text:
fl.
King of Strathclyde
Dyfnwal, King of Strathclyde
Kingdom of Strathclyde
River Clyde
Kingdom of Cumbria
Alba
Mercia
Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians
Ragnall ua Ímair
Sitric Cáech
Edward, King of the Anglo-Saxons
Custantín mac Áeda, King of Alba
Ealdred
Eadwulf
Owain ap Hywel, King of Gwent
Æthelstan
River Eamont
Kingdom of Alba
Amlaíb mac Gofraid
Battle of Brunanburh
Dyfnwal ab Owain
Kingdom of Al Clud
Al Clud
British
seized
Scandinavians
River Clyde
Partick
Govan
hinterland
Renfrewshire
Kingdom of Strathclyde
River Eamont
Penrith
Kingdom of Northumbria
Kingdom of Cumbria
Dyfnwal, King of Strathclyde
×
Chronicle of the Kings of Alba
Eochaid ap Rhun
fl.
c.
Fragmentary Annals of Ireland
Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians
Mercia
Argyll
Hebrides
Solway Firth
Ragnall ua Ímair
Sitriuc Cáech
Uí Ímair
kingship of Dublin
Custantín mac Áeda, King of Alba
Battle of Corbridge
Annals of Ulster
Chronicle of the Kings of Alba
Historia de sancto Cuthberto
Ealdred
Eadwulf
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
Edward, King of the Anglo-Saxons
Peak District
burh
Bakewell
Mercia
Northumbria
York
Chronicon ex chronicis
Pennines
Galloway
Æthelstan, King of the Anglo-Saxons
Hywel Dda
Owain ap Hywel, King of Gwent
Gesta regum Anglorum
Dacre
Gofraid ua Ímair
Latin
Britain
Eamont Bridge
River Lowther
henge
Mayburgh Henge
King Arthur's Round Table
Roman fort
Brocavum
English people
Idwal Foel, King of Gwynedd
Historia regum Anglorum
Dunnottar
Caithness
Libellus de exordio
homage
Cerdicing dynasty
royal charters
Cirencester
Dorchester
Wales
Amlaíb
Irish Sea
Battle of Brunanburh
Battle of Brunanburh
praise poetry
panegyric
metre
West Saxons
Mercians
Edmund I
Dyfnwal
Máel Coluim
Saltair na Rann
Æthelstan A

paragraph: Owain ap Dyfnwal (fl. 934)

paragraph: Owain ap Dyfnwal (fl. 934) was an early tenth-century King of Strathclyde. He was probably a son of Dyfnwal, King of Strathclyde, who may have been related to previous rulers of the Kingdom of Strathclyde. Originally centred in the valley of the River Clyde, this realm appears to have undergone considerable southward expansion in the ninth or tenth century, after which it increasing came to be known as the Kingdom of Cumbria.

paragraph: Owain may have represented the Cumbrians in the tripartite alliance with the kingdoms of Alba and Mercia, assembled by Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians in the second decade of the tenth century. Around this time, the Cumbrians are recorded to have campaigned against either Ragnall ua Ímair or Sitric Cáech. Owain may also be the king of Strathclyde who is recorded to have submitted to Æthelflæd's brother, Edward, King of the Anglo-Saxons, in 920 with Ragnall and Custantín mac Áeda, King of Alba. Moreover, Owain seems to have been present at another assembly in 927, when he, Custantín, Ealdred (son of Eadwulf), and perhaps Owain ap Hywel, King of Gwent, acknowledged overlordship of Edward's son and successor, Æthelstan. This assembly may have been held on or near the River Eamont, seemingly the southern frontier of the Cumbrian kingdom.

paragraph: Owain is first securely attested in 934, when Æthelstan invaded and ravaged the Scottish Kingdom of Alba and seemingly Strathclyde as well. In the aftermath of this campaign, both Owain and Custantín are known to have been present at Æthelstan's royal court, witnessing several charters as "" of the Englishman. Three years later, the Scots and Cumbrians allied themselves with Amlaíb mac Gofraid against the English at the Battle of Brunanburh. It is possible that Owain is identical to the unnamed Cumbrian king recorded to have participated in this defeat by the English. If he was indeed present, he could have been amongst the dead. His son Dyfnwal ab Owain is recorded to have ruled as King of Strathclyde within a few years.

paragraph: Section::::Background.

paragraph: For hundreds of years until the late ninth century, the power centre of the Kingdom of Al Clud was the fortress of Al Clud ("Rock of the Clyde"). In 870, this British stronghold was seized by Irish-based Scandinavians, after which the centre of the realm seems to have relocated further up the River Clyde, and the kingdom itself began to bear the name of the valley of the River Clyde, Ystrad Clud (Strathclyde). The kingdom's new capital may have been situated in the vicinity of Partick and Govan which straddle the River Clyde, and the apparent inclusion in the realm's new hinterland of the valley and the region of modern Renfrewshire may explain this change in terminology.

paragraph: At some point after the loss of Al Clud, the Kingdom of Strathclyde appears to have undergone a period of expansion. Although the precise chronology is uncertain, by 927 the southern frontier appears to have reached the River Eamont, close to Penrith. The catalyst for this southern extension may have been the dramatic decline of the Kingdom of Northumbria at the hands of conquering Scandinavians, and the expansion may have been facilitated by cooperation between the Cumbrians and insular Scandinavians in the late ninth- and early tenth century. Over time, the Kingdom of Strathclyde increasingly came to be known as the Kingdom of Cumbria reflecting its expansion far beyond the Clyde valley.

paragraph: Owain was likely a son of Dyfnwal, King of Strathclyde (died 908×915). Dyfnwal is specifically attested by only one source, the ninth- to twelfth-century "Chronicle of the Kings of Alba", which reveals he died between 908 and 915. Dyfnwal's parentage is unknown, although he might have been a member of the British dynasty that ruled Strathclyde before him. He could have been a son or grandson of Eochaid ap Rhun (fl. c.880). Alternately, Dyfnwal could have represented a more distant branch of the same dynasty. In any case, the names borne by Owain and his apparent descendants suggest that he was indeed a member of the royal kindred of Strathclyde.

paragraph: Section::::Æthelflæd's tripartite northern alliance.

paragraph: If the eleventh-century "Fragmentary Annals of Ireland" is to be believed, at some point between 911 and 918, Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians (died 918) orchestrated an alliance of Mercians, Scots, and Cumbrians, to combat the increasing menace of insular Scandinavians. The compact stipulated that, in the event that one of these three peoples were attacked, the others would come to their aid. The Cumbrians and Scots are further stated to have succeeded in destroying several Scandinavian settlements. If this record is indeed accurate, one possibility is that, whilst the Scots focused upon Argyll and the Hebrides, the Cumbrians could have concentrated their efforts against the Scandinavian colonies in the Solway Firth. Although the "Fragmentary Annals of Ireland" states that a Scandinavian king "sacked Strathclyde and plundered the land", this attack is also said to have been "ineffectual". The unnamed attacking monarch may have been Ragnall ua Ímair (died 920/921), who likely controlled territory in western Northumbria at about this time. Another candidate is Sitriuc Cáech, an Uí Ímair kinsman of Ragnall, who is stated by the same source to have seized the kingship of Dublin before the attack. The leader of the Scots at that time was Custantín mac Áeda, King of Alba (died 952). The record of Dyfnwal's death before 915, and the evidence of Owain ruling the Kingdom of Strathclyde in the later decades, suggests that he succeeded Dyfnwal as king, and represented the realm in the alliance. The Cumbrians are not recorded to have received any assistance from Æthelflæd; this could indicate that they were attacked after her death in 918.

paragraph: In the year of Æthelflæd's death, Ragnall and the Scots fought the bloody but inconclusive Battle of Corbridge, a clash attested by sources such as the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century "Annals of Ulster", the ninth- to twelfth-century "Chronicle of the Kings of Alba", and the tenth- or eleventh-century "Historia de sancto Cuthberto". The conflict appears to have been associated with Custantín's attempt to reinsert the exiled Northumbrian magnate Ealdred (died 933), son of Eadwulf (died 913), into western Northumbria. Although the presence of Cumbrians in the campaign is not specifically recorded, it is possible that they too participated in the operations against the insular Scandinavians. In any event, Ragnall's ability to weather the attack seems to have led to his consolidation of authority in western Northumbria.

paragraph: Section::::Edward's northern assembly of 920.

paragraph: In 920, the "A" version of the ninth- to twelfth-century "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" alleges that Æthelflæd's brother, Edward, King of the Anglo-Saxons (died 924), gained the recognition of overlordship from Custantín (albeit not identified by name), Ragnall, the sons of Eadwulf (seemingly Ealdred and Uhtred), and an unnamed "king of the Strathclyde Welsh" ("""")—a monarch who may well be identical to Owain himself. The assembly may have taken place in the Peak District, a region where Edward had recently constructed a "burh" at Bakewell. In fact, this fortress could well have been the site of the meeting.

paragraph: Despite the chronicle's claim of Edward's received submission, there is reason to suspect that the event was more a negotiation of sorts—perhaps an agreement concerning the recent reorientation of the political map. For example, Edward had recently gained control of Mercia and parts of Northumbria, while Ragnall acquired York in 919. The twelfth-century "Chronicon ex chronicis" states that a treaty of peace was concluded between the parties. One possibility is that the Scots and Cumbrians were bound not to attack Ragnall's territories in Northumbria as long as Ragnall refrained from conspiring against Edward's authority. The account of Ragnall's attacks upon the Cumbrians preserved by the "Fragmentary Annals of Ireland" seems to indicate that he was regarded as a serious threat. The evidence of Cumbrian southward expansion certainly suggests that Owain's realm shared several borders with the insular Scandinavians: an eastern front along the Pennines, a southern front along the River Eamont, and a western front along the coast and perhaps in Galloway. In any event, Ragnall and the sons of Eadwulf are not accorded royal titles in the context of this assembly—as opposed to the Scottish and Cumbrian kings—which could indicate that the Edward was claiming a degree of dominance over Ragnall and the Eadwulfings that he was not claiming over the other monarchs.

paragraph: Section::::Æthelstan's northern assembly of 927.

