Also fearing the growth of democratic unionism, Bibescu's party channeled the conservative vote, forming its own Unionist Committee on March 10 (March 22).
This faction insisted on maintaining boyar representation; however, Bibescuists also claimed authorship for the core unionist program, accusing the Crețulescu group of plagiarism.
In their version, it included references to a hereditary monarch, or Domnitor; representative government and meritocracy; a limited Ottoman rule with adherence to the Capitulations; and full respect for the property rights.
This was a significant moment in history, signaling that the staunchest conservatives had renounced the notion of boyar-only representation, and only slightly amended the language of liberal ideologists.
Hoping to attract support from the lower classes, they also reputedly promised a confiscation of monastery land.
Bibescu himself held no official seat on the organization, which was nominally headed by Catargiu, Ion Emanuel Florescu, and Scarlat Bărcănescu.

Before April, some conservatives quit this group to join Crețulescu's Committee, which now clarified its stance by declaring itself against land reforms.
Bibescuists remained especially strong at Craiova, where party organizers included Emanoil Quinezu and Nicolae Haralambie.
Bibescu himself was welcomed in triumph by the city, but remained hesitant about capturing the unionist movement for his own goals.
Știrbei also published a constitutional project with virtually the same proposals.
Meanwhile, a Caimacam party again emerged when Bosianu again withdrew from the National Party venture, establishing his own Unionist Committee, and hoping to elect Dimitrie Ghica as Prince.
Very few joined him, since, at the time, the Beizadea himself supported the notion of electing a foreigner.
Bosianu established his own newspaper, called România.
It depicted itself as a moderate and dispassionate voice in politics, and on such grounds presented arguments in support of the common unionist platform; by June, Bosianu himself had endorsed the project to import a Western European ruling house.

On March 11 (March 23), 1857, the Austrians evacuated Bucharest, and the longest ever campaigning in Romanian political history began officially.
Its staples now included political imagery.
At an early stage, most unionist propaganda art was produced by Constantin Lecca, with historical scenes that reminded Wallachians about an earlier union, under Michael the Brave.
In July 1857, the debuting painter Theodor Aman of Craiova completed an allegorical canvass, the Union of the Principalities.
Hailed as a milestone in patriotic artistry, it was followed soon after by mass prints of Petre Alexandrescu's similarly titled piece.

The democratic side of unionism was by then completely free to organize, and its most radical proponents, C. A. Rosetti and Christian Tell, regained Bucharest during June.
Highly popular with what Bălăceanu called the "socialist youth", they joined Concordia and shunned Timpul.
Elsewhere, differences of opinion between the unionists were muted by agreements between voters.
For instance, all 292 voters registered in Vlașca vowed to support the candidate deemed best during Unionist Committee primaries.
In that context, very few Wallachians still rejected union, and did not ever form a party of their own.
As noted by historian A. D. Xenopol, they included Colonel Dimitrie Papazoglu, and also those boyars who feared competition from the more numerous Moldavians for the ranks and offices of the court.
Opposition to the unionist project came from the outsiders Heliade and Rusu Locusteanu.
They endorsed the union on principle, but objected to the Divans being convened by the Porte; overall, they also favored a crowned republic under a native ruler.
Also fearing the growth of democratic unionism, Bibescu's party channeled the conservative vote, forming its own Unionist Committee on March 10 (March 22). This faction insisted on maintaining boyar representation; however, Bibescuists also claimed authorship for the core unionist program, accusing the Crețulescu group of plagiarism. In their version, it included references to a hereditary monarch, or Domnitor; representative government and meritocracy; a limited Ottoman rule with adherence to the Capitulations; and full respect for the property rights. This was a significant moment in history, signaling that the staunchest conservatives had renounced the notion of boyar-only representation, and only slightly amended the language of liberal ideologists. Hoping to attract support from the lower classes, they also reputedly promised a confiscation of monastery land. Bibescu himself held no official seat on the organization, which was nominally headed by Catargiu, Ion Emanuel Florescu, and Scarlat Bărcănescu.
Before April, some conservatives quit this group to join Crețulescu's Committee, which now clarified its stance by declaring itself against land reforms. Bibescuists remained especially strong at Craiova, where party organizers included Emanoil Quinezu and Nicolae Haralambie. Bibescu himself was welcomed in triumph by the city, but remained hesitant about capturing the unionist movement for his own goals. Știrbei also published a constitutional project with virtually the same proposals. Meanwhile, a Caimacam party again emerged when Bosianu again withdrew from the National Party venture, establishing his own Unionist Committee, and hoping to elect Dimitrie Ghica as Prince. Very few joined him, since, at the time, the Beizadea himself supported the notion of electing a foreigner. Bosianu established his own newspaper, called România. It depicted itself as a moderate and dispassionate voice in politics, and on such grounds presented arguments in support of the common unionist platform; by June, Bosianu himself had endorsed the project to import a Western European ruling house.
On March 11 (March 23), 1857, the Austrians evacuated Bucharest, and the longest ever campaigning in Romanian political history began officially. Its staples now included political imagery. At an early stage, most unionist propaganda art was produced by Constantin Lecca, with historical scenes that reminded Wallachians about an earlier union, under Michael the Brave. In July 1857, the debuting painter Theodor Aman of Craiova completed an allegorical canvass, the Union of the Principalities. Hailed as a milestone in patriotic artistry, it was followed soon after by mass prints of Petre Alexandrescu's similarly titled piece.
The democratic side of unionism was by then completely free to organize, and its most radical proponents, C. A. Rosetti and Christian Tell, regained Bucharest during June. Highly popular with what Bălăceanu called the "socialist youth", they joined Concordia and shunned Timpul. Elsewhere, differences of opinion between the unionists were muted by agreements between voters. For instance, all 292 voters registered in Vlașca vowed to support the candidate deemed best during Unionist Committee primaries. In that context, very few Wallachians still rejected union, and did not ever form a party of their own. As noted by historian A. D. Xenopol, they included Colonel Dimitrie Papazoglu, and also those boyars who feared competition from the more numerous Moldavians for the ranks and offices of the court. Opposition to the unionist project came from the outsiders Heliade and Rusu Locusteanu. They endorsed the union on principle, but objected to the Divans being convened by the Porte; overall, they also favored a crowned republic under a native ruler.
1857 Wallachian legislative election