During the Lunar New Year of 1968, the communists launched a massive attack on the cities of Vietnam in an attempt to topple Thiệu and reunify the country under their rule.
At the time of the attack on Saigon, Thiệu was out of town, having travelled to celebrate the new year at his wife's family's home at Mỹ Tho in the Mekong Delta.
Kỳ, who was still in the capital, stepped into the spotlight and took command, organising the military forces in Saigon in the battle.
The ARVN and the Americans repelled the communist onslaught.
Kỳ's overshadowing of his superior during South Vietnam's deepest crisis further strained relations between the two men.

Although the communists were repelled and suffered heavy losses, South Vietnam suffered heavily as the conflict reached the cities for the first time in a substantial way.
As ARVN troops were pulled back to defend the towns, the Việt Cộng gained in the countryside.
The violence and destruction witnessed damaged public confidence in Thiệu, who apparently couldn't protect the citizens.

Thiệu's regime estimated the civilian dead at 14,300 with 24,000 wounded.
630,000 new refugees had been generated, joining the nearly 800,000 others already displaced by the war.
By the end of 1968, 8% of the populace was living in a refugee camp.
More than 70,000 homes had been destroyed and the nation's infrastructure was severely damaged.
1968 became the deadliest year of the war to date for South Vietnam, with 27,915 men killed.

In the wake of the offensive, however, Thiệu's regime became more energetic.
On 1 February, Thiệu declared martial law, and in June, the National Assembly approved his request for a general mobilization of the population and the induction of 200,000 draftees into the armed forces by the end of the year; the bill had been blocked before the Tết Offensive.
This would increase South Vietnam's military to more than 900,000 men.

Mobilization and token anti-corruption campaigns were carried out.
Three of the four ARVN corps commanders were replaced for poor performance during the offensive.
Thiệu also established a National Recovery Committee to oversee food distribution, resettlement, and housing construction for the new refugees.
The government perceived a new determination among the ordinary citizens, especially among previously apathetic urbanites who were angered by the communist attacks.

Thiệu used the period to consolidate his personal power.
His only real political rival was Vice President Kỳ.
In the aftermath of Tết, Kỳ supporters in the military and the administration were quickly removed from power, arrested, or exiled.
A crack-down on the South Vietnamese press followed and there was a return of some of Diệm's Cần Lao members to positions of power.
Within six months, the populace began to call him "the little dictator".
Over the next few years, Kỳ became increasingly sidelined to the point of irrelevance.
During the Lunar New Year of 1968, the communists launched a massive attack on the cities of Vietnam in an attempt to topple Thiệu and reunify the country under their rule. At the time of the attack on Saigon, Thiệu was out of town, having travelled to celebrate the new year at his wife's family's home at Mỹ Tho in the Mekong Delta. Kỳ, who was still in the capital, stepped into the spotlight and took command, organising the military forces in Saigon in the battle. The ARVN and the Americans repelled the communist onslaught. Kỳ's overshadowing of his superior during South Vietnam's deepest crisis further strained relations between the two men.
Although the communists were repelled and suffered heavy losses, South Vietnam suffered heavily as the conflict reached the cities for the first time in a substantial way. As ARVN troops were pulled back to defend the towns, the Việt Cộng gained in the countryside. The violence and destruction witnessed damaged public confidence in Thiệu, who apparently couldn't protect the citizens.
Thiệu's regime estimated the civilian dead at 14,300 with 24,000 wounded. 630,000 new refugees had been generated, joining the nearly 800,000 others already displaced by the war. By the end of 1968, 8% of the populace was living in a refugee camp. More than 70,000 homes had been destroyed and the nation's infrastructure was severely damaged. 1968 became the deadliest year of the war to date for South Vietnam, with 27,915 men killed.
In the wake of the offensive, however, Thiệu's regime became more energetic. On 1 February, Thiệu declared martial law, and in June, the National Assembly approved his request for a general mobilization of the population and the induction of 200,000 draftees into the armed forces by the end of the year; the bill had been blocked before the Tết Offensive. This would increase South Vietnam's military to more than 900,000 men.
Mobilization and token anti-corruption campaigns were carried out. Three of the four ARVN corps commanders were replaced for poor performance during the offensive. Thiệu also established a National Recovery Committee to oversee food distribution, resettlement, and housing construction for the new refugees. The government perceived a new determination among the ordinary citizens, especially among previously apathetic urbanites who were angered by the communist attacks.
Thiệu used the period to consolidate his personal power. His only real political rival was Vice President Kỳ. In the aftermath of Tết, Kỳ supporters in the military and the administration were quickly removed from power, arrested, or exiled. A crack-down on the South Vietnamese press followed and there was a return of some of Diệm's Cần Lao members to positions of power. Within six months, the populace began to call him "the little dictator". Over the next few years, Kỳ became increasingly sidelined to the point of irrelevance.
Nguyễn Văn Thiệu