Masahiro Hara
email: mhara@truman.edu

Input, triggering and poverty of the stimulus in the second language acquisition of Japanese passives

Keywords: second language acquisition, poverty of the stimulus in L2, triggering input in L2, L2 lexical conceptual structure, Japanese passives

This article adopts an input perspective in examining a poverty-ofthe stimulus (POS) learning situation in second language acquisition (SLA). Analysis of grammaticality judgement data from 81 Englishspeaking and 85 Chinese-speaking learners of Japanese isolates triggering input that informed English learners of subtle semantic properties of the ni direct passive underdetermined by second language (L2) input. The study shows a sufficient correlation in the case of English learners between acquisition of the ni direct passive's triggering properties (available through input) and acquisition of its POS properties (unavailable through input). Importantly, those properties are direct consequences of affectivity, an underlying semantic property of the ni direct passive. That correlation does not obtain in the case of Chinese learners due to a positive first language (L1) effect. Additional corroborating evidence comes from acquisition of another Japanese passive, the ni yotte, for which no correlation was found between its non-triggering and non-POS properties for either English or Chinese learners as those properties are available through input. The article proposes that English learners' computation of a target-like conceptual representation of the triggering input leads to the restructuring of their lexical-conceptual representation of the ni direct passive.

I Introduction

In generative grammar-based second language acquisition (SLA) there is growing recognition of the need for further, systematic study of input [START_REF] Carroll | Input and evidence: the raw material of second language acquisition[END_REF][START_REF] Gregg | Learnability and second language acquisition theory[END_REF]. Studies available thus far have concentrated on the effectiveness of positive or negative input in the acquirability of second language (L2) forms or properties. [START_REF] Inagaki | Motion verbs with goal PPs in the L2 acquisition of English and Japanese[END_REF]2002) suggests that L2 positive evidence must be both available and robust (frequent and unambiguous) for learners' utility; [START_REF] Trahey | Positive evidence and preemption in the second language classroom[END_REF] and [START_REF] Trahey | Positive evidence in second language acquisition: some long-term effects[END_REF] examine the effectiveness of various input types and ways of input provision on re-setting a verb movement parameter value; a series of papers by [START_REF] White | Adverb placement in second language acquisition: some effects of positive and negative evidence in the classroom[END_REF]1992) and [START_REF] Schwartz | Learnability and grammar reorganization in L2A: against negative evidence causing the unlearning of verb movement[END_REF] debate the utility of negative evidence in L2 verb movement parameter re-setting; and [START_REF] Carroll | Explicit and implicit negative feedback: an empirical study of the learning of linguistic generalizations[END_REF] consider the effectiveness of negative input of differing degrees of explicitness. 1The present study examines the articulation of input and acquisition where typically it has been found weakest: in a poverty-of-the stimulus (POS) situation. Using grammaticality judgement data on English and Chinese learners' acquisition of the Japanese ni direct and ni yotte passives, the analysis isolates triggering input that informed English learners of ni direct passive properties underdetermined by input. The article proposes that the relevant input triggered the restructuring of English learners' lexical-conceptual representation of the ni direct passive.

Learning situations wherein information necessary for acquisition cannot be reliably extracted from input have proven instrumental in advancing the epistemology of L2 knowledge representation. They appear in an extensive array of semantic or lexico-semantic studies, including, among others, [START_REF] Dekydtspotter | The interpretive interface in L2 acquisition: the process-result distinction in English-French interlanguage grammars[END_REF], [START_REF] Dekydtspotter | The interpretation of quantification at a distance in English-French interlanguage: domain specificity and second language acquisition[END_REF][START_REF] Dekydtspotter | The interpretation of quantification at a distance in English-French interlanguage: domain specificity and second language acquisition[END_REF], [START_REF] Slabakova | The parameter of aspect in second language acquisition[END_REF]2003), Dekydtspotter and Sprouse (2001), Dekydtspotter et al. (2001), [START_REF] Montrul | The L2 acquisition of morphosyntactic and semantic properties of the aspectual tenses preterite and imperfect[END_REF] and [START_REF] Slabakova | On viewpoint aspect interpretation and its L2 acquisition: a UG perspective[END_REF]2003) (for overviews, see Juffs, 2000;White, 2003). Unsurprisingly, no empirical relationship has been established between input and the L2 learning outcomes examined in those studies. 2 Dekydtspotter and Sprouse (2001: 16), for instance, found it 'unlikely that the input could be rich enough to reliably (i.e. measurably) inform learners' of the asymmetry in possible interpretations of French adjectival restrictions of wh-quantifiers with respect to tense. They argue that English learners' acquisition of those properties resulted from the interaction of a relevant French functional lexicon acquired by the learners, operations of the universal human language computational system, and a universal syntax-semantics interface.

When an L2 property is acquired in the absence of immediate evidence there nevertheless must exist some input that informs learners of an underlying property enabling the learning. At issue is how directly and particularly the acquired property and that input are related to the underlying property. In the epistemology-oriented studies noted above, the two are indirectly and generally related to an underlying property. But when the relation is direct and particular enough, it should be possible to identify a learning correlation and, on the basis of that, isolate the triggering input, as hypothesized in the following: Suppose a semantic property, A, of an L2 form is absent from input, while another property, B, of the same form is present; and learners cannot arrive at knowledge of A or B via their first language (L1) grammar or by general learning principles. 3Moreover, both properties are direct, narrowly-constrained consequences of the L2 form's underlying property which is absent from learners' L1 grammar. Then learners can acquire the input-unavailable property A as a result of their having derived knowledge of the form's underlying property through acquisition of input-available property B. Consequently, it should be possible to find evidence for a learning correlation between properties A and B. Existence of that correlation can be corroborated with evidence that there is no learning correlation between two semantic properties, C and D, of a linguistic form similar to that exhibiting A and B. Properties C and D of the second linguistic form are counterparts to properties A and B of the first form, except that both C and D exist in input.

Those learning situations are locatable in English and Chinese learners' acquisition of two Japanese passive types, the ni direct and the ni yotte. The study shows that English learners with sensitivity to the input-unavailable properties of the ni direct passive (termed 'POS' properties), had already acquired knowledge of its input-available properties (termed 'triggering' properties). Crucially, both the POS and the triggering properties are direct and particular consequences of affectivity, the ni direct passive's underlying semantic property lacking in the English passive. Although corroborating that finding in English learners, the study shows the same correlation does not obtain in the case of Chinese learners due to a positive L1 effect. Furthermore, data on the acquisition of the ni yotte passive show no correlation between its two properties, termed 'non-triggering' and 'non-POS', for either English or Chinese learners. Those properties result from the ni yotte passive's lack of affectivity and both are available to learners through input. Importantly, the fact that the ni direct and ni yotte passive sentences used in the study are minimal or near minimal pairs makes data from the two learning situations comparable.

The article concludes with a discussion of how learners acquired the ni direct POS and the ni yotte non-POS properties. I propose that the triggers for those interlanguage (IL) grammar changes are located in the conceptual representations of relevant sentences of both passives. Learners acquired those properties by computing a target-like conceptual representation of the relevant input, with affectivity consequently included in the lexical-conceptual structure (LCS) of the ni direct passive verb and excluded from the LCS of the ni yotte passive affix.4 II Japanese, English, and Chinese passives 5Three passive types occur in Japanese: the ni direct, the ni yotte and the ni indirect. A single passive type exists in English, 6 with two types in The sole surface difference between the ni direct sentence (1a) and the ni yotte sentence (1b) is the morphological marking of ni vs. ni yotte. Looking past that, [START_REF] Kuroda | On Japanese passives[END_REF], inspired by [START_REF] Inoue | Henkei-bunpoo to nihon-go: transformational grammar and Japanese[END_REF], detected a more fundamental distinction, arguing that the ni direct passive carries

