spent money through his China-United States Exchange Foundation (CUSEF), funding research at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, the Brookings Institution and elsewhere.

CUSEF denies pushing Chinese government ideology, but its connections are clear. Tung is vice chairman of a body called the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, which is connected to the United Front Work Department, the Communist Party agency designed to advance party objectives with outside actors.

Recipients of these funds routinely insist their academic independence is intact. But as China exploits these institutions' need for cash, examples of self-censorship mount. Researchers understand that their access to China depends on not ruffling feathers. Publishers agree to erase critical articles from journals to gain access to the Chinese market.

By influencing the influencers, China gets Americans toChinese money. By pooling information and resources, universities may be able to resist Chinese pressures and advocate for academic integrity.

Still, a huge gap remains between China's efforts and America's response. Beijing is emboldened by perceived weaknesses in the democratic world and the Trump administration's retreat from promotion of U.S. values.

While the Chinese Communist Party historically dedicated itself to defending its domestic repression and strict social controls, Beijing under Xi Jinping is increasingly promoting that system as a model for development abroad while working to define global governance to cement Chinese practices.

"We need to recognize there really is an struggle over both ideology and values going on," said Andrew Nathan of Columbia University. "We won the Cold War, but history didn't end."

All countries seek influence abroad, pursue soft power