paragraph: Owain may also have participated in an assembly of kings with Æthelstan, King of the Anglo-Saxons (died 939) in 927. According to the "D" version of the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle", the meeting took place at "", and was attended by Æthelstan, the Welsh king Hywel Dda (died 949/950), Custantín, Owain ap Hywel, King of Gwent (died c.930), and Ealdred. According to the twelfth-century "Gesta regum Anglorum", an assembly took place at Dacre, an ecclesiastical centre near the River Eamont. The list of attendees in this source differs from that of the chronicle in the fact that Owain himself is listed instead of Owain ap Hywel. In fact, the assemblies may well refer to the same event, and it is not unlikely that both Owains were present. Whatever the case, Owain's involvement may have concerned support rendered to Gofraid ua Ímair (died 934), a man who temporarily seized the kingship of York in 927 before being driven out within the year by Æthelstan. Certainly, "Gesta regum Anglorum" states that Æthelstan summoned the Cumbrian and Scottish kings to the assembly after having forced Gofraid from York into "Scotia".

paragraph: The recorded location of the assemblage may be evidence that the Cumbrian realm reached as far south as the River Eamont. Certainly, it is an otherwise well-attested phenomenon of mediaeval European monarchs to negotiate with their neighbours on their common territorial boundaries. In fact, the contemporary Latin poem "Carta, dirige gressus" seems to not only corroborate the meeting itself, but may further evince the assembly's importance to the Cumbrians. Specifically, the poem states that Custantín hastened to "" in order to render his submission, and it is possible that this terminology refers to the Cumbrian realm (as opposed to the entire island of Britain). The sources that note the assembly, therefore, may reveal that it took place near the River Eamont at Dacre. Another possibility is that the meeting was set in the vicinity of Eamont Bridge, between the River Eamont and the River Lowther. Not far from this location are two prehistoric henges (Mayburgh Henge and King Arthur's Round Table) and the remains of a Roman fort (Brocavum), any of which could have served as the venue for an important assembly. Whatever the case, Æthelstan's assembly in the north, and another convened near the Welsh border not long after, marked a turning point in the history of Britain. Not only did Æthelstan claim kingship over all the English peoples of Britain, but positioned himself as overking of Britain itself.

paragraph: Section::::Æthelstan's invasion of 934.

paragraph: In 934, the concordat between Æthelstan and the northern kings collapsed in dramatic fashion, with the former launching an invasion into the north. The "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" relates that the English king penetrated into Alba with both land forces and maritime forces, and thereby ravaged much of the realm. Preparations for this massive undertaking appear to be evidenced by several royal charters dating to May and June of that year. The same sources appear to reveal that Æthelstan was supported on his campaign by the Welsh potentates Hywel Dda, Idwal Foel, King of Gwynedd (died 942), and Morgan ab Owain, King of Gwent. The fullest account of the English campaign is preserved by the twelfth-century "Historia regum Anglorum", a source which states that Æthelstan's land forces marched as far as Dunnottar and ', and that his maritime forces reached as far as ' (seemingly Caithness). According to the twelfth-century "Libellus de exordio", Owain and the Cumbrians were caught up in campaign, with Owain and his Scottish counterpart, Custantín, being put to flight by Æthelstan's forces. The Cumbrian realm, therefore, seems to have endured the same fate as that of the Scots. The reasons behind Æthelstan's campaign are uncertain. One possibility is that Owain and Custantín had broke certain pledges that they had rendered to the English in 927. Perhaps the latter reneged on a promise to render homage. According to "Chronicon ex chronicis" the King of Alba had indeed broke a treaty with Æthelstan, and that the former was forced to give up a son as an English hostage. Similarly, "Gesta regum Anglorum" states that Æthelstan invaded Alba because Custantín's realm was "again in revolt". Whether the invasion was unprovoked or orchestrated in revenge, it and another campaign directed against the Cumbrians eleven years later, could well have been utilised by the English Cerdicing dynasty as a way to overawe and intimidate neighbouring potentates.

paragraph: Surviving charter evidence, dating to September 934, reveals that the defeated Custantín submitted to Æthelstan, and was then in the latter's presence witnessing a charter to one of English king's household men. The actual record of this charter is preserved by a fourteenth-century chartulary. Such mediaeval chartularies commonly abbreviated witness lists. Remarkably, no Welsh potentates are recorded by the witness list which could indicate that their names were not preserved by the chartulary. If correct, Owain himself could have been amongst the witnesses as well. Whatever the case, Owain certainly seems to have spent time in Æthelstan's court, attesting several of the latter's royal charters. For example, he appears to have witnessed one as a ' in Worthy dated 20 June 931, and one as a ' (with Custantín and three Welsh kings) in Cirencester dated 935, and two others as a "" (with three Welsh kings) in Dorchester dated 21 December 937. The ordering of the witness lists in Æthelstan's surviving charters seems to reveal the eminent standing Owain enjoyed amongst his royal peers, and suggests that he was regarded as the third most powerful king in Britain, after Custantín and Æthelstan.

paragraph: Section::::Defeat at Brunanburh in 937.

paragraph: Æthelstan's attempt to incorporate the northern kings into an imperial ' system—an arrangement he had earlier initiated with the rulers of Wales—was interrupted before the end of the decade. After 935, none of Æthelstan's ' are recorded in the king's presence. It may have been about this period in time when Custantín and Gofraid's son, Amlaíb (died 941), concluded the marital alliance referred to by "Chronicon ex chronicis". Certainly, Amlaíb consolidated power in Ireland between 934 and 936, before he crossed the Irish Sea and engaged the English at the Battle of Brunanburh in 937. Supporting Amlaíb against Æthelstan—the man who had forced Amlaíb's father from power in Northumbria—were the Scots and Cumbrians. Described by the "Annals of Ulster" as "a great, lamentable and horrible battle", the English victory at Brunanburh was resounding military achievement for Æthelstan. Regardless of its significance to contemporaries and later generations, however, the precise location of Brunanburh is uncertain.

paragraph: Owain may be identical to the Cumbrian king who is recorded to have participated. The sources that refer to the presence of this monarch—such as "Historia regum Anglorum" and "Libellus de exordio"—fail to identify the man by name. The battle is also the subject of the "Battle of Brunanburh", a remarkable piece of praise poetry preserved by the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle". This panegyric—one of the most important sources for the conflict—claims that a son of Custantín was killed in the affair, and that five kings also lost their lives against the English. Although the Cumbrians are not specifically mentioned by the text, it is possible that the composer chose to leave them out due to technical constraints regarding the piece's metre and structure. By leaving out the Cumbrians and Owain, the poem presents the opposing sides symmetrically: the West Saxons and Mercians—led by Æthelstan and Edmund I (died 946)—versus the Scandinavians and Scots—led by Amlaíb and Custantín. Perhaps the Cumbrians' part in the conflict was overshadowed by the combatants; or maybe the poem's composer merely regarded Amlaíb's supporters to be sufficiently represented by the Scots alone. In any event, if Owain was indeed a participant in the conflict, it is possible that he was amongst those who perished.

paragraph: Section::::Succession.

paragraph: It is possible that the scale of the casualties at Brunanburh—which seem to have weakened Æthelstan's forces as well as those of his opponents—could have been seized upon by the Cumbrians to further enable their expansion. Æthelstan's death in 939 would have also provided another window of opportunity to consolidate such territorial gains. In any event, it seems likely that either Owain, or his succeeding son Dyfnwal (died 975), submitted to Æthelstan soon after the clash at Brunanburh. The tenth-century "Life of St Cathróe" appears to reveal that Dyfnwal indeed possessed the kingship not terribly long afterwards. Owain, Dyfnwal, and the latter's son Máel Coluim (died 997), are attested by the tenth-century "Saltair na Rann" in a passage concerning the latter.

paragraph: Section::::See also.

paragraph: BULLET::::- Æthelstan A, an unknown scribe who drafted several royal charters Owain witnessed

alias: Owain Owen Ywain

description: tenth-century King of Strathclyde

wikidata_label: Owain ap Dyfnwal

wikipedia_title: Owain ap Dyfnwal (fl. 934)


text:
Kristinehamn
Sweden
rally
Värmland
Volvo
Saab
Erik Carlsson
rear-wheel drive
front-wheel drive
British
BMC
Gunnar Andersson
European Rally Championship
British
RAC Rally
Acropolis Rally
Greece
Swedish Rally
Norwegian Rally
Martin Schanche
German Wikipedia

categories: 1991 deaths,1937 births,Swedish rally drivers,European Rally Championship drivers

paragraph: Tom Trana

paragraph: Tom Trana (29 November 1937, in Kristinehamn, Sweden – May 17, 1991), was a famous motor rally driver. This Värmland sportsman was Volvo's counterpart to Saab's Erik Carlsson ("Carlsson på taket" - "Carlsson on the roof"). It has been said that he had to drive the rear-wheel drive Volvo more enthusiastically than Carlsson, with the front-wheel drive Saab.

paragraph: Section::::Career.

paragraph: Originally a Volvo mechanic, Trana showed strong driving performances with his own Volvo P1800 and with a British BMC vehicle. He came to the attention of the Volvo works team and its leader, Gunnar Andersson, himself twice European Rally Championship, as early as 1962. For 1963, he was given a works drive and won the British RAC Rally in the same season. Volvo won the European Rally Championship in 1963 with a special 122S. Also in 1963 a 122S driven by Tom Trana finished a very close second to Jaguar in the European Touring Car Championship.

paragraph: A year later, Trana was again the overall RAC Rally winner. He achieved further wins in the 1964 Acropolis Rally in Greece and in his home event, the Swedish Rally in 1965. These achievements earned him a definitive place in the top league of motor sport and the nickname the "Horseman of the Apocalypse".

paragraph: Soon thereafter, the Swede was in collision with a transporter and his co-driver Gunnar Thermaenius died. Trana was cleared of any guilt, in the subsequent legal proceedings. Nevertheless, he changed from daredevil to careful driver, who could still be very fast but without the conquering carefreeness that is linked to success. In addition, Volvo withdrew its works team for more than ten years, following a further fatal accident on the 1966 Akropolis Rally, in which two mechanics died. It continued to provide generous support for private entrants, however. Tom Trana changed to Saab for 1967, which resulted in relative success, including a win in the 1967 Norwegian Rally. He also took the Swedish Championship, in 1968. He rallied with Saab until 1972, when he finally hung up his helmet and retired from rallying.

paragraph: Section::::Postscript.

paragraph: Tom Trana died on 17 May 1991.

paragraph: Volvo only officially returned to motor sport at the end of the 1970s, sending the Volvo R-Team (R stood for Rallycross, Rallying and Racing) to the FIA Rallycross European Championships of the years 1978 to 1980. Driven by Per-Inge Walfridsson, the legitimate successor to Tom Trana as a representative of the Swedish car maker, Volvo succeeded in 1980 (with a 343 Turbo) against the Norwegian Martin Schanche (Ford Escort RS 1800) and won the Rallycross EC title.

