to Lenin to read, and that the latter had marked it up. That copy preserved today in a modest wooden case in the Council's downstairs reception room is in fact heavily marked up, with individual comments in Radek's writing and much sidelining in another hand, presumably Lenin's. This sidelining is not, curiously, in the Coolidge article on Soviet policy, but in the Dulles assessment of Europe's economic difficulties.

William Hyland, Editor from 1984 to 1992, tells the story that when he showed the issue in its case to Mikhail Gorbachev, speaking in 1989 at the Council, Gorby reacted quickly to the mention of Radek that "he was a traitor." Stalin's ghost lives on. So does Coolidge's emphasis on articles about Russia. Over the next 45 years as Armstrong proudlybe debated. But the original Editors certainly worked hard in this direction. For example, though themselves dismayed by the defeat of the League of Nations, they had no hesitation in getting two leading opponents of the League and card-carrying isolationists, Senators Henry Cabot Lodge and William E. Borah, to write articles, in 1924 and 1934 respectively. When a few conservative senior members of the Council objected to an invitation to speak extended to another isolationist, Senator Smith Brookhart of Iowa, Armstrong boiled over, saying in effect, how could you possibly combat a man's arguments unless you understood them, and why should anybody be afraid of hearing from a different viewpoint?

Privately, Coolidge favored American recognition of the Soviet Union, arguing that it was a reality unlikely soon to disappear,