider?" Precis som i Maryland verkar det inte finnas några större tidiga skillnader mellan Strickland och Sittenfeld i frågorna, vilket återigen antyder att demokraternas primära boom 2016 handlar mer om timing och möjligheter än något annat. Med ett presidentval på valsedeln förväntas ökat valdeltagande ge demokraterna skjuts i det allmänna valet. "Det finns en ideologisk anledning att springa, men låt oss inte skilja det från en väg till seger", säger Nathan Gonzales, redaktör för Gonzales & Rothenberg Report. "Primarier sker när flera kandidater ser en bra möjlighet. Demokraterna har goda möjligheter i flera delstater denna cykel, särskilt i Maryland. Demokraternas nominering är otroligt värdefull eftersom Maryland är en demokratisk stat. Många kandidater ser vägar till seger och tänker: "Varför inte jag?" Varför inte nu?' "Och medan primaries kan tömma ekonomiska resurser och driva obekväma rubriker, tävlingarna är inte nödvändigtvis skadliga, Gonzales sade. "Klockan och dyra primärval förbjuder inte allmän valseger", sade han. "Det betyder inte att en fest inte kan vinna." Brad Todd, en republikansk konsult som arbetade på flera toppnivå Senaten tävlingar 2014, sade primaries kan öka demokrater. "Några av dessa primärval kommer att animera element av deras bas, inklusive vissa givare, mer än de allmänna valen", sade han. Men Todd sa att ruset av primär aktivitet för demokrater inte kan jämföras med de pitchade te party-mot-etablering strider som har roiled hans parti i åratal. "Jag ser inte att hända med demokrater lika mycket som det gör med republikaner eftersom alla deras kandidater är ganska mycket ortodoxa liberaler", sade han. "Det finns ingen centristisk demokrat längre, så det kommer inte att finnas så många sablar att skramla mot dem i primärval." Sammanfatta höjdpunkterna i den här artikeln.
Washington (CNN)Democrats who have been joyfully watching the Republicans fight for years will feel their own warmth. As the party is working to regain control of the Senate in 2016, Democrats are looking at a Senate landscape that could contain titanic intrapartyccoats with large personalities expected for years for a shot in the big time. It is a major shift from recent years when Republicans, enlivened by long-standing ideological fault lines, faced divisive and attentive primary elections, usually pitting a party favourite against insurgents from the conservative grassroots. Memorably, in 2010 and 2012, the fighting was so damaging that Republicans failed to pick up winning Senate seats by nominating blatantly unprepared candidates. Democrats have usually not had to deal with the same problem. But it can change. While the candidates' areas are still taking shape, a platoon of Democrats is clouding Senate bid in Ohio, Florida, Maryland, California, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Although many of them have not yet formally declared campaigns, no one has the type of field clearing star power that could help Democrats avoid a primary bonanza, and few show signs of putting aside their ambitions for party unity. Republican primary battles go nowhere in 2016, and at the presidential level, Democrats continue to support Hillary Clinton as their nominee, without hissing a serious primary challenge. But there is another story unfolding in the next race for the Senate, where the question is whether the Democrats will cling to ideological and generational lines in primary battles, endangering the party's hopes of regaining control of the Upper House. "The great irony of Democrats celebrating fissures among Republicans in recent years is that historically they are much less capable of confronting the extreme elements within their party than GOP," said Josh Holmes, a former top strategist to Republican Senate leader Mitch McConnell. "Now we see several years of dammed liberal aggression about to spill into divisive primaries that will undoubtedly complicate things considerably for their Senate chances." The Democrats mock the idea and claim that no potential candidate has the ability to fumble away a Senate win against the many Republicans running for re-election next year. Of the nine seats in the Senate deemed to be throw-up or competition Rothenberg & Gonzales' political report, seven of them are held by Republicans elected in the tea party wave in 2010. The Democrats need a net win of five seats to take back the Senate. "Unfortunately for the many vulnerable Republican senators, there is no Todd Akins here, and there is not a single state on the map with a Democratic primary that will negatively affect our ability to win the state," said Justin Barasky, the Democratic Senator Campaign Committee's communications director. Akin, of course, was a GOP nominee in Missouri in 2012 who derailed his own campaign with a comment on "legitimate rapes". Last cycle, Barasky said, Democrats witnessed hotly contested Senate primaries in New Jersey, Massachusetts and Hawaii. All these fights were in blue states, of course. But none of them resulted in a November loss for the Democrats. However, Republicans hope to breathe life into the story, especially with Democratic primaries brewed in the competitive states of Florida and Ohio. "Democrats face messy primary elections in key Senate races across the country, and there seems to be no end in sight," said Andrea Bozek, Communications Director of the National Republican Senators Committee. "Fighting is so bad that it is not only limited to candidates in key races, but even