paragraph: Section::::References.

paragraph: This article is based on a translation of an article from the German Wikipedia.

description: Swedish rally driver

wikidata_label: Tom Trana

wikipedia_title: Tom Trana


text:
Spanish
Sare
Northern Basque Country
Gordexola
Barcelona
Paris
mathematics
engineering
astronomy
medicine
Gustave Eiffel
transporter bridge
Puente Colgante
Nervion
Portugalete
Getxo
Biscay
iron
glass
Madrid
Retiro Park
Ricardo Velázquez Bosco
Daniel Zuloaga
"Crystal Palace"
London one
Madrid Atocha railway station
Saint-James
Osram factory
Puente Colgante
Madrid works

categories: Structural engineers,People from Bilbao,Spanish architects,Spanish civil engineers,1856 births,1939 deaths

paragraph: Alberto Palacio

paragraph: Alberto de Palacio y Elissague (1856-1939) was a Spanish engineer and architect born in Sare (Northern Basque Country) and grown up in Gordexola.

paragraph: He studied architecture in Barcelona and completed his education in Paris, studying mathematics, engineering, astronomy and medicine. He was also a student & disciple of Gustave Eiffel.

paragraph: Section::::Works.

paragraph: Between 1890 and 1893, he worked, together with his brother Silvestre de Palacio (engineer), on his most important project, the transporter bridge (""Puente Colgante"") on the Nervion river, between Portugalete and Getxo (Biscay), for which he gained international recognition. It was the first bridge of this kind ever built.

paragraph: All his work is characterized for the search of the functionality and the innovation, where iron and glass play a noticeable role. He passed long seasons of work in Madrid where he:

paragraph: BULLET::::- Participated in the construction of the "Palace of Velázquez" in the Retiro Park, together with architect Ricardo Velázquez Bosco, coordinator of the project, and the ceramicist Daniel Zuloaga (1881 and 1883).

paragraph: BULLET::::- Participated in the construction of the "Crystal Palace" (inspired by the London one) in the same park, again with architect Ricardo Velázquez Bosco, coordinator of the project, and ceramicist Daniel Zuloaga (1887).

paragraph: BULLET::::- Designed and built the new "Madrid Atocha railway station", in collaboration with the engineer Saint-James (1889-1892).

paragraph: BULLET::::- Built the "Osram factory" (1914–1916).

paragraph: Section::::External links.

paragraph: BULLET::::- Puente Colgante

paragraph: BULLET::::- Madrid works

description: Spanish architect and bridge engineer

wikidata_label: Alberto Palacio

wikipedia_title: Alberto Palacio


text:
Viking
Great Army
Anglo-Saxon England
Scandinavia
Ireland
Irish Sea
the Continent
Frisia
fiefdom
Franks
Frisians
Ívarr
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Christianity
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the Channel
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disfigure themselves
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fl.
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Henry James Pye
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The Last Kingdom
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Vikings
History
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The Saxon Chronicles
BBC America

categories: Vikings killed in battle,9th-century people,878 deaths,Viking warriors,Deaths in South West England

paragraph: Ubba

paragraph: Ubba (probably died 878) was a ninth-century Viking, and one of the commanders of the Great Army that invaded Anglo-Saxon England in the 860s. The Great Army appears to have been a coalition of warbands drawn from Scandinavia, Ireland, the Irish Sea region, and the Continent. There is reason to suspect that a proportion of the Viking forces specifically originated in Frisia, where some Viking commanders are known to have held fiefdoms on behalf of the Franks. Some sources describe Ubba as " of the Frisians, which could be evidence that he also associated with a Frisian benefice.

paragraph: In 865 the Great Army, apparently led by Ívarr, overwintered in Kingdom of East Anglia, before invading and destroying the Kingdom of Northumbria. In 869, having been bought off by the Mercians, the Vikings conquered the East Angles, and in the process killed their king, Edmund, a man who was later regarded as a saint and martyr. While near-contemporary sources do not specifically associate Ubba with the latter campaign, some later, less reliable sources associate him with the legend of Edmund's martyrdom. In time, Ívarr and Ubba came to be regarded as archetypal Viking invaders and opponents of Christianity. As such, Ubba features in several dubious hagiographical accounts of Anglo-Saxon saints and ecclesiastical sites. Non-contemporary sources also associate Ívarr and Ubba with the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók, a figure of dubious historicity. Whilst there is reason to suspect that Edmund's cult was partly promoted to integrate Scandinavian settlers in Anglo-Saxon England, the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók may have originated in attempts to explain why they came to settle.

paragraph: After the fall of the East Anglian kingdom, leadership of the Great Army appears to have fallen to Bagsecg and Hálfdan, who campaigned against the Mercians and West Saxons. In 873 the Great Army is recorded to have split. Whilst Hálfdan settled his followers in Northumbria, the army under Guthrum, Oscytel, and Anwend, struck out southwards, and campaigned against the West Saxons. In the winter of 877/878, Guthrum launched a lightning attack deep into Wessex. There is reason to suspect that this strike was coordinated with the campaigning of a separate Viking force in Devon. This latter army is reported to have been destroyed at " in 878. According to a near-contemporary source, this force was led by a brother of Ívarr and Hálfdan, and some later sources identify this man as Ubba himself.

paragraph: Section::::Origins of Ubba and the Great Army.

paragraph: In the mid ninth century, an invading Viking army coalesced in Anglo-Saxon England. The earliest version of the ninth- to twelfth-century "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" variously describes the invading host as """", an Old English term that can translate as "big army" or "great army". Archaeological evidence and documentary sources suggest that this Great Army was not a single unified force, but more of a composite collection of warbands drawn from different regions.

paragraph: The exact origins of the Great Army are obscure. The "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" sometimes identifies the Vikings as Danes. The tenth-century "Vita Alfredi" seems to allege that the invaders came from Denmark. A Scandinavian origin may be evinced by the tenth-century "Chronicon Æthelweardi", which states that "the fleets of the tyrant Ívarr" arrived in Anglo-Saxon England from "the north". With the turn of the mid-ninth century, this Ívarr (died 869/870?) was one of the foremost Viking leaders in Britain and Ireland.

paragraph: The Great Army may have included Vikings already active in Anglo-Saxon England, as well as men directly from Scandinavia, Ireland, the Irish Sea region, and the Continent. There is reason to suspect that a proportion of the army specifically originated in Frisia. For example, the ninth-century "Annales Bertiniani" reveals that Danish Vikings devastated Frisia in 850, and the twelfth-century "Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses" states that a Viking force of Danes and Frisians made landfall on the Isle of Sheppey in 855. The same source, and the tenth- or eleventh-century "Historia de sancto Cuthberto", describe Ubba as "" of the Frisians.

paragraph: Whilst the Old English "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" calls the Viking army ', the Latin "Historia de sancto Cuthberto" instead gives ', a term of uncertain meaning that is employed three times in reference to the leadership of the Viking forces. One possibility is that world could mean "people from the River Scheldt". This could indicate that Ubba was from Walcheren, an island in the mouth of the Scheldt. Walcheren is known to have been occupied by Danish Vikings over two decades before. For example, "Annales Bertiniani" reports that Lothair I, King of Middle Francia (died 855) granted the island to a Viking named Herioldus in 841.

paragraph: According to the same source and the ninth-century "Annales Fuldenses", another Viking named Roricus was granted a large part of Frisia as a benefice or fief from Lothair in 850. As men who held military- and judicial authority on behalf of the Franks, Herioldus and Roricus can also be regarded as Frisian "". Although it is uncertain whether Ubba was a native Frisian or a Scandinavian expatriate, if he was indeed involved with a Frisian benefice his forces would have probably been partly composed of Frisians. If his troops were drawn from the Scandinavian settlement started by Herioldus over two decades before, many of Ubba's men might well have been born in Frisia. In fact, the length of Scandinavian occupation suggests that some of the Vikings from Frisia would have been native Franks and Frisians. The considerable time that members of the Great Army appear to have spent in Ireland and the Continent suggests that these men were well accustomed to Christian society, which in turn may partly explain their successes in Anglo-Saxon England.

paragraph: Section::::Viking invasion of Anglo-Saxon England.

paragraph: In the autumn of 865, the "Anglo Saxon Chronicle" records that the Great Army invaded the Kingdom of East Anglia, where they afterwards made peace with the East Anglians and overwintered. The terminology employed by this source suggests the Vikings attacked by sea. The invaders evidently gained valuable intelligence during the stay, as the Great Army is next stated to have left on horses gained from the subordinated population, striking deep into the Kingdom of Northumbria, a fractured realm in the midst of a bitter civil war between two competing kings: Ælla (died 867) and Osberht (died 867).

paragraph: Late in 866 the Vikings seized York—one of only two archiepiscopal sees in Anglo-Saxon England, and one of the richest trading centres in Britain. Although Ælla and Osberht responded to this attack by joining forces against the Vikings, the chronicle indicates that their assault on York was a disaster that resulted in both their deaths. According to "Annales Lindisfarnenses et Dunelmenses", and "Historia de sancto Cuthberto", the Northumbrians and their kings were crushed by Ubba himself.

paragraph: Also that year, "Annales Bertiniani" reports that Charles II, King of West Francia (died 877) paid off a Viking fleet stationed on the Seine. After proceeding down the Seine towards the sea, where they repaired and rebuilt their fleet, a portion of the force is reported to have left for the district of IJssel (either Hollandse IJssel or Gelderse IJssel). Although the destination of the rest of the fleet is unrecorded, one possibility is that it participated in the sack of York. The fact that the Great Army remained in East Anglia for about a year before it attacked Northumbria could mean that it had been reinforced from the Continent during the layover. The part of the fleet that went to Frisia is later stated to have been unable to secure an alliance with Lothair. This statement seems to suggest that these Vikings had intended to acquire a grant of lands in the region, which could mean that they thereafter took part in the Great Army's campaigning across the Channel. Furthermore, "Annales Bertiniani" notes that Roricus was forced from Frisia the following year. This ejection could also account for the evidence of a Frisian dimension to the Great Army, and for the attestations of Ubba himself.

