Considering daily mobility in contextual studies of social inequalities in health : conceptual and empirical insights
In place and health research the exclusive focus on the residential context has been criticized for overlooking individuals’ daily mobility and the activity settings where they work, study or play, i.e. their activity space. While researchers are increasingly considering daily mobility in health studies, few have been concerned with social inequalities in health. This is so despite evidence suggesting that different social groups may not have the same capacity to reach healthy and favourable settings. Whether social inequalities in daily mobility contribute to social inequalities in health remains to be explored.  In this thesis I first develop a conceptual proposition that anchors daily mobility in the concept of mobility potential. Mobility potential encompasses the opportunities and places that individuals can choose to access by converting their potential into realized mobility. Mobility potential is shaped by individual characteristics (e.g. income), geographic circumstances (e.g. proximity to public transit), and rules regulating access to certain places and resources (e.g. rights). All of these have been shown to be socially-patterned. It follows that social inequalities in realized mobility may result, both in terms of the extent of spatial movement and of contextual exposures in the activity space. I discuss various pathways linking inequalities in realized mobility to health inequalities. For example, lower social classes may be more likely to live and conduct activities in disadvantaged areas, compared to their more affluent counterparts, and this may contribute to health differentials between these groups.   This conceptual proposition is then tested in two empirical studies conducted using cross-sectional data from the Interdisciplinary Study on Inequalities in Smoking (ISIS), Montreal, Canada (2011-2012). In this study 2,093 young adults (18-25 years-old) provided socio-demographic, smoking and activity location data in a self-completed questionnaire. Their highest education level attained was used as a proxy for their socio-economic status. Residential and activity locations were used to create 500-meter road-network buffer zones and to derive measures of area-level disadvantage and tobacco retailer availability.   In a first empirical study I compare social inequalities in exposure to area-level disadvantage measured in the residential area and non-residential activity space. I also identify individual- and area-level correlates of non-residential activity space disadvantage. I find that there is a social gradient, across educational categories, in both residential and non-residential activity space disadvantage: the level of disadvantage experienced increases as education level decreases. Social inequalities in exposure to area-level deprivation are slightly larger in the non-residential activity space than in the residential neighbourhood for the least educated, but smaller for the intermediate group. Lower educational attainment, increasing age, not being in education nor in employment, and higher residential disadvantage are correlated with conducting activities in more disadvantaged areas.  In the second empirical study I investigate the association between smoking status and two contextual exposures (area-level disadvantage and tobacco retailer availability) in both the residential neighbourhood and non-residential activity space. I also assess whether inequalities in these exposures help explain inequalities in smoking. I find that smoking is positively associated with conducting activities in the second least deprived areas and with tobacco retailer counts in residential and non-residential areas. Living in the second most deprived areas is protective of smoking. However, none of the contextual variables significantly affect the education-smoking association.   Findings from this thesis advance conceptual reflection and empirical knowledge regarding the importance, in contextual studies of social inequalities in health, of not only considering where people live but also where they conduct daily activities. I discuss daily mobility as a factor of social differentiation among young adults. Furthermore, I conclude that identifying factors enabling or constraining individuals’ daily mobility is required to: 1) gain a better understanding of how social inequalities in mobility (potential and realized) arise and influence health; and 2) identify entry points for public health interventions aimed at creating healthy and equitable environments.
Activity space Context Neighborhood Mobility Residential trap Smoking Social inequality Setting Tobacco Young adult