Masahiro Hara 423

get passives as alike with respect to the passive subject position, see also [START_REF] Haegeman | The get-passive and Burzio's generalization[END_REF][START_REF] Fox | Children's passive: a view from the byphrase[END_REF] For an alternative analysis of the get passive arguing that its syntactic subject position is not theta role-free, see [START_REF] Lasnik | Complement object deletion[END_REF]. an affective connotation lacking in the ni yotte (see also [START_REF] Masuoka | On the semantics of Japanese passives[END_REF]. Affectivity in the ni direct connotes an entity or person (denoted by the syntactic passive subject) under the 'influence' of the logical subject of the passivized verb. That is, the syntactic passive subject experiences a direct effect from what has been performed by the logical subject (Inoue, 1976: 83). 7 Because of the affectivity constraint on the ni direct, when its passive subject is inanimate it is compatible with a perfective reading (which facilitates the passive's affectivity reading), 8 but incompatible with nonperfective readings (which hinder an affectivity reading). That contrast in reading compatibility is manifested in verbal affix ta-marked ni direct passive sentences. That affix signifies either a perfective or a simple past reading and, depending on how it is interpreted, an inanimate subject ni direct is rendered either grammatical (4a) or ungrammatical (4b): The verbal construction 'gerund ϩ iru' also gives rise to a similar grammaticality contrast for an inanimate subject ni direct passive. That construction expresses either a perfective or a progressive reading, with an inanimate subject ni direct passive grammatical in a perfective reading (5a), but ungrammatical in a progressive reading (5b):

5) a. Perfective reading: Mondai no zyuuyoosee-wa kokumin-ni yoku the importance of the issue-TOP the people-by fully rikai-s-arete iru. understand-PASS-PERF 'The importance of the issue is in the state of having been affected by being 424 SLA of Japanese passives 7 Rather than defining affectivity, [START_REF] Kuroda | On Japanese passives[END_REF] demarcates various linguistic contexts whose semantic effects enhance affectivity in the ni direct passive. It must be stressed that although affectedness is related to affectivity, the former is a subset of the latter; for in-depth discussion of affectedness, see Tenny, 1992: 8-11. 8 According to Shirai (2000: 335, 342), the perfective reading of a sentence entails construing the sentence not only in terms of the event or state denoted by its verb but also in light of the relevance of that event or state to the current situation at the time of speech. Crucially, the properties of incompatibility of an inanimate subject ni direct passive with past and progressive readings constitute negative constraints. They are unavailable through naturally-occurring input, and it is unlikely they are discussed in classroom instruction. Examination of Japanese language textbooks confirms no mention of those properties. Indeed, a thorough linguistic characterization of the affectivity underlying those properties has yet to appear in the literature.

In contrast, the properties of compatibility of an inanimate subject ni yotte passive with past and progressive readings are exemplified in both natural and classroom input. In this analysis, the aforementioned properties of the ni direct are termed 'POS' properties and those of the ni yotte are referred to as 'non-POS' properties to underscore their contrasting availability through input. Importantly, for the purpose of comparing learning of the ni direct and ni yotte passives, the passive sentences used in the study which manifest the POS and non-POS properties are minimal pairs differing only in the ni-vs. ni yotte-markings; compare (4a-5b) to (6a-7b).

Two additional passive properties relevant to this study are the 'triggering' properties of the ni direct and the 'non-triggering' properties of the ni yotte. They too are a function of the presence or absence of an underlying affectivity constraint and both properties exist in input. Furthermore, the passive sentences (included below) exemplifying the triggering/non-triggering properties meet requirements for primary linguistic data: they are simple and available to learners (for discussion of primary linguistic data, see White, 1992;2003). Those sentences are also minimal or near minimal pairs.

As shown in (8a), one triggering property of the ni direct is its compatibility with an adversative reading due to the affectivity reading requirement. In (8b), however, the ni direct is incompatible with the expression of a favourable effect on its passive subject [START_REF] Kuno | The structure of the Japanese language[END_REF][START_REF] Howard | Syntax and semantics: Japanese generative grammar[END_REF][START_REF] Kuroda | On Japanese passives[END_REF][START_REF] Shibatani | The language of Japan[END_REF]): 8) a. Adversative reading:

Mary-wa mukasi no kare-ni ni-zikan mo Mary-TOP ex-boyfriend-by a long time of two hours mat-are-te komat-ta. wait-PASS-GERUND become upset-PAST 'Mary had been waited for by her ex-boyfriend for a good two hours (and this greatly upset her).' b. Favorable (non-adversative) reading: *Mary-wa mukasi no kare-ni ni-zikan mo Mary-TOP ex-boyfriend-by a long time of two hours mat-are-te uresikat-ta. wait-PASS-GERUND happy-PAST 'Mary was happy for her ex-boyfriend to have been waiting for her for a good two hours (and this upset her).' Adversative readings of the ni direct occur in input, and that property is treated in L2 instruction.

A second ni direct triggering property is its compatibility with a personally-involved expression. Native verbs in Japanese are suitable for describing a personally-involved event from a subjective viewpoint and fit well with the ni direct passive [START_REF] Kuroda | On Japanese passives[END_REF][START_REF] Jacobsen | The transitive structure of events in Japanese[END_REF], as shown in (9): This ni direct property exists in natural input and is explicitly taught in classroom instruction [START_REF] Tanaka | Examination of failure to use the passive by Japanese language learners[END_REF].

Turning to the non-triggering properties of the ni yotte, one is its incompatibility with an adversative reading. As exemplified in [START_REF]enemy country.' 11) Hamlet-wa Shakespeare-ni yotte kak-are-ta[END_REF], a strong adversative connotation produces an anomaly in the ni yotte since it lacks affectivity: 10) ?*Mary-wa mukasi no kare-ni yotte ni-zikan mo Mary-TOP ex-boyfriend-by a long time of two hours mat-are-te komat-ta. wait-PASS-GERUND become upset-PAST 'Mary had been waited for by her ex-boyfriend for a good two hours (and this greatly upset her).'

Though unavailable through natural input, this property is possibly taught in the classroom as an instance of dissimilarity between the ni yotte and the ni direct passives. Furthermore, to the extent that an adversative reading is a subjective interpretation of a state of affairs, its incompatibility with the ni yotte passive follows from a second nontriggering property: the congruence of the ni yotte with an expression from an objective viewpoint. That property, exemplified in (11), is brought out clearly by use of Sino-Japanese verbs which are preferred in formal or objective speech and writing and thus appropriate for the ni yotte [START_REF] Kuroda | On Japanese passives[END_REF][START_REF] Jacobsen | The transitive structure of events in Japanese[END_REF]: The congruence of the ni yotte with an objective expression is exemplified in natural input and explicitly taught in classroom instruction [START_REF] Tanaka | Examination of failure to use the passive by Japanese language learners[END_REF].

Summarizing to this point, the POS properties are the incompatibility of an inanimate subject ni direct passive with past and progressive readings; the triggering properties are the compatibility of the ni direct passive with an adversative reading and a subjective, personally-involved expression. The non-POS properties of the inanimate subject ni yotte passive are its compatibility with past and progressive readings; the non-triggering properties of the ni yotte passive are its incompatibility with an adversative reading and congruence with an expression from an objective viewpoint. Table 2 summarizes the ni direct and ni yotte properties according to their availability through input.

Turning to the English passive, it is generally held that it -e.g. ( 2) -is synonymous with its active counterpart (i.e. Bill hit John), and insensitive to an affectivity reading constraint. 9 The semantic and syntactic representations of the English passive are identical to those of the ni yotte passive (for a semantic analysis of the English passive, see Jackendoff, 1990; for syntactic analyses, see [START_REF] Chomsky | Lectures on government and binding[END_REF][START_REF] Emonds | Lexicon and grammar: the English syntacticon[END_REF].

The Chinese bei short passive, on the other hand, resembles the ni direct passive. First, the bei short typically carries an adversative reading [START_REF] Li | Mandarin Chinese: a functional reference grammar[END_REF][START_REF] Hashimoto | The structure and typology of the Chinese passive construction[END_REF]. While the active sentence (13a) means the person in question simply learned about the matter, its passive counterpart (13b) is tinged with an adversative connotation (from examples ( 24) and ( 25) in [START_REF] Hashimoto | The structure and typology of the Chinese passive construction[END_REF] with slight modifications): 13) a. Active:

Ta zhidao-le na jian shiqing. s/he learn about-ASP that CL matter 'S/he learned about that matter.' b. Bei short passive:

Na jian shiqing bei zhidao-le. that CL matter PASS learn about-ASP 'Unfortunately, that matter became known.' 9 As an anonymous Second Language Research reviewer notes, due to the lexical meaning of hit, it may not be readily apparent that the English passive sentence (2) carries no affectivity connotation. Passive sentences such as John was seen by Bill and John was thought by Bill to be intelligent may show more clearly the lack of affectivity in the English passive.