paragraph: With the collapse of the Northumbrian kingdom, and the destruction of its regime, the twelfth-century "Historia regum Anglorum", and "Libellus de exordio", reveal that a certain Ecgberht (died 873) was installed by the Vikings as client king over a northern region of Northumbria. In the following year, the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" records that the Great Army attacked Mercia, after which the Vikings seized Nottingham and overwintered there. Although the Mercian and West Saxon kings, Burgred (died 874?) and Æthelred (died 871), responded by joining forces and besieging the occupied town, both the chronicle and "Vita Alfredi" report that this combined Anglo-Saxon force was unable to dislodge the army. According to both sources, the Mercians made peace with the Vikings. It was probably on account of this seemingly purchased peace that the Great Army relocated to York, as reported by the chronicle, where it evidently renewed its strength for future forays.

paragraph: Section::::Hagiographic association with Edmund.

paragraph: The earliest source to make note specific note of Ubba is "Passio sancti Eadmundi", which includes him in its account of the downfall of Edmund, King of East Anglia (died 869). Almost nothing is known of this king's career, and all that remains of his reign are a few coins. The first contemporary documentary source to cast any light upon his reign is the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle". According to this account, the Great Army invaded East Anglia in the autumn of 869, before setting up winter quarters at Thetford. The chronicle relates that the kingdom was conquered and Edmund was amongst the slain.

paragraph: Although the specific wording employed by most versions of the chronicle suggests that Edmund was killed in battle, and "Vita Alfredi" certainly states as much—with neither source making note of a martyrdom ordeal—later hagiographical accounts portray the king in an idealised light, and depict his death in the context of a peace-loving Christian monarch, who willingly suffered martyrdom after refusing to shed blood in defence of himself.

paragraph: One such account is "Passio sancti Eadmundi", a source that makes no mention of a battle. Whilst this source's claim that Edmund was martyred after being captured is not implausible, the fact that he came to regarded as a martyr does not negate the possibility that he was slain in battle (as suggested by the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle"). The apparent contradictory accounts of Edmund's demise given by these sources may stem from the telescoping of events surrounding an East Anglian military defeat and the subsequent arrest and execution of the king. In any case, surviving numismatic evidence of coins bearing Edmund's name—the so-called St Edmund memorial coinage—reveals that he was certainly regarded as a saint about twenty years after his death.

paragraph: The reliability of "Passio sancti Eadmundi" is nevertheless uncertain. Although this source was composed over a century after the event, it may convey some credible material as the latest useful source. Nevertheless, there is also reason to suspect that the account is little more than a collection of well-known hagiographical elements, and that the composer knew little to nothing of Edmund's demise and early cult. The lurid depictions of Viking invaders presented by "Passio sancti Eadmundi" appears to owe much to the author's otherwise known association with Fleury, and specifically to the account of the Viking invasion of the Loire Valley detailed by "Miracula sancti Benedicti", a ninth-century work composed by the Fleurian monk Adrevaldus (fl. 860s).

paragraph: In specific regard to Ubba, "Passio sancti Eadmundi" states that Ívarr left him in Northumbria before launching his assault upon the East Angles in 869. If this source is to be believed, it could indicate that Ubba stayed behind to ensure the cooperation of the conquered Northumbrians. Although "Vita Alfredi" and the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" fail to note any Viking garrisons in the conquered Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, this may merely be a consequence of their otherwise perceptible West Saxon bias. In contrast to "Passio sancti Eadmundi", the twelfth-century "F" version of the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" specifically identifies Ubba and Ívarr as the chiefs of the men who killed the king. Whilst this identification could be derived from "Passio sancti Eadmundi" or the tenth-century "Lives of the Saints", it could merely be a mistake on the chronicler's part. In any case, later and less reliable literature covering the martyrdom associates both men with the event, revealing that this version of events was current as early as the twelfth century.

paragraph: Section::::Hagiographic association with Æbbe and Osyth.

paragraph: Ubba is associated with the martyrdom of Æbbe, an alleged abbess of Coldingham said to have been slain by Vikings in 870. The historicity of this woman is nevertheless uncertain. The earliest accounts of the alleged events at Coldingham date to the thirteenth century. They include "Chronica majora", and both the Wendover and Paris versions of "Flores historiarum". According to these sources, Æbbe compelled the nuns of Coldingham to disfigure themselves to preserve their virginity from an incoming horde of Vikings. Leading by example, Æbbe is said to have cut off her nose and upper lip with a razor. When the Viking arrived the following morning, the sight of the mutilated and bloody women repelled the raiders. Nevertheless, Ívarr and Ubba are stated to have ordered the razing of the monastery, burning to death Æbbe and her faithful nuns.

paragraph: Despite many lurid twelfth-century tales of ecclesiastical devastation wrought by Vikings, the principal contemporary source for this period, the ninth- or tenth-century "A" version of the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle", fails to note the destruction of a single Anglo-Saxon church by Scandinavians during the eighth- and ninth centuries. Although "Passio sancti Eadmundi" presents the invasion of East Anglia by Ubba and Ívarr as a campaign of wanton rape and murder, the account does not depict the destruction of the kingdom's monasteries. In fact, there is reason to suspect that most Anglo-Saxon monastic sites probably survived the Viking invasions of the era, and that the East Anglian Church withstood the Viking invasions and occupation.

paragraph: Whilst Viking depredations of monasteries tend not to feature in sources intended for royal audiences, religious desecrations appear in sources composed for ecclesiastical audiences. There are several reasons why twelfth-century sources associate the Vikings with seemingly unhistorical atrocities against particular monasteries. For example, such depredations could explain changes in monastic observance, or the switch from monastic- to clerical observance. Stories of Viking attacks could be used as evidence of the former possession of property claimed by religious houses centuries after the fact. The ninth-century Viking onslaught may have also been a way in which twelfth-century commentators sought to explain what was regarded as monastic decay in tenth-century Anglo-Saxon England. This imagined or exaggerated religious extirpation could well have been a convenient way of accounting for the scarcity of documentary evidence concerning early religious institutions. Twelfth-century ecclesiastical historians availed themselves of sources such as the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" and "Passio sancti Eadmundi". The fact that the latter was particularly influential to mediaeval historians is evidenced by the frequent occurrences of Ívarr and Ubba in reports of religious atrocities. To mediaeval hagiographers and historians, these two figures were archetypal Viking invaders and emblematic opponents of Christianity.

paragraph: The accounts of Æbbe could be an example of such a constructed tale. The story appears be ultimately derived from the account of Coldingham preserved by the eighth-century "Historia ecclesiastica". According to this source, Æthelthryth (died 679), wife of Ecgfrith, King of Northumbria (died 685), entered the monastery under the tutelage of an abbess named Æbbe (died 683?). At some point after Æthelthryth left Coldingham to found a monastery at Ely, "Historia ecclesiastica" reports that the monastery of Coldingham burned to the ground. This account of Coldingham's burning was later incorporated into "Liber Eliensis", a twelfth-century chronicle covering the history of Æthelthryth's establishment at Ely. The account of the burning given by "Historia ecclesiastica" may well be the inspiration behind the tale of facial mutilation and fiery martyrdom first associated with Coldingham by the Wendover version of "Flores historiarum". To twelfth-century ecclesiasts, invented tales of ninth-century violence—particularly violence inflicted by Ívarr and Ubba—may have been intended to validate the refoundation of certain religious communities.

paragraph: The earliest Anglo-Saxon virgin-martyr is Osyth. A now-lost twelfth-century "" of this woman associated Ívarr and Ubba with her seventh-century martyrdom. According to this source, Ívarr and Ubba commanded the pirates who beheaded her after she refused to worship their pagan idols. This work may have been the inspiration behind the Anglo-Norman hagiography "Vie seinte Osith", a composition that also attributes Osyth's killing to Ívarr and Ubba and their followers.

paragraph: Section::::The Great Army after Ívarr.

paragraph: The history of East Anglia immediately after Edmund's demise is extremely obscure. The account of events presented by "Passio sancti Eadmundi" seems to show that Edmund was killed in the context of the Great Army attempting to impose authority over him and his realm. Such an accommodation appears to have been gained by the Vikings in Northumbria and Mercia. In any case, numismatic evidence appears to indicate that two client kings—a certain Æthelred and Oswald—thereafter ruled over the East Angles on behalf of the Viking conquerors.

paragraph: It is at about this point that Ívarr disappears from English history. According to "Chronicon Æthelweardi", he died in the same year as Edmund. However, this record may partly stem from the fact that he did not take part in the subsequent war against the Kingdom of Wessex, beginning in the autumn or winter of 870. In any case, the leadership of the Great Army appears to have fallen to kings Bagsecg (died 871) and Hálfdan (died 877), the first principal Viking leaders attested by all versions of the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" after the army's recorded arrival.

paragraph: For about a year, the Great Army campaigned against the West Saxons, before overwintering in London. Late in 872, after spending nearly a year in London, the Vikings were drawn back to Northumbria, and afterwards to Mercia. By the end of 874, the kingdoms of East Anglia, Mercia, and Northumbria were finally broken. At this point, the Great Army split. Whilst Hálfdan settled his followers in Northumbria, the army under Guthrum (died 890), Oscytel (fl. 875), and Anwend (fl. 875), struck out southwards, and based itself at Cambridge. In 875, the Vikings invaded Wessex and seized Wareham. Although Alfred, King of Wessex (died 899) sued for peace in 876, the Vikings broke the truce the following year, seized Exeter, and were finally forced to withdraw back to Mercia.

paragraph: Although much of Guthrum's army started to settle in Mercia, the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" and "Vita Alfredi" reveal that Guthrum launched a surprise attack against the West Saxons in the winter of 877/878. Setting off from their base in Gloucester, the latter source specifies that the Vikings drove deep into Wessex, and sacked the royal vill of Chippenham. It is possible that this operation was coordinated with another Viking attack in Devon that culminated in the Battle of " in 878.

paragraph: Section::::Battle of ".

paragraph: Most versions of the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" locate the battle to Devon. "Vita Alfredi" specifies that it was fought at a fortress called "", a name which appears to equate to what is today Countisbury, in North Devon. This source also states that the Vikings made landfall in Devon from a base in Dyfed, where they had previously overwintered. As such, the Viking army could have arrived in Dyfed from Ireland, and overwintered in Wales before striking forth into Devon.

paragraph: The "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" does not identify the army's commander by name. It merely describes him as a brother of Ívarr and Hálfdan, and observes that he was slain in the encounter. Although Ubba is identified as the slain commander by the twelfth-century "Estoire des Engleis", it is unknown whether this identification is merely an inference by its author, or if it is derived from an earlier source. For example, this identification could have been influenced by the earlier association of Ubba and Ívarr in the legends surrounding Edmund's martyrdom. In any case, "Estoire des Engleis" further specifies that Ubba was slain at "'"—which may refer to Penselwood, near the Somerset–Wiltshire border—and buried in Devon within a mound called "'".

