Aurora Alvarez Veinguer

Howard H Davis

Building a Tatar elite Language and national schooling in Kazan

Keywords: ethnicity, language policy, post-Soviet, Russia, schools

Tatarstan, a bi-cultural region in the Russian Federation, has been experiencing a significant revival of Tatar language, culture and ethnic identities during the post-Soviet period. This article examines the significance of language policy in schools, and elite Tatar schools in particular, for this Tatar renaissance. It describes the political context and institutional setting and uses qualitative research data to analyse ethnic identification among pupils, parents and teachers. It shows that language has central importance in the Tatar schools and is treated as essential to what it means to be Tatar. Till now, the 'Tatarstan model' of partial autonomy within the Russian Federation has successfully accommodated ethnic diversity. However, asymmetries between 'national' education in Tatar schools and predominantly Russian education in non-Tatar schools have potential to generate tensions, as the republic of Tatarstan develops its policies for interethnic relations, religion and culture.

INTRODUCTION

Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the republic of Tatarstan in the Russian Federation has been experiencing a significant renaissance of Tatar ethnicity and culture. This is reflected in formal public policies and procedures, as well as through informal rejections of previous Russian or Soviet identifications. The 1992 constitution defined Tatarstan as a multiethnic republic, with two official languages, Russian and Tatar. 1 The largest ethnic groups are Tatars and Russians, and they correspond approximately to the two main confessions, Muslim and Orthodox. Tatarstan promotes itself as an example of interethnic stability in the post-Soviet context and is widely recognized as such. The society has many prominent bi-cultural features. For example, inside the walls of the Kremlin in the capital city of Kazan, the coexistence of a new mosque and an ancient cathedral is typically presented as a symbol of the harmonious relations between the different ethnic and religious groups in the republic.

This article reports on a study of one aspect of these developments, namely Tatar language and education. 2 Previous research on Tatarstan includes surveys of politics [START_REF] Mcauley | Russia's Politics of Uncertainty[END_REF], ethnicity (Drobizheva et al., 1996), business [START_REF] Mccann | Economic Development in Tatarstan: Global Markets and a Russian Region[END_REF], religion [START_REF] Daucé | La religion dans les mouvements identitaires post-Soviétiques: l'exemple du Tatarstan' (Religion in post-Soviet identity movements: The example of Tatarstan)[END_REF][START_REF] Mohammatshin | Official and Unofficial Islam in Contemporary Tatarstan: Islam's Position in Tatar Society and the Emergence of an Independent Islamic Theoretical Perspective[END_REF], media and language [START_REF] Davis | Media, Language Policy and Cultural Change in Tatarstan: Historic vs. Pragmatic Claims to Nationhood[END_REF]. Schooling has received less attention, despite its continuing high status in line with Soviet tradition and its prominence in the cultural policies of the Tatar elite. The research presented here highlights two aspects of the developing ethnic identifications among pupils attending Tatar schools. First, it shows the priority of language as a sign of belonging. It is, of course, a 'contingent marker' (May, 2001: 10) because the relationship between language and ethnicity is not fixed. But we will show that it is more than just another sign among many. Second, it indicates a potential problem in the asymmetry of the language policy that encourages young Tatars to develop a unified 'national' identity, combining language, ethnicity, religion and other elements, which is not matched by the policy as it affects young Russians, who neither expect to speak Tatar nor are likely to express their identities in these terms.

The Tatars are a Turkic people whose ethnic origins are still the subject of scholarly debate. The Kazan Tatars were established in the central Volga region by the 13th century [START_REF] Hanauer | Tatarstan's Bid for Autonomy: Tatarstan as a Model for the Devolution of Power in the Russian Federation[END_REF][START_REF] Rorlich | The Volga Tatars: A Profile in National Resilience[END_REF]. The history of the language reflects the changing influences on Tatar culture. Until 1860, the language amongst Volga-Ural Tatars was old-Tatar, with Arabic and Persian influences (Iskhakov, 1997a). In 1927, the Latin alphabet (Yanalif ) was officially recognized as the Tatar language alphabet, replacing the Arabic (Iskhakov, 1997a: 25). However, as a result of Russification policies, the use of Latin script was replaced by Cyrillic at the end of the 1930s. More recently, the effect of perestroika was to launch an active struggle by nationalists and Tatars from the Soviet power structure for the rebirth of Tatar national identity, culture and language. National schools were reopened, where Tatar language became the medium of teaching, and Tatar language classes were promoted once again, with the aim of returning to the same conditions of active Tatar cultural and language development that had occurred at the beginning of the 20th century.

On 15 February 1994, after three years of negotiations, Kazan and Moscow signed a bilateral treaty that was politically and symbolically crucial for Tatarstan's future. The treaty was acclaimed as an historic symbol that Moscow and Kazan had reached a peaceful accommodation that allowed a substantial amount of autonomy to the republic. The concept of a 'Tatarstan Model' was born on 3 October 1994 when President Mintimir Shaimiev visited Harvard University [START_REF] Iskhakov | Model' Tatarstana: 'Za' i ' protiv'' (The Tatarstan Model: For and against)[END_REF]. According to his speech, it is a concept that involves a harmonious relationship between Moscow and Kazan, reducing political conflict between the centre and region, maintaining cooperation, and simultaneously allowing Tatarstan a degree of financial and juridical independence. The notion of a 'Tatarstan Model' 3 is usually presented as a positive contrast to other regions, especially in the Caucasus, where claims to sovereignty have led to violent confrontations and conflicts. It remains a model of continuous adaptation and compromise in a search for balance with Moscow. Tatarstan is atypical within Russia because of the high proportion of non-Russians in a region that lies geographically, economically and politically within the heart of the federation. 4 The idiosyncrasies of the political arena should not be underestimated. Politics in Tatarstan is characterized by a quasi-feudal system and a Tatar ethnopolitical monopoly with virtually no opposition (Löwenhardt, 1997: 133;Sagitova, 1998: 65). 5 There has been a consistent trend towards the Tatarization of the governmental elite [START_REF] Gorenburg | Regional Separatism in Russia: Ethnic Mobilisation or Power Grab?[END_REF]McAuley, 1997: 87). The legislative, executive and judicial powers in Tatarstan are in the hands of a small and tightly knit group, the clientele of President Shaimiev (Löwenhardt, 1997: 133), or what is known in other circles as Shaimiev's clan or the khanate (McCann, 2005: 52). However, according to Mukhariamov, it is an oversimplification to talk about ethnocracy and better in the context of Tatarstan to refer to 'agrobureaucracy'. 6 The agrobureaucracy is a group of people with a shared culture and model of behaviour, from rural backgrounds, who made their career during the Soviet period in the rural environment. Generally, they come from veterinary, pedagogical or agrarian institutes, though a lawyer could be equally eligible. Tatar is usually their first language but they all speak Russian because it is essential for interaction in the cities. Their strong social networks provide support for political careers and encourage group cohesion. They are the main promoters of Tatar national education and closely involved in the running of Tatar national schools (gymnásias). 7 The promotion of Tatar language in the republic is one of their central ambitions.

THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM IN CONTEXT: NATIONAL GYMNÁSIAS

Schooling is a powerful mechanism of language maintenance and promotion, and it can be an effective reproductive apparatus and transmitter of specific cultures and identities. 'It is, in a large part, through their schools that ethnic communities define themselves, define their past, define their future, define their goals and orient their future leaders' (Fishman, 1985: 373). Education 'enables a large number of people to learn, simultaneously, which ethnic group they belong to and what are the cultural characteristics of that group' (Eriksen, 1993: 91). Similarly, Bourdieu argues, the education system primarily performs the: 'function of conserving, inculcating and consecrating a cultural heritage. This is its "internal" and most "essential function"' (cited in Swartz, 1997: 190-1).

In the context of Tatarstan, new national gymnásias are the response and alternative to 70 years of the Soviet regime, and to all the previous policies of Russification. They are also a form of adaptation by the Tatar elite to the new configuration of power relationships between the main ethnic groupings in Tatarstan and the balance of power between the republic and Moscow. The response is a form of a revival of a distinct Tatar identity and culture with some aspects of exclusivity and 'uniqueness' coexisting with pragmatic adaptation to the demands of a bi-cultural society.

Jadidism, an Islamic reform movement that was influential at the end of the 19th century, demanded a more modern education, and considered the native language to be indispensable as the language of instruction, but with Russian as a compulsory subject. The first Tatar gymnásia (F. Aitovoi) opened in Kazan in 1916. It was a model for elite national education, and in many respects the model has survived in the concept of the contemporary Tatar school as a secular centre focused on national education, giving high priority to Tatar language, literature and Tatar history, with all subjects taught though the medium of Tatar [START_REF] Ialalov | Istoriia stanovleniia tatarskoi gimnazii i ee razvitie na sovremennom etape[END_REF]. The school was closed in 1918 shortly after the Bolshevik Revolution. The Soviet strategy then focused on the aim of universal literacy -in the vernacular in primary school education but increasingly in Russian at higher levels, including the elite national schools. During the early 1930s, there was considerable oscillation in schooling policies, but from that period to the beginning of the 1990s, national education was a very marginal option. Only Tatars and Baskhirs had instruction in their own language for the entire duration of their secondary education (Kaiser, 1994: 257) and such schools were more common in rural areas than in the cities. By 1990, only one school remained in the city of Kazan where children could study through the medium of Tatar language [START_REF] Lotfullin | Razvitie Natsional'noi shkoly kak obshchemirovaia tendentsiia' (Development of national schools as global tendencies)[END_REF].