Second, just as the ni direct requires an affectivity reading, the Chinese bei short must express disposal, which refers to how the logical object of a verb is dealt with or manipulated in an event or state described by the bei short sentence (Li and Thompson, 1981: 468). Compare the following two bei short passive sentences: ( 14) is example (35) in Chapter 16 of [START_REF] Li | Mandarin Chinese: a functional reference grammar[END_REF] with slight modification, and ( 15) is repeated from (3): According to Li and Thompson,(14) is unacceptable because it cannot be read with a sense of disposal since how Lisi was dealt with or manipulated cannot be construed from the meaning of the verb, hen 'hate'. In contrast, ( 15) is grammatical because the effect on Zhangsan of being hit is construable. Hence the reading requirements of affectivity in the ni direct and of disposal in the bei short constrain the range of acceptable passive sentences such that some kind of effect on the passive subject must obtain as a result of the state of affairs described by the passive sentence. 10In sum, first, the English passive exhibits no affectivity reading constraint such as that imposed on the ni direct; the Chinese bei short passive expresses disposal, similar to affectivity. Learning that an inanimate subject ni direct passive is incompatible with non-perfective readings (POS properties) poses a POS problem for English learners (discussed below) but not for Chinese learners. Second, there are additional semantic properties of the ni direct that arise from its affectivity constraint but which are available through input to learners (triggering properties). Third, the ni yotte passive (with no affectivity) is identical to the English passive, but there is no ni yotte passive type in Chinese. Fourth, the ni yotte learning situation differs from that of the ni direct only in that all ni yotte properties under investigation (non-POS and non-triggering) are available to learners through input. (See Table 2, which summarizes input availability of the properties of the ni direct and ni yotte passives.)

III Predictions

The purpose of Prediction 2, central to the study, is to isolate L2 input that enables English learners to overcome the POS problem as stated in Prediction 1. Predictions 3 and 4 corroborate the expected findings on English learners. For all four Predictions, Chinese learners' data provide additional supporting evidence. The article adopts the Full Transfer Full Access Hypothesis [START_REF] Schwartz | Word order and nominative case in non-native language acquisition[END_REF]1996;[START_REF] Schwartz | The second language instinct[END_REF].11 1) English learners can acquire knowledge of the incompatibility of an inanimate subject ni direct passive with non-perfective readings (POS properties) even though those properties are unavailable through L2 input, L1 knowledge or indirect negative evidence. Chinese learners can learn the POS properties as well. 2) There will be a sufficient correlation between acquisition of the ni direct passive triggering properties and acquisition of its POS properties in the case of English learners but not in the case of Chinese learners. 3) Chinese learners can acquire knowledge of the compatibility of an inanimate subject ni yotte passive with non-perfective readings (non-POS properties). English learners can learn the non-POS properties as well. 4) There will be no correlation between acquisition of the ni yotte nontriggering properties and acquisition of its non-POS properties for either Chinese or English learners.

In the main, Prediction 1 bears on the acquirability of the ni direct POS properties by English learners; Prediction 3 pertains to the acquirability of the ni yotte non-POS properties by Chinese learners. For English learners to develop sensitivity to the subtle, input-unavailable POS properties of the ni direct passive -( 4b) and (5b) -they must expunge from their L1-based IL grammar passive sentences permissible in English but impermissible in Japanese. That is necessary because non-perfective readings of an inanimate subject ni direct passive are ungrammatical, whereas the English passive counterpart is grammatical. Chinese learners must acquire the input-available non-POS properties of the ni yotte passive -( 6b) and (7b) -by expanding their L1-based IL grammar to admit those passive sentences prohibited in Chinese but allowed in Japanese. That is necessary because an inanimate subject ni yotte passive is grammatical in a non-perfective reading, while its Chinese bei short passive counterpart is ungrammatical. In short, the English learner's task is a contraction of the grammar without direct or indirect evidence, a prima facie case of a POS learning situation. 12 Conversely, the Chinese learner's task is an expansion of the grammar on the basis of L2 input. Finally, neither Chinese learners' acquisition of the ni direct POS properties nor English learners' acquisition of the ni yotte non-POS properties should be problematic since both groups can rely on L1 grammar to arrive at knowledge of the relevant properties. Predictions 2 and 4 encompass the central issue addressed in the study. The following hypothesis motivates Prediction 2: because the ni direct POS properties are absent from L2 input, and since English learners cannot rely on their L1 grammar for knowledge of those properties (see footnote 20), they must derive knowledge of the POS properties from other sources, including the input-available triggering properties of the ni direct; see (8a), (8b) and (9). That is possible because the POS and the triggering properties alike are direct and particular manifestations of the ni direct's affectivity. Thus it is expected that English learners who are sensitive to the POS properties have already acquired the triggering properties. 13 That sufficient learning correlation is not expected in the case of Chinese learners due to their ability to achieve sensitivity to the ni direct POS properties via the similarity between the restrictions on the readings of the ni direct and the bei short passives.

Prediction 4 has been formulated to test the assumption underlying Prediction 2 and to underscore the expected findings from English learners expressed in the latter. Suppose there are two distinct manifestations of an underlying L2 form and both manifestations are available in natural or classroom input. No correlation should obtain in learning those two manifestations, whether there is an L1 counterpart to the L2 form or not. This should be the case because learners have positive evidence for each of the two manifestations. Acquisition of the non-POS -( 6b) and (7b) -and the non-triggering -( 10), ( 11) and ( 12) -properties of the ni yotte passive exemplify this. Thus, it is expected there will be no learning correlation between these two manifestations for either English or Chinese learners.

IV The study 1 Participants

The study included 81 English-speaking and 85 Chinese-speaking learners of Japanese, with 31 Japanese native speakers (NSs) as controls. Table 3 provides information on the non-native speaker (NNS) participants who were classified into intermediate, advanced and highly advanced groups on the basis of their scores on part of the Japanese Language Proficiency Test (JLPT) taken during the data collection procedure. There is a significant difference in group mean scores (F(5, 160) ϭ219.95, p Ͻ.001). The English and Chinese groups in one proficiency level do not differ from one another but differ from groups in other levels. The English-speaking participants were undergraduate and graduate students in the USA, a majority of whom were in Japan-related fields. The Chinese-speaking participants were all enrolled in high intermediate to advanced Japanese 432 SLA of Japanese passives 13 It is possible that there are English learners who have acquired knowledge of the triggering properties but who show no sensitivity to the POS properties. That is, a necessary correlation may not hold. One cannot assume that learners' acquisition of the triggering properties immediately leads to sensitivity to the POS properties; there may be a time lag in that process. language courses at institutions in Japan in preparation for entering undergraduate or graduate programs there (some of them had already done so).

Materials 14

The materials included a grammaticality judgement test in which the participants were instructed to assess the acceptability of sentences using a five-point rating scale: acceptable, somewhat acceptable, not sure, somewhat unacceptable and unacceptable. Each sentence appeared with the five rating options on a sheet of paper the size of an index card. On the sheet were no other sentences establishing semantic or pragmatic contextualization for the passive sentence being tested because that was provided in the passive sentence itself, as shown in the section on passives. The presentation style allowed the questionnaire to present all test sentences in the same format, including those exemplifying semantic or syntactic passive properties. That was expected to alleviate a priming effect on any particular aspect of the passives under investigation. Vocabulary notes were provided on the sheets when it was felt that NNS participants might be unfamiliar with certain lexical items.

The test contained 62 passive sentences: 46 exemplified semantic properties, 15 and 16 syntactic ones. There were 22 distractors. The complete questionnaire thus comprised 84 sentences, approximately half of which were acceptable and the other half unacceptable. (That ratio held for the passive sentences used in this study as well.) There were two sentence tokens for each of the semantic and syntactic properties under investigation. (For a complete list of passive sentences used in the study, see Appendix 1.) Standard measures were taken to reduce extraneous judgement variability, including provision of detailed instruction on judging the acceptability of sentences (for discussion of such measures, see [START_REF] Bley-Vroman | The accessibility of universal grammar in adult language learning[END_REF][START_REF] Birdsong | Metalinguistic performance and interlanguage competence[END_REF]Schütze, 1996).