paragraph: The clash at "" culminated in a West Saxon victory. Whilst "Vita Alfredi" attributes the outcome to unnamed thegns of Alfred, "Chronicon Æthelweardi" identifies the victorious commander as Odda, Ealdorman of Devon (fl. 878). Most versions of the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" number the Viking fleet at twenty-three ships, and most versions number the Viking casualties at eight hundred and forty dead. These numbers roughly give about thirty-six and a half men per ship, which is comparable to the thirty-two oared Gokstad ship, a ninth-century Viking ship unearthed in Norway.

paragraph: On one hand, it is possible that the Viking commander at ' seized upon Guthrum's simultaneous campaigning against the West Saxons to launch a Viking foray of his from Dyfed. On the other hand, the location and timing of the engagement at ' may indicate that the slain commander was cooperating with Guthrum. As such, there is reason to suspect that the two Viking armies coordinated their efforts in an attempt to corner Alfred in a pincer movement after his defeat at Chippenham and subsequent withdrawal into the wetlands of Somerset. If the Vikings at ' were indeed working in cooperation with those at Chippenham, the record of their presence in Dyfed could also have been related to Guthrum's campaign against Alfred. As such, they could have been campaigning against Hyfaidd ap Bleddri, King of Dyfed (died 892/893) before their attack at '.

paragraph: It is possible that the defeat at ' left Guthrum overextended in Wessex, allowing Alfred's forces to assail Guthrum's exposed lines of communication. Although Alfred's position may have been still perilous in the aftermath, with his contracted kingdom close to collapse, the victory at ' certainly foreshadowed a turn of events for the West Saxons. A few weeks later in May, the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" records that Alfred was able to assemble his troops, and launch a successful attack against Guthrum at Edington. Following Guthrum's crushing defeat, the Vikings were forced to accept Alfred's terms for peace. Guthrum was baptised as a Christian, and led the remainder of his forces into East Anglia, where they dispersed and settled. Guthrum thereafter kept peace with the West Saxons, and ruled as a Christian king for more than a decade, until his death in 890.

paragraph: Section::::Mediaeval legend of Ragnarr loðbrók.

paragraph: Although Ubba and Ívarr are associated with each other by "Passio sancti Eadmundi", the men are not stated to be related in any way. The earliest source claiming kinship between the two is the "Annals of St Neots", an eleventh- or twelfth-century account stating that they were brothers of three daughters of Loðbrók ('). This source further states that these three sisters wove a magical banner named ' that was captured at the ' conflict. Although certain versions of the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" also note the capture of a raven banner, named ' ("Raven"), they do not mention any magical attributes, or refer to Loðbrók and his progeny.

paragraph: Loðbrók appears to be an early reference to Ragnarr loðbrók, a saga character of dubious historicity, who could be an amalgam of several historical ninth-century figures. According to Scandinavian sources, Ragnarr loðbrók was a man of Scandinavian of royal stock, whose death at the hands of Ælla in Northumbria was the catalyst of the invasion of Anglo-Saxon England—and Ælla's own destruction—by Ragnarr loðbrók's vengeful sons. None of the saga-sources for the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók accord him a son that corresponds to Ubba. The latter is only specifically attested by sources dealing with the East Scandinavian tradition. One of these sources is the thirteenth-century "Gesta Danorum". According to this text, Ubba was the son of Ragnarr loðbrók and an unnamed daughter of a certain Hesbernus. "Gesta Danorum" does not associate Ubba with Anglo-Saxon England in any way. According to the thirteenth- or fourteenth-century "Ragnarssona þáttr", a source that forms part of the West Scandinavian tradition, Ívarr had two bastard brothers, Yngvarr and Hústó, who tortured Edmund on Ívarr's instructions. No other source mentions these sons. It is possible that these figures represent Ívarr and Ubba, and that the composer of "Ragnarssona þáttr" failed to recognise the names of Ívarr and Ubba in English sources concerned with the legend of Edmund's martyrdom.

paragraph: Whilst Scandinavian sources—such as the thirteenth-century "Ragnars saga loðbrókar"—tend to locate the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók in a Northumbrian context, English sources tend to place them in an East Anglian setting. The earliest source to specifically associate the legend with East Anglia is "Liber de infantia sancti Eadmundi", a twelfth-century account depicting the Viking invasion of East Anglia in the context of a dynastic dispute. According to this source, Loðbrók (') was extremely envious of Edmund's fame. As such, it is Loðbrók's taunts that provoke his sons, Ívarr, Ubba, and Bjǫrn ('), to slay Edmund and destroy his kingdom. Although this text is heavily dependent upon "Passio sancti Eadmundi" for its depiction of Edmund's death, it appears to be the first source to meld the martyrdom with the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók.

paragraph: By the thirteenth century an alternate rendition of the story appears in sources such as "Chronica majora", and both the Wendover and Paris versions of "Flores historiarum". For example, the Wendover account states that Loðbrók (') washed ashore in East Anglia, where he was honourably received by Edmund, but afterwards murdered by Bjǫrn ('), an envious huntsman. Although the latter is expelled from the realm, he convinces Loðbrók's sons, Ívarr and Ubba, that the killer of their father was Edmund. As such, East Anglia is invaded by these two sons, and Edmund is killed in a case of misplaced vengeance. A slightly different version of events is offered by "Estoire des Engleis", which states that the Vikings invaded Northumbria on behalf of Bjǫrn (""), who sought vengeance for the rape of his wife by the Northumbrian king, Osberht. On one hand, it is possible that the theme of vengeance directed at Edmund is derived from the tradition of Ælla's demise in Northumbria at the hands of Ragnarr's progeny. On the other hand, the revenge motifs and miraculous maritime journeys presented in the accounts of Edmund are well-known elements commonly found in contemporaneous chivalric romances.

paragraph: There is reason to suspect that the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók originated from attempts to explain why the Vikings came to settle in Anglo-Saxon England. The core of the tradition may have been constructed as a way to rationalise their arrival without assigning blame to either side (as illustrated by the sympathetic Wendover account). As such, the legend could have been intended to jusitify Edmund's violent demise. The tales may have evolved at an early stage of Viking settlement, and may have functioned as an origin myth of the emerging Anglo-Scandinavian culture. The shared kinship assigned to Ívarr and Ubba within the legend of Ragnarr loðbrók may stem from their combined part in Edmund's downfall as opposed to any historical familial connection.

paragraph: Section::::In popular culture.

paragraph: Ubba appears as a character in modern historical fiction. For example, the unnamed Danish king that appears in "", a musical play with a libretto by James Thomson (died 1748) and David Mallet (died 1765)—first presented in 1740—may be a composite of Ubba, Guthrum, Ívarr, and Hálfdan. Ubba certainly appears in "Alfred the Great, Deliverer of His Country", an anonymous play that first appears on record in 1753; and "The Magick Banner; or, Two Wives in a House", a play by John O'Keeffe (died 1833), first presented in 1796. He also appears in the "Sketch of Alfred the Great: Or, the Danish Invasion", a ballet by Mark Lonsdale, first performed in 1798; and "Alfred; An Epic Poem", a long piece of epic poetry by Henry James Pye (died 1813), published in 1801; and the similarly named "Alfred, an Epic Poem", by Joseph Cottle (died 1853)—a poem almost twice as long as Pye's—first published in 1800.

paragraph: Ubba later appears in "Alfred the Great; Or, The Enchanted Standard", a musical drama by Isaac Pocock (died 1835), based upon O'Keeffe's play, and first performed in 1827; and "Alfred the Great", a play by James Magnus, dating to 1838. He further appears in "Alfred of Wessex", an epic poem by Richard Kelsey, published in 1852; and in the 1899 novel "King Alfred's Viking", by Charles Whistler (died 1913);, and the 2004 novel "The Last Kingdom" by Bernard Cornwell. Ubba is also a character in "Vikings", a television series first aired on the History network in 2013; and in "The Last Kingdom", a television series (based upon Cornwell's "The Saxon Chronicles" series of novels) first aired on BBC America in 2015.

alias: Hubba Ubbe Ubbi

description: Ninth-century Viking leader

wikidata_label: Ubba

wikipedia_title: Ubba


text:
King of Strathclyde
Owain ap Dyfnwal, King of Strathclyde
Kingdom of Strathclyde
River Clyde
Kingdom of Cumbria
River Eamont
Cathróe
Continental Europe
Edmund, King of the English
Máel Coluim mac Domnaill, King of Alba
Cuilén mac Illuilb, King of Alba
Rhydderch ap Dyfnwal
Cináed mac Maíl Choluim, King of Alba
Edgar, King of the English
Chester
Máel Coluim
Rome
Owain
Owain Foel, King of Strathclyde
eponym
Dunmail Raise
Cardonald
Dundonald
Dundonald Castle
Kingdom of Al Clud
Al Clud
British
seized
Scandinavians
River Clyde
Partick
Govan
hinterland
Renfrewshire
Kingdom of Strathclyde
River Eamont
Penrith
Kingdom of Northumbria
Kingdom of Cumbria
Owain ap Dyfnwal, King of Strathclyde
fl.
Rhydderch
fl.
Máel Coluim
Owain
Gaelic
Alpínid dynasty
Kingdom of Alba
Battle of Brunanburh
Cathróe
Custantín mac Áeda, King of Alba
Leeds
Leath Ward
Lowther
British
Pictish
King of York
Eiríkr blóðøx
Uí Ímair
Amlaíb mac Gofraid
Amlaíb Cúarán
Solway
Uí Ímair
Annales Cambriæ
Brut y Tywysogyon
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
Edmund I, King of the English
Máel Coluim mac Domnaill, King of Alba
Historia Anglorum
Wendover
Paris
Hywel Dda, King of Dyfed
Forth
Clyde
Cerdicing dynasty
Carlisle
Cumberland
Eadred
Osulf
Annals of the Four Masters
Annals of Ulster
Welshmen
Edgar
Illulb mac Custantín
Edinburgh
Chronicle of the Kings of Alba
Historia regum Anglorum
Edgar, King of the English
River Tyne
Eadwig, King of the English
Prophecy of Berchán
Dub mac Maíl Choluim
Cuilén
Abington in South Lanarkshire
Lothian
the Lennox
Rhydderch ap Dyfnwal
Chronicle of Melrose
Chronica gentis Scotorum
regicide
Cináed mac Maíl Choluim
King of Alba
River Forth
Stirling
recorded to have met
Chester
E
River Dee
Chronicon ex chronicis
Gesta regum Anglorum
De primo Saxonum adventu
Chronica majora
Lothian
Amlaíb mac Illuilb
Maccus mac Arailt
Gofraid
Islesmen
Anglesey
British mainland
Ireland
Thored Gunnerson
Westmorland
Irish annals
Brenhinedd y Saesson
Rome
tonsure
Iona
English royal charter
elder statesman
Owain Foel, King of Strathclyde
mountain pass
Lake District
Dunmail Raise
Saxons
cairn
dual carriageways
A591 road
Cardonald
Dundonald
Dundonald Castle

categories: Monarchs of Strathclyde,10th-century Scottish monarchs

paragraph: Dyfnwal ab Owain

paragraph: Dyfnwal ab Owain (died 975) was a tenth-century King of Strathclyde. He was a son of Owain ap Dyfnwal, King of Strathclyde, and seems to have been a member of the royal dynasty of Strathclyde. At some point in the ninth- or tenth century, the Kingdom of Strathclyde expanded substantially southwards. As a result of this extension far beyond the valley of the River Clyde, the realm became known as the Kingdom of Cumbria. By 927, the kingdom seems to have reached as far south as the River Eamont.

