Despite their anti-fascism, in the December 1937 elections Filipescu's Conservatives closely followed the Maniu party line, which brought them into a "non-aggression pact" with the Iron Guard—and against Carol's PNL favorites.
After various disputes, Filipescu was assigned an eligible position on the PNȚ Bucharest list for the Assembly, third behind Maniu and Lupu.
Over the following months, Carol led a clampdown against democratic and far-right parties alike.
His authoritarian constitution and single-party regime pushed the PC into the underground.
In March 1938, Filipescu indefinitely suspended party activities, noting that the group was rendered irrelevant by the "great upheavals facing our continent".
As his right-wing critics argued, the party was by then inconsistent, drawn into alliances with the left, and ultimately "useless and ridiculous."

In May, due to financial problems caused by press restrictions, Filipescu also announced Epoca's effective closure.
A heart condition inherited from his father forced him to retire from politics and spend time raising race horses and farming.
In August 1938, he entered a hospital in Geneva.
Twelve days later, following a heart attack, he was successfully operated upon.
His continued weakness required a blood transfusion, which was again accepted by his organism.
However, a second transfusion proved fatal.
When he died, he was surrounded by his mother, wife and private secretary.
His body was returned home, with a funeral service taking place at the city's Russian Church; a second one was held at Batiștei Church.
The burial took place at Bellu cemetery.
Filipescu's death was mourned in central newspapers such as Timpul and Dreptatea as the demise of a "cavalier", "the last authentic boyar".

Neither the PC nor Epoca were ever revived after their patron's death.
He was survived by his mother Maria until 1954, and by his widow Ioana until 1971.
As Romania entered World War II alongside Germany, SART continued to be under American management.
In 1941, ITT resold its shares to the Romanian state.
This allowed the ITT to repatriate its assets just as Romania and the US declared war on each other.
The Filipescu family estate at Moara Vlăsiei hosted the diplomatic corps of Vichy France, then was requisitioned for storage space.
By 1948, with the onset of Romanian communism, the estate and its collection were nationalized—despite pleas from the surviving Filipescus and Blarembergs.

Communist repression directly touched the family by the 1950s, when a Catholic cousin, Vladimir Ghika, died in prison as punishment for his missionary work.
Nevertheless, Filipescu's politics were revisited by later communist historiographers.
They posthumously granted him recognition as one of the anti-fascist intellectuals who had formed a "broad front" with the Communist Party.
As later noted by historian Lucian Boia, this was a spurious list "of those who contributed, evidently without so wishing, to the legitimizing of the communist regime".
In 2008, political scientist Ioan Stanomir described the "bizarre political figure" Filipescu and his Epoca as afterthoughts of Romanian conservatism—by then, the "statist, autarkist, nationalist" PNL had won its "victory".
Despite their anti-fascism, in the December 1937 elections Filipescu's Conservatives closely followed the Maniu party line, which brought them into a "non-aggression pact" with the Iron Guard—and against Carol's PNL favorites. After various disputes, Filipescu was assigned an eligible position on the PNȚ Bucharest list for the Assembly, third behind Maniu and Lupu. Over the following months, Carol led a clampdown against democratic and far-right parties alike. His authoritarian constitution and single-party regime pushed the PC into the underground. In March 1938, Filipescu indefinitely suspended party activities, noting that the group was rendered irrelevant by the "great upheavals facing our continent". As his right-wing critics argued, the party was by then inconsistent, drawn into alliances with the left, and ultimately "useless and ridiculous."
In May, due to financial problems caused by press restrictions, Filipescu also announced Epoca's effective closure. A heart condition inherited from his father forced him to retire from politics and spend time raising race horses and farming. In August 1938, he entered a hospital in Geneva. Twelve days later, following a heart attack, he was successfully operated upon. His continued weakness required a blood transfusion, which was again accepted by his organism. However, a second transfusion proved fatal. When he died, he was surrounded by his mother, wife and private secretary. His body was returned home, with a funeral service taking place at the city's Russian Church; a second one was held at Batiștei Church. The burial took place at Bellu cemetery. Filipescu's death was mourned in central newspapers such as Timpul and Dreptatea as the demise of a "cavalier", "the last authentic boyar".
Neither the PC nor Epoca were ever revived after their patron's death. He was survived by his mother Maria until 1954, and by his widow Ioana until 1971. As Romania entered World War II alongside Germany, SART continued to be under American management. In 1941, ITT resold its shares to the Romanian state. This allowed the ITT to repatriate its assets just as Romania and the US declared war on each other. The Filipescu family estate at Moara Vlăsiei hosted the diplomatic corps of Vichy France, then was requisitioned for storage space. By 1948, with the onset of Romanian communism, the estate and its collection were nationalized—despite pleas from the surviving Filipescus and Blarembergs.
Communist repression directly touched the family by the 1950s, when a Catholic cousin, Vladimir Ghika, died in prison as punishment for his missionary work. Nevertheless, Filipescu's politics were revisited by later communist historiographers. They posthumously granted him recognition as one of the anti-fascist intellectuals who had formed a "broad front" with the Communist Party. As later noted by historian Lucian Boia, this was a spurious list "of those who contributed, evidently without so wishing, to the legitimizing of the communist regime". In 2008, political scientist Ioan Stanomir described the "bizarre political figure" Filipescu and his Epoca as afterthoughts of Romanian conservatism—by then, the "statist, autarkist, nationalist" PNL had won its "victory".
Grigore Filipescu