Together with fellow Wilno Social Democrat, Arkady Kremer, Martov explained the strategy involving mass agitation and participating in Jewish strikes, by also sometimes learning Yiddish to win over their support, in the work On Agitation (1895).
The plan detailed that workers were to see a need for broader political campaigning through participating in strikes, led by the Social Democrats as trade unions were banned under the Tsarist regime.

Martov became one of the outstanding Menshevik leaders along with George Plekhanov, Fedor Dan and Irakli Tsereteli.
Leon Trotsky too was a member of the Menshevik faction for a brief period but soon broke with them.

Martov was in exile during the strikes following Bloody Sunday.

After the reforms brought about by the 1905 Revolution, Martov argued that it was the role of revolutionaries to provide a militant opposition to the new bourgeois government.
He advocated the joining together of a network of organisations, trade unions, cooperatives, village councils and soviets, to harass the bourgeois government until the economic and social conditions made it possible for a socialist revolution to take place.

Martov was always to be found on the left wing of the Menshevik faction and supported the reunification with the Bolsheviks in 1905.
That fragile unity was short lived, however, and by 1907 the two factions had again split in two.
In 1911 Martov notably wrote the pamphlet "Spasiteli ili uprazdniteli?
Kto i kak razrushal R.S.-D.R.P.," "Saviours or destroyers?
Who destroyed the RSDLP and how", which denounced the Bolsheviks for, among other things, raising money by "expropriations," that is, robbing banks.
This pamphlet was denounced by both Kautsky and Lenin.

Martov was joined by Trotsky in Paris in November 1914, where he collaborated with him on Nashe Slovo ("Our Word").
He was the only contributor to Nashe Slovo not to align with Lenin in 1917.

In 1914, Martov opposed the First World War, which he viewed as an imperialist war in terms very similar to those of Lenin and Trotsky.
He therefore became the central leader of the Menshevik Internationalist faction which organized in opposition to the Menshevik Party leadership.
In 1915, he sided with Lenin at an international conference in Switzerland, but later repudiated the Bolsheviks.
The 'internationalist' minority in the Menshevik party favored a campaign for 'democratic peace'.

Martov was the designer of the idea of exchanging Russian Marxist exiles for German citizens interned in Russia.
This way, the Russian Marxists revolutionary leaders, including Lenin, would manage to return to Russia following the revolution of 1917.
The Provisional Government was however unwilling to agree to the exchange, and Martov agreed to wait.
Together with fellow Wilno Social Democrat, Arkady Kremer, Martov explained the strategy involving mass agitation and participating in Jewish strikes, by also sometimes learning Yiddish to win over their support, in the work On Agitation (1895). The plan detailed that workers were to see a need for broader political campaigning through participating in strikes, led by the Social Democrats as trade unions were banned under the Tsarist regime.
Martov became one of the outstanding Menshevik leaders along with George Plekhanov, Fedor Dan and Irakli Tsereteli. Leon Trotsky too was a member of the Menshevik faction for a brief period but soon broke with them.
Martov was in exile during the strikes following Bloody Sunday.
After the reforms brought about by the 1905 Revolution, Martov argued that it was the role of revolutionaries to provide a militant opposition to the new bourgeois government. He advocated the joining together of a network of organisations, trade unions, cooperatives, village councils and soviets, to harass the bourgeois government until the economic and social conditions made it possible for a socialist revolution to take place.
Martov was always to be found on the left wing of the Menshevik faction and supported the reunification with the Bolsheviks in 1905. That fragile unity was short lived, however, and by 1907 the two factions had again split in two. In 1911 Martov notably wrote the pamphlet "Spasiteli ili uprazdniteli? Kto i kak razrushal R.S.-D.R.P.," "Saviours or destroyers? Who destroyed the RSDLP and how", which denounced the Bolsheviks for, among other things, raising money by "expropriations," that is, robbing banks. This pamphlet was denounced by both Kautsky and Lenin.
Martov was joined by Trotsky in Paris in November 1914, where he collaborated with him on Nashe Slovo ("Our Word"). He was the only contributor to Nashe Slovo not to align with Lenin in 1917.
In 1914, Martov opposed the First World War, which he viewed as an imperialist war in terms very similar to those of Lenin and Trotsky. He therefore became the central leader of the Menshevik Internationalist faction which organized in opposition to the Menshevik Party leadership. In 1915, he sided with Lenin at an international conference in Switzerland, but later repudiated the Bolsheviks. The 'internationalist' minority in the Menshevik party favored a campaign for 'democratic peace'.
Martov was the designer of the idea of exchanging Russian Marxist exiles for German citizens interned in Russia. This way, the Russian Marxists revolutionary leaders, including Lenin, would manage to return to Russia following the revolution of 1917. The Provisional Government was however unwilling to agree to the exchange, and Martov agreed to wait.
Julius Martov