Today, the school system in Tatarstan, as in the rest of the Russian Federation, displays the same top-down structure that characterized the Soviet educational regime. Article 4 of the Law of the Russian Federation on Education specifies the secular nature of the state system of education. 8 But in Tatarstan, as elsewhere in the Russian Federation, there are 'new type' or innovative centres, including gymnásias defined by particular subject specialities, language or ethnicity. The main difference between gymnásias and other schools is the level of specialization. The gymnásia curriculum has prestige and elite associations -historically because of its high standards and level of specialization, and also because of the close connection between these schools and a specific social class, the intelligentsia.

In the early 1990s, with the burgeoning cultural-national movement, the meaning of 'national' schooling changed significantly. The previous concept of the national school as a place for a standard education delivered through a language other than Russian was overtaken by the idea of a new type of elite national educational centre, the Tatar gymnásia. These new schools were perceived as a potential vehicle for Tatar culture and language development, and the political elite began to pay close attention to the issue. The number of Tatar gymnásias grew considerably during the 1990s. In 1998 in Kazan, a city of over one million inhabitants, there were 189 schools, including 36 centres of the 'new type' with Tatar as a medium for teaching (Ponomareva and Platonova, 1998). In practice, the Tatar gymnásias are dedicated to monocultural and monoethnic transmission, echoing the institutions created during earlier stages of Tatar cultural revival. Their clear objective is to provide education based on national ethnic culture, and popular traditions.

According to Ialalov there are three main features that define Tatar gymnásias. First, they aim to guarantee a national orientation, national consciousness and patriotism. Second, they involve strategies for individual development and self-realization. And third, they aim to educate young people in the musical, artistic and aesthetic values of the national culture (1996: 13-4). In practice, the gymnásias are effective instruments for Tatar culture and language revival because of the strong encouragement and support they receive from the political elite, which is openly expressed. In the words of the then Minister of Education:

Nowadays, national schooling appears as a key factor in any people's national rebirth. Only schooling can guarantee the opportunity for national cultural development. It makes it [national culture] accessible to each person, modulates people's identity as a carrier and transmitter of their traditions, and also transmits general human cultural -egalitarian values. (Kharisov, 1997: 79) In official post-Soviet definitions, national schools are presented as schools for dialogue, meeting points of culture, which educate pupils in and reinforce national and ethno-cultural tolerance (Vestnik Obrazovaniia, 1991: 26). This rhetoric of tolerance and cultural respect is not always matched inside actual institutions, where discourses surrounding the purpose of Tatar education dwell more on distinctiveness and difference than multiethnic integration. For that reason, it would be a mistake to analyse Tatar schooling in isolation, or to detach the elite schools from their relationships to the Tatar political and economic elite, family influences, and the agrobureaucracy from which they receive substantial support.

THE RESEARCH STRATEGY AND DATA

One of the most compelling reasons for the focus on elite Tatar schools is the fact that, although they are not typical or representative of Tatarstan generally, they are among the clearest manifestations of the processes of Tatarization taking place in the republic. They are institutions specially designed to create, or re-establish, reinforce and develop the Tatar national culture and identities that only a small group of Tatar intellectuals and artists could legitimately claim during the Soviet period. This research into everyday interaction in education complements the work of historians, political scientists and others who have examined the workings of the 'Tatarstan model' in government institutions.

The research took place over three years, beginning as a pilot study conducted in Kazan between September 1997 and April 1998. Most issues of access via gatekeepers such as head teachers were negotiated during this first phase. Three further periods of fieldwork, using observation, interviews with experts, teachers, headmistresses, parents and pupils, and documentary sources followed: from March-June 1999; October-December 1999; and August-September 2000. This was based on 57 unstructured interviews (additional to 14 interviews from the pilot study) conducted in Russian. 9 Data were collected from two different types of institutions, Tatar and non-Tatar gymnásias [START_REF] Alvarez | Representing Identities in Tatarstan: A Cartography of Post-Soviet Discourses, Schooling and Everyday Life[END_REF]. Two Tatar schools in Kazan (numbers 2 and 16) are described in the present account. The parallel research in the non-Tatar schools provides data for a more general interpretation of processes of 'de-Sovietization' and diversity in the school system. The non-Tatar schools allow much less room for Tatar culture and traditions -even when nearly half of the pupils come from Tatar ethnic backgrounds. Therefore, despite their rapid growth since 1991, it is important to emphasize that the Tatar gymnásias represent a small proportion of the whole spectrum of secondary education, and they can even be considered a 'special option', because only certain children can access them. The justification for focusing on this type of school is their clarity of purpose and social significance in terms of the 'national' project. A remarkably rigid and essentialist interpretation of Tatar language exists within the Tatar gymnásias among pupils, teachers and parents. It is the ultimate defining characteristic of the Tatar nation and people (natsiia), umbilically attached to the assumed 'givens' of territory, ethos, kinship, religious community and particular social practices (Geertz, 1996: 41). Recovery and revival of the Tatar language is presented as one of the main priorities by teachers, parents and pupils alike. Its renewal would allow Tatars to transform and (re-)formulate their relation with their Russian neighbours and, in particular, with the federal centre, Moscow.

The research entailed an in-depth, extended exploration of processes of identity construction, or 'identization' in the school environment. 10 The focus is not simply on language issues, but on difference, the meanings of otherness, living in a multiethnic society, religiosity and family and marriage, and patriotism. The method is ethnographic, reflecting the study's emphasis on the process of schooling, interaction between teachers, pupils and parents, and the discursive construction of Tatar (and Russian) belonging. Formal aspects of curriculum planning, language policy or pedagogical technique are included as background to the main body of data, which comes from a variety of sources: observation of classes, extra-curricular activities and informal interaction in the school setting; open-ended interviews with pupils, parents and teachers; informal conversations individually and in groups with these participants; and more formal, semistructured interviews with experts. The approach is therefore qualitative with a strong emphasis on the intersubjective positioning of the researcher as a 'semi-insider' in the research relationship. The field researcher had the advantage of being both an 'insider' with Russian education and fluent Russian language, and an 'outsider' from western Europe. 11 The data are interpreted as the multidimensional expression of political discourse, institutional practice and everyday meanings, not bound by predetermined categories.

TATAR CULTURAL TRANSMISSION: DISTINCTIVE IDENTIT Y AND EXCLUSIVIT Y

Gymnásia No. 2, Moskovskii raion (district)

This is a well-known and prestigious Tatar gymnásia in Kazan. The school has 700 pupils and 30 classes with 20 or 21 pupils in each. The majority of pupils and teachers are Tatars. 12 A visitor to the school encounters a hive of activity, especially near the headmistress's office, since there is a constant stream of events, seminars, conferences, guests from other cities, local and foreign journalists, exhibitions and diverse performances. Gymnásia No. 2 represents a model of the Tatar gymnásia for the entire republic. It is a well-established institution with a tradition of 40 years' working only with Tatar children. Before 1990, the school was a Tatar orphanage, the only place in the city where most of the education was in Tatar and where children came from all over Tatarstan. As more than one teacher claimed, 'we always had a Tatar spirit here'. In 1990, it was reopened as a Tatar gymnásia. Tatar is used as the medium for teaching in the school and Tatar cultural transmission is one of the main objectives. The headmistress confirmed that 'the objective of our school is the re-birth and development of national education, to educate within these walls a national intelligentsia'. 13 The curriculum is based on 'classical education', which is adapted in specific ways to the circumstances. For example, instead of logic, students study chess twice per week as a compulsory subject, not a hobby or a voluntary workshop. As a substitute for Latin, they study Arabic (three hours per week) because, as the headmistress stressed, all their spiritual wealth is in Arabic. In addition to Tatar and Russian languages they also have five hours a week of English from the first school year, and Turkish as an optional language from the fifth to the eleventh school year, plus ballroom dancing, Tatar craft workshops and Tatar wrestling. Apart from the multitude of events that take place in the school, the headmistress also organizes a variety of extra-curricular events, including numerous seminars and conferences. She is a key figure, in her individual as well as institutional capacity, in the process of national education revival in the republic, and she is a strong and enthusiastic promoter of the project. The prevailing language in school is Tatar although some conversations in Russian can be heard among pupils when out of the teachers' earshot. Many pupils will admit that they prefer to speak Russian with their classmates because they feel more comfortable when talking about such topics as television or reading.

Gymnásia No. 16, Privolskii raion (district)

The first research visit to the school took place in 1998 when staff were preparing everything for 1 September, the official day for the inauguration of the centre. From the architectural point of view, the new and ostentatious building (inside and out) conforms to traditional Tatar canons, the Arabic style with domes, arches and minaret-like towers. It contrasts sharply with the monolithic blocks of the Soviet type that dominate the school architecture in Kazan. It is decorated with marble and stylish furnishing, such as sofas and decorative elements that are usually quite absent in other schools, where the Soviet austere style still predominates. School No. 16 benefits from very good equipment, including a swimming pool, two sports centres, a dance studio, a sound laboratory, two computer rooms, two language laboratories, and a very large canteen. Classrooms are spacious, each designed for only 20 pupils, or a maximum of 25. Generally, in other schools, classrooms are for 30 to 35 or, occasionally, even more pupils. The school has 600 pupils (from all districts), but from its scale, one would expect it to house a much larger number.