Additional materials for the NNS participants included a background information questionnaire, and a pre-test comprised of (1) part of the JLPT and (2) a vocabulary test. (The vocabulary test was not utilized in the study.) The NNS participants spent 1-1.5 hours completing all the materials, and they did so individually.

V Results

Group and individual results on acquisition of the ni direct passive properties

Group results confirm that, despite the POS problem, English learners can attain sensitivity to the ni direct POS properties and Chinese learners have little difficulty acquiring them. Individual results show that there is a sufficient learning correlation between the triggering and the POS properties of the ni direct passive in the case of English learners. That finding is underscored by absence of the same correlation for Chinese learners.

If Prediction 1 is correct, learners' grammaticality ratings of nonperfective readings of an inanimate subject ni direct passive should be significantly lower than their ratings of perfective readings of that passive type. Figure 1 displays the mean grammaticality ratings for the perfective and past readings of the ta ni direct alongside ratings for the perfective and progressive readings of the iru ni direct, with a maximum score of '2' and a minimum of '-2'. (For descriptive statistics, see Table 6 in Appendix 2.) Mean rating scores for the English groups correlate with proficiency levels: the more advanced they were, the more reluctantly they accepted the past and progressive readings as grammatical. All Chinese groups appear sensitive to the incompatibility of an inanimate subject ni direct with non-perfective readings.

The results of repeated-measures ANOVAs show the statistical reliability of the NS group's clear rating differentiation between perfective and non-perfective readings of the ni direct: this group rated the former as grammatical and the latter as ungrammatical (F(1, 30) ϭ400.1, p Ͻ.001 for the ta passive; F(1, 30) ϭ 174.8, p Ͻ .001 for the iru passive). The English highly advanced group reliably rated non-perfective readings of the ni direct lower than perfective readings (F(1, 24) ϭ26.7, p Ͻ.001 for the ta passive; F(1, 24) ϭ20.9, p Ͻ .001 for the iru passive), suggesting the group's (developing) sensitivity to the ni direct POS properties. The English advanced group made significantly differentiated ratings between the perfective and past readings of the ta passive (F(1, 35) ϭ5.6, pϭ.023), but failed to do so in rating the iru passive (F(1, 35) ϭ1.95, p ϭ.171). The English intermediate group failed to differentiate between the perfective and non-perfective readings (F(1, 19) ϭ.137, p ϭ.716 for the ta passive; F(1, 19) ϭ.299, p ϭ.591 for The Chinese highly advanced and advanced groups had no such difficulty learning the POS properties, as their grammaticality ratings are reliably differentiated between perfective and non-perfective readings of the ni direct (highly advanced: F(1, 35) ϭ58.9, p Ͻ.001 for the ta passive and F(1, 35) ϭ35.6, p Ͻ.001 for the iru passive; advanced: F(1, 42) ϭ44.1, p Ͻ.001 for the ta passive and F(1, 42) ϭ11.96, p ϭ.001 for the iru passive). Yet the Chinese intermediate group failed to make significantly differentiated ratings (F(1, 5) ϭ1.26, p ϭ.312 for the ta passive; F(1, 5) ϭ4.57, p ϭ.086 for the iru passive), apparently due to its high rating variability and small size of six learners. In sum, the above group results confirm acquirability of the ni direct POS properties by the English highly advanced group and by the Chinese highly advanced and advanced groups. 16 Individual results provide evidence suggesting that, when English learners have sensitivity to the ni direct POS properties, they have already acquired its triggering properties. That sufficient learning correlation does not obtain in the case of Chinese learners. The evidential criterion for deriving individual results that would confirm sensitivity to the POS properties is learners' correct ratings, as ungrammatical, of the non-perfective inanimate subject ni direct passive. For English learners, the ungrammaticality of that passive type was what they had to learn. If they took it as similar to the affectivity-free English passive, they might rate it as grammatical. If Chinese learners started with their L1 grammar, their rating the non-perfective inanimate subject ni direct passive as ungrammatical would suggest their sensitivity to the POS properties, since similar properties resulting from an affectivity-like reading restriction exist in the Chinese bei short passive.

436 SLA of Japanese passives 16 An inspection of the responses of individual learners in those groups indicates there are learners who clearly showed sensitivity to POS properties. Out of the total number of 25 English highly advanced learners, five individuals (20%) correctly accepted both tokens of the perfective ta ni direct and correctly rejected both tokens of the past ta ni direct. Ten out of the total 36 Chinese highly advanced learners (27.8%) consistently accepted the grammatical perfective ta passive and consistently rejected the ungrammatical past ta passive. Out of the total 43 Chinese advanced learners, 11 (25.6%) behaved in the same way. An examination of individual responses to the iru ni direct reveals similar patterns, although with reduced percentages, reflecting greater difficulty with that ni direct passive type (see [START_REF] Hara | On the acquisition of Japanese passives by English speakers[END_REF]. The percentages of learners who consistently accepted the perfective iru passive and consistently rejected the progressive iru passive are 12% of the total number Evidence for knowledge of the triggering properties comes from contrastive grammaticality ratings on paired grammatical/ungrammatical sentences exemplifying those properties. Because triggering properties are manifested in grammatical sentences with an animate passive subject, similar to unmarked ni direct passive sentences, it is possible that learners might correctly rate as grammatical the ni direct passive exemplifying the triggering properties even though they are insensitive to those properties. For that reason, a total of three pairs of grammatically contrastive sentences were formed for analysis: one pair had a ni direct sentence with an adversative reading (grammatical) vs. a ni direct sentence with a favourable reading (ungrammatical); (8a) and (8b). The other two pairs each had a ni direct sentence with a personally-involved reading (grammatical) vs. a ni yotte sentence with a personally-involved reading (ungrammatical); ( 9) and ( 12). 17

The correlation at issue can be established by showing the following: numerous learners who correctly rated the ni direct passive exemplifying the POS properties as well as the paired passive sentences exemplifying the triggering properties; zero learners (ideally), or a statistically significant small number of them, who succeeded in rating as ungrammatical the ni direct exemplifying the POS properties, and failed to make contrastive grammaticality ratings on any passive pair exemplifying the triggering properties. Table 4 presents 2 ϫ 2 contingencies for English and Chinese learners' ratings of passive sentences exemplifying the POS and the triggering properties, with each learner contributing one data point in the table. The rows designate the number of learners who rated the POS ni direct passive sentences as ungrammatical at least once and how many of English highly advanced learners, and 19.4% and 9.3% of the total number of Chinese highly advanced and advanced learners, respectively. 17 Two out of a total of six passive sentences used for that analysis were ni yotte passive sentences. Inclusion of the ni yotte sentences introduced an additional variable, the presence or absence of knowledge of that passive. Yet including those sentences imposed a stricter condition for establishing the correlation at issue. As noted next in the text, critically important to Prediction 2 was the significantly small number of learners who demonstrated sensitivity to the ni direct POS properties without making contrastive grammaticality ratings on any of the paired passive sentences exemplifying the triggering properties. The inclusion of the ni yotte passive could only increase, not decrease, the number of such learners since, if they had not yet learned the ni yotte passive, then they would randomly rate those two ni yotte passive sentences, even though they might correctly rate a ni direct passive member of the pair. That works against obtaining the correlation at issue. For evidence that the ni yotte passive was acquired after the ni direct passive, see [START_REF] Hara | On the acquisition of Japanese passives by English speakers[END_REF][START_REF] Hara | Why do L2 learners optionally choose a certain divergent analysis of TL over a TL-like one?[END_REF]; see also the group results for learners' difficulty with the ni yotte passive.

failed to do so. The columns show how many learners made contrastive grammaticality judgements on at least one triggering sentence pair and how many never did.

Whereas 29 English learners (35.8% of the total 81) correctly rated both the past reading of the ni direct and the paired sentences exemplifying the triggering properties, as few as only six English learners (7.4%) correctly rated the ni direct past reading as ungrammatical but failed to make correct contrastive grammaticality ratings on any of the passive pairs exemplifying the triggering properties. Similarly, 27 English learners (33.3%) showed sensitivity to the ni direct progressive reading POS property as well as knowledge of the triggering properties. But only six (7.4%) exhibited sensitivity to the former and no knowledge of the latter. Six is a significantly smaller number of learners than the other data in the table for the past reading ( 2 (1) ϭ4.609, p ϭ.032), and it approaches a significant level for the progressive reading ( 2 (1) ϭ3.5, p ϭ.061). 18 Therefore, when English learners showed sensitivity to the POS properties, they were likely also to exhibit knowledge of the triggering properties. The sufficient correlation at issue obtains in the case of English learners.

