and less apoplectic than non-college evangelicals," he says. Still, the non-college white evangelicals set much more of the tone for the group overall because they represent about 70% of the evangelical population, studies by Public Religion Research Institute and other groups have found.

The educational differences among evangelicals extend even to one key assessment of Trump: Just over half of the college-educated evangelicals, compared with only about one-fourth of those without degrees, said in the religion research institute's survey that they believe he has damaged the dignity of the presidency.

But that skepticism extends only so far: Even three-fourths of the college-educated white evangelicals in the institute's survey said they approve of Trump's performance in office, a result comparable to his support among those without degrees. And just 16% ofthose college evangelicals support Trump's impeachment and removal from office, compared with 7% of non-college evangelical men and 23% percent of the women. Across all educational levels, evangelical Christians "are still a solid Trump constituency," says Jones. "They really haven't walked away."

Non-evangelical whites and Trump

At the other end of the spectrum among white voters, Trump faces huge skepticism among college-educated whites who are not evangelicals. These voters, often clustered in suburbs around major metropolitan areas, had been trending toward the Democratic Party since the early 1990s, as cultural issues such as abortion, gun control and gay rights increasingly have defined political debate. That movement has been turbocharged as Trump has polarized the electorate around issues of immigration and race.

On key cultural issues, these well-educated non-evangelical whites lean almost