According to the headmistress, there are enough specialists to teach all the subjects in Tatar, apart from computing and Russian language and literature, (which are in Russian); and they dedicate the same number of hours (six per week) to Tatar and Russian language and literature (as in gymnásia 2). They study English from the second school year, and after the fifth year they have a second foreign language; Arabic or Turkish. However, they were forced to stop these classes because teachers were not available. This gymnásia, according to the headmistress, is: for all Tatar parents who want their children to study in a national school, and we select the most qualified pupils. We organize a special committee including a psychologist and different professionals, musicians, dancing teachers, and drawing teachers, amongst others.

The implicit message in these words is that the school is not only for 'the best pupils' but for 'the best Tatar pupils'. According to the research interviews and observation, all the pupils are Tatars, but Russian pupils could in theory be accepted if their parents wanted them to study in Tatar.

According to the headmistress, the gymnásia's main goal is to combine general academic knowledge and national education, which she claims is the perfect combination; all the courses and workshops are focused on national content:

We don't want our school to be just a normal school, we want it to be a centre for our leaders, Tatar leaders, dedicated to Tatar culture, poets, writers [. . .] these things that somehow were lost during Soviet times. There are so many Russian schools in Kazan, and we have to equal this number, and our parents want their children to study in our schools, without fear, knowing that one day they will go to the university. They will manage to find their way and they will not be afraid; everything will be in their mother tongue. There is a future for Tatar people. We want to transmit our national spirit, so when people come to the school they will feel that this is a Tatar school.

In both schools, there were constant references to the significance of the mother tongue. It represented the clearest boundary marker in teachers' and pupils' representations of 'others' and in the construction of collective identities. Other markers are less distinct. Muslim religion, for example, typically understood in terms of historical tradition, is taken for granted as part of being Tatar but is less closely connected with the everyday life of the respondents. 14 Further analysis of the position of Tatar language will highlight the significance of language in the school setting.

ATTITUDES TO THE TATAR LANGUAGE: REINFORCING 'PRIMORDIAL TIES'

What attitudes do Tatar gymnásia pupils have to the Tatar language and what does the Tatar language mean to them? The father of a male pupil explained that he chose a Tatar gymnásia (in this case No. 16) for his son because they are Tatar. He did not want him to go to a Russian school because they do not teach the Tatar language there, and he would forget everything he knew 'because they promote the Russian language and Christian propaganda'. His son says:

. . . in here we are all Tatars together, it is possible to say that [. . .] here somehow we can talk about Russians with our Tatars, yes, because if there were Russian children in our group, we would not speak to them in a direct way. Generally about Russian natsiia or Tatar natsiia and we feel more free here, in this environment. But . . . there is no discrimination towards the people, because we are in Tatarstan and we are all at the same level, Russians and Tatars. It is just, I suppose, my parents wanted me to study and . . . to learn to speak in my mother tongue. (Male pupil, 15 years old) He added: 'but also because the teachers are Tatars and they have a closer relationship with us, you can say that they are concerned about us'. This pupil gives a very clear explanation of why he likes the school, not just because it is one of the best equipped schools in Kazan or because of his friends, or the teachers. The reasons are simpler and yet more subtle. The fundamental attraction is that they are all Tatars. He feels at ease inside his clan, free to talk about the 'others' and to define himself. He justifies himself saying that there is no discrimination, but there is a desire for segregation. He implies that Russian teachers do not care about Tatar pupils, or Tatar teachers do not look after Russian pupils. With little hesitation he expresses what he thinks, which in all likelihood corresponds to what his parents and teachers think: that Tatar people are much better off amongst Tatars. He may be unaware of the implications of what he is saying about the absence of discrimination, nevertheless he prefers to study with Tatar people and Tatar teachers because he feels secure.

One of the Tatar history teachers, who had been working in gymnásia No. 2 from the first day it opened, recalled that the first group of pupils came from a very specific social stratum. They were the children of the intelligentsia, such as teachers and doctors, people devoted to a cultural tradition. They were among the first to make the effort because they understood that it was impossible for a renaissance to occur if the children could not speak the language. More broadly based efforts to bring about a language shift had encountered serious problems. According to sociological research conducted in Kazan in 1998, 15 the heavy investment of organizational, political and professional resources in Tatar language teaching across the school system in the previous five years had not resulted in a significant shift towards bilingualism; Russian-speaking pupils were not starting to use Tatar. The research offers various explanations for this failure, but they are primarily connected with problems with the level of professionalism and teaching methods on the one hand, and the influence of more general social factors on the other, which combined to slow down the process. The research shows that the serious lack of Tatar language specialists in schools means that non-specialists often have to take classes, leading to lower standards. However, there is further evidence that there is a problem with attitudes to learning the Tatar language, a certain lack of respect or tolerance towards other languages and cultures. 16 The approach to the Tatar language is quite different, depending on whether pupils come from a Tatar or a non-Tatar gymnásia. In non-Tatar schools, there is evidence of an instrumental approach towards Tatar language learning. In Tatar gymnásias, both pupils and teachers express the 'primordial' quality of their ties to the language and therefore to their collective identity.

These distinctions between instrumental, symbolic and 'elemental' types of connection between language and ethnicity are found in other contexts of ethnic and national revival in the post-Soviet sphere, including the Baltic republics and regions of the Russian Federation. Latvia, for example, a newly independent state in 1991, reversed the policy of the Soviet era and privileged Latvian as the national language. According to [START_REF] Björklund | Ethnic Politics and the Soviet Legacy in Latvian Post-Communist Education: The Place of Language[END_REF] the country's post-communist policy is a mirror image of the national politics of the Soviet period. In their report on a survey of language attitudes among Estonian school pupils, [START_REF] Ehala | Language Attitudes of Estonian Secondary School Students[END_REF] argue that while the link between language and identity is strong, it now has to be understood in terms of a linguistic economy at the global as well as national level. A study of the Buryat minority in the Russian far east suggests a pattern of integration with the Russian majority in which the Buryat language is losing significance except as a cultural marker, although the loss of the language does not threaten the ethnic identity itself [START_REF] Khilkhanova | Language and Ethnic Identity of Minorities in Post-Soviet Russia: The Buryat Case Study[END_REF]. As Spolsky suggests, such variety of patterns comes about because language policy is shaped in several ways: by everyday practices and language choices; by general beliefs about language; its social and political significance; and by deliberate interventions such as educational strategies (2004: 5). Language policy in Tatarstan as a whole is too complex to fit comfortably with either the explanation of a nation-state building strategy or educational policies to revitalize a minority language in decline [START_REF] Paulston | Language Policies and the Education of Linguistic Minorities[END_REF]. The Tatar schools, however, embody aspects of both in circumstances that reflect broader political as well as cultural imperatives. Language in this institutional context is the 'central source and marker of peoplehood' (Macdonald, 1997: 219). Particularly in circumstances of transition and economic instability, or periods of political and social insecurity, language becomes a symbol of cohesion, an indicator of heritage and roots, a symbolic and political force allowing people to proclaim their belonging to a certain group. This is clearly expressed in the institutional and everyday discourses of the Tatar gymnásias. It is confirmed by Iskhakov's 17 work in relation to the question why people considered themselves to be Tatar. He found that language usually appeared as one of the strongest indicators of identity. However, Sagitova 18 observed that 'family tradition' is also important because respondents typically say in response to the question why they consider themselves to be Tatar: 'if my parents are Tatars, so am I' or 'it is a matter of tradition'. Within Tatar schools, language is the main symbol of the tradition.

The Tatar language revival in Tatarstan can be seen as an awakening from the 'long sleep' of the period of Russification. The transformation is palpable, allowing people to observe and gauge its progress and the development of Tatar communication in different spheres of everyday life, from schools to mass media, and from shops to the workplace. During the fieldwork in both of the Tatar gymnásias, there was an observable tendency among pupils and teachers to repeat and combine certain sets of words. References to Tatar language, history, traditions, past and culture, were continuously prefaced by the possessive adjective 'our', suggesting a uniform self-and collective identity. Similarly, the notion of language is commonly associated with a notion of natsiia, where the language is the most essential defining feature. Therefore if you live in Tatarstan, you are supposed to speak Tatar, because people, place and language are inseparable, echoing Kaiser's statement that language is 'one of the most important objective characteristics of the nation ' (1994: 253). Ideas of the union between the Tatar language and Tatar culture, identity and history, are also shared by the Tatar nationalist movements, although these movements are not synonymous with the more general renaissance. Language revival was one of the main demands made by TOTS (The Tatar Public Centre, created in 1988, representing a national front, involved in political and cultural areas) and Itiffak (the nationalist party) to the government as the key element of the ethno-cultural renewal process.

The romantic nationalism discourse does not preclude some recognition of the instrumental value of the language. A father explained: I am Tatar by natsional'nost [. . .] and nowadays there is a demand in society to know your mother tongue. And I would like our son to know Tatar better than I do, so he will be able to speak, to read, he will not be determined enough, this is the main reason. And in the future, politics . . . to lead the republic, the Ministry of Education is working in that direction, they are developing national cadres.

The idea is presented in terms of a simple logic. This parent anticipates that knowledge of Tatar language will bring access to the political arena, not to any specific administrative position, but to the national elite.

