referendum – there was every reason for Scots who sympathised with independence to vote Remain in a UK wide poll, but that is very different from voting for an independent Scotland to stay in the EU separately from England, though the SNP leadership, naturally enough, have conflated the two things. And in England, Jeremy Corbyn felt able to put forward a manifesto which not only endorsed leaving the EU (more clearly than some people are now claiming, since it promised an end to the free movement of labour, something incompatible with the Single Market, and the creation of new trade agreements with the rest of the world, which is incompatible with the Customs Union), but also included policies which would have seemed main-stream for the Labour Party duringthe thirty years after the War, the trentes glorieuses as Thomas Piketty has labelled those three decades in post-war history, but which would at the very least be hard to implement within the EU as currently configured. And it was these policies, or at least the attitude which underpinned them, which – it is generally agreed – produced a new kind of enthusiasm for the Labour Party.

A corollary of this was the complete implosion of UKIP. In the months after the US election last November I often found myself arguing against people in America who thought that Trump and Brexit were the same phenomenon. On my view, Brexit was in fact an innoculation against Trump and the politics of the radical right. Leaving the EU would not only