place remained unresolved as the strikes in Mingo County continued through the winter of 1921 and into 1922. As elsewhere, the army's civil disturbance mission was to restore order and support legally constituted authority, not to effect social, political, or economic change. The miners still had their grievances, exacerbated now by the indictment of Keeney, Mooney, and other local union leaders for offenses against state law in connection with the March on Logan and the Battle of Blair Mountain. Although most union leaders escaped conviction, the influence of federal military intervention upon the UMW was unintentionally devastating. Unable to halt coal production effectively through strikes, violent or otherwise, miners and their unions had little or no bargaining power in dealing with coal operators who steadfastly refused their demands,prevented the organization of workers, and vehemently denied unions the recognition they sought. In October 1922 the UMW ended their eighteen-month strike which had cost District 17 over two million dollars and the lives of at least twenty people. The UMW thereafter suffered a national decline lasting through the 1920s and into the early 1930s. Not until a federally-mandated labor organization campaign was launched in the 1930s as part of the New Deal, would miners' unions begin a nationwide resurgence. In West Virginia, the UMW nearly faded into oblivion. Having witnessed union powerlessness to overcome the combined resistance of company, local, state, and federal authorities to unionization, the miners of West Virginia were forced by financial necessity to work in non-union operations. From a state membership of fifty