Tatar language will become the most important language, and all Russians will be able to speak Tatar. Since we live in Tatarstan, we already speak Russian, and they live in Tatarstan, but they cannot speak Tatar, why is that? If they are living in our country! (Female pupil, 15 years old) Pupils and teachers in fact accept the importance of Russian, and this pupil was neither trying to downgrade the importance of the Russian language, nor to defend a monolingual society. It is more a question of the Russian speaking population's attitude to the Tatar language, the evident lack of respect towards the language or lack of interest in learning it. In response to the question whether she noticed that the Russian population was beginning to speak Tatar, her immediate reaction was a spontaneous laugh with a categorical: 'Nyet' ('no').

They study it, but they do not speak it, I have never heard a Russian speaking Tatar. Every time that we meet with them, with Russian friends, and I like them very much indeed, we always speak Russian.

In Tatar gymnásias, the Tatar language prevails as the medium of instruction, even though some Russian is heard in conversation. In contrast, there are no signs of Tatar language in non-Tatar gymnásias, except when it is taught as a second language. According to Mingazovna 19 (a specialist in national education in the Ministry of Education), currently around 97 percent of the students in the Republic of Tatarstan study Tatar; evidence of the recent 'boom' in the Tatar language. It is certainly a notable achievement that Russian pupils are studying Tatar, and what is even more significant, that they comprehend at least formally the importance and the relevance of learning the language. It would have been unthinkable before the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, pupils and teachers from non-Tatar schools would never assume equal status for the Russian and Tatar languages.

But currently . . . we have to learn Tatar language, the result is that they are forcing us, because I think if a person wants to study Tatar -they can do it-but if they don't want to, they should not have to study it. We are having some difficulties with it. I think Russians at least should not take the exams. [. . .] I don't think that everyone needs it. The ones who want -they can study it, and the ones who don't . . . Tatars, if they are Tatars, they should know their vernacular, but not to put pressure to such a degree. Because now, apart from Tatar language and Tatar literature, Tatar history is also introduced, and Tatarstan geography. But perhaps it is necessary to know the history, but not to the extent we have to.' (Female pupil, 15 years old) For non-Tatar gymnásias' pupils and teachers, Tatar language is an 'exotic' subject of minor importance. Discontent arises from the compulsion, the number of hours that pupils have to dedicate to it and the shortage of qualified teachers. Some teachers see it as damaging to the rest of the curriculum.

Yes, they don't like it. The younger children -are attending through obligation, but older children . . . are disappointed, they say: why do they give us so many hours of Tatar? [. . .] The Tatar language isn't a working language yet. Mainly, the ones who know the Tatar language, are the people who learned it at home, and spoke Tatar from their childhood-of course they have a higher level of knowledge. But in general it is not a working language, it is a Russian-speaking population, and all Tatars belong to a Russian-speaking population, Ukrainians, Jews and people from other natsional'nosti -they are all Russian speaking. (Russian language and literature teacher from a non-Tatar gymnásia)

There is little interest in questioning or recognizing the asymmetrical relationship between the two languages. The Russian-speaking population has no incentive to learn Tatar as an alternative medium for everyday interaction, to find a job, or shop in a supermarket. This is the meaning of 'working language' in the above quote -a language that people have to use. Popular culture and the media provide no incentive for Tatar language and cultural development, and in most cases pupils prefer Russian programmes (television and radio) as well as Russian magazines. Many see English as the obvious choice for a second language.

[. . .] And because there are two official languages it doesn't mean that they will need the Tatar language, and from my point of view it is necessary to dedicate more attention to English, preferably to English, than to Tatar.' (History teacher from non-Tatar gymnásia)

According to [START_REF] Baker | Attitudes and Language. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters[END_REF], attitudes to learning a second language reflect the combination of individual needs and social situations, and acceptance may occur when the social, economic and political environment is positive. Tatarstan has in place some of the requirements for legitimation of the Tatar language, namely official recognition and institutionalization in certain domains (May, 2001: 152). However, it is crucial how public support is encouraged, since the opposite effect can result. One of the main difficulties for the Tatar language is the inherent contradiction between its formal (bureaucratic) and informal (everyday) position, what Iskhakova describes as the distinction between juridical status and real functioning (1999: 157). Tatar continues to under-perform in its official position, because Russian is the dominant language in daily use.

That bilingualism is not a two-way process is amply confirmed by the research. Whereas most urban Tatars speak Russian, almost none of the urban Russians speak Tatar. According to the census of 1989, virtually all city-dwelling Tatars knew Russian and so did about two-thirds of the Tatars in the countryside. In contrast to this, less than 2 percent of the Russian rural population indicated that they knew Tatar (Kondrashov, 2000: 37). The subsequent development of compulsory instruction in schools, new Tatar media, and use in government institutions has generated awareness of linguistic diversity among the general population. However, a side effect of the specialized education is to sharpen the differences between languages, between ethnic groups and within ethnic groups (for example, Tatars with and without the Tatar language).

In the particular environment of schools No. 2 and No. 16, the Tatar language is not only a medium for study or communication, or even a language that will help to bring success in a career. It is not synonymous with sophistication, or access to high technology, computers or the Internet. On the contrary, the significance of the language is strongly related to the past, proving a connection with ancestors, roots, the mother tongue. It is a key to how 'Tatarhood' is represented in the past, present and the future. For some of the generation of girls and boys from urbanized backgrounds currently studying in Tatar gymnásias, it is a difficult task to overcome the parental 'deficit' caused by the lack of opportunity for their parents to learn their vernacular. At the present time, there is still a high level of uncertainty and unpredictability in attitudes to language, and the mother of a female pupil knows that things can easily change again. They have grown accustomed to the instability and have learned to keep their options open because they cannot take the risk of renouncing the Russian language:

Of course what worries me is the unstable political situation, and whether pupils, when they graduate from this gymnasia, will find their way in this life, if they will be able to receive higher education and if they will be in demand. This is what really worries me. (Mother of a female pupil) Tatar gymnásias are not only relatively new centres, they are also places of innovation that depend heavily on elite sponsorship and the character of the political relationship between the republic and the central government. Since the end of the Yeltsin period, Tatarstan has steered a difficult path between limited sovereignty and the re-centralizing tendencies of the Putin presidency. Language and educational strategies reflect this ongoing process.

Two examples of language policy illustrate this: the proposed return to the Latin alphabet and the debate concerning a Tatar University, which would teach all subjects through the medium of Tatar. In 1999, Tatarstan attempted to re-introduce the Latin alphabet for Tatar on the grounds that it is better suited to modern needs and because it is more suitable for transliteration than Cyrillic. Pilot projects began in some schools. However, federal authorities saw it as an excess of Tatarization and in 2004 the Russian Federation Constitutional Court overruled the Tatarstan law, denying republics the right to establish alphabets for national languages [START_REF] Tatar-Inform | Website of the Tatarstan information agency[END_REF]. The Tatar University represents an important ambition for some of the Tatar population -not just for some sectors of the political elite and nationalist groups, but also for the teachers, parents and pupils from Tatar gymnásias. For them it would represent continuity with their work, demonstrate that the Tatar language situation is changing, and that their efforts are generating results. The actual outcome of the project illustrates the important role of the federal authorities, the Tatarstan presidency and other interests in shaping a compromise. In time for the start of the 2005-06 academic year, President Shaimiev was instrumental in bringing about a merger between the institutions in Kazan that had been the main carriers of the Tatar ideal for higher education: the federally funded Kazan State Pedagogical University, TARI (the non-governmental Tatar-American Regional Institute) and the small Tatar State Institute for Humanities. The latter specialized in economics, law and foreign languages, with Russian as the medium of instruction. The new institution, housed in a new building in the centre of Kazan, is called the 'Tatar State Humanities-Pedagogical University'. Its financial viability is secured by core funding from the federal government, signalling an inclination from Moscow to establish stable relations with the Tatar language and culture. However, it will not be an exclusively Tatar-medium institution. To the dismay of some nationalists, the potential symbolic power of the university has been diminished through this compromise [START_REF] Machneva | Are there any happy people in the Tatar University?[END_REF].

CONCLUSION

Schools, in consort with other institutions, create and reproduce concrete and specific symbols, a cultural representation that simultaneously reinforces a sense of 'belonging' and 'communality', as well as 'otherness' and 'differentiation'. There is a direct connection between Tatar gymnásias and some sectors of the Tatar political elite, articulated through an intraelite process, mutually and dynamically reinforced by everyday life in families and schools. The research shows that there is close correspondence between attitudes at home and school. Pupils in the 14-16 age group repeat what they hear in school and accept without much hesitation what the adults claim. There is no evidence of the subcultures of 'resistance' described in many studies of schooling elsewhere. According to Tatar culture, the voice of the elders has to be listened to and accepted, and this may help to explain why the correspondence appears to be closer than in other settings. Pupils hear, accept and reproduce what are portrayed as the advantages of ethno-cultural segregation. They uphold the belief in Tatar language primordiality, the need to reinforce and maintain monocultural environments (including Tatar schools), and marriage only within the group (Tatar endogamy), as mechanisms to ensure group cohesion and the survival of Tatar culture.