paragraph: Dyfnwal appears to have reigned between the 930s and the 970s. He is first attested in the 940s, when he is recorded associated with the ecclesiast Cathróe on the latter's journey to Continental Europe. At the midpoint of the decade, the Cumbrian kingdom was ravaged by the forces of Edmund, King of the English. Two of Dyfnwal's sons are said to have been blinded by the English, which could indicate that Dyfnwal had broken a pledge to his southern counterpart. One possibility is that he had harboured insular Scandinavian opponents of Edmund. The latter is recorded to have handed over control of the Cumbrian realm to Máel Coluim mac Domnaill, King of Alba. How much authority the Scots enjoyed over the Cumbrian realm is uncertain.

paragraph: In 971, the reigning Cuilén mac Illuilb, King of Alba was slain by Rhydderch ap Dyfnwal. At some point after this act, Cuilén's eventual successor, Cináed mac Maíl Choluim, King of Alba, is recorded to have penetrated deep into Cumbrian territory, possibly as a retaliatory act. The following year, the reigning Edgar, King of the English held a remarkable assembly at Chester which numerous northern kings seem to have attended. Both Dyfnwal and his son, Máel Coluim, appear to have attended this assembly. The latter is styled King of the Cumbrians in the context of this meeting, which might indicate that Dyfnwal had previously abdicated the throne.

paragraph: Dyfnwal is recorded to have died in 975 whilst undertaking a pilgrimage to Rome. Quite when he gave up the throne is unknown. One possibility is that Rhydderch had succeeded him before the killing of Cuilén. Another possibility is that the apparent retaliatory raid by Cináed marked the end of Dyfnwal's kingship. It is also possible that he held on to power until 973 or 975. In any event, Máel Coluim appears to have been succeeded by another son of Dyfnwal named Owain, who is recorded to have died in 1015. The later Owain Foel, King of Strathclyde, who is attested in 1018, may well be a grandson of Dyfnwal. Dyfnwal is likely the eponym of Dunmail Raise in England, and possibly Cardonald, Dundonald/Dundonald Castle in Scotland.

paragraph: Section::::Background: the tenth century Cumbrian realm.

paragraph: For hundreds of years until the late ninth century, the power centre of the Kingdom of Al Clud was the fortress of Al Clud ("Rock of the Clyde"). In 870, this British stronghold was seized by Irish-based Scandinavians, after which the centre of the realm seems to have relocated further up the River Clyde, and the kingdom itself began to bear the name of the valley of the River Clyde, Ystrad Clud (Strathclyde). The kingdom's new capital may have been situated in the vicinity of Partick. and Govan which straddle the River Clyde, The realm's new hinterland appears to have encompassed the valley and the region of modern Renfrewshire, which may explain this change in terminology.

paragraph: At some point after the loss of Al Clud, the Kingdom of Strathclyde appears to have undergone a period of expansion. Although the precise chronology is uncertain, by 927 the southern frontier appears to have reached the River Eamont, close to Penrith. The catalyst for this southern extension may have been the dramatic decline of the Kingdom of Northumbria at the hands of conquering Scandinavians, and the expansion may have been facilitated by cooperation between the Britons and the insular Scandinavians in the late ninth- or early tenth century. Over time, the Kingdom of Strathclyde increasingly came to be known as the Kingdom of Cumbria reflecting its expansion far beyond the Clyde valley.

paragraph: Dyfnwal was a son of Owain ap Dyfnwal, King of Strathclyde (fl. 934). The names of the latter and of his apparent descendants suggest that they were indeed members of the royal kindred of Strathclyde. Sons of Dyfnwal seem to include Rhydderch (fl. 971), Máel Coluim, and Owain. The name of Dyfnwal's son Máel Coluim is Gaelic, and may be evidence of a marriage alliance between his family and the neighbouring royal Alpínid dynasty of the Scottish Kingdom of Alba. Dyfnwal's father is attested in 934. Although Dyfnwal's father may well be identical to the Cumbrian monarch recorded to have fought at the Battle of Brunanburh in 937, the sources that note this king fail to identify him by name. Dyfnwal's own reign, therefore, may have stretched from about the 930s to the 970s.

paragraph: Section::::Cathróe amongst the Cumbrians.

paragraph: Dyfnwal is attested by the tenth-century "Life of St Cathróe", which appears indicate that he was established as king by at least the 940s. According to this source, when Cathróe left the realm of Custantín mac Áeda, King of Alba at about this time, he was granted safe passage through the lands of the Cumbrians by Dyfnwal because the two men were related. Dyfnwal thereupon had Cathróe escorted through his kingdom to the frontier of the Scandinavian-controlled Northumbrian territory. The "Life of St Cathróe" locates this southern frontier to the of . One possibility is that this refers to Leeds. If correct, this could indicate that the Cumbrian realm stretched towards this settlement, and would further evince the general southward expansion of the kingdom. Another possibility is that refers to Leath Ward in Cumberland, or to a settlement in the Lowther valley, not terribly from where the River Eamont flows.

paragraph: The "Life of St Cathróe" identifies Cathróe's parents as Fochereach and Bania. Whilst the former's name is Gaelic, the latter's name could be either Gaelic or British, and Cathróe's own name could be either Pictish or British. The fact that Cathróe is stated to have been related to Dyfnwal could indicate that the former's ancestors included a Briton who possessed a genealogical connection with the royal Cumbrian dynasty, or that Dyfnwal possessed Scottish ancestry, or else that the families of Cathróe and Dyfnwal were merely connected by way of a marriage. Cathróe is also said by the source to have been related to the wife of a certain King of York named Erich. Although the latter may be identical to Eiríkr Haraldsson—a man who is generally thought to be identical to the Norwegian dynast Eiríkr blóðøx—this man is not otherwise attested by insular sources until 947, and Northumbria itself appears to have been ruled by the Uí Ímair dynasts Amlaíb mac Gofraid and Amlaíb Cúarán during the time of Cathróe's journey. Whilst it is possible that Erich actually refers to Amlaíb mac Gofraid, if he instead refers to Eiríkr Haraldsson, it could be evidence that the latter had been based in the Solway region whilst the Uí Ímair held power in Northumbria, or that the latter indeed held power in Northumbria as early as about 946.

paragraph: Section::::English aggression and Scottish overlordship.

paragraph: In 945, the "A" version of the eleventh- to thirteenth-century "Annales Cambriæ", and the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century "Brut y Tywysogyon" reveal that the Cumbrian realm was wasted by the English. The ninth- to twelfth-century "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" offers more information, and relates that Edmund I, King of the English harried across the land of the Cumbrians, and the region to Máel Coluim mac Domnaill, King of Alba. Similarly, the twelfth-century "Historia Anglorum" records that the English ravaged the realm, and that Edmund commended the lands to Máel Coluim mac Domnaill who had agreed to assist him by land and sea. According to the version of events preserved by the thirteenth-century Wendover and Paris versions of "Flores historiarum", Edmund was assisted in the campaign by Hywel Dda, King of Dyfed, and had two of Dyfnwal's sons blinded. If the latter claim is to be believed, it could reveal that the two princes had been English hostages before hostilities broke out, or perhaps prisoners captured in the midst of the campaign. The gruesome fate inflicted upon these sons could reveal that their father was regarded to have broken certain pledges rendered to the English. One possibility is that Dyfnwal was punished for harbouring insular Scandinavian potentates such as Amlaíb Cúarán. The latter is certainly recorded to have been driven from Northumbria by the English the year before. He could well have taken refuge amongst the Cumbrians, or may have been attempting to construct a power base in the Cumbrian periphery. The close working relationship between Edmund and Máel Coluim mac Domnaill suggests that Amlaíb Cúarán was unlikely to have been harboured by the Scots during this period. Edmund's strike upon Dyfnwal's realm, therefore, seems to have been undertaken as a means to break a Cumbrian-Scandinavian alliance, and to limit the threat of an insular Scandinavian counter offensive from the Forth-Clyde region. The southward expansion of the Cumbrian realm—an extension possibly enabled by the insular Scandinavian power—may have also factored into the invasion, with the English clawing back lost territories. Whatever lay behind the campaign, it is possible that it was utilised by the English Cerdicing dynasty as a way to overawe and intimidate neighbouring potentates.

paragraph: Although the Wendover version of "Flores historiarum" alleges that Máel Coluim mac Domnaill was given Cumbrian territory to hold as a fief from the English, the terminology employed by the more reliable "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" seems to suggest that Edmund merely surrendered or granted the region to him, or that he merely recognised certain rights of the Scots in the region (such as the right to tribute). Edmund, therefore, may have allowed his Scottish counterpart to collect tribute from the Cumbrians in return for keeping them in check and for lending Edmund military assistance. It is possible that the territory in question corresponds to the region around Carlisle—roughly modern-day Cumberland—which in turn could reveal that the Scots were already in possession of the kingdom's more northerly lands. It is conceivable that the Scots were allowed authority over Cumbrian territory because it was too far to be overseen effectively by the English themselves. As such, it may have been recognised that the Cumbrian territories were situated within the Alpínid sphere of influence rather than that of the Cerdicings. In any event, it is uncertain what authority Máel Coluim mac Domnaill enjoyed over the Cumbrians. Although it is possible that there was a temporary Scottish takeover of the realm, Dyfnwal lived on for decades, and there were certainly later kings. In fact, the Wendover version "Flores historiarum" reveals that the Cumbrians were ruled by a king the year after Edmund's invasion. The concord between the English and the Scots could have been precipitated by the former as a way of further securing their northern frontier from the threat of insular Scandinavians. Similarly, the English campaign against the Cumbrians may have been undertaken in order to isolate the Scots from an alliance with the Scandinavians. In this way, Edmund's conquest and grant of Cumbrian territories to his Scottish counterpart may have been a way of winning the latter's obeisance.

