There is an extensive scientific literature on chess psychology.
Alfred Binet and others showed that knowledge and verbal, rather than visuospatial, ability lies at the core of expertise.
In his doctoral thesis, Adriaan de Groot showed that chess masters can rapidly perceive the key features of a position.
According to de Groot, this perception, made possible by years of practice and study, is more important than the sheer ability to anticipate moves.
De Groot showed that chess masters can memorize positions shown for a few seconds almost perfectly.
The ability to memorize does not alone account for chess-playing skill, since masters and novices, when faced with random arrangements of chess pieces, had equivalent recall (about six positions in each case).
Rather, it is the ability to recognize patterns, which are then memorized, which distinguished the skilled players from the novices.
When the positions of the pieces were taken from an actual game, the masters had almost total positional recall.

More recent research has focused on chess as mental training; the respective roles of knowledge and look-ahead search; brain imaging studies of chess masters and novices; blindfold chess; the role of personality and intelligence in chess skill; gender differences; and computational models of chess expertise.
The role of practice and talent in the development of chess and other domains of expertise has led to much recent research.
Ericsson and colleagues have argued that deliberate practice is sufficient for reaching high levels of expertise in chess.
Recent research indicates that factors other than practice are also important.
For example, Fernand Gobet and colleagues have shown that stronger players started playing chess at a young age and that experts born in the Northern Hemisphere are more likely to have been born in late winter and early spring.
Compared to general population, chess players are more likely to be non-right-handed, though they found no correlation between handedness and skill.
There is an extensive scientific literature on chess psychology. Alfred Binet and others showed that knowledge and verbal, rather than visuospatial, ability lies at the core of expertise. In his doctoral thesis, Adriaan de Groot showed that chess masters can rapidly perceive the key features of a position. According to de Groot, this perception, made possible by years of practice and study, is more important than the sheer ability to anticipate moves. De Groot showed that chess masters can memorize positions shown for a few seconds almost perfectly. The ability to memorize does not alone account for chess-playing skill, since masters and novices, when faced with random arrangements of chess pieces, had equivalent recall (about six positions in each case). Rather, it is the ability to recognize patterns, which are then memorized, which distinguished the skilled players from the novices. When the positions of the pieces were taken from an actual game, the masters had almost total positional recall.
More recent research has focused on chess as mental training; the respective roles of knowledge and look-ahead search; brain imaging studies of chess masters and novices; blindfold chess; the role of personality and intelligence in chess skill; gender differences; and computational models of chess expertise. The role of practice and talent in the development of chess and other domains of expertise has led to much recent research. Ericsson and colleagues have argued that deliberate practice is sufficient for reaching high levels of expertise in chess. Recent research indicates that factors other than practice are also important. For example, Fernand Gobet and colleagues have shown that stronger players started playing chess at a young age and that experts born in the Northern Hemisphere are more likely to have been born in late winter and early spring. Compared to general population, chess players are more likely to be non-right-handed, though they found no correlation between handedness and skill.
Chess