not hated, when the media revealed an illegal underground basement in his luxury Kowloon Tong house.

The discovery of the illegal basement changed the public mood and C.Y. Leung’s popularity surged but soon after winning the election, C.Y. Leung’s popularity also plummeted when he was caught lying about his own illegal structures in his home on the Peak.

That unpopularity is now mixed with widespread hate.

It is an open secret that the Liberal Party’s honorary chairman James Tien Pei-chun despises C.Y Leung. Civic Party leader Alan Leong Kah-kit also makes no secret of his loathing for the chief executive.

This loathing is shared by many in the democracy camp.

When Democratic Party chairwoman Emily Lau Wai-hing and four others in her party met in August with Feng Wei, the deputy director ofof colonial times because it is now outdated. He believes the government should intervene to solve livelihood issues instead of leaving everything to market forces.

All these populist measures should generate support rather than hate among ordinary Hong Kong people, and even among people in the democracy camp.

Only those who are adversely affected by these policies, such as property developers, the business sector, and the retail industry, should have reason to loathe C.Y. Leung.

Yet, the fact is he is not only the most unpopular of the three chief executives since the handover, he is also deeply disliked.

The only explanation for this is he is not despised because of his policies but because he is C.Y. Leung.

Even those who work with him say he is a very private person who