paragraph: Edmund was assassinated in 946, and succeeded by his brother Eadred, a monarch who soon after made a show of force against opposition in Northumbria, and received a renewal of oaths from his Scottish counterpart. In about 949/950, Máel Coluim mac Domnaill is recorded to have raided into Northumbria, perhaps against the retrenched forces of Eadred's Scandinavian opponents. Whilst it is possible that this event was undertaken in the context of compensation for the English campaigning against the Cumbrians in 946, an alternate possibility is that this Scottish invasion was instead an opportunistic attempt to extract tribute from the Northumbrian ruler Osulf (fl. 946–950), rather than the York-based Scandinavians.

paragraph: In 952, the seventeenth-century "Annals of the Four Masters" and the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century "Annals of Ulster" appear to report an attack upon the Scandinavians of Northumbria by an alliance of English, Scots, and Cumbrians. If these two annal-entries indeed refer to Cumbrians rather than Welshmen, it would appear to indicate that the former—presumably led by Dyfnwal himself—were supporting the cause of the English with the Scots. One possibility is that the annal-entries record the clash of this coalition against the forces of Eiríkr, a man who was finally overwhelmed and slain two years later.

paragraph: There is also reason to suspect that a man other than Dyfnwal ruled as king in the wake of Edmund's 945 campaign. For instance, a certain Cadmon is recorded to have witnessed two royal charters of Edmund's successor, Eadred—one in 946 and another in 949—which could be evidence that Cadmon was then the ruling Cumbrian monarch. There may be evidence indicating that, from about the time of the campaign until at least 958, the English regarded the land of the Cumbrians to be a part of the English realm. For instance, a charter apparently issued upon Eadred's coronation—the first of the two witnessed by Cadmon—accords Eadred the title "king of the Anglo-Saxons, Northumbrians, pagans, and Britons"; whilst a 958 charter of Eadred's royal successor Edgar, accords the latter kingship over "the Mercians, Northumbrians and Britons". The fact that the "acta" of Edmund, Eadred, and Edgar fail to record the presence of Dyfnwal could be evidence of English rule over the Cumbrians, who may have been in turn administered by English-aligned agents.

paragraph: Section::::Cumbrian and Scottish contention.

paragraph: Máel Coluim mac Domnaill was slain in 954, and succeeded by Illulb mac Custantín. At some point during the latter's reign, the Scots permanently acquired Edinburgh from the English, as partly evidenced by the ninth- to twelfth-century "Chronicle of the Kings of Alba". Confirmation of this conquest seems to be preserved by the twelfth-century "Historia regum Anglorum", a source which states that, during the reign of Edgar, King of the English, the Northumbrian frontier extended as far as the , a waterway which seems to refer to the River Tyne in Lothian. The acquisition of Edinburgh, and extension into Lothian itself, may well to have taken place during the reign of the embattled and unpopular Eadwig, King of the English. Illulb's attack may be evidenced by passages preserved by the twelfth-century "Prophecy of Berchán" which not only note "woe" inflicted upon the Britons and English, but also the conquest of foreign territories by way of Scottish military might. The notice of Britons in this text could be evidence that Illulb campaigned against Cumbrian-controlled territories. Such conflict may have meant that the apparent Cumbrian extension southwards was mirrored by movement eastwards. One possibility is that the Scots seized Edinburgh not from the English but from Cumbrians who had temporarily taken possession of it. Certainly, the fortress of Edinburgh had anciently been a British stronghold.

paragraph: Section::::Rhydderch, son of Dyfnwal.

paragraph: After Illulb's death in 962, the Scottish kingship appears to have been taken up by Dub mac Maíl Choluim, a man who was in turn replaced by Illulb's son, Cuilén. The latter's death at the hands of Britons in 971 is recorded by several sources. Some of these sources locate his death to locations that could refer to either Abington in South Lanarkshire, Lothian, or the Lennox. There is reason to suspect that Cuilén's killer was a son of Dyfnwal himself. The "Chronicle of the Kings of Alba" reports that the killer was a certain Rhydderch ap Dyfnwal (fl. 971), a man who slew Cuilén for the sake of his own daughter. The thirteenth-century "Verse Chronicle", the twelfth- to thirteenth-century "Chronicle of Melrose", and the fourteenth-century "Chronica gentis Scotorum" likewise identify Cuilén's killer as Rhydderch, the father of an abducted daughter raped by the Scottish king.

paragraph: Although there is no specific evidence that Rhydderch was himself a king, the fact that Cuilén was involved with his daughter, coupled with the fact that his warband was evidently strong enough to overcome that of Cuilén, suggests that Rhydderch must have been a man of eminent standing. According to the "Prophecy of Berchán", Cuilén met his end whilst "seeking a foreign land", which could indicate that he was attempting to lift taxes from the Cumbrians. Another way in which Cuilén may have met his end concerns the record of his father's seizure of Edinburgh. The fact that this conquest would have likely included at least part of Lothian, coupled with the evidence locating Cuilén's demise to the same area, could indicate that Cuilén was slain in the midst of exercising overlordship of this contested territory. If so, the records that link Rhydderch with the regicide could reveal that this wronged father exploited Cuilén's vulnerable position in the region, and that Rhydderch seized the chance to avenge his daughter.

paragraph: Cuilén seems to have been succeeded by his kinsman Cináed mac Maíl Choluim. One of the latter's first acts as King of Alba was evidently an invasion of the kingdom of the Cumbrians. This campaign could well have been a retaliatory response to Cuilén's killing, carried out in the context of crushing a British affront to Scottish authority. In any event, Cináed's invasion ended in defeat, a fact which coupled with Cuilén's killing reveals that the Cumbrian realm was indeed a power to be reckoned with. Whilst it is conceivable that Rhydderch could have succeeded Dyfnwal by the time of Cuilén's fall, another possibility is that Dyfnwal was still the king, and that Cináed's strike into Cumbrian territory was the last conflict of Dyfnwal's reign. In fact, it could have been at about this point when Máel Coluim took up the kingship. According to the "Chronicle of the Kings of Alba", Cináed constructed some sort of fortification on the River Forth, perhaps the strategically located Fords of Frew near Stirling. One possibility is that this engineering project was undertaken in the context of limiting Cumbrian incursions.

paragraph: Section::::Amongst an assembly of kings.

paragraph: There is evidence to suggest that Dyfnwal was amongst the assembled kings who are recorded to have met with Edgar at Chester in 973. According to the "D", "E", and "F" versions of the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle", after having been consecrated king that year, this English monarch assembled a massive naval force and met with six kings at Chester. By the tenth century, the number of kings who met with him was alleged to have been eight, as evidenced by the tenth-century "Life of St Swithun". By the twelfth century, the eight kings began to be named and were alleged to have rowed Edgar down the River Dee, as evidenced by sources such as the twelfth-century texts "Chronicon ex chronicis", "Gesta regum Anglorum", and "De primo Saxonum adventu", as well as the thirteenth-century "Chronica majora", and both the Wendover and Paris versions of "Flores historiarum". One of the names in all these sources—specifically identified as a Welsh king by "Gesta regum Anglorum", "Chronica majora", and both versions of "Flores historiarum"—appears to refer to Dyfnwal. Another named figure, styled King of the Cumbrians, seems to be identical to his son, Máel Coluim.

paragraph: Whilst the symbolic tale of the men rowing Edgar down the river may be an unhistorical embellishment, most of the names accorded to the eight kings can be associated with contemporary rulers, suggesting that some of these men may have taken part in a concord with him. Although the latter accounts allege that the kings submitted to Edgar, the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" merely states that they came to an agreement of cooperation with him, and thus became his ("co-workers", "even-workers", "fellow-workers"). One possibility is that the assembly somehow relates to Edmund's attested incursion into Cumbria in 945. According to the same source, when Edmund Cumbria to Máel Coluim mac Domnaill, he had done so on the condition that the latter would be his ("co-worker", "even-worker", "fellow-worker", "together-wright"). Less reliable non-contemporary sources such as "De primo Saxonum adventu", both the Wendover and Paris versions of "Flores historiarum", and "Chronica majora" allege that Edgar granted Lothian to Cináed in 975. If this supposed grant formed a part of the episode at Chester, it along with the concord of 945 could indicate that the assembly of 975 was not a submission as such, but more of a conference concerning mutual cooperation along the English borderlands. The location of the assembly of 973 at Chester would have been a logical neutral site for all parties.

paragraph: One of the other named kings was Cináed. Considering the fact that the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" numbers the kings at six, if Cináed was indeed present, it is unlikely that his rival, Cuilén's brother Amlaíb mac Illuilb, was also in attendance. Although the chronology concerning the reigns of Cináed and Amlaíb mac Illuilb is uncertain—with Amlaíb mac Illuilb perhaps reigning from 971/976–977 and Cináed from 971/977–995—the part played by the King of Alba at the assembly could well have concerned the frontier of his realm. One of the other named kings seems to have been Maccus mac Arailt (fl. 971–974), whilst another could have been this man's brother, Gofraid. These two Islesmen may have been regarded a threats by the Scots and Cumbrians. Maccus and Gofraid are recorded to have devastated Anglesey at the beginning of the decade, which could indicate that Edgar's assembly was undertaken as a means to counter the menace posed by these energetic insular Scandinavians. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that, as a consequence of the assembly at Chester, the brothers may have turned their attention from the British mainland westwards towards Ireland.

paragraph: Another aspect of the assembly may have concerned the remarkable rising power of Amlaíb Cúarán in Ireland. Edgar may have wished to not only reign in men such as Maccus and Gofraid, but prevent them—and the Scots and Cumbrians—from affiliating themselves with Amlaíb Cúarán, and recognising the latter's authority in the Irish Sea region. Another factor concerning Edgar, and his Scottish and Cumbrian counterparts, may have been the stability of the northern English frontier. For example, a certain Thored Gunnerson is recorded to have ravaged Westmorland in 966, an action that may have been undertaken by the English in the context of a response to Cumbrian southward expansion. Although the Scottish invasion of Cumbrian and English territory unleashed after Cináed's inauguration could have been intended to tackle Cumbrian opposition, another possibility is that the campaign may have been executed as a way to counter any occupation of Cumbrian territories by Thored.

