"straighten out" the university and was hoping the FBI could tell him what he was up against.

Lynum hesitated. Then, apologetically, he reminded Reagan that Hoover had agreed to the meeting on the condition that it would include only Reagan and Lt. Gov. Robert H. Finch. Lynum did not say so, but the director was concerned other witnesses might expose the FBI's involvement.

The governor coughed and looked around the room at his aides. "Well, you heard him, boys," he said. "We'll follow the FBI's rules." Once they were gone, Lynum swore Reagan to secrecy and briefed him about the trouble at Berkeley.

Lynum had plenty of information to share. The FBI's files on Mario Savio were especially detailed. Hoover had ordered his agents to gather intelligence they could use toruin the brilliant philosophy student's reputation or otherwise "neutralize" him, impatiently ordering them to expedite their efforts.

They also had compiled a bulging dossier on the man Savio saw as his enemy: Kerr. As campus dissent mounted, Hoover came to blame the university president more than anyone else for not putting an end to it. Kerr had led UC to new academic heights, and he had played a key role in establishing the system that guaranteed all Californians access to higher education, a model adopted nationally and internationally. But in Hoover's eyes, Kerr confused academic freedom with academic license, coddled Communist faculty members, and failed to crack down on "young punks" like Savio. Hoover directed his agents to undermine Kerr in myriad ways. He wanted him removed as university