Tatar language was the priority topic of concern inside both Tatar gymnásias during the period when this research was conducted. The evidence confirms Schöpflin's observation that the role of language as an ethnic marker has been especially salient in central and eastern Europe (2000: 118) and, by extension, the former Soviet Union. It illustrates the Hungarian writer Gyula Illyés' saying that 'the nation lives in its language' (quoted in Schöpflin 2000: 120). In these countries, the view of language as 'primordial' is still widely accepted as the strongest source of attachment to a community, a group or a nation, and to its national symbols (songs, stories and anthems) because these representations are transmitted through language. The language is the mechanism to protect and keep them alive. 'Ethnicity may not be related to language, whereas language as a boundary marker is always related to ethnicity' (Haarmann 1986: 261). Language, not religion or ethnicity, was the epicentre of the discourses reproduced in the school settings. Its importance is underlined by the visible changes taking place in the republic involving the Tatar language. For pupils and teachers it was the clearest marker of the boundaries between the idea of 'ourselves' and 'others'. However, differences between Tatars and non-Tatars in attitudes to the language, different readings of history, and differences in representing the 'other', cannot be understood in terms of interaction between ethnocultural or national groups without reference to institutional strategies. They play an explicit role in reinforcing and promoting specific attitudes and representations. The research revealed the strength of the essentialist interpretation of the Tatar language inside the Tatar gymnásias. This contrasts with non-Tatar gymnásias, where the fact that Tatar language is also an official language in the republic is tolerated without much enthusiasm, and indeed with some hostility, because of the number of hours, poor organization and inadequately trained teachers. One side of the coin represents hope, anticipation and illusion; the other represents very desultory interest and absence of curiosity about Tatar language or Tatar culture. The lack of respect and attention is a matter of increasing concern for the future if the objective is to build an egalitarian society, and if the various mechanisms and structures needed to bring about a change in pupils' and teachers' attitudes are to work successfully. The fact that bilingualism appears as a one-way process historically (and currently, as this research illustrates) reinforces feelings of injustice, unfairness, inequality, cultural domination and discrimination. What some sectors of the population see as just the beginning of a Tatar cultural and linguistic revival is, for others, an unbalanced and asymmetrical national policy.

Tatar gymnásias epitomize resistance to the decline of the Tatar language and culture. They are places where pupils can learn about the history of Tatarstan and its traditions, learn Arabic and become familiar with Islam. They provide spaces where patriotism for Tatarstan is accentuated, an environment where new narratives of the Tatar people are in a state of effervescence and where a primordial understanding of 'Tatarhood' is in an advanced stage of elaboration. On the other hand, inside non-Tatar gymnásias, Tatar culture and traditions are relegated to a marginal position, and English and French are the two main languages that pupils prefer to learn. Tatarization is a response to centuries of cultural attrition within the Russian and Soviet empires that could have resulted in a complete loss of identity. While the policies of Russification and Sovietization leading to marginalization have not ceased to have an effect, bit by bit they are being unravelled. How Tatar education will develop will depend on global influences, the fate of the 'Tatarstan model' and policies in Moscow, as well as what happens within the republic. At this time it is difficult to say where the processes of ethnic and national categorization, discursive frames and institutional projects will lead. The current emphasis is on cohabitation between the two main groups, Tatars and Russians. In the prevailing climate, there is general agreement that peaceful cohabitation is possible. It is difficult to imagine in the context of Tatarstan a violent conflict or nationalist explosion, since the relationship between the main population groups is based on a practical attempt to find a consensus. However, the example of Tatar schooling shows that this consensus is not yet grounded in a shared understanding of language, ethnicity or cultural diversity. in pre-Revolutionary Russia. In Russian, the 'national' in national education (natsional'noe obrazovanie) is understood to refer primarily to ethnicity. 8 Principles of State Policy in the Sphere of Education (Eklof and Dneprov, 1993). 9 All interviews were recorded and transcribed. In the Tatar gymnasias, the sample consisted of six teachers, 14 pupils (aged 14-16 years) and three parents.

In the non-Tatar gymnasias, six teachers and 21 pupils were interviewed. Seven Headmistresses from different gymnasias were also interviewed, and the 13 experts included the Minister of Education and the State Adviser to the President on Political Affairs. 10 The notion of identization emphasizes the idea that identities are always in movement [START_REF] Melucci | Challenging Codes: Collective action in the Information Age[END_REF], and invariably involve 'a process in process'. It is a way of thinking beyond categorical group identities (Brubaker, 2004, Ch. 2). 11 Not all Tatars would feel as comfortable talking to a Russian researcher as to a western researcher, but fluency in language is essential for collecting good quality data. The in-between role of the researcher allowed respondents to position themselves in relation to the 'participant' or 'stranger' as they chose.

For reasons of time, the researcher did not undertake to learn Tatar. It was not essential for data collection as all respondents spoke fluent Russian and documents are generally available in Russian. 12 It is interesting to note that the headmistress made a strong point of the fact that five or six pupils come from mixed families, where only one of the parents is Tatar, and that some pupils are from converted (Kryashen) Tatar Although the research was sponsored by the Ministry, the results are consistent with the findings of other studies (e.g. Yerofeyev and Nizamova, 2001) and the results presented here. 16 According to research in other contexts, the general acceptability or 'tolerability' of the minority language by majority language speakers is essential to overcome marginalization [START_REF] Grin | Combining Immigrant and Autochthonous Language Rights: A Territorial Approach to Multilingualism[END_REF]cited in May, 2001: 14). 17 Interview, 17 March 1998. 18 Interview, March 1998. 19 Interview, 4 February 1998.

  backgrounds. 13 Interview, 23 November 1998. 14 According to Rafael Khakimov (2004) 'polls show that over 80 percent of the Tatar youth consider themselves Muslim, but only 2 percent attend mosque at least once a week, and 4 percent attend just once a month'. 15 Tatarskii iazyk v shkolakh RT v konteskte sovremennykh sotsial'noobrazovatel'nykh tendentsii: sostoianie, problemy, perspektivy. Kazan' 1998: Ministerstvo Obrazovaniia RT. Laboratoriia sotsiologicheskikh issledovanii IPKRO RT (Tatar language in schools of RT through current context of social -educational tendencies: conditions, problems, perspectives. Kazan. 1998. Ministry of Education of RT. Laboratory of Sociological Research RT).

  Iskhakov, Damir Mavliaveevich, Doctor of History, researcher in the ethnology department of the Institute of History, Tatarstan Academy of Sciences, Head of the Center of Ethnological Monitoring.

Acknowledgements

The fieldwork for this study was conducted by Aurora Alvarez Veinguer. Support from the EU Tempus Tacis programme and the University of Wales, Bangor is gratefully acknowledged. Thanks are also due to the many people from Kazan who contributed directly or indirectly to the research.

Notes

1 Enacted on 30 November 1992. Full version available at http://www.tatar.ru. 2 For a full account see Alvarez Veinguer (2002). 3 On the 'Tatarstan Model' see [START_REF] Drobizheva | Natzionalizmy v respublikakh Rossiiskoi Federatsii: ideologiia elity I massovoe soznanie' (Nationalism in Russian Federation republics: elite ideology and mass consciousness)[END_REF]Iskhakov, 1997b, especially pp. 123-53. 4 The population of Tatarstan is 3.8 million, approximately half of whom are Tatars. In Kazan, the site of this study, the main ethnic groups in 2001 were Tatar (51.3%), Russian (41%) and Chuvash (about 3%). See the official website of the Republic of Tatarstan: http://www.tatar.ru. 5 Lilia Varisovna Sagitova (Senior Researcher in ethnology at the Institute of History of Tatarstan) showed that 78.1 percent of the political elite are Tatars [START_REF] Sagitova | Etnichnost''v sovpremennom Tatarstane (Ethnicity in modern Tatarstan)[END_REF]. [START_REF] Löwenhardt | The 1996 Presidential Elections in Tatarstan[END_REF] indicated that by 1995 only 20 percent of the chiefs of administration of the districts and cities and 25 percent of the Chairmen of District Soviets were ethnic Russians. [START_REF] Matsuzato | From Ethno-Bonapartism to Centralized Caciquismo: Characteristics and Origins of the Tatarstan Political Regime, 1900-2000[END_REF]


Catherine Rothon Queen

Can achievement differentials be explained by social class alone? An examination of minority ethnic educational performance in England and Wales at the end of compulsory schooling

Keywords: class schemas, education, ethnicity, GCSE, gender

This article assesses the importance of social class in explaining differentials in the educational achievements of minority ethnic pupils in England and Wales. It is found to be a key factor for all groups. The analysis finds significant differences between ethnic groups even when pupils from the same social class background are compared. When disparities within ethnic groups are examined, however, it is found that the effect of moving one place down the social class structure is similar for all ethnicities. This leads to the conclusion that social class operates in a similar way for all ethnic groups without a specifically 'ethnic effect' that mitigates its impact in certain groups.

INTRODUCTION

Differential educational attainment by social class has been well documented, with children from the professional and managerial classes outperforming those from the manual classes by quite some distance (see for example [START_REF] Halsey | Origins and Destinations: Family, Class and Education in Modern Britain[END_REF][START_REF] Blackburn | Education and Social Class[END_REF][START_REF] Shavit | Persistent Inequality: Changing Educational Attainment in Thirteen Countries[END_REF]Jonsson andMills, 1993a, 1993b;[START_REF] Savage | Social Mobility, Individual Ability and the Inheritance of Class Inequality[END_REF]. How the effect of social class will vary by ethnicity is less clear. Little British work on black and minority ethnic educational attainment to date has been able to control adequately for social background due to the small numbers of minority ethnic students in nationally representative datasets (see for example [START_REF] Drew | The Fifth Year Examination Results of Black Young People in England and Wales[END_REF][START_REF] Drew | Race, Education and Work: the Statistics of Inequality[END_REF][START_REF] Demack | Minding the Gap: Ethnic, Gender and Social Class Differences in Attainment at 16, 1988-95[END_REF][START_REF] Owen | Minority Ethnic Participation and Achievements in Education, Training and the Labour Market[END_REF]. Some black and minority ethnic groups are heavily concentrated towards the bottom of the class structure; it might therefore be expected that many of the inequalities in performance can be explained by the differential distributions of the major ethnic groups across the occupational framework.