paragraph: Section::::Death and descendants.

paragraph: Both Dyfnwal and his English counterpart died in 975. According to various Irish annals, which style Dyfnwal King of the Britons, he met his end whilst undertaking a pilgrimage. These sources are corroborated by Welsh texts such as the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century "Brenhinedd y Saesson", and "Brut y Tywysogyon", with the latter stating that Dyfnwal died in Rome having received the tonsure. Such religious retirement late in the life of a ruler was not uncommon amongst contemporaries. For example, Custantín evidently became a monk upon his own abdication, whilst Amlaíb Cúarán retired to the holy island of Iona in pilgrimage. One possibility is that Dyfnwal decided to undertake his religious journey—or was perhaps forced to undertake it—as a result of the violent actions of Rhydderch.

paragraph: It is conceivable that Dyfnwal was still reigning in 973, and that it was Edgar's death two years later that precipitated the transfer of the kingship to Dyfnwal's son Máel Coluim, and contributed to Dyfnwal's pilgrimage to Rome. In fact, the upheaval caused by the absence of the English and Cumbrian kings could well have contributed to Cináed's final elimination of Amlaíb mac Illuilb in 997. Another possibility is that Máel Coluim's part in the 973 assembly may have partly concerned his father's impending pilgrimage, and that he sought surety for Dyfnwal's safe passage through Edgar's realm. The fact that Máel Coluim is identified as one of the assembled kings could indicate that Dyfnwal had relinquished control to him at some point before the convention. Evidence that he had indeed assumed the kingship may exist in the record of a certain "Malcolm dux" who witnessed an English royal charter in 970. Although the authenticity of this document is questionable, the attested Malcolm could well be identical to Máel Coluim himself. If Máel Coluim was indeed king in 973, Dyfnwal's role at the assembly may have been that of an 'elder statesman' of sorts—possibly serving as an adviser or mentor—especially considering his decades of experience in international affairs. The fact that he left his realm for Rome could be evidence that he did not regard his realm or dynasty to be threatened during his absence.

paragraph: Surviving sources fail to note the Cumbrian kingdom between the obituaries of Dyfnwal in 975 and his son, Máel Coluim, in 997. There is reason to suspect that Dyfnwal had another son, Owain, who reigned after Máel Coluim. For instance, according to the "B" version of "Annales Cambriæ", a certain Owain—identified as the son of a man named Dyfnwal—was slain in 1015. This obituary is corroborated by "Brut y Tywysogyon", and "Brenhinedd y Saesson". Although it may be possible that the record of this man's death refers to Owain Foel, King of Strathclyde (fl. 1018), there is no reason to disregard the obituaries as erroneous. If the like-named men are indeed different people, they could well have been closely related. Whilst the former may have been a son of Dyfnwal himself, the latter could well have been a son of Dyfnwal's son, Máel Coluim. The Owain who died in 1015, therefore, would seem to have assumed the Cumbrian kingship after Máel Coluim's death in 997, and would appear to have reigned into the early eleventh century before Owain Foel's assumption of the throne.

paragraph: Dyfnwal may be the man immortalised in the name of a mountain pass in the Lake District known as Dunmail Raise (meaning "Dyfnwal's Cairn"). According to popular legend, a local king named Dunmail was slain by Saxons on the pass and buried beneath a cairn. Forms of this tradition may date to about the sixteenth century, as the place name is first marked on a map dating to 1576. By the end of the seventeenth century, it was claimed that the place name marked the site of "a great heap of Stones call'd Dunmail-Raise-Stones, suppos'd to have been cast up by Dunmail K. of Cumberland for the Bounds of his Kingdom". Forms of the tale began to appear in print in the following century. In time, the ever-evolving legend became associated with the events of 945. The cairn itself lies between the dual carriageways of the A591 road. It seems to have marked an old boundary between Westmorland and Cumberland, and might have also marked the southern territorial extent of the Cumbrian kingdom. Nevertheless, the site's alleged importance in the early mediaeval period cannot be proven. Other place names that may be named after Dyfnwal include Cardonald (), and Dundonald/Dundonald Castle ().

alias:
Domnall mac Eogain
Dwnwallon ab Owain
Dyfnwal map Ywain
Domnaldus
Donald
Dufnal
Dunguallon
Dunmail
Dunwallon
Dyfnal
Dyfnwal
Dyfnwallon
Dwnwallon
Domnall
Dumnagual

description: King of Strathclyde

wikidata_label: Dyfnwal ab Owain

wikipedia_title: Dyfnwal ab Owain


text:
Modern Persian
Afsharid
Shah
Iran
Nader Shah
Mashad
Ketevan
Georgian
Teimuraz II
Bokhara
Yazidi
Kurdistan
Karakalpaks
Uzbeks
Khwarazm
Sistan
tomans
Herat
Shahrokh Mirza
Ebrahim Mirza
Isfahan
Mazandaran
Qajar
Mohammad Hasan Khan
Agha Mohammad Khan
sardar
Azerbaijan
Gilan
Tehran

categories: Afsharid monarchs,Year of birth missing,1749 deaths,18th-century Iranian people,Murdered Persian monarchs

paragraph: Adel Shah

paragraph: Adel Shah Afshar (also spelled Adil), born ʿAlī-qolī Khan (Modern Persian: ) (died 1749) was the Afsharid Shah of Iran from 1747 to 1748, a nephew and successor of Nader Shah, the founder of the Afsharid dynasty.

paragraph: Section::::Family and early career.

paragraph: Ali-qoli khan was the eldest son of Nader's brother, Ebrahim Khan. Nader appointed him governor of Mashad in 1737. In the same year he married Princess Ketevan, daughter of the Georgian king Teimuraz II, Nader's ally. In 1740 he was also married to a daughter of Abu'l-Fayz, ruler of the recently subdued Bokhara.

paragraph: Section::::Rise to power.

paragraph: From 1743 to 1747, Ali-qoli khan commanded Nader's troops against the Yazidis of Kurdistan, the Karakalpaks and Uzbeks of Khwarazm and in Sistan. He then ran in trouble with his uncle over the latter's decision to levy 100,000 tomans on him combined with Nader's suspiciousness. In April 1747, in conjunction with the rebels of Sistan, Ali-qoli khan occupied Herat and induced the Kurds to enter into a rebellion. Nader, while marching against the insurgents, was murdered by a group of his officers, who then offered the crown to Ali-qoli.

paragraph: On arriving at Mashad, Ali-qoli sent a loyal force to the fortress of Kalat, where they killed all of Nader's issue with the exception of his 14-year-old grandson Shahrokh Mirza. On 6 July 1747, he was declared the shah under the name of Adel-Shah, "the just king". He sent his brother Ebrahim Mirza as a governor to Isfahan, while he remained in Mashad with his unpopular Georgian favourite, Sohrab Khan. Later that year, he defeated his erstwhile Kurdish allies, who had refused to supply grain for his famine-stricken army and capital, and had several of his supporters put to death on suspicion of conspiracy. He then marched against Mazandaran in a futile attempt to bend the Qajar tribe into submission. The Qajar chief Mohammad Hasan Khan was killed and his four-year-old son, the future Agha Mohammad Khan, was castrated on Adel's orders.

paragraph: Section::::Overthrow and death.

paragraph: In the meantime, Ebrahim Mirza, who had consolidated his hold over western Iran, rose in rebellion against his reigning brother. He murdered Adel's favourite Sohrab Khan and in, June 1748, he marched to join his forces with Amir Aslan Khan, the sardar of Azerbaijan against Adel. The latter, at the head of a numerically superior army, advanced from Gilan to prevent the rebel forces combining, but the defection of many of his commanders precipitated his complete defeat. Adel fled to Tehran, but a local governor surrendered Adel to Ebrahim, who had him blinded. Six months later, Ebrahim was proclaimed shah, but his reign was quickly terminated by a coup which brought Nadir's surviving grandson Shahrokh Mirza to the throne. Ebrahim was blinded and soon died, while Adel was sent in chains to Mashad, where he was tortured to death.

description: shah of Persia

wikidata_label: Adil Shah

wikipedia_title: Adel Shah


text:
pharaoh
13th Dynasty
Upper Egypt
precinct of Amun-Ra
Karnak
Roman times
Isis
Benevento
Turin canon
Kim Ryholt
Mersekhemre Ined
Second Intermediate Period
Kim Ryholt
Sewadjare Mentuhotep V
Jürgen von Beckerath

paragraph: Mershepsesre Ini II

paragraph: Mershepsesre Ini (also known as Ini II) was a pharaoh of the late 13th Dynasty, possibly the forty-sixth king of this dynasty. He reigned over Upper Egypt during the mid-17th century BC.

paragraph: Section::::Attestations.

paragraph: Mershepsesre Ini is attested only by a single inscription, giving his nomen and prenomen carved on the lower half of a statue which originated from the precinct of Amun-Ra in Karnak. In Roman times, the statue was brought to the Temple of Isis at Benevento, Italy, where it was unearthed in 1957; the statue is now housed in the local Museo del Sannio.br

paragraph: Ini may also be attested on the Turin canon in column 8, row 16, which reads ""Mer...re"". If this identification is correct, Mershepsesre Ini II was the forty-sixth king of the dynasty. Kim Ryholt proposed instead that the ""Mer...re"" of the Turin canon refers to Mersekhemre Neferhotep II, whom he regards as a different ruler from Mersekhemre Ined. Nevertheless, Mershepsesre Ini must have reigned toward the end of the dynasty.

paragraph: Section::::Chronological position.

paragraph: The exact chronological position of Mershepsesre Ini is uncertain, although he must have reigned at the end of the 13th Dynasty. In his reconstruction of the Second Intermediate Period, Kim Ryholt does not give any position to Mershepsesre Ini due to a lack of evidence. In the new arrangement, Mershepesre Ini's predecessor is Sewadjare Mentuhotep V and his successor is Mersekhemre Neferhotep II. Jürgen von Beckerath instead gives the ""Mer...re"" of the Turin canon as the predecessor of Mershepsesre Ini and his successor as Merkheperre.

description: Egyptian pharaoh

wikidata_label: Mershepsesre Ini II

wikipedia_title: Mershepsesre Ini II