playing out between Harry Reid and DSCC in Washington." The most narrow file, at the moment, seems to be in Maryland, where five-term Sen. Barbara Mikulski retires. In a state that turns blue in federal elections, retirement has finally opened a door for a raft of Democrats in Congress looking higher up. With the exception of House Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer, almost every Democrat in Maryland's eight-man delegation has signalled some kind of interest in the Senate seat. NAACP President Benjamin Jealous and Baltimore mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake have also soared as challengers. Despite the microscopic ideological differences between the likely candidates, the race has already been heralded as a battle between the party's game-it-safe establishment and its resolute liberal wing. Harry Reid, the Democratic leader in the Senate, declined to remain neutral and promptly supported Rep. Chris Van Hollen for the seat, a sign that the national party apparatus may be in his corner. However, the DSCC has not selected side in the race. Progressive groups, meanwhile, have championed a famous figure from their community: Rep. Donna Edwards, who joined the race last week promises to protect social security and Medicare, "no oms ands mens or willing to consider." This was seen as a poke at Van Hollen, who said in 2012 that he was "willing to consider" rights changes as part of deficit negotiations. However, although the primary becomes a pitched battle over progressive priorities, there is little chance the nomination struggle would hinder democratic hopes in Maryland, which has not seen a GOP senator since Charles Mathias in 1987. And Mathias, a civil rights advocate and skeptic against Ronald Reagan, was one of the most liberal members of the Republican Party. The Republicans also hope for the Democratic Bloodbath in Ohio, there Sen. Rob Portman is running for re-election. The National Democrats have supported former Gov. Ted Strickland for the nomination, but the news didn't force P.G. Sittenfeld, an upward 30-year-old Cincinnati city councillor, out of the race. Democrats are skeptical that Sittenfeld can raise that kind of money to compete against Strickland and Portman, but if he does, his candidacy will make a sharp contrast to the 73-year-old Strickland. In an interview, Sittenfeld spoke critically about Portman, calling him "a 25-year-old creature of Washington" who is "uncontacted" with Ohio. But the rhetoric of the next generation could also raise inevitable questions about Strickland's age. "I fit the form of new leadership," Sittenfeld told CNN in an interview, carefully noting his admiration for Strickland and stressing that he is running against Portman. "If you put 100 people together in the Senate, wouldn't you like to have at least one person from the greatest generation in American history, the most technically knowledgeable generation in American history?" Sittenfeld asked. "How can we invest in technology and innovation to solve problems when we rephrase old battles?" As in Maryland, there appear to be no major early differences between Strickland and Sittenfeld in the issues, again suggesting that the Democratic primary boom in 2016 is more about timing and opportunities than anything else. With a presidential election on the ballot, increased turnout is expected to give Democrats a boost in the general election. "There is an ideological reason to run, but let's not distinguish it from a path to victory," said Nathan Gonzales, editor of Gonzales & Rothenberg Report. "Primaris happen when several candidates see a good opportunity. Democrats have good opportunities in several states this cycle, especially in Maryland. The Democratic nomination is incredibly valuable because Maryland is a democratic state. Many candidates see paths to victory and think, "Why not me?" Why not now?' "And while primaries can drain financial resources and push uncomfortable headlines, the competitions are not necessarily harmful, Gonzales said. "The clock and expensive primarys do not prohibit general election victory," he said. "That doesn't mean a party can't win." Brad Todd, a Republican consultant who worked at several top-level Senate competitions in 2014, said primaries may boost Democrats. "Some of these primarys will animate elements of their base, including some donors, more than the general elections," he said. But Todd said the rush of primary activity for Democrats cannot be compared to the pitched tea party-on-establishment battles that have roiled his party for years. "I don't see happening to Democrats as much as it does to Republicans because all their candidates are quite a lot of Orthodox liberals," he said. "There's no centrist Democrat anymore, so there won't be so many sabres to rattle at them in primary." Summarize the highlights of this article.
Nyligen har det varit republikaner som har varit i uppmärksamhetsfånge, blåmärken som primärval. En pluton demokrater mullrar senatsbud i Ohio, Florida, Maryland, Kalifornien, Pennsylvania och Illinois. Av de nio senatorplatser som klassas som uppkastade eller konkurrenskraftiga 2016 innehas sju av republikaner.
Recently, there have been Republicans who have been in attention prisoners, bruising as a primary. A platoon of Democrats rumble Senate bid in Ohio, Florida, Maryland, California, Pennsylvania, and Illinois. Of the nine senatorial seats classified as thrown up or competitive in 2016, seven are held by Republicans.