In November 1983 Assad, a diabetic, had a heart attack complicated by phlebitis; this triggered a succession crisis.
On 13 November, after visiting his brother in the hospital, Rifaat al-Assad reportedly announced his candidacy for president; he did not believe Assad would be able to continue ruling the country.
When he did not receive support from Assad's inner circle, he made, in the words of historian Hanna Batatu, "abominably lavish" promises to win them over.

Until his 1985 ouster, Rifaat al-Assad was considered the face of corruption by the Syrian people.
Although highly paid as Commander of Defense Companies, he accumulated unexplained wealth.
According to Hanna Batatu, "there is no way that he could have permissibly accumulated the vast sums needed for the investments he made in real estate in Syria, Europe and the United States".

Although it is unclear if any top officials supported Rifaat al-Assad, most did not.
He lacked his brother's stature and charisma, and was vulnerable to charges of corruption.
His 50,000-strong Defense Companies were viewed with suspicion by the upper leadership and throughout society; they were considered corrupt, poorly disciplined and indifferent to human suffering.
Rifaat al-Assad also lacked military support; officers and soldiers resented the Defense Companies' monopoly of Damascus' security, their separate intelligence services and prisons and their higher pay.
He did not abandon the hope of succeeding his brother, opting to take control of the country through his post as Commander of Defense Companies.
In what became known as the "poster war", personnel from the Defense Companies replaced posters of Assad in Damascus with those of Rifaat al-Assad.
The security service, still loyal to Assad, responded by replacing Rifaat al-Assad's posters with Assad's.
The poster war lasted for a week until Assad's health improved.

Shortly after the poster war, all Rifaat al-Assad's proteges were removed from positions of power.
This decree nearly sparked a clash between the Defense Companies and the Republican Guard on 27 February 1984, but conflict was avoided by Rifaat al-Assad's appointment as one of three Vice Presidents on 11 March.
He acquired this post by surrendering his position as Commander of Defense Companies to an Assad supporter.
Rifaat al-Assad was succeeded as Defense Companies head by his son-in-law.
During the night of 30 March, he ordered Defense Company loyalists to seal Damascus off and advance to the city.
The Republican Guard was put on alert in Damascus, and 3rd Armored Division commander Shafiq Fayyad ordered troops outside Damascus to encircle the Defense Companies blocking the roads into the city.
Rifaat al-Assad's plan might have succeeded if Special Forces commander Ali Haydar  supported him, but Haydar sided with the president.
Assad punished Rifaat al-Assad with exile, allowing him to return in later years without a political role.
The Defense Companies were reduced by 30,000–35,000 people, and their role was assumed by the Republican Guard.
Makhluf, the Republican Guard commander was promoted to major general, and Bassel al-Assad (Assad's son, an army major) became influential in the guard.
In November 1983 Assad, a diabetic, had a heart attack complicated by phlebitis; this triggered a succession crisis. On 13 November, after visiting his brother in the hospital, Rifaat al-Assad reportedly announced his candidacy for president; he did not believe Assad would be able to continue ruling the country. When he did not receive support from Assad's inner circle, he made, in the words of historian Hanna Batatu, "abominably lavish" promises to win them over.
Until his 1985 ouster, Rifaat al-Assad was considered the face of corruption by the Syrian people. Although highly paid as Commander of Defense Companies, he accumulated unexplained wealth. According to Hanna Batatu, "there is no way that he could have permissibly accumulated the vast sums needed for the investments he made in real estate in Syria, Europe and the United States".
Although it is unclear if any top officials supported Rifaat al-Assad, most did not. He lacked his brother's stature and charisma, and was vulnerable to charges of corruption. His 50,000-strong Defense Companies were viewed with suspicion by the upper leadership and throughout society; they were considered corrupt, poorly disciplined and indifferent to human suffering. Rifaat al-Assad also lacked military support; officers and soldiers resented the Defense Companies' monopoly of Damascus' security, their separate intelligence services and prisons and their higher pay. He did not abandon the hope of succeeding his brother, opting to take control of the country through his post as Commander of Defense Companies. In what became known as the "poster war", personnel from the Defense Companies replaced posters of Assad in Damascus with those of Rifaat al-Assad. The security service, still loyal to Assad, responded by replacing Rifaat al-Assad's posters with Assad's. The poster war lasted for a week until Assad's health improved.
Shortly after the poster war, all Rifaat al-Assad's proteges were removed from positions of power. This decree nearly sparked a clash between the Defense Companies and the Republican Guard on 27 February 1984, but conflict was avoided by Rifaat al-Assad's appointment as one of three Vice Presidents on 11 March. He acquired this post by surrendering his position as Commander of Defense Companies to an Assad supporter. Rifaat al-Assad was succeeded as Defense Companies head by his son-in-law. During the night of 30 March, he ordered Defense Company loyalists to seal Damascus off and advance to the city. The Republican Guard was put on alert in Damascus, and 3rd Armored Division commander Shafiq Fayyad ordered troops outside Damascus to encircle the Defense Companies blocking the roads into the city. Rifaat al-Assad's plan might have succeeded if Special Forces commander Ali Haydar  supported him, but Haydar sided with the president. Assad punished Rifaat al-Assad with exile, allowing him to return in later years without a political role. The Defense Companies were reduced by 30,000–35,000 people, and their role was assumed by the Republican Guard. Makhluf, the Republican Guard commander was promoted to major general, and Bassel al-Assad (Assad's son, an army major) became influential in the guard.
Hafez al-Assad