In contrast, 52 Chinese learners (61.2% of the total 85) correctly rated both the ni direct past reading and the paired sentences exemplifying the 438 SLA of Japanese passives 18 The Goodman-Kruskal tau values are .057 for the past and .043 for the progressive readings, confirming that the observed distributional differences are due to the significantly smaller numbers of English learners who demonstrated sensitivity to the POS properties but failed to exhibit knowledge of the triggering properties. triggering properties; 13 Chinese learners (15.3%) correctly rated the ni direct past reading as ungrammatical but failed to rate correctly any of the triggering property sentence pairs. Likewise, 42 Chinese learners (49.4%) showed sensitivity to the ni direct progressive reading POS property and knowledge of the triggering properties; 12 (14.1%) exhibited sensitivity to the former and no knowledge of the latter. Critically, no statistically significant correlation obtains in the case of Chinese learners' acquisition of the two property sets ( 2 (1) ϭ.229, p ϭ.632 for the ta ni direct; 2 (1) ϭ .097, p ϭ.755 for the iru ni direct).

Group and individual results on acquisition of the ni yotte passive properties

Group results confirm English and Chinese learners can acquire the ni yotte non-POS properties. Individual results show there is no learning correlation between the ni yotte non-triggering and non-POS properties for either English or Chinese learners.

In accordance with Prediction 3, grammaticality ratings of the perfective and non-perfective readings of an inanimate subject ni yotte passive should not differ significantly in the case of either English or Chinese learners. Figure 2 presents the mean judgement scores for the perfective and past readings of the ta ni yotte passive alongside those for the perfective and progressive readings of the iru ni yotte passive. (For descriptive statistics, see Table 7 in Appendix 2.) The NS controls made no significantly differentiated grammaticality ratings on perfective and non-perfective readings of the ni yotte (F(1, 30) ϭ1.85, p ϭ .184 for the ta passive; F(1, 30) ϭ.521, p ϭ.476 for the iru passive). Nor did the English highly advanced group (F(1, 24) ϭ .795, p ϭ.382 for the ta passive; F(1, 24) ϭ1.56, p ϭ.224 for the iru passive), suggesting knowledge of the ni yotte non-POS properties. The English advanced and intermediate groups also made statistically indistinguishable ratings on perfective and non-perfective readings (advanced: F(1, 35) ϭ.051, p ϭ.822 for the ta passive and F(1, 35) ϭ .580, p ϭ.451 for the iru passive; intermediate: F(1, 19) ϭ2.07, p ϭ .167 for the ta passive and F(1, 19) ϭ.006, p ϭ.940 for the iru passive). But it is likely that the success of the English advanced and intermediate groups in rating the two readings is more apparent than real, as there is evidence that the advanced group attained only limited knowledge of the ni yotte passive and the intermediate group even less [START_REF] Hara | On the acquisition of Japanese passives by English speakers[END_REF]. 19 In all, the acquirability of the ni yotte passive non-POS properties is confirmed for the English highly advanced group.

Group results involving the Chinese learners provide evidence for the acquirability of the ni yotte non-POS properties. The Chinese highly advanced group rated the ta ni yotte perfective and past readings with no significant differentiation (F(1, 35) ϭ2.44, p ϭ.127), indicating knowledge of that passive property. The group rated the iru ni yotte perfective and progressive readings as grammatical, on average. But, unexpectedly, they rated the iru ni yotte progressive significantly higher than the perfective reading (1.31 vs. .49) (F(1, 35) ϭ10.4, p ϭ.003). Suppose that at a certain learning stage Chinese learners take the ni yotte as similar to the Chinese bei short passive, then one would expect to find that those learners would rate the iru ni yotte progressive lower than the perfective, since the progressive, not the perfective, is unreconcilable with the reading requirement for the bei short passive. Significant (and likewise unexpected) differentiation also shows up in the Chinese advanced group's ratings of the ta ni yotte passive (F(1, 42) ϭ10.5, p ϭ.002), with the past rated higher than the perfective (.80 vs. .17). The parallel patterns of highly advanced learners differentiating the iru ni yotte readings and of advanced learners differentiating the ta ni yotte readings suggest a developmental pattern (examined in Section VI).

In view of Chinese highly advanced learners having rated the iru ni yotte progressive higher than the perfective reading, the advanced group's indistinguishable ratings of the two readings of the iru ni yotte (F(1, 42) ϭ.022, p ϭ.884) suggests that the advanced learners had not yet reached the same learning stage as their highly advanced counterparts. The intermediate group showed statistically indistinguishable ratings for the two readings of the ta ni yotte (F(1, 5) ϭ1.49, p ϭ.276) and of the iru ni yotte (F(1, 5) ϭ.02, p ϭ.892), as they did in rating other passive types. Overall, the acquirability of the ni yotte non-POS properties is confirmed for the Chinese highly advanced group.

Consistent with Prediction 4, individual results show there is no learning correlation between the non-triggering and non-POS properties of the ni yotte passive in the case of either English or Chinese learners. That is expected because both properties are available to learners through L2 input. In testing Prediction 4, learners' ratings as grammatical of the nonperfective inanimate subject ni yotte were taken as evidence for knowledge of the non-POS properties. Also, three grammatically contrastive pairs of passive sentences were formed for the non-triggering properties: two of the pairs each had a ni yotte sentence with an objective reading (grammatical) vs. a ni yotte sentence with a personally-involved reading (ungrammatical); ( 11) and ( 12). The third pair had a ni direct sentence with an adversative reading (grammatical) vs. a ni yotte sentence with an adversative reading (ungrammatical); (8a) and [START_REF]enemy country.' 11) Hamlet-wa Shakespeare-ni yotte kak-are-ta[END_REF]. Only correct grammaticality ratings of both sentences in each pair were counted as successful ratings.

Table 5 shows 2 ϫ2 contingencies for English and Chinese learners' acquisition of the ni yotte non-POS and non-triggering properties. Numerous English learners (31, i.e. 38.3% of the total 81) showed knowledge of the past reading non-POS and the non-triggering properties. Many English learners (36, i.e. 44.4%) evinced knowledge of the past reading non-POS property, but not of the non-triggering properties. The same pattern holds for English learners' acquisition of the progressive reading non-POS and the non-triggering properties: 31 and 28 learners (38.3% and 34.6%), respectively. The large numbers of 36 and 28 contrast sharply with the significantly small number of six English learners who showed sensitivity to the ni direct POS properties but no knowledge of its triggering properties. No significant correlation exists in English learners' acquisition of the ni yotte non-POS and non-triggering property sets ( 2 (1) ϭ1.5, p ϭ.220 for the past reading;

2 (1) ϭ.868, p ϭ.352 for the progressive reading).

Similarly, numerous Chinese learners (51, i.e. 60% of the total 85) showed knowledge of the past reading non-POS and the non-triggering properties. Many Chinese learners (26, i.e. 30.6%) evinced knowledge of the past reading non-POS, but not of the non-triggering properties. The same pattern appears for Chinese learners' acquisition of the progressive reading non-POS and the non-triggering properties: 48 and 25 learners (56.5% and 29.4%), respectively. There is no statistically significant correlation in Chinese learners' acquisition of the two property sets ( 2 (1) ϭ.045, p ϭ.832 for the past reading; 2 (1) ϭ.004, p ϭ.951 for the progressive reading).

In sum, there is a sufficient correlation between the triggering and POS properties of the ni direct passive only in the case of English learners. No correlation appears between the non-triggering and non-POS properties of the ni yotte passive for either English or Chinese learners. Note: The underlined numbers signify the number of times each learner responded correctly to the non-POS and non-triggering property sentences.

VI Discussion

1 What source(s) inform English learners about the POS properties of the ni direct passive?

Three possible sources can inform English learners about the POS properties of the ni direct passive:

• L2 input exemplifying those properties;

• L1 knowledge of the English passive;

• L2 input exemplifying the ni direct triggering properties.

