affect in politics. After all, affect is mobilized and managed in large parts through public discourse, the media, through the make-up of institutions, even the design of buildings and public places – in short, in many places other than individual human brains (cf. Gregg & Seigworth 2010). Sociologists, scholars of literature, geographers, students of film, TV and other media, as well as philosophers and cultural analysts of other stripes can – and frequently do – contribute substantively to the study of the nature, role, and domain-specific mobilization, framing, transforming of politically relevant affect. Often, due to greater flexibility of conceptual repertoires and hermeneutic methods, these approaches manage to get more empirical traction on complex affective phenomena than do neuroscientists with their intricate, limited and highly time- and cost-consumingan inevitable high road to politically relevant knowledge is in fact a bundle of standard narrative arrangements, where most of the alleged scientific substance is borrowed from a few standard background stories – such as those centered on materialism, evolution, neuro-centrism, molecular visions of life, or the newest high-tech machinery – while the alleged empirical insights are usually quite limited, shaky, highly suggestive and in need of much surrounding speculation so as to appear significant at all (see Young 2012). The empirical limitations are usually acknowledged at some point in the publications, but always in conjunction with an exuberant promissory outlook. Neuropolitics – as so many other recent flowers sprouting in Neuro land (Ortega & Vidal 2010) – is a field constantly at the verge of breakthrough, it