A key focus of this article is whether social class works in the same way for all ethnic groups in England and Wales or whether there are specifically 'ethnic effects' that result in socioeconomic status having a differential impact. It may be that the commonly employed social class schemas used in England and Wales are not appropriate measures of the occupational background of the first-generation ethnic minorities. Many minority ethnic immigrants of the first generation moved towards the lower end of the social class spectrum after arriving in England and Wales. This was due partly to reluctance on the part of many English and Welsh employers to recognize qualifications gained and skills learnt abroad as well as a lack of work experience on the British labour market on the part of the new immigrants. As a result, ethnic minority families in lower working-class positions might not be really comparable with white working-class families. This would suggest that measured social class might have a weaker effect on ethnic minority educational attainment than it does among white Britons.

The key aims of the article are as follows:

1 To assess the extent to which low social class can explain ethnic disparities in educational achievement: do pupils of the same social class from the major ethnic groups in England and Wales perform at a similar level? 2 To examine within group differences: do class and ethnicity interact to produce differential effects for social class background across ethnic groups?

In answering these questions, the performance of pupils on the General Certificate of Secondary Education examinations (GCSEs) is considered. These now form the key credential at the end of compulsory education in England and Wales, taken at age 16. Typically, students study eight or nine subjects. Measures of attainment by school are usually calculated from the number of pupils who attain five or more A*-C grades. This benchmark largely reflects its past use as a means of entry to the professions and higher education, where it has usually been the cut-off point for acceptance (see [START_REF] Drew | Against the Odds: The Education and Labour Market Experiences of Black Young People', England and Wales Youth Cohort Study[END_REF]. British work on minority ethnic educational attainment to date has often been limited by the difficulty of controlling adequately for social background because of the small number of minority ethnic pupils in available datasets (see for example [START_REF] Drew | The Fifth Year Examination Results of Black Young People in England and Wales[END_REF][START_REF] Drew | Race, Education and Work: the Statistics of Inequality[END_REF][START_REF] Demack | Minding the Gap: Ethnic, Gender and Social Class Differences in Attainment at 16, 1988-95[END_REF]. This article goes some way towards addressing these limitations by drawing on a combined dataset of the Youth Cohort Study surveys from 1991 to 2000. The analysis reported here uses the Youth Cohort Study of England and Wales (Courtenay, 1996a(Courtenay, , 1996b[START_REF] Courtenay | Youth Cohort Study of England and Wales[END_REF][START_REF] Finch | Youth Cohort Study of England and Wales, 1996-2000; Cohort Eight, Sweep One to Three (computer file)[END_REF][START_REF] Finch | Youth Cohort Study of England and Wales, 1998-2000; Cohort Nine, Sweep One to Four (computer file)[END_REF][START_REF] Fitzgerald | Youth Cohort Study of England and Wales[END_REF]. Until 1992, the study was carried out every year; it is now carried out every other year. The research reported here will utilize Cohorts 5 to 10 (N = 101,713). For further details see the Appendix.

MEASURING SOCIAL CLASS

Sociological analysis of Britain's class structure has often focused upon the economic role of the male as the primary determinant of the social class position of the family or household [START_REF] Goldthorpe | Social Mobility and Class Structure in Modern Britain[END_REF][START_REF] Goldthorpe | Women and Class Analysis: In Defence of the Conventional View[END_REF]. Some have argued that this approach has serious limitations (see for example [START_REF] Britten | Women, Men and Social Class[END_REF][START_REF] Bonney | Gender, Household and Social Class[END_REF]. Family circumstances vary and an assumption that women are all confined to minor or secondary roles is erroneous. One solution to this has been the 'dominance' approach, where one spouse 'whose labour-market participation may be regarded as dominant' outranks the other within a nuclear family; families or households are regarded as the unit of class analysis [START_REF] Goldthorpe | Social Mobility and Class Structure in Modern Britain (2nd edition)[END_REF]. Alternatively, [START_REF] Britten | Women, Men and Social Class[END_REF] proposed a class schema that incorporates women's and men's occupational standing simultaneously. It is hypothesized that the use of a combined schema is appropriate in the context of minority ethnic educational attainment; family structure varies considerably by ethnicity. Over 40 percent of Afro-Caribbean families in England and Wales are headed by a single parent, usually the mother (Office for National Statistics, 2002). Incorporating the social class position of the mother may be especially important in this case. However, for Pakistani and Bangladeshi families, where both parents are usually present and where the father is normally the sole earner, the traditional schema may work adequately.

Three class schemas were therefore tested. The first used father's class only. The second used the parent with the higher social class to determine the background of the child (the dominance method). The final one used a combined measure that takes into account both mother's and father's social class. Comparing the goodness of fit of models using each of these schemas demonstrated that, for all ethnic groups, the third combined schema gave as good or better a fit than either of the other two (details available from the author on request). This combined schema has therefore been used throughout.

It should be noted that missing data were taken into consideration when constructing this schema. The question asked in the Youth Cohort Study as regards parental occupation was as follows:

What are your parents' (or stepparents') current jobs (or if they are not employed what were their most recent jobs)?

Respondents were asked to simply write in the job title of their father/stepfather and mother/stepmother. This resulted in the presence of a significant amount of missing data that is impossible to categorize into meaningful groups such as 'has never worked', 'don't know' and 'not answered'. The degree of data missing varies by ethnicity. For black fathers and Pakistani and Bangladeshi mothers there is a particularly large amount of data missing (47 percent, 81 percent and 88 percent respectively). Many researchers have chosen to exclude cases for which data is missing when carrying out their analysis. However, the extent to which missing data varies by gender and ethnicity makes it clear that excluding cases in this way would result in a serious selection bias problem. Furthermore, data might be missing for very different reasons; it is not possible to assume that missing data simply indicates that the parent is not in the home. One reason might be that the respondent's parent has never worked. This explanation may be of particular relevance in the case of Pakistanis and Bangladeshis, where a large proportion of mothers do not work (Office for National Statistics, 2004). Alternatively, the respondent may not know the parent's occupation because the parent does not live with them. This may be particularly the case with black respondents. There might also be a reluctance to disclose low-status parental occupations. An analysis of the consequences of having missing data for a parent reveals that that its effect on attainment is strikingly similar to that of having a working-class parent. 1 The magnitude of the problem of missing data and the observation that it is systematic rather than random leads to the conclusion that its inclusion as a separate category in the analysis that follows is important.

Table 1 outlines the percentages of pupils in each combined social class grouping who attain five or more A*-C grades.

As might be expected, the percentage of those with two parents in the salariat (professional and managerial occupations), or one parent in the salariat and the other of intermediate class, who gain five or more GCSEs at grades A*-C is higher than that of any other class combination, at 84 percent. The group with the next highest attainment levels is that where both parents fall into the intermediate class. Those with the lowest levels of attainment are those with two working-class parents, one working-class parent and the other missing or both parents missing. The importance of including both parents in the analysis is evident, for example, by the fact that the attainment level of those with one parent in the salariat varies, depending on the occupational category of the other parent. So, while 84 percent of students with two salariat parents or one salariat parent and one parent from the intermediate class (class A) gain the requisite grades, only 71 percent of those with one parent in the salariat and the other of workingclass occupation (class C) reach the benchmark. Similar differentials are evident for other class combinations.

MINORIT Y ETHNIC PERFORMANCE AT GCSE

Descriptive analysis using the benchmark of attaining five or more A*-C grades as the outcome measure finds a clear hierarchy of achievement. In both genders, Indians outperform whites, while blacks, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are at the bottom end of the attainment spectrum. Bangladeshis exhibit the lowest level of performance. The differences are fairly large. For example, the percentage of Indian males attaining the benchmark is almost twice that for their Bangladeshi counterparts. These findings replicate a great deal of the previous literature on minority ethnic educational attainment (see, for example, [START_REF] Drew | The Fifth Year Examination Results of Black Young People in England and Wales[END_REF][START_REF] Drew | Race, Education and Work: the Statistics of Inequality[END_REF][START_REF] Demack | Minding the Gap: Ethnic, Gender and Social Class Differences in Attainment at 16, 1988-95[END_REF][START_REF] Owen | Minority Ethnic Participation and Achievements in Education, Training and the Labour Market[END_REF][START_REF] Demie | Ethnic and Gender Differences in Educational Achievement and Implications for School Improvement Strategies[END_REF][START_REF] Haque | Evaluating the Performances of Minority Ethnic Pupils in Secondary Schools[END_REF].

A significant gender differential is also apparent. Indeed, a distinctive feature of the pattern of results over the last decade and a half has been the 'gender gap' in attainment. From the late 1980s, a pattern emerged whereby girls outperformed boys at GCSE level; this has been sustained ever since [START_REF] Arnot | A Review of Recent Research on Gender and Educational Performance[END_REF]. The trend has been greatly publicized in the media and has not generally led to a resounding acknowledgement of girls' achievements [START_REF] Judd | They're Falling Rapidly Behind Girls at School. Are Boys in Terminal Decline?[END_REF][START_REF] Gold | Hard Times for Britain's Lost Boys[END_REF][START_REF] Williams | Lapped by Girls[END_REF][START_REF] Kingston | The Failing Sex[END_REF]Independent, 1998). Chris [START_REF] Woodhead | Boys who Learn to be Losers[END_REF], a key education official at the time, asserted that the 'failure' of boys was 'one of the most disturbing problems that we face in the whole education system'.