Theoretical and pedagogical considerations raised in Section II rule out L2 input as a likely source of direct evidence for the POS properties.

The empirical findings of this study support that. If knowledge of the restriction of the ni direct passive to perfective readings were directly inferable from input -just as Chinese learners receive input exemplifying the ni yotte non-POS properties -one would have to explain why there is a correlation between acquisition of the ni direct triggering properties and acquisition of its POS properties in the case of English learners, but no correlation between the ni yotte non-triggering and non-POS properties for Chinese learners.

Second, English has no equivalent to the ni direct passive type [START_REF] Kuroda | On Japanese passives[END_REF]Jackendoff, 1990;[START_REF] Emonds | Lexicon and grammar: the English syntacticon[END_REF], and this is reflected in the difference in the acquisition of the POS properties of the ni direct passive by the English and Chinese subjects. Group results show that English learners had great difficulty acquiring the POS properties while Chinese learners did not. Individual results demonstrate a learning correlation between the triggering and POS properties in the case of English learners but not in the case of Chinese learners. 20 Masahiro Hara 443 20 The possibility of English learners approximating knowledge of POS properties by L1-or L2-based analogy is remote. First, a grammatical perfective inanimate subject ni direct -(4a) and (5a) -is uninformative for English learners. Due to the L1 effect, English learners are likely to take the ni direct passive as equivalent to the English passive and to interpret ni direct sentences like (4a) and (5a) as affectivity-free. Second, it is unlikely that superficial knowledge of the triggering properties enables English learners to analogously discover the POS properties (see footnote 12). Third, it is doubtful that English learners' acquisition of the ni indirect passive influences their learning of the ni direct passive. The direction of influence is likely to be reversed. For evidence that English learners acquire the ni indirect passive after acquiring the ni direct passive both semantically and syntactically, see [START_REF] Hara | On the acquisition of Japanese passives by English speakers[END_REF] The single remaining possibility -that of L2 input providing the triggering properties -is thus a strong candidate for the source that informed English learners of the POS properties. That conclusion and the findings of the study are consistent with the hypothesis of this study. Suppose two (surface) properties of an L2 form meet the following conditions:

• one property is input-available, the other unavailable;

• both are absent from learners' L1;

• both arise from an underlying property of the L2 form; and

• the connection between the underlying property and the two properties is direct and particular.

It is then possible to isolate triggering input. Of all four learning situations under investigation, only English learners' acquisition of the ni direct triggering and POS properties satisfies the above conditions.

English learners' acquisition of the lexical-conceptual structure of the ni direct passive verb

What changed in English learners' IL grammatical systems as they incorporated input exemplifying the triggering properties into their IL grammars? I propose that English learners acquired sensitivity to the POS properties as a consequence of arriving at an L2-like ni direct passive lexical-conceptual representation incorporating affectivity. That lexical-conceptual restructuring was triggered as they came to understand the meanings of the ni direct passive's triggering properties and computed a two-layered conceptual representation of the relevant input.

Extending to Japanese passives [START_REF] Jackendoff | Semantics and cognition[END_REF][START_REF] Shibatani | The language of Japan[END_REF][START_REF] White | Adverb placement in second language acquisition: some effects of positive and negative evidence in the classroom[END_REF]1996) lexical-conceptual approach, the LCSs of the ni yotte passive affix rare and of the ni direct passive verb rare are provided in ( 16) and (17), along with example sentences of the two passives and their conceptual representations (simplified for readability; for a full account, see Jackendoff, 1990). First, consider the LCS of the ni yotte passive affix: Jackendoff's LCS consists of two tiers: the thematic tier (concerned with motion and location) and the action tier (expressing an Actor-Patient relation), corresponding to the first and second lines of (16a), respectively. The solid line in the thematic tier represents an event or state in which the Things, [X] and [Y], are conceptualized in terms of their motion and location relative to one another. The 'AFF ([X], [Y] A )' in the action tier signifies that the Thing, [X], is Actor (the first argument of the 'affect' functor) and the Thing, [Y], is Patient (the second argument). The subscript 'A' attached to [Y] signifies that [Y] is linked to its appropriate syntactic position via linking theory (Jackendoff, 1990: Chapter 11). The lack of a subscript on [X] signifies that it is not linked to any syntactic position. Note that this LCS is identical to that of the English passive affix -en (Jackendoff, 1990: 179-81). The conceptual representation of the ni yotte passive sentence is illustrated in (16b). The first line indicates that motion of Bill's foot

INCH [ BE +contact ([BILL's FOOT], [AT +contact [JOHN]])] AFF ([BILL], [JOHN] A ) Event Event/State AFF ([X], [Y] A )
(the Theme) culminated in contact with John (the Goal). The second line shows Bill (the Actor) performed that action and John (the Patient) was affected by it.

The What English learners needed to recognize to acquire knowledge of the ni direct passive's affectivity was that its LCS contains a layer of circumstantial and AFF functors above the LCS of their L1 English passive affix -en. Although the syntactic reflex of those functors is not encoded in a way accessible to L2 learners (see footnote 21), semantic consequences of those functors are present in input, including the triggering properties. Moreover, the triggering properties are encodable in sentences that are simple and available to learners, important features of primary linguistic data (White, 1992;2003). Once recognition of those (and other) properties led English learners to posit the first layer of the ni direct passive verb's LCS in their representation,22 sensitivity to the POS properties was likely to follow, albeit without direct or indirect evidence.

Development in the acquisition of the event structure of the ni yotte passive by Chinese learners

Chinese learners rated the non-perfective readings higher than the perfective reading of an inanimate subject ni yotte passive, a pattern opposite to what would be expected if they transferred properties of the Chinese bei short passive. I suggest that Chinese learners initially constructed a non-L2-like ni yotte passive LCS. Consequently, it was not assigned a simplex event structure; rather, it consisted of a complex event structure consistent with that of the ni direct (which in turn should be similar to that of the bei short passive). As a result, Chinese learners assigned to the ni yotte event structure a temporal interpretation complementary to that of the ni direct.

The ni direct passive is comprised of a complex event structure; the ni yotte passive is a simplex one. 23 In the event structures of both passives in ( 18), e represents the variable for an event type (see [START_REF] Pustejovsky | The syntax of event structure[END_REF][START_REF] Grimshaw | Obligatory adjuncts and the structure of events[END_REF]: Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1999) and Rappaport Hovav and [START_REF] Rappaport Hovav | An event structure account of English resultatives[END_REF] claim that two interpretations of a complex event structure are possible in terms of the temporal relation of its subevents:

• the subevents -e.g. e 1 and e 2 in (18b) -are temporally dependent and coextensive; • no such temporal dependency exists.

An example of the former is Tracy waltzed to the other side of the ballroom (example (16) in Levin and Rappaport Hovav, 1999: 207): Tracy's crossing the ballroom started when her dancing began, and the dancing continued until Tracy reached the other side of the ballroom. An example of a temporally independent relation is Casey's piano playing woke the baby (example (28a) in Levin and Rappaport Hovav, 1999: 211): Casey's act of playing the piano may have gone on for a while before the baby was awakened (for a similar, formal treatment, see also Jackendoff, 1990: Chapter 10).

In order for an inanimate subject ni direct passive to be grammatical, the temporal relation between its subevents must be independent. For instance, the ni direct passive -(5a) repeated below as (19) -is taken only to express the state of affairs arising as a result of the people's grasping the importance of the issue:

19) Mondai no zyuuyoosee-wa kokumin-ni yoku the importance of the issue-TOP the people-by fully rikai-s-arete iru. understand-PASS-PERF 'The importance of the issue is under the state affected by having been fully understood by the people.'

Although the 'gerund ϩ iru' construction allows a temporally coextensive interpretation, (19) cannot refer to a situation concurrent with the ongoing process of the people's understanding the issue. When the inanimate subject ni direct passive allows only a temporally coextensive interpretation, it is rendered ungrammatical as shown in (4b) and (5b) in Section II. That is, that passive type will not be read with a temporally coextensive interpretation, although it is a linguistically possible interpretation of a complex event structure.

