parties had greater success between 1865 and 1914 than they have had since. Trade unions were much more outspokenly anti-capitalist in the earlier period. The assembly line and mass production, with the higher wages and more equal distribution of wealth that they make possible, are thus probably more responsible for the development of the American “classless” society than trends in social mobility.

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1 The American study “Jobs and Occupations: A Popular Evaluation” was made by the National Opinion Research Center and appears in its bulletin Opinion News for September 1947. The French survey “Mobilité sociale et dimension de la famille” was made by the Institut National d’Etudes Démographiques, and appears in Population, Vol. V, No. 3. The German data are from the files of the German Institut für Demoskopie.Social Mobility], Suomalainen Suomi, No. 2, 1952.)

5 The Indianapolis data are taken from Natalie Rogoff, Recent Trends in Occupational Mobility (The Free Press, 1953). The late Theodor Geiger made the Aarhus survey, which was published under the title of Soziale Umschichtungen in einer Dänischen Mittelstadt (University of Aarhus, 1951).

6 An excellent study of the social origins of the American business elite in 1870, 1900, and 1950 demonstrates that the amount of movement from the lower classes into the “upper crust” of business leadership is about the same today as it was in 1870 (Suzanne Keller, The Social Origins of Three Generations of American Business Leaders, an unpublished doctoral dissertation presented to Columbia University in 1953).

7 The German material is contained in Sozialer Auf und Abstieg im Deutschen Volk.