The location of students in the class structure varies significantly by ethnic group. As would be expected from Modood's (1997) analysis, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis have a very low percentage of respondents who have any parent in the salariat. A large majority of Bangladeshis, 85 percent, fall into groups where both parents are working class or missing (as observed above, 'missing' data has a similar effect on educational attainment as having a parent in the working class). This is also in line with Modood's (1997) findings. The figure is also high for Pakistanis at 79 percent, compared to 42 percent for whites, 52 percent for blacks and 53 percent for Indians (see Table A2 in the Appendix).

Table 2 summarizes the attainments of ethnic groups in England and Wales by social class. From this, it is clear that social class is an important factor in explaining educational attainment. Within all ethnic groups, the percentage of pupils achieving five or more A*-C grades decreases quite significantly as one moves down the class structure. 2 There are, however, differences between the performances of the ethnic groups for pupils of the same social class. One striking feature is that in almost all class categories Indians perform above the average for any given class. Both blacks and the Pakistani/Bangladeshi group appear to perform at a low level regardless of class. This low performance is generally more marked in the case of blacks; in all classes their distance from the average is greater than that of Pakistanis and Bangladeshis. These marked differences between ethnic groups suggest that additional explanations must be sought beyond that of low social class.

ROTHON • MINORIT Y ETHNIC EDUCATIONAL PERFORMANCE
Table 3 shows the differences in the percentages gaining five or more A*-C grades within social class groupings. It is arresting how similar the distances between class A and class B, class A and class C and so on are for each ethnic group. In other words, although the starting points are not identical for all ethnicities, being in a given class grouping does appear to have a similar impact for each group.

These results are now tested formally with a series of binary logistic regression models (see Table 4). The use of these models is important because they are able to reveal how far class explains the differences observed and to what extent additional explanations for the achievement patterns need to be sought.

Model 1 confirms the earlier findings; there is a hierarchy of attainment topped by Indians, with Pakistanis and Bangladeshis at the bottom. For females, however, the difference between the Indian group and their white counterparts is insignificant. Black girls perform at a higher level than their male peers; the opposite is the case within the Pakistani/Bangladeshi group.

For all occupational background categories, the size of the effect of social class is slightly bigger for females than males. For females, therefore, being in a lower social class grouping is more detrimental to achieving the attainment benchmark than for males. In terms of the change in the ethnicity coefficient in model 2, however, the pattern for males and females is more comparable. For both genders in all ethnic groups, the coefficients are significantly reduced. The magnitude of the change for males and females within each group is similar.

The impact of the addition of social class in model 2 is particularly large for the Pakistani and Bangladeshi group for both males and females (from -0.88 in model 1 to -0.30 in model 2 and from -0.96 in model 1 to -0.38 in model 2 respectively). In fact, once this is taken into account, there is very little of the differential left to explain. The particularly large change in the coefficients relative to those for other ethnic groups would be expected given the fact that members of the group in question predominantly sit at the very bottom of the class structure. For black children, the change in the coefficient is far smaller, suggesting that an investigation into other factors that affect attainment is important. For males, the coefficient is reduced to -0.71 from -0.84 and for females to -0.62 from -0.80. The performance of Indians is confirmed to be even more impressive once social class is taken into account; the coefficient for males rises from 0.20 to 0.38 and for females it increases to 0.28 from 0.06. Despite the fact that Indians come, on average, from lower social class backgrounds than whites, their performance is better.

In terms of within group differences, the analysis suggests that their magnitude is similar for all ethnic groups. Social class*ethnicity interactions were tested for, but none was significant. The chi-squared figure increases only slightly, and the model uses up an additional degree of freedom, suggesting that the interactions do not improve the fit.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

One of the areas for investigation stated at the beginning of the article was that of establishing the most appropriate class schema to employ in analysing the educational attainments of minority ethnic students in England and Wales. It was posited that the use of the combined class schema in the context of minority ethnic performance makes good theoretical sense. Family structure varies considerably by ethnicity, and in ethnic groups such as Afro-Caribbeans in England and Wales, it is crucial to take account of the mother's social class because a great many fathers are absent from the home. It was suggested that for Pakistani and Bangladeshi families where both parents are usually present and where the father is the sole earner in the majority of cases, the traditional schema may work adequately. The finding here was that the combined social class schema gave the best fitting model for all ethnic groups and for both males and females. On this basis, the combined method was employed in the final analysis.

A second issue that the article set out to investigate was the extent to which low social class could explain the lower performance of some minority ethnic groups, relative to whites. It was posited that much of the poorer performance might be due to lower occupational background. Indeed, the analysis found that the class distribution of the main minority ethnic groups in England and Wales is very different from that exhibited by whites. Whites dominate the higher echelons of the class structure. Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are almost twice as likely to be in the manual classes as any other group. Because GCSE performance is so stratified by class, it would be expected that a great deal of the poor performance of the Pakistani/Bangladeshi group is explained by their position in the class structure. Blacks also exhibit an internal class structure that is different from that of whites; their numbers are more heavily loaded towards the manual classes and are less dominant at the top of the class structure. One would not expect the effect of class to be as large as that for Pakistanis and Bangladeshis because their distribution is more heavily weighted towards the bottom of the class schema. The findings support these expectations. For Pakistani and Bangladeshi males, there is only 33 percent of the discrepancy between themselves and whites to explain once social class has been controlled for. For black males the figure is 85 percent. For females, 40 percent of the distance between the Pakistani/Bangladeshi group and its white counterparts is left to explain after social class has been added to the model. For black females there is slightly less left to explain than for male blacks, but 78 percent of the differential remains to be explained.

For one ethnic group, Indians, lower average social class background did not appear to be associated with poorer achievement. This has an important implication in that gross measures of attainment consistently underestimate Indian success. Many minority ethnic immigrants of the first generation evinced a movement towards the lower end of the social class spectrum after arriving in England and Wales. This was in large part due to a refusal of many English and Welsh employers to recognize qualifications gained and skills learnt abroad as well as a lack of work experience on the English and Welsh labour market. This issue is particularly pertinent in the case of Indians, most of whom came from urbanized backgrounds where they could be found in relatively skilled jobs. This argument accords with Breen and Goldthorpe's (1997) concept of 'risk aversion', whereby young people evince the desire to achieve at least the occupational level of their parents. In terms of aspirations, Indian students may refer to their parents' social class in the country of origin rather than their social class as measured by their current occupational level in England and Wales.

However, if class is defined by the 'relations of employment' [START_REF] Goldthorpe | Social Standing, Class and Status[END_REF][START_REF] Erikson | The Constant Flux: A Study of Class Mobility in Industrial Societies[END_REF] the schema used here is less problematic. Rather than emphasizing 'cultural differences' this definition of social class places emphasis on current 'material circumstances'. The concept of low social class in this sense has multiple dimensions, encompassing temporary and enduring aspects of current material circumstances such as low family income, financial stress, economic dependency and living in a crime-ridden neighbourhood. In addition, there is evidence that, as a group, first-generation Indians in England and Wales experienced some absolute upward mobility. [START_REF] Heath | Mobility and Ethnic Minorities[END_REF] found that 19 percent moved up into salaried occupations and that only 8 percent were downwardly mobile. In terms of relative mobility (which takes into account the starting occupational positions of the ethnic groups examined), the odds of a first-generation Indian male of working-class origin gaining access to a salaried position were found to be similar to those for whites. The social class measure used here may therefore be more appropriate for Indians than has sometimes been suggested.

A third focus of this article has been on whether social class works in a similar way within all ethnic groups or whether there are specifically 'ethnic effects'. A striking and surprising pattern was found. The effect of social class background appeared to be very similar for all ethnic groups. The raw differences between class A and class B, class A and class C and so on are roughly comparable. In other words, although the starting points are not identical for all ethnicities, being in a given class grouping does appear to have a similar impact for each group.

Finally, the paper aimed to establish the differences between ethnic groups. Even once social class had been controlled for, differences were observed between the performances of the major minority ethnic groups in Britain. In the case of Pakistanis and Bangladeshis low social class explained more than half the difference. However, for blacks of both genders social class offered proportionally less in terms of an explanation. Therefore, although the importance of social class in the context of ethnic differentials in educational achievement has been established, there is a need to seek some additional explanation.

The differential remaining after controlling for social class was largest in the case of black males. A number of explanations have been put forward for this, for which the most prominent has been an absence of black male role models within and outside the school [START_REF] Abbot | Teachers are Failing Black Boys[END_REF][START_REF] Clunis | Stop Our Failing Children[END_REF]. A lack of connection with the school due to cultural and linguistic differences may also lead to an inability to view teachers and other adults at the school as positive role models. For black and minority ethnic children, the paucity of co-ethnic adults in educational institutions might compound this. Some researchers have suggested that this is a major factor in explaining the low attainment of some ethnic groups. Mac an Ghaill (1991), for example, has pointed to the conspicuous success of black voluntary schools. 3 It has also been suggested that teacher "racism" or the misinterpretation of black boys' "style" of behaviour may play a part [START_REF] Kochman | Black and White Styles in Conflict[END_REF][START_REF] Callender | A Question of "Style": Black Teachers and Pupils in Multiethnic Schools[END_REF].