I propose that at a certain stage of learning, Chinese learners interpreted an inanimate subject ni yotte passive in a temporally coextensive relation in an effort to differentiate the ni yotte from the ni direct passive. As such, they accepted the past and progressive readings of the ni yotte as grammatical, but were reluctant to do the same for its perfective readings. The past and progressive readings are congruent with the temporally coextensive interpretation whereas the perfective readings are not. Therefore, Chinese learners' LCS of the ni yotte passive affix mirrored that of the ni direct passive verb. They differentiated the ni yotte and the ni direct in terms of temporal interpretations of a complex event structure while maintaining a ni direct-like LCS for both passives. Chinese learners' recognition of the lack of an affectivity-like connotation in the ni yotte (as exemplified in the non-POS, the non-triggering or other properties) eventually may have led them to reanalyse the ni yotte affix from (17a) to (16a).

VII Conclusions

In conclusion, this study has empirically isolated input serving as a catalyst for IL grammar change, with a deductive consequence for learners' acquisition of L2 properties underdetermined by input. That is possible:

• when one can identify an input-available property and an inputunavailable property, both of which directly and particularly result from a single LCS representation underlying the two; and • when an L1 effect and the possibility of general learning principles can be excluded from the learning situation.

Finally, I would suggest that pinning down triggering input in a POS situation narrows the range of possible learning processes that researchers can hypothesize as responsible for learners' overcoming a POS problem.

  4) a. Perfective reading: Bosnia no mati-ga NATO-gun-ni koogeki-s-are-ta. town in Bosnia-NOM NATO-by attack-PASS-PERF 'A town in Bosnia is in the state of having been affected by an attack by NATO.' b. Past reading: *Hamlet-wa Shakespeare-ni kak-are-ta. Hamlet-TOP Shakespeare-by write-PASS-PAST 'Hamlet was written by Shakespeare.'

  9) Mary tyan-waitu mo kibisii otoosan-ni homer-are-ta. little Mary-TOP always strict father-by flatter-PASS-PAST 'Little Mary was affected by being flattered by her always strict father.'

  11) Mary Johnson-wa journalist-ni yotte syoosan-s-are-ta. Mary Johnson-TOP journalists-by laud-PASS-PAST 'Mary Johnson was lauded by journalists.' In contrast, a deeply-involved personal expression signalled by a native Japanese verb renders the ni yotte passive unnatural: 12) ?* Mary tyan-wa itu mo kibisii otoosan-ni yotte homer-are-ta. little Mary-TOP always strict father-by flatter-PASS-PAST 'Little Mary was affected by being flattered by her always strict father.'

Figure 1

 1 Figure 1 Mean judgement scores for the ni direct passive

Figure 2

 2 Figure 2 Mean judgement scores for the ni yotte passive

  16) a. Ni yotte passive affix rare: b. John-ga Bill-ni yotte ker-are-ta.

  18) a. Ni yotte passive: [e] b. Ni direct passive: [e 1 , e 2 ]

Table 1

 1 Japanese, English, and Chinese passives

		Passive types	Affectivity	Passivization
	Japanese	ni direct	ϩ	ϩ
		ni yotte	-	ϩ
		ni indirect	ϩ	-
	English	be(/get)	-	ϩ
	Chinese	bei short	ϩ	ϩ
		bei long	ϩ	-

  fully understood by the people.' b. Progressive reading: *Kono atarasii computer no program-wa Paul-ni tukur-arete iru. this new computer program-TOP Paul-by make-PASS-PROG 'This new computer program is being made by Paul.'In contrast, the inanimate subject ni yotte passive is compatible with both perfective and non-perfective readings since affectivity is absent from it. The ta ni yotte passive with an inanimate subject is grammatical in perfective and past readings:

	6) a. Perfective reading:
	Bosnia no mati-ga	NATO-gun-ni yotte koogeki-s-are-ta.
	town in Bosnia-NOM NATO-by	attack-PASS-PAST
	'A town in Bosnia has been attacked by NATO.'
	b. Past reading:
	Hamlet-wa	Shakespeare-ni yotte kak-are-ta.
	Hamlet-TOP Shakespeare-by	write-PASS-PAST
	'Hamlet was written by Shakespeare.'
	Similarly, the inanimate subject iru ni yotte is grammatical in perfective
	and progressive readings:
	7) a. Perfective reading:
	Mondai no zyuuyoosee-wa	kokumin-ni yotte yoku
	the importance of the issue-TOP the people-by	fully
	rikai-s-arete iru.
	understand-PASS-PERF
	'The importance of the issue has been fully understood by the people.'
	b. Progressive reading:
	Kono atarasii computer no program-wa Paul-ni yotte tukur-arete iru.
	this new computer program-TOP	Paul-by	make-PASS-PROG
	'This new computer program is being made by Paul.'

Table 2

 2 Input availability of passive properties

	ni direct		ni yotte
	POS	-	Non-POS
	Triggering		Non-triggering
	Note: -signifies unavailability, availability.

Table 3

 3 NNS participants' proficiency test scores and Japanese learning experiences The Chinese participants had resided in Japan for three to four months minimally at the time of data collection. Due to their misunderstanding of a relevant questionnaire item, exact information is unavailable.

	Lls	Proficiency	n	Average JLPT	Average	Visiting
		levels		scores:	length of experience:
				percentage	study:	group
				(ranges)	years	percentage
						(duration)
	English	Highly advanced	25	95.0 (100-88)	9.74	92 (4.2 years)
		Advanced	36	74.3 (84-64)	4.16	75 (20 months)
		Intermediate	20	45.6 (60-32)	4.32	65 (9.9 weeks)
	Chinese	Highly advanced	36	92.8 (100-87.5)	5.47	*
		Advanced	43	76.9 (83.3-62.5) 2.66	*
		Intermediate	6	54.9 (58.3-45.8) 1.75	*
	Note: *

Table 4

 4 Contingencies for English and Chinese learners (the ni direct passive)

	English learners		Chinese learners
	POS properties	Triggering properties	POS properties	Triggering properties
		0	1-3		0	1-3
	* Past reading:			* Past reading:
	0	1 8	2 8	0	5	1 5
	1-2	6	29	1-2	13	52
	* Progressive			* Progressive
	reading:			reading:
	0	1 8	3 0	0	6	2 5
	1-2	6	27	1-2	12	42
	Note: * signifies ungrammaticality.
	The underlined numbers signify the number of times each learner responded
	correctly to the POS and triggering property sentences.

Table 5

 5 Contingencies for English and Chinese learners (the ni yotte passive)

	English learners		Chinese learners
	Non-POS	Non-triggering	Non-POS	Non-triggering
	properties	properties	properties	properties
		0	1-3		0	1-3
	Past reading:			Past reading:
	0	5	9	0	3	5
	1-2	36	31	1-2	26	51
	Progressive reading:			Progressive reading:
	0	1 3	9	0	4	8
	1-2	28	31	1-2	25	48

  LCS of the ni direct passive verb follows in (17a): 21 17) a. Ni direct passive verb rare:Its LCS is comprised of two layers of Event/State, with the second layer essentially identical to the LCS of the ni yotte passive affix. The first layer of the passive verb consists of the BE circumstantial and AFF functors. The circumstantial functor denotes that the Experiencer,[Y], is located at the Event or State which is defined by the second layer of the LCS. The AFF functor states that [Y] is an experiencer affected by being located at that subordinate Event or State. (With only the Experiencer/Patient present, the Actor argument of that AFF functor is unfilled.) In this way, the augmentation captures the affectivity carried by the ni direct passive. For illustration, (17b) shows that John's being located at the event wherein the motion of Bill's foot culminated in contact with John, affected John negatively (as indicated by the superscript '-' attached to the first AFF).

			BE circumstantial ([Y] α , [Place AT	AFF ([X], [α] A )	])
				Event/State
			AFF (	, [Y] A )
				INCH [BE +contact ([BILL's FOOT],
	BE circumstantial ([JOHN] α , [Place AT	AFF	-([BILL], [α] A )
				Event
	AFF	-(	, [JOHN] A )
	State
	[AT +contact [α]])] ])

b. John-ga Bill-ni ker-are-ta.

State

For a different take on input, seeCarroll's (2005Carroll's ( , reprinted from 1999) ) investigation of beginning learners' initial sensitivity to and utility of phonological, morphological and semantic cues in auditory stimuli when learning French gender attribution.

