The War Ministry knew the decision of the conference and stirred up a fierce reaction from many officers who intended continued resistance.
At 9 o'clock, in the session held at the Ministry of War, the staff officers complained to the Minister Korechika Anami, and not all of them heeded Anami's explanations.
After midnight on 12 August a San Francisco radio station (KGEI) relayed the reply from the Allies, and there was a suggestion that the Allies had decided, against the requisition for the protection of the Kokutai from the Imperial Japanese government, that the authority of the sovereignty of the Japanese government and the Emperor would be subordinated to the headquarters of the Allies, a military occupational system that was also applied to the fallen German Reich.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs interpreted this sentence as restricting sovereignty, but the Japanese Army interpreted it more as enslavement.
From 3 o'clock the attendees of the imperial families council basically agreed to the surrender of Japan, yet the cabinet council which was supposed to be held at the same time did not concur.
Also, the Supreme Council for the Direction of War tangled with the problem of protection for the Kokutai.
After these proceedings, some Army officers decided that a coup d'état was needed for protection of the Kokutai.
At this time, the core group of these officers had already prepared some troops in Tokyo (兵力使用計画, heiryoku shiyō keikaku, literally “military force usage plan”).

Late on the night of August 12, 1945, Major Kenji Hatanaka, along with Lieutenant Colonels Masataka Ida, Masahiko Takeshita (Anami's brother-in-law), and Inaba Masao, and Colonel Okikatsu Arao, the Chief of the Military Affairs Section, spoke to War Minister Korechika Anami (the army minister and "most powerful figure in Japan besides the Emperor himself"), and asked him to do whatever he could to prevent acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration.
General Anami refused to say whether he would help the young officers in treason.
As much as they needed his support, Hatanaka and the other rebels decided they had no choice but to continue planning and to attempt a coup d'état on their own.
Hatanaka spent much of August 13 and the morning of August 14 gathering allies, seeking support from the higher-ups in the Ministry, and refining his plot.

Shortly after the Imperial Conference on the night of August 13–14 at which the surrender finally was decided, Anami had two conversations in which he expressed opposition to the surrender.
He asked Yoshijirō Umezu if "the war should be continued even at the risk of launching a coup d'état", to which Umezu concluded, "There is nothing we can do now but to comply with the Emperor's decision."
Anami then confronted a Colonel Saburo Hayashi in a washroom and asked about "the possibility of attacking a large American convoy rumored to be outside of Tokyo."
Hayashi dashed Anami's suggestion by reaffirming the Imperial decision while noting the presence of the convoy was only a rumor.
Finally, his brother-in-law Lieutenant Colonel Masahiko Takeshita confronted Anami first suggesting Anami resign, which would topple the government, then suggesting he support the coup.
To the first, Anami noted that the fall of the government would not stop the Imperial edict, while to the second, he replied that he wished to go to the Army Ministry first.

At the Army Ministry, Anami announced compliance with the Imperial edict.
Then a group of senior army officers including Anami gathered in a nearby room.
All those present were concerned about the possibility of a coup d'état to prevent the surrender—some of those present may have even been considering launching one.
After a silence, General Torashirō Kawabe, Deputy Chief of the Imperial Japanese Army General Staff, proposed that all senior officers present sign an agreement to carry out the emperor's order of surrender—"The Army will act in accordance with the Imperial Decision to the last."
It was signed by all the high-ranking officers present, including Anami, Hajime Sugiyama, Yoshijirō
The War Ministry knew the decision of the conference and stirred up a fierce reaction from many officers who intended continued resistance. At 9 o'clock, in the session held at the Ministry of War, the staff officers complained to the Minister Korechika Anami, and not all of them heeded Anami's explanations. After midnight on 12 August a San Francisco radio station (KGEI) relayed the reply from the Allies, and there was a suggestion that the Allies had decided, against the requisition for the protection of the Kokutai from the Imperial Japanese government, that the authority of the sovereignty of the Japanese government and the Emperor would be subordinated to the headquarters of the Allies, a military occupational system that was also applied to the fallen German Reich. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs interpreted this sentence as restricting sovereignty, but the Japanese Army interpreted it more as enslavement. From 3 o'clock the attendees of the imperial families council basically agreed to the surrender of Japan, yet the cabinet council which was supposed to be held at the same time did not concur. Also, the Supreme Council for the Direction of War tangled with the problem of protection for the Kokutai. After these proceedings, some Army officers decided that a coup d'état was needed for protection of the Kokutai. At this time, the core group of these officers had already prepared some troops in Tokyo (兵力使用計画, heiryoku shiyō keikaku, literally “military force usage plan”).
Late on the night of August 12, 1945, Major Kenji Hatanaka, along with Lieutenant Colonels Masataka Ida, Masahiko Takeshita (Anami's brother-in-law), and Inaba Masao, and Colonel Okikatsu Arao, the Chief of the Military Affairs Section, spoke to War Minister Korechika Anami (the army minister and "most powerful figure in Japan besides the Emperor himself"), and asked him to do whatever he could to prevent acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. General Anami refused to say whether he would help the young officers in treason. As much as they needed his support, Hatanaka and the other rebels decided they had no choice but to continue planning and to attempt a coup d'état on their own. Hatanaka spent much of August 13 and the morning of August 14 gathering allies, seeking support from the higher-ups in the Ministry, and refining his plot.
Shortly after the Imperial Conference on the night of August 13–14 at which the surrender finally was decided, Anami had two conversations in which he expressed opposition to the surrender. He asked Yoshijirō Umezu if "the war should be continued even at the risk of launching a coup d'état", to which Umezu concluded, "There is nothing we can do now but to comply with the Emperor's decision." Anami then confronted a Colonel Saburo Hayashi in a washroom and asked about "the possibility of attacking a large American convoy rumored to be outside of Tokyo." Hayashi dashed Anami's suggestion by reaffirming the Imperial decision while noting the presence of the convoy was only a rumor. Finally, his brother-in-law Lieutenant Colonel Masahiko Takeshita confronted Anami first suggesting Anami resign, which would topple the government, then suggesting he support the coup. To the first, Anami noted that the fall of the government would not stop the Imperial edict, while to the second, he replied that he wished to go to the Army Ministry first. 
At the Army Ministry, Anami announced compliance with the Imperial edict. Then a group of senior army officers including Anami gathered in a nearby room. All those present were concerned about the possibility of a coup d'état to prevent the surrender—some of those present may have even been considering launching one. After a silence, General Torashirō Kawabe, Deputy Chief of the Imperial Japanese Army General Staff, proposed that all senior officers present sign an agreement to carry out the emperor's order of surrender—"The Army will act in accordance with the Imperial Decision to the last." It was signed by all the high-ranking officers present, including Anami, Hajime Sugiyama, Yoshijirō
Kyūjō incident