It is also possible that residential patterns may have an important impact on attainment levels. Greater levels of contact with disenchanted majority working-class youth can lead to negative engagement with school and poorer levels of attainment for all groups, including whites (see [START_REF] Portes | The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and its Variants[END_REF][START_REF] Portes | The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and its Variants[END_REF] for a specifically minority ethnic framework). Afro-Caribbeans in England and Wales tend to have the lowest levels of residential segregation of the major black and minority ethnic groups and therefore a greater level of contact with disillusioned majority youth [START_REF] Peach | Does Britain Have Ghettos?[END_REF][START_REF] Peach | South Asian and Caribbean Ethnic Minority Housing Choice in Britain[END_REF][START_REF] Johnston | The Ethnic Geography of Ethnicities: The "American Model" and Residential Concentration in London[END_REF]. It has been suggested that the amount of intraethnic contact children experience has a direct impact on their life-chances [START_REF] Borjas | Ethnicity, Neighborhoods and Human Capital Externalities[END_REF].

The greater propensity of black and minority ethnic students to be from working-class backgrounds also means that they are more likely to attend schools in poorer areas. It has been argued that this has been exacerbated by government policies that have been designed to introduce market processes into education [START_REF] Ball | Education Markets, Choice and Social Class: The Market as a Class Strategy in the UK and the USA[END_REF][START_REF] Walford | School Choice and the Quasi Market in England and Wales[END_REF]. For Bangladeshis and Pakistanis in particular, who represent the poorest groups and are more residentially segregated, this may be quite important [START_REF] Peach | Does Britain Have Ghettos?[END_REF][START_REF] Peach | South Asian and Caribbean Ethnic Minority Housing Choice in Britain[END_REF][START_REF] Johnston | The Ethnic Geography of Ethnicities: The "American Model" and Residential Concentration in London[END_REF]. They are likely to live in the very poorest areas; a direct comparison with the white working class may not be appropriate in terms of living conditions and the poverty of the community.

Parental expectations may be a factor. [START_REF] Modood | The educational Attainments of Ethnic Minorities in Britain[END_REF] points to the motivational drive for self-improvement that some ethnic minorities have for themselves and their children. This ties in with [START_REF] Inglehart | Post-materialism in an Environment of Insecurity[END_REF][START_REF] Inglehart | Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies[END_REF] theory of post-materialism. Young white students in England and Wales today will have been born to the 'baby boomers' that grew up in a period of relative affluence following the Second World War. Such parents, Inglehart argues, possess post-materialist values -i.e. value goals other than upward mobility through material gain, for example, self-actualization. Minority ethnic parents born in the same era may have very different priorities for their children. Growing up in environments of insecurity, they may have developed what Inglehart terms materialist values that place emphasis on economic advancement. As a result of this, they view the academic achievement of their children as a concern of the greatest importance. If this is the case, parental values might mitigate the damaging effects of low social class for many ethnic groups through a culture of high expectations.

Notes

1 Seventy-three percent of students with a father in the salariat and a missing mother gain five or more A*-C grades, while 71 percent of those with a father in the salariat and a working-class mother do. Similarly, 68 percent of those with a salariat mother and a father missing achieve five or more A*-C grades; the figure for students with a mother in the salariat and a working-class father is 65 percent. 2 There is only one exception to this: performance for Indians in class C is higher than that in class B 3 These are private schools, but are often linked to the state sector through funding from Local Educational Authorities or Community Relations Councils. The teachers are black and the schools are closely linked to the communities that they serve. Parents are encouraged to take an active role in the running of the school. Specifically black material is incorporated into the curriculum. These characteristics lead to more positive engagement with school on the part of black children and to higher educational attainment.

Table 1

 1 Percentage of respondents attaining five or more A*-C grades at GCSE by combined parental class

	Class	% gaining 5 or	N
		more A*-C grades
	A: both parents salariat or one parent salariat	84	9252
	and other intermediate
	B: both parents intermediate	74	13892
	C: one parent salariat, other working class or
	missing	71	6731
	D: one parent intermediate, other working	57	27329
	class or missing
	E: both parents working class or missing	33	44509
	Total	52	101713

Table 2

 2 Percentage of respondents gaining five or more A*-C grades at GCSE by ethnicity and parental social class (numbers in parentheses)

		White	Black	Indian	Pakistani/Bangladeshi	Total
	A	84 (8705)	73 (97)	93 (177)	80 (30)	84 (9211)
	B	74 (12989)	61 (165)	73 (339)	62 (65)	74 (13844)
	C	71 (6244)	65 (69)	83 (167)	68 (69)	71 (6698)
	D	57 (25406)	41 (488)	67 (510)	55 (311)	57 (27213)
	E	33 (38103)	25 (892)	41 (1336)	27 (2014)	33 (43336)

*The total includes an 'other' ethnicity category not reported in this table. Source:Youth Cohort Study 1991-2000: combined dataset, available at the UK National Data Archive.

Table 3

 3 Percentage differences between social classes (gaining five or more A*-C grades at GCSE) by ethnicity and parental social class

		White	Black	Indian	Pakistani/Bangladeshi	Total
	A-B	10	12	20	18	10
	A -C	1 3	1 2	1 0	1 2	1 3
	A-D	27	32	26	25	27
	A-E	51	48	52	53	51

Source:Youth Cohort Study 1991-2000: combined dataset, available at the UK National Data Archive.

Table 4

 4 Logistic regression of pupils attaining five or more A*-C grades at GCSE with year, social class and ethnicity as explanatory variables

		Model 1	Model 2	Model 1	Model 2
		Males	Males	Females	Females
	Year (1991)	0	0	0	0
	1994	0.23 (0.03)***	0.25 (0.04)***	0.31 (0.03)***	0.31 (0.03)***
	1996	0.50 (0.03)***	0.50 (0.04)***	0.61 (0.03)***	0.60 (0.04)***
	1998	0.42 (0.04)***	0.43 (0.04)***	0.56 (0.03)***	0.58 (0.04)***
	2000	0.67 (0.04)***	0.73 (0.04)***	0.91 (0.04)***	0.94 (0.04)***
	Class (A)		0		0
	B		-0.62 (0.06)***		-0.71 (0.06)***
	C		-0.70 (0.07)***		-0.91 (0.07)***
	D		-1.38 (0.05)***		-1.47 (0.05)***
	E		-2.32 (0.05)***		-2.49 (0.05)***
	Ethnicity	0	0	0	0
	(white)
	Black	-0.84 (0.10)***	-0.71 (0.10)***	-0.80 (0.08)***	-0.62 (0.08)***
	Indian	0.20 (0.07)**	0.38 (0.07)***	0.06 (0.07)	0.28 (0.07)***
	Pakistani/	-0.88 (0.07)***	-0.30 (0.07)***	-0.96 (0.07)***	-0.38 (0.07)***
	Bangladeshi
	Constant	-0.22 (0.03)	1.25 (0.05)	-0.10 (0.02)	1.56 (0.05)
	χ 2	690.87	5453.70	1152.99	6809.20
	p	.000	.000	.000	.000
	N	34660	34660	40429	40429

Table A1

 A1 Recoding of the Youth Cohort Study ethnicity variablesYearEthnic groupings in the Youth Cohort Study Recoded ethnic groupings

	1991	White	White
		Black	Black
		Indian	Indian
		Pakistani	Pakistani
		Bangladeshi	Bangladeshi
		Chinese, other Asian	Other
	1992, 1994 White	White
		Black	Black
		Indian	Indian
		Pakistani	Pakistani
		Bangladeshi	Bangladeshi
		Chinese, other Asian, other	Other
	1996	White	White
		Black Caribbean, Black African, other black	Black
		Asian Indian	Indian
		Pakistani	Pakistani
		Bangladeshi	Bangladeshi
		Chinese, other Asian	Other
	1998, 2000 White	White
		Black Caribbean, Black African, other black	Black
		Indian	Indian
		Pakistani	Pakistani
		Bangladeshi	Bangladeshi
		Chinese, other Asian, any other	Other

Table A2

 A2 Percentage of ethnic groups occupying each social class: collapsed class schema = index of dissimilarity, i.e. the proportion of respondents that would need to change category to create a distribution identical to that of a white group. Source:Youth Cohort Study 1991-2000: combined dataset.

		White	Black	Indian	Pakistani/Bangladeshi	Other
	A	1 0	6	7	1	1 0
	B	1 4	1 0	1 3	3	1 4
	C	7	4	7	3	7
	D	2 8	2 9	2 0	1 3	2 3
	E	4 2	5 2	5 3	8 1	4 7
	ID	0	10	11	39	5
	N	91447	1711	2529	2489	2126

ID

Source:Youth Cohort Study 1991-2000: combined dataset, available at the UK National Data Archive.

* Significant at 0.5 level; ** significant at 0.01 level; *** significant at 0.001 level. Source:Youth Cohort Study 1991-2000: combined dataset, available at the UK National Data Archive.

APPENDIX

Cohorts 5 to 10 of the Youth Cohort Study all have slightly different coding for the ethnicity variable. Ideally, the black group (comprising Afro-Caribbeans, black Africans and 'other' blacks) would be divided into its three constituent parts; previous research has found important differences between these groups (see for example [START_REF] Heath | Education and Occupational Attainments: The Impact of Ethnic Origins[END_REF]. Unfortunately in the earlier survey years the variable does not take this form. Table A1 shows details of the coding of the ethnicity variable in each year of the Youth Cohort Study.