2 However, for examination of a correlation between the difficulty learners experience arriving at L2-like semantics-syntax correspondences for English verbs and the frequency of verbs in textbook materials for English as a second language, see[START_REF] Juffs | The acquisition of semantics-syntax correspondences and verb frequencies in ESL materials[END_REF]

The learning situation for property A constitutes a POS problem as it involves underdetermination of a subtle, abstract L2 property in terms of L2 input, learners' L1 grammar and explicit information provided in instruction which feeds into general learning principles(White, 2003: 22-23). See also[START_REF] Thomas | Development of the concept of 'the poverty of the stimulus[END_REF] historical overview of the poverty-of-the stimulus argument and Carroll's (2001: Chapter 6) critique of the logical problem of SLA.[START_REF] Hawkins | The theoretical significance of Universal Grammar in second language acquisition[END_REF] discusses limitations in studies on poverty-of-the stimulus in SLA.

An anonymous Second Language Research reviewer notes a connection between the present study and the Input Processing model[START_REF] Vanpatten | Processing Instruction: an update[END_REF] 2004;[START_REF] Vanpatten | Form-meaning connections in second language acquisition[END_REF], which stresses the critical role of semantico-conceptual representations in learning. Studies in that model provide empirical evidence of an initial form-meaning connection made through semantics to syntax mapping when learners understand the meaning of the linguistic form. For a critique of the model, see[START_REF] Dekeyser | What gets processed in Processing Instruction? A commentary on Bill VanPatten's 'Processing Instruction: An update[END_REF] Carroll, 2004.

 5 For L2 studies on the acquisition of Japanese passives by English learners, see[START_REF] Watabe | Transfer of discourse function: passives in the writing of ESL and JSL learners[END_REF][START_REF] Tanaka | Examination of failure to use the passive by Japanese language learners[END_REF][START_REF] Feng | On influences of the mother tongue: Chinese language: on the learning processes of the Japanese passive voice[END_REF][START_REF] Hara | On the acquisition of Japanese passives by English speakers[END_REF][START_REF] Hara | Why do L2 learners optionally choose a certain divergent analysis of TL over a TL-like one?[END_REF]; by Chinese learners, see[START_REF] Feng | On influences of the mother tongue: Chinese language: on the learning processes of the Japanese passive voice[END_REF] Yang and Akahori, 1998;[START_REF] Hara | Why do L2 learners optionally choose a certain divergent analysis of TL over a TL-like one?[END_REF]. For L2 studies on acquisition of the English passive by Japanese learners, see[START_REF] Watabe | Transfer of discourse function: passives in the writing of ESL and JSL learners[END_REF][START_REF] Masuko | Expressing adversity[END_REF][START_REF] Izumi | Learnability, negative evidence, and the L2 acquisition of the English passive[END_REF]; by Chinese learners, seeHan,

2000. 6 FollowingJackendoff (1990) and[START_REF] Emonds | Lexicon and grammar: the English syntacticon[END_REF], this article adopts the analysis that the difference between the be and the get passives is introduced at the Phonetic Form level. For an analysis of the be and

In terms of the grammaticality contrasts between the perfective and the two non-perfective readings, the Chinese bei short behaves similarly to the ni direct passive (Ma, personal communication). The bei short passive counterpart to the perfective reading of the inanimate subject ni direct passive (4a) is acceptable, whereas the bei short counterparts to (4b) and (5b) -i.e. the non-perfective readings -sound unnatural. The bei short passive with a perfective reading, similar to (5a), is also acceptable with an adversative reading.

The findings of the present study are consistent with the Representational Deficit Hypothesis (RDH)[START_REF] Hawkins | The partial availability of universal grammar in second language acquisition: the 'failed functional features hypothesis[END_REF] Hawkins, 2003). The RDH predicts the acquirability by English and Chinese learners of the Japanese passive properties under investigation. At issue is the availability not of languagespecific formal syntactic features, but of universal abstract linguistic knowledge and universal linguistic computations that together derive affectivity or not.

An anonymous Second Language Research reviewer offers an alternative view of English learners' acquisition of the POS properties. At the core, the reviewer sees their arriving at knowledge of affectivity as the result of general learning principles operating on passive sentences manifesting the triggering properties. That scenario is unlikely because, in order for a generalization formed by general learning principles to be affectivity-like, it must also accommodate the dissimilar linguistic phenomena through which the POS properties arise. But it is implausible that English learners could make any linkage between the 'adversity' and 'personally-involved' readings of passive expressions (the triggering properties), on the one hand, and the constraints on tense-aspect in an inanimate subject passive (the POS properties), on the other, because of the distinctness of the two. The generalization based on general learning principles thus could not be affectivity-like. In Section VI, an analysis is proposed that implicates abstract linguistic knowledge and computations.

The materials come from a broader study investigating English and Chinese learners' acquisition of both semantic and syntactic properties of Japanese passives. For a detailed description of participants and materials, see[START_REF] Hara | On the acquisition of Japanese passives by English speakers[END_REF][START_REF] Hara | Why do L2 learners optionally choose a certain divergent analysis of TL over a TL-like one?[END_REF]

 15 In consideration of the Aspect Hypothesis[START_REF] Shirai | The acquisition of tense-aspect morphology: a prototype account[END_REF][START_REF] Shirai | The acquisition of tense-aspect marking in Japanese as a second language[END_REF], verbs used in this study to investigate learners' knowledge of the ni direct POS and the ni yotte non-POS

properties were chosen from each of the following verb classes: activity, achievement and accomplishment. No reliable verb class effect was found on learners' ratings of the perfective, past or progressive readings of the passives.

Their difficulty is attributable to: (1) paucity of available input for the ni yotte passive and (2) a problem recognizing the ni yotte noun phrase as the logical subject of a passivized verb in the passive.

[START_REF] Hara | On the acquisition of Japanese passives by English speakers[END_REF] Ma, 2004. Tanaka (1993: 111) also notes the great difficulty English learners encounter learning the ni indirect passive.

The variable '␣' in the second Event/State is bound by the Experiencer argument [Y] in the BE circumstantial functor; this is an LCS account of the phonetically null logical object of the passivized verb of the ni direct passive (for discussion of the null element, see[START_REF] Hoshi | Passive, causative, and light verbs: a study on theta role assignment[END_REF]. As such, the ni direct and ni yotte passives appear identical on the surface except for the ni-vs. ni yottemarkings.

The presence of the BE circumstantial functor in the English control structure -e.g. Bill kept Fred composing quartets(Jackendoff, 1983: 198, (10.23b)) -should have aided English learners posit the first layer of the LCS of the ni direct passive verb.

If a sentence is paraphrasable using two distinct verbs, it is likely to consist of a complex event structure[START_REF] Levin | Two structures for compositionally derived events[END_REF][START_REF] Rappaport Hovav | An event structure account of English resultatives[END_REF]. The ni direct passive (17b) is paraphrasable as 'John was affected by being kicked by Bill', while the ni yotte passive (16b) means 'John was kicked by Bill'. For a further list of constraints on the assignment of a complex event structure to a sentence, seeLevin and Rappaport Hovav, 1999: 212.

Acknowledgments

I am grateful to all participants in the study, both in the USA and Japan, as well as instructors at the participants' institutions. I would like to thank two anonymous reviewers and the Editors of Second Language Research for their perceptive comments on an earlier version of this article, including suggestions for clarifying some of its claims. Thanks also go to Chun-Hua Ma for discussion on Chinese data. Finally, but not least, I thank Katherine Hara for extensive discussion on sharpening the arguments and for editing assistance. All remaining shortcomings are mine.

Bill-by hit-PASS-PAST 'John was affected by being hit by Bill.' b. Ni yotte passive: John-ga Bill-ni yotte but-are-ta. John-NOM Bill-by hit-PASS-PAST 'John was hit by Bill.'

2) English passive:

John was hit by Bill.

3) Chinese bei short passive: Zhangsan bei da-le. Zhangsan PASS hit-ASP 'Zhangsan was hit.'

--1992: On triggering data in L2 acquisition: a reply to Schwartz and Gubala-Ryzak. Second Language Research 8, 120-37. --2003: Second language acquisition and universal grammar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yang, J.C. and Akahori, K. 1998: Error analysis in Japanese writing and its implementation in a computer assisted language learning system on the World Wide Web. CALICO 15, 47-66.

Appendix 1 Test items

1. The perfective